.dt The Life of Robert, Lord Clive, Vol II, by John Malcolm—A Project Gutenberg eBook
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THE
LIFE
OF
ROBERT, LORD CLIVE:
COLLECTED FROM THE FAMILY PAPERS
COMMUNICATED BY
THE EARL OF POWIS.
BY
MAJOR-GENERAL
SIR JOHN MALCOLM, G.C.B. F.R.S. &c.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
WITH A PORTRAIT AND MAP.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
MDCCCXXXVI.
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London:
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
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LIFE | OF | ROBERT, LORD CLIVE:
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CONTENTS | OF | THE SECOND VOLUME.
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#CHAPTER IX.:ch09#
Success of the Expedition sent to the Northern Circars
under Colonel Forde, 1758.—Transactions at Madras.—Siege
of that Place by Lally
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#CHAP. X.:ch10#
Dutch Armament against Bengal, 1759, destroyed by Clive.—Proceedings
in England regarding the Government of
Bengal.—Clive's Letter to Pitt.—Clive returns to
England, 1760
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#69:ch10#
.ce
#CHAP. XI.:ch11#
Clive in England.—His private Life and Character
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#114:ch11#
.ce
#CHAP. XII.:ch12#
Clive in England.—His Politics.—His Quarrel with Mr.
Sulivan.—His Right to the Jaghire disputed.—Parties
at the India House.—Disasters in India.—Clive called
upon to resume the Government of Bengal—Consents—Sets
out for India, 1764
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#188:ch12#
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#CHAP. XIII.:ch13#
State of India during Lord Clive's absence, 1760-5.—Mr.
Vansittart's Government.—Deposition of Meer Jaffier.—Elevation
of Meer Cossim.—Massacre of Patna.—Restoration
of Meer Jaffier.—Disorders in Bengal
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#261:ch13#
.ce
#CHAP. XIV.:ch14#
Clive assumes the Government of Bengal, 1765.—State of
the Country and of the various Services.—Military
Arrangements.—Negotiations with the Nabob of Bengal.—Treaty
with the Nabob-Visier.—Settlement with the
King.—The Duannee acquired for the Company.—Discontents
in the Civil Service, and Reforms effected
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Footnotes are located at the end of each chapter.
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MEMOIRS
OF
LORD CLIVE.
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CHAPTER IX.
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In the commencement of the last chapter
mention was made of the sailing of the expedition
which Clive detached to the Northern Circars
under Colonel Forde, in September, 1758.
Before narrating the operations of that force, it
will be necessary to take a short retrospect of
the affairs of the Deckan.
We have already seen[#] the success of
Bussy in defeating the combination formed
against him at the Court of Salabut Jung. When
he was surrounded in the post he had taken at
Hyderabad, Ibrahim Khan, to whom he had intrusted
the management of the Northern Circars,
threw off his allegiance. Bussy, sensible of the
great value of the newly acquired possessions,
obtained the Subah's permission to march with
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the greater part of his force to punish Ibrahim
Khan, and settle the countries ceded to him.
He proceeded by the route of Bezoara to Rajahmundry.
Ibrahim Khan fled at his approach;
but Vizeram Raz, the Hindu zemindar, or ruler,
of the country of Chicacole, joined him from
his capital of Vizianagur with a considerable
body of men. Bussy thought it politic to give Vizeram
Raz every support; and the French troops
were employed in compelling the submission of
his refractory chiefs, each of whom had his
petty fastness, and, relying on its natural or artificial
strength, and the devoted attachment and
valour of his followers, yielded but an imperfect
obedience to his acknowledged lord, and seldom
paid his tribute until compelled by superior force.
The French arms were first directed by Vizeram
Raz to the attack of Rangarow, Rajah of
Boobilee, against whom he cherished a deadly
hatred. The fort of this chief could not resist
European artillery; but its defenders scorned to
yield. They fought to the last; and the Rajah,
with all those capable of bearing arms, except
four who reserved their lives for a deed of vengeance,
fell during the siege or on the breach.
A more appalling spectacle than that of the
carnage of these brave men awaited the successful
assailants. In the interior of this stronghold,
they found only the smoking ruins of houses, and
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the mangled and burnt bodies of all who were
its late inhabitants; neither age nor sex was
spared in the dreadful sacrifice: not a human
being seemed to be left over whom his enemies
could triumph. As the horror-struck victors
were contemplating this scene of desolation and
of death, an old man rushed from the smoking
ruins with a child in his arms. He was conducted
to M. Law, who commanded the party:
"This is the son of Rangarow," said the old
man, "whom I have preserved against his
father's will." The safety of this boy was felt as
some alleviation of the horrid catastrophe. He
was carried to Bussy, who received and treated
him with that humanity and generosity which
belonged to his character[#], constituting himself
his guardian, and securing to him the terms
offered to his father, before his fort was attacked.
Three nights after this event the camp was
surprised by a tumult, and Bussy soon learned
that two[#] of the four followers of Rangarow
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before mentioned had made their way to the
tent of Vizeram Raz, and stabbed the inveterate
enemy of their race[#] in thirty-two places. They
might have escaped, but they disdained flight.
"Look here," they said to the guards by whom
they were attacked, "we are satisfied."
Bussy, happy to leave such a scene of horror
and bloodshed, continued his march north to
Ganjam, where he received letters from his
countrymen in Bengal, and from the Nabob
Suraj-u-Dowlah, urging his march to that country
to destroy the English. While waiting in
expectation of persons from Moorshedabad to
arrange for his advance through Cuttack, he
heard of the fall of Chandernagore; on which
he appears to have abandoned all thoughts of
proceeding to Bengal, though he no doubt contrived
to feed Meer Jaffier with hopes which
might stimulate him to acts of hostility against
the enemies of France.
Bussy's next effort was against Vizagapatam,
which was compelled to surrender. His treatment
of the English, whom he made prisoners,
was more than humane; it was kind[#] and liberal.
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From thence he went to Rajahmundry, where
he heard of a change at the court of the Subah
very unfavourable to the views and interests of
the French in the Deckan.
In consequence of an intrigue between Shahnavaze
Khan, the prime minister, and the Subah's
brothers, Nizam Ali Khan and Basalut
Jung, the latter two princes had come into
power; and, having compelled the weak Salabut
Jung to intrust them with his great seal, had
reduced him to a cipher in his own dominions.
The French officer left in charge of the body of
men which remained in the Subah's camp, had
neither the talent nor the influence to counteract
these intrigues, and limited himself to the guarding
of Salabut Jung's person, and reporting to
Bussy events as they occurred. That experienced
commander saw that no time was to be lost.
He immediately left Rajahmundry, and accomplished
the march to Aurungabad, a distance of
more than four hundred miles, in twenty-one
days. He found on his arrival three separate
armies; for Nizam Ali Khan and Basalut Jung
had each his own encampment, and the Paishwah
Ballajee Bajerow was in the vicinity; that ruler
being, it was believed, concerned in the plot laid
to deprive the Subah of his power.
The force of Bussy, which consisted of nine
hundred Europeans (two hundred of which were
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cavalry) and five thousand five hundred sepoys,
with ten field-pieces, was more than equal to any
of the armies, or indeed to any two combined.
All waited, therefore, to see the part he would
take. He was aided by Hyder Jung, who,
having some claims[#] upon the French, and being
a man of ability, was raised in consequence by
Bussy, who obtained him a title from the Emperor
of Delhi. This person was consulted on
all occasions, and displayed both talent and address:
but his influence made him many enemies,
and these were increased by his success in their
own arts of intrigue, particularly in corrupting
the Governor of Dowlatabad, and gaining that
impregnable fortress[#] for the French, by whom it
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was kept as a place of security for Salabut Jung,
instead of being his prison, the purpose for
which it is believed to have been destined by
the conspirators against his liberty, if not his
life.
The Nizam's brothers were compelled to give
up the great seal of the Deckan, which was not
surrendered without undisguised marks of their
indignation, and loud protestations against the
European influence which now swayed the councils
of their elder brother. Nizam Ali Khan,
who showed at this period both ability and boldness,
was directed to proceed to his government
of Berar, and Basalut Jung to the charge of
Adoni. Before his departure Nizam Ali received
the ceremonious visits of all the chiefs and
nobles in camp. Among others, Hyder Jung
paid his respects. When that Omrah was seated,
Nizam Ali arose; but made a signal for the former
not to move, as he would immediately return.
The moment, however, that he left the apartment,
his visitor was stabbed to the heart. Letters,
which had been previously prepared, were
sent to Salabut Jung, Ballajee Row, Basalut Jung,
and Bussy; ascribing the death of the French
dewan or minister (for such Hyder Jung was
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termed) to accident; but the truth could not long
be concealed, and Nizam Ali fled with some of
his best horse to the city of Burhampore[#] in
Berar.
Bussy directed a party to seize Shahnavaze
Khan, who was believed to be concerned in the
murder; and that minister, with one of his sons,
was killed in an affray which took place from
his followers opposing the troops of Salabut Jung
and the French, that were sent to make him
prisoner.
All was for some time in confusion. The
principal chiefs in the army hastened to disown
any participation in the crime that had been
committed; and the Paishwah Ballajee Bajerow
sent to Bussy to assure him that he viewed the
murder of Hyder Jung with detestation.
Salabut Jung was so greatly enraged with his
brother, that Bussy could not prevent his making
some marches towards Burhampore; but he
soon succeeded in convincing him that the pursuit
of Nizam Ali was as impolitic as it would be
useless. The fact was, that Bussy did not wish
that his nation should appear as the cause of
discord in the Subah's family; and he had, also,
some anticipation, from the accounts which he
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had received from Pondicherry, of the changes
about to occur in the councils of that settlement.
With these impressions, his object was
to lead Salabut Jung to Golconda, where he
would be conveniently situated for any event
which might occur. During this march, M.
Conflans arrived in camp with a letter from M.
Lally, appointing him second in command to
Bussy, and announcing to the latter his intended
recall. Bussy, on receiving this intelligence,
adopted measures to secure the garrison he had
left in Dowlatabad reaching him in safety. This
accomplished, he proceeded with the Subah to
Hyderabad, where the commands of Lally were
received, directing him to abandon all his projects
in the Deckan, and to hasten with part of
his troops to Pondicherry, leaving the remainder
under Conflans to protect the Northern Circars,
and to garrison Masulipatam, the able chief of
which (Moracin) was also recalled.
The enemies of the French in the Deckan,
and those who dreaded their rise, saw Bussy's
preparations to depart with surprise and delight.
None, however, could account for this sudden
abandonment of an influence and strength which
had been established with such labour and
ability.
Salabut Jung had very different feelings; he
viewed the departure of Bussy with deep despondency.
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It was the loss, as he said, to him,
of his friend and preserver; and his mind presented
sad forebodings of his future fate. These
he communicated to Bussy, who supported him
by an assurance that he would return; and in
that expectation he was no doubt sincere; for,
notwithstanding what he had heard of the character
of Lally, he could not have anticipated
that any individual in M. Lally's situation could
have been so blinded by prejudice, and so misled
by his passions, as to abandon the advantages
which a commanding influence in the
councils of the Deckan must have given to the
French, at a period so critical to their interests
in India.
When Bussy had been compelled to march to
Aurungabad, he left but a small body of men in
the Northern Circars; and Anunderauze, the
successor of Vizeram Raz, no longer overawed
by the presence of a French force, and desiring
to throw off his dependence upon that nation,
courted the alliance of the British Government.[#]
Clive appears at this period to have been
well-informed of the situation of parties at the
court of the Subah of the Deckan. He had received
an overture from Nizam Ali Khan, who,
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prompted by his hostility to Bussy, solicited the
aid of the English. In his answer to this letter[#],
Clive gives that Prince every assurance of
friendship; and about two months[#] afterwards,
he informs him of his having sent Colonel Forde
into the Circars, to retake settlements in the
Subah's dominions from which the English had
been expelled by the French; and requests
Nizam Ali to aid him, and to obtain the assistance
of his brother the Subah in accomplishing
that just object.
To Anunderauze, Clive wrote[#] in terms calculated
to conciliate his continued friendship:
he congratulated him on the advantages he had
gained over the French, and desired him to consult
with Colonel Forde on the operations necessary
to expel that nation from the Northern
Circars. He also stated his expectation of the
Rajah's benefiting so much by the aid of this
force, that he would contribute to defray its expenses.
It was a serious error[#] to repose such
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confidence on this source of supply. It failed;
and its failure caused great delays, and had
nearly defeated the whole object of the expedition.
Colonel Forde, after retaking Vizagapatam,
marched towards Rajahmundry, near which he
engaged and completely defeated M. Conflans,
who retired rapidly towards Masulipatam, leaving
his guns and camp equipage in the hands of
the English. Anunderauze, who remained in
the rear, and either from caution or fear took no
part in this contest, appeared averse to proceed
any further south; nor was it until Colonel
Forde had signed an engagement which secured
him great advantages, that he consented to give
him a small sum of money to relieve the urgent
distresses of the English troops, and to accompany
him in his march. Fifty days were thus
lost; and the French had not only recovered
from their panic, but their ally Salabut Jung was
advancing, and a small French corps of observation
had begun to plunder the countries in the
rear of the English; while M. Conflans, with
his main body, prepared to defend Masulipatam,
scarcely expecting, however, that the English
would attempt to attack a fortress the garrison
of which outnumbered the troops of the assailants.
But the result proved he was unacquainted
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with the bold character of the British commander.
To increase the embarrassments of Colonel
Forde, the treasure sent from Bengal being prevented
from reaching him by the operations of
the French corps of observation, the distress
for want of money, added to other grievances,
caused the European part of his force to mutiny
and leave their lines, threatening to march away.
Being desired to state specifically their complaints,
they demanded, through deputies, the
immediate payment of the prize-money due to
them, and an assurance that, if Masulipatam
fell, they should have the whole of the prize-money,
and not half, as was the usage with the
Company's troops, the other half being reserved
as the right of Government. The commander
promised that the prize-money due
should be paid from the first treasure received;
and added, that he would recommend the full
prize-money to be given them should their valour
be crowned with success. Satisfied with these
assurances, they returned to their duty, and the
siege was prosecuted with vigour.
Salabut Jung, with a large army, was now
within forty miles; and his mandates were issued
to all Zemindars and others, to aid the French
and to act against the English. The alarmed
Anunderauze, on hearing this order, struck his
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tents, and marched sixteen miles towards his own
country. Colonel Forde sent after him, to represent
the extreme folly of his conduct: he
could not (he directed his agent to explain
to the Rajah) expect to escape the numerous
parties of horse of the Subah; and, if he did,
he had to encounter the French corps of observation,
which was in the neighbourhood of
Rajahmundry: the capture of Masulipatam,
therefore, was the only chance he had for safety.
The good sense of this remonstrance had its effect:
the Rajah returned; and Colonel Forde, in
order to inspire him and other natives with confidence,
solicited and obtained leave to send a
person to the camp of the Subah to explain the
cause of the expedition, and its limited object of
recovering the English factories, and taking those
of the French upon the sea-coast. Mr. John
Johnstone of the Civil Service, who had been
the active co-adjutor of Colonel Forde throughout
this expedition, was deputed to Salabut
Jung; and the delay of a few days, which it was
expected his mission would create, was deemed
of ultimate importance to the success of the
siege.
The situation of Colonel Forde was at this
moment truly critical. Though the principal
breach appeared practicable, the advance to the
attack was over a deep morass, and the ditch of
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the fort could only be passed at ebb tide: a garrison
superior to the besiegers was within the
walls; and the army of the Subah was near Masulipatam,
and on the point of forming a junction
with the French corps of observation. To add
to these difficulties, the ammunition for the
heavy guns was nearly expended. Under these
circumstances, and having no hope of being able
to effect a retreat by land, Colonel Forde had
only the choice between saving his troops by
embarking them, or immediately storming the
fort. He determined on the latter; and made a
disposition for three attacks, one of which was a
false one, for the purpose of distracting the
attention of the enemy from the main attack on
the north-east angle of the fort.
In addition to this disposition of his own
force, the troops of Anunderauze were directed
to move along the causeway that crossed the
morass, and, by their skirmishing, to alarm the
enemy at the principal gateway, and to keep a
part of the garrison employed in the ravelin and
outworks near it. To the Rajah's people was
also entrusted the care of the camp; for every
man of the English force was engaged in the
storm.
The attack commenced at midnight; and
though a great proportion of the troops soon
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forced their way into the interior of the place, a
straggling fire was kept up for some hours, when
M. Conflans surrendered, and the English found,
in the morning, that their prisoners amounted to
five hundred Europeans, and two thousand five
hundred and thirty-seven Caffres, Topasses[#],
and sepoys; being, altogether, far more numerous
than those by whom they were captured.
The loss of the French was small: the assailants
had twenty-two Europeans killed, and sixty-two
wounded; fifty sepoys were killed, and a hundred
and fifty wounded.[#]
The French commander and his garrison had,
from the first, treated too slightingly the efforts
of their besiegers. Their confidence, which was
increased by an expected re-enforcement from
Pondicherry, was one of the chief causes of the
loss of the place. Few precautionary measures
appear to have been taken to give combination to
the points of defence; and the attack being made
at night, and on so many quarters, distracted
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those in the different works[#], whose contradictory
and exaggerated reports so embarrassed
M. Conflans, that he remained in the centre of
the fort with his most select men, undecided
where to direct relief, till he was so surrounded
as to be obliged to surrender at discretion.
Though these circumstances promoted the
success of the English, they only reflected higher
honour upon the British commander and his
gallant soldiers. The irregularity and extent of
the fortifications made Colonel Forde foresee the
confusion that must result from dividing his
troops both before and after they entered the
place. He also calculated upon that confidence
with which the enemy's superior numbers were
likely to inspire their commander; and he anticipated
the success which so frequently crowns
those daring attempts, which are made in contempt
of all the ordinary maxims of war.
The able and bold plans of their commander
were admirably carried into execution by his
brave troops. The English soldiers, by their
conduct, well redeemed the crime of their recent
mutiny; and we are informed, by a contemporary
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historian[#], that "the sepoys behaved
with equal gallantry to the Europeans!"
M. Moracin, with a re-enforcement of three
hundred men from Pondicherry, arrived a few
days after the place had fallen. On discovering
what had occurred, he sailed to the northward,
where the attempt he made to injure the English
interests in the Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts
altogether failed, though he continued, for
some period, to excite considerable alarm.
Salabut Jung was encamped within fifteen
miles of Masulipatam when the fort was taken.
He and his ministers were alike astonished at the
unexpected result of the siege; and, reproaching
themselves as in part the cause of the misfortune
to their ally, they refused to negotiate with
Colonel Forde while there appeared a hope of
their being joined by the corps under Moracin;
but finding that he had proceeded north, the
Subah evinced a wish to contract an alliance
with the English. To this he was induced by
another and more powerful motive. Nizam Ali
Khan had, on the receipt of Clive's letters regarding
Colonel Forde's expedition, not only
written to Clive[#] expressing his desire to co-operate
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against the French, and his wish that
Colonel Forde's force should join him; but had
also addressed Colonel Forde to the same purport,
in answer to a letter received from that
officer. This correspondence with a brother
whom he had just cause to dread, combined with
the movement of Nizam Ali in the direction of
Hyderabad, turned the scale of the Subah's court
in favour of the English; and, notwithstanding
the remonstrances of the leader of the French
corps of observation, Salabut Jung concluded a
treaty with Colonel Forde, by which he ceded
Masulipatam and eight districts in its vicinity.
The second article of this engagement stipulated,
not only that he was to have no French troops in
his service, but that he was not to allow that
nation any settlement in his dominions; the
third article was in favour of Anunderauze; and
by the fourth Salabut Jung engaged never to
give aid or protection to the enemies of the
English; who, on their part, stipulated not to
aid or protect those who were hostile to his person
or government.
I have entered more minutely upon the progress
and results of this expedition, from its
being solely and exclusively the measure of
Clive. Its consequences were very important,
as tending to distract the enemy at the period of
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the siege of Madras[#], and materially to weaken
his actual strength for subsequent operations[#];
but more so as they destroyed (Clive's great object)
the French connection with Salabut Jung,
and raised the military reputation of the English
in the Deckan above that of their European
rivals. Besides all these advantages, the occupation
of the fort and dependent districts of
Masulipatam was of itself a valuable object.
This possession was annexed to the presidency
of Fort St. George.
The government of Madras, anxious to add to
the army in the field against the French, desired
that Colonel Forde should leave Masulipatam
with a garrison of five hundred sepoys, and send
his remaining Europeans (about two hundred) to
Madras. This he objected to, upon the ground
of its exposing this important acquisition to recapture
by the French fleet. Clive approved of
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this, as of every part of Colonel Forde's conduct
throughout the late service. Besides those public
thanks which, as head of the government, he
gave to this able officer and his gallant troops,
we meet, in Clive's private letters, with frequent
and strong expressions of his sense of the importance
of the defeat of Conflans near Rajahmundry,
and the capture of Masulipatam. He
justly concluded that these achievements, independent
of their immediate consequences, were
calculated to promote our permanent interests in
the Deckan; a point to which he always gave
great importance, and to which he upbraids his
friends in the government of Madras for being
too inattentive.
In a private letter to Mr. Pigot of the 21st of
August, in which he congratulates him on the
raising of the siege of Madras, he observes, "I
know there are many in England, especially the
envious, who have endeavoured to persuade
others, as well as themselves, that our wars in
India are trifling and insignificant; but our late
exploits will, I believe, induce another way of
thinking, and add lustre to our quondam victories.
"Colonel Forde may, I think, step forth, and
very justly claim his share of the laurels gained.
His defeat of Conflans, with a great inferiority
of numbers, was an important stroke; but his
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taking by storm such a place as Masulipatam,
with a garrison within superior to the force
which attacked it, is what we seldom hear of in
these our modern times.
"I cannot add much to what has been represented
to you in our general letter; only let me
beg of you not to neglect the affairs of the
Deckan; they are of great importance, and I
know the gentlemen at home think them so.
Besides, we never could be safe in Bengal, while
the enemy is so near at hand, and a strong
squadron, which may give ours the slip, and
co-operate with them. If Colonel Forde had left
Masulipatam with only a garrison of five hundred
sepoys, and it had been afterwards lost (which I
really believe would have been the case), what a
load of disgrace would have fallen upon us, for
putting the Company to so great an expense, and
for losing all the fruits of our eminent successes
in these parts."
In another letter[#] upon the same subject to his
friend Mr. Vansittart, who was a member of council
at Fort St. George, Clive expresses similar sentiments.
"The news from the coast," he observes,
"this year has been very important and interesting.
The defence of Madras will do much
honour to our arms in India, and greatly heighten
our reputation as soldiers in these parts. I
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would gladly have given some of my riches to
share some of your reputation. I know it has
been a conceived opinion among the old soldiers
in England, that our exploits in India have been
much of the same nature as those of Ferdinando
Cortez; but your foiling such a man as M. Lally,
and two of the oldest regiments of France, will
induce another way of thinking, and add a fresh
lustre to all our former victories. Neither do I
think Colonel Forde's successes fall short of those
of Madras. His victory over the Marquis de
Conflans was but one of the many we have gained
over our enemies in the like circumstances; but
his taking such a place as Masulipatam, with a
garrison within superior to the force which attacked
it, is, I think, one of those extraordinary
actions which we seldom hear of in these modern
times, and must gain him great honour when it
comes to be known at home. And now I have
said thus much, I cannot help thinking there has
not been quite that attention bestowed on the
affairs of the Deckan their importance deserves.
Much has been risked in not sending Colonel
Forde even a small assistance of money, which I
think might have been done without greatly distressing
yourselves; and still much more in not
providing sea conveyances, or timely and sufficient
land escorts for the French prisoners.
"This expedition was undertaken more with
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a view to benefit the coast than Bengal; and
most of the Deckan forces would certainly have
been at the siege of Madras, if not prevented by
the diversion given from hence. Much I fear
all our successes in the Deckan would have come
to nothing, if Colonel Forde had complied with
the late order sent him, of leaving only five
hundred sepoys in Masulipatam, and coming,
with the rest of the forces, to Madras. Excuse
me in thinking the gentlemen in council have
had too much at heart the securing to themselves
Colonel Forde's detachment, without sufficiently
considering the consequences; for I can never
be persuaded that the addition of two hundred
infantry would either have lost or gained us a
battle over M. Lally; but the withdrawing them
from the Deckan would certainly have rendered
fruitless all that has been done. You will be
surprised at hearing the French have landed
upwards of five hundred Europeans at Ganjam
with M. Moracin; but it is really matter of
fact, and has been confirmed to us by no less
than forty-seven deserters from thence, most of
them English taken at St. David's, and forced
into the service. By the latest advices, they
were reduced, by death and desertion, to four
hundred. I need say no more on this subject,
as the board will write very fully on this and
other matters of importance."
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I shall now shortly refer to the occurrences at
Madras, subsequent to the great effort made to
restore the British interests in Bengal. It would
be as unnecessary as it is foreign to my object to
enter into a detail of events which have been
minutely described by several able writers; but
a general notice of them is required, not only to
elucidate the grounds of Clive's conduct, as far
as relates to the aid he gave or refused to Fort
St. George, but as it is calculated to exhibit the
character of his mind, which, amid all those critical
and important events in which he was
engaged in Bengal, appears to have dwelt with
an earnest fondness upon the scenes of his first
efforts, and to have retained the most anxious
solicitude for the continued success of those who
were the friends of his youth, and his early associates
in danger. Absence appears, indeed, to
have increased the interest he took in the affairs
of the coast of Coromandel; and from the period
of his proceeding to Calcutta till his departure
for England, no occurrence of any magnitude
took place in the Madras Presidency, on which
we do not find numerous letters from Clive,
which convey his opinion with equal freedom
upon the measures of the government, and upon
the conduct of individuals.
In 1757, the events of most magnitude on the
coast were the capture of Madura by Captain
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Caillaud[#], who commanded the British troops
south of the Coleroon; and the defeat of a party[#]
which attacked Nellore, where the brother[#] of
the Nabob Mahommed Ali Khan continued in
rebellion. The fortress of Chittaput was taken
by the French, owing to aid being refused to Nazir
Mahommed[#], the killadar (or governor) who,
holding this fortress independent of the Nabob,
was an object of jealousy, and he succeeded in
instilling into the minds of the English government
a belief that the gallant defender of this
important post was in league with the French.
Succour was delayed till too late. The brave
killadar resisted to the last; and, by his death on
the breach, silenced his calumniators, and left
the rulers of Madras to regret their unfortunate
credulity and prejudice.
The capture of Chittaput was followed by the
reduction of a number of small fortresses in the
Carnatic. The successes of the French in this
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province balanced those of the English to the
southward, where the gallantry and judgment of
Captain Caillaud, and the indefatigable activity
of Mahommed Esoof[#], the celebrated commandant
of sepoys, supported the cause of the English,
and of the Nabob Mahommed Ali, against the
French and the rebel Maphuze Khan. The
latter were aided by several polygars, or petty
Hindu chiefs, who possess the wild mountainous
tracts of this part of India; and who, from the
attachment and habits of their rude followers,
are the most troublesome of all enemies to the
internal peace of the country.
These indecisive operations had no effect
beyond keeping up the flame of war between the
French and English, through whom every native
power in India that they could influence became
engaged in hostilities, in which their interests
were deemed subordinate to the primary object
which the two rival European nations alike
cherished, of expelling each other from the eastern
hemisphere.
The French government in Europe appear, at
this period, to have determined on an effort to
reduce the British settlements on the coast of
Coromandel; and the armament they prepared
seemed adequate to the object. Fortunately for
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the English, those who presided in the councils
of Louis 15th were either so completely ignorant
of Indian policy, or so inveterately prejudiced
against their East India Company and its servants,
as not only to overlook the advantages that these
had gained, but to put aside as useless all who
were acquainted with the scene, and to substitute
a commander and officers, who, whatever experience
they might have had in other quarters of
the world, were profoundly ignorant of that to
which they were sent, with the expressed hope
that, while they reformed the gross abuses of the
local government, they would restore the tarnished
lustre of the French arms.
The bold and extensive, though, perhaps, premature,
schemes of Dupleix had, at first, excited
great expectations in France; but when, instead
of those successes which his sanguine mind had
led his government to anticipate, every despatch
brought accounts of some failure or disaster,
national vanity, combined with prejudice and
ignorance, induced the ministers of that country
to throw the whole blame on the Company and
on the individuals whom they had employed to
manage their affairs abroad. Their political and
military conduct underwent equal condemnation;
their operations in the field were deemed unskilful,
and their connections with native princes,
particularly that with the Subah of the Deckan,
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were pronounced altogether chimerical, and calculated
for no object but that of feeding the ambition,
or adding to the wealth, of those by whom
they were planned or conducted.
Though the form of the local government was
not changed, controlling powers were vested in
Lieutenant-General Count Lally, who was sent
in command of this force, aided by a large staff
of officers of high rank and reputation.
The character of Lally, from former services,
stood high as a gallant soldier. He was, perhaps,
skilled in European warfare, but he was wholly
ignorant of the different modes and usages of that
science in India; added to which, he was not of
a temper to benefit by the experience of others;
and his mind appears, before he left France, to
have been imbued with the deepest prejudices
against his own countrymen in India, as well as
the most sovereign contempt for the natives of
that country. He was, in consequence, alike
indisposed to receive aid from the experience
and knowledge of the one, or from the alliance
of the other; and evidently expected to subdue
all obstacles at the point of the bayonet.
Such was the man whom the French government
sent to India. How different was the conduct
of the great Chatham! When the troops
of his sovereign were ordered to that country to
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support the national interests, he at once decided[#]
that neither Lawrence nor Clive should be superseded
in their command. Had the ministers of
France been endowed with his wisdom, and the
troops they so judiciously sent to India been
placed under Bussy, there is every ground to
conclude that the result of the ensuing campaigns
would have been very different. But such was
the infatuation or prejudice of the French ministers,
that Bussy, slighted in the new arrangements,
was left, unnoticed and unhonoured, to
submit to the commands and bear the insults of
an arrogant superior, whose jealousy of his fame
and popularity was increased into perfect fury at
the attentions shown him by all ranks, and by a
memorial from the six colonels[#] who had accompanied
him from France, praying he would
nominate Bussy, yet only a Lieutenant-Colonel,
a Brigadier General, that he might command
them, and that their sovereign might derive those
benefits which were to be expected from his name
and experience.
.pn +1 // 035.png
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Lally could not refuse compliance with such a
request; but he endeavoured, by bitter sarcasms
as to their motives, to detract from the just merits
of those by whom it was made.
On the same evening that Lally landed with
his troops from the fleet of M. D'Aché, he
ordered one thousand Europeans and as many
sepoys to move towards Fort St. David. They
were led astray by their guides, and arrived at
the end of their first march, harassed, and without
provisions. To supply them, and to enable the
remainder of his force to follow, Lally resorted to
means which filled the natives with alarm and
indignation. He pressed men of all castes and
descriptions to carry baggage, and derided the
remonstrances of the Company's Governor, M.
Deleyrit, who was forced to submit; for, though
he and his councils retained their stations, they
were placed completely under the control of the
Lieutenant-General.
Cuddalore could make no resistance. But a very
different result from what occurred was expected
from Fort St. David. Its fortifications had been
greatly improved, and its garrison was efficient:
if it did not repel the assailants, no doubt was
entertained but it would, for a considerable period,
employ all their means and arrest their operations.
But this hope was disappointed, and the place
was surrendered before the enemy's works were
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so advanced as to enable them to storm it. Mr.
Call, the chief engineer at Madras, in a letter[#] to
Clive says, that he considers "the place to have
been lost rather through want of conduct and
proper management, than of bravery or the means
of defending it."
Clive, as has been shown in the case of Colonel
Forde and others, was warm and even enthusiastic
in his encomiums of those who were distinguished
in the service of their country. They not only
became entitled to his notice in his official
capacity, but received every mark of his private
regard; and his utmost efforts were used to promote
their advancement. But, on the other
hand, he held no terms with any man whom he
considered to have failed in this duty. His condemnation
of such was undisguised and unqualified.
Neither the ties of friendship, the suggestion
of self-interest, nor the fear of resentment, had
the slightest effect in preventing the open expression
of his opinions, when there appeared a
dereliction of those principles which he thought
should actuate every individual in the public
employ.
Many examples will occur to illustrate this
part of his character; but none are stronger than
we find in the letters he wrote to Madras, upon
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hearing of the capture of Fort St. David. The
thought of the easy triumph of the French on a
spot which had been ennobled by so many gallant
achievements of the English, pained him (as he
states[#]) to the soul, and he gives full vent to his
indignation at those by whom this feeling had
been produced. Whatever justice there may be
in the sentence he passes on their conduct, the
tone of elevated sentiment, and the excellence
of the military maxims which we find in these
letters, render them very valuable.
In a private letter[#] to Mr. Pigot, which
expresses the deep interest he takes in the affairs
of the coast, Clive states concisely, but strongly,
his opinion upon the fall of Fort St. David.
"After waiting," he observes, "with much
impatience, I have at last received your favour of
the 10th of July. Let me request of my friend,
if he has too much business upon his hands, that
he will order one of his secretaries to write me a
few lines, for I am always doubtful of the news I
may receive from any other quarter.
"I cannot express to you my resentment and
concern at the infamous surrender of St. David.
Had there been no powder at all left but for the
musketry, where was the excuse for giving up the
place till a breach was made, the covered way
.pn +1 // 038.png
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stormed, and the ditch filled? Were our enemies
supplied with wings, that they could fly into the
place? I am fully persuaded that, had M. Lally
been obliged to make approaches to the top of
the glacis, the climate would have done him more
injury than all the powder and ball in the East
Indies. I could wish, for the honour and welfare
of our nation, that a court-martial would make
the severest examples of the guilty in these cases.
For the future, I would not leave it in the power
of a commanding officer to forfeit his trust, but
give him positive orders not to surrender any fort
till a breach was made in the body of the place,
and one assault at least sustained."
In a letter to Mr. Orme of a similar date[#], he
enters upon the same subject.
"The advices," he observes, "you received of
the bad condition of St. David was nothing less
than an introduction to the infamous surrender
of the place. I know not in what light you
gentlemen of Madras may look upon that inglorious
transaction: for my part, I have seen the
council of war, and, from that only, think the
severest example ought to be made of those who
have set their hands to that base capitulation.
"They say they had not above three days'
powder! Where was the necessity of throwing
it so idly away? Had they no bayonets? Or,
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.bn 039.png
had they not powder sufficient for small arms?
I fondly flattered myself that the hero[#] at Chittaput
would, in some measure, have been an
example for us at St. David.
"I must drop this disagreeable subject with
the melancholy reflection, that Fort St. David so
lost has given us cause to lament the departure
of the English reputation on the coast of Coromandel.
May our future actions retrieve all!"
In a subsequent part of this letter, Clive gives
his opinion, that the enemy should be met in the
field; and, if not, he suggests the measures that
should be taken to promote the success of defensive
operations.
"I do not flatter you," he adds, "in saying, I
always had the highest opinion of the strength
and activity of your abilities. Let them be exerted
in pursuing vigorous measures; for you
may depend upon it, Orme, if these cautious
maxims, which seemed to possess the majority of
our committee when I was with you, still prevail,
we shall entail disgrace upon disgrace on the
nation, until we are become the scorn of Hindustan,
and have nothing left us without the
walls of Madras. I insist upon it, victory will
not depend upon the trifling odds of a few; good
conduct in the commander, and a determined
.pn +1 // 040.png
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resolution in the officer and soldier, will make up
for the deficiency, and insure victory to the English
over M. Lally and his rabble—for I can call
them by no other name, since I am well assured
the major part of his forces are not much better,
being composed chiefly of foreigners and deserters,
raised by subscription: possibly, the King
may have spared the Company some good officers
to head them.
"The China and Bengal ships will bring you
a reinforcement of twelve hundred men, which,
added to the garrisons of Madras and Trichinopoly,
will enable you to take the field with two
thousand five hundred men. Our superiority at
sea, by the arrival of two seventy-gun ships, and
one fifty, will be beyond dispute. Of consequence,
we shall have more resources than the
French: we may remedy the ill consequences of
a check, by having the sea open to us, and the
assistance of our squadron. Our enemies cannot
say so much, for, if they should be defeated,
they must be confined within the walls of Pondicherry,
and then their distress for want of money
will ruin them, if supplies are not soon received,
which cannot be effected without a superior force
at sea, of which I see but little probability. In
the mean time, we can supply you from hence
with every thing you can possibly want. In
short, if we look upon ourselves in any shape a
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match for our enemies in the field, I am fully of
opinion a battle should be risked: a victory will
be of more consequence than the loss of ten Fort
St. Davids. If the old gentleman[#] take the field,
Caillaud should be sent for at all events, and a
commission of Major given him that he may act
as second.
"Should an offensive war not be thought prudent,
I think methods may be pursued which
will near ruin the enemy without it. A body of
Mahrattas may be taken into pay, which will
ravage the country in such a manner as to prevent
the French receiving any revenue from it.
This will occasion them to disband their blacks,
and their whites will soon disband themselves.
"You are acquainted with the disturbances in
Golconda, and the insurrection of the rajahs. I
have sent agents there; and you may be assured,
if we remain at peace here (as at present there is
the greatest prospect) I shall send into these parts
as large a force as can possibly be spared, under
the command of Colonel Forde. If the country
be only thrown into such confusion as to prevent
our enemies collecting the revenue, the expense
and design of the expedition will be answered.
"I have wrote long letters both to Mr. Pocock
and Mr. Pigot to enforce vigorous measures. To
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the former, I have proposed the destruction of
the French squadron, even if they should be lying
under the walls of Pondicherry."
This letter, probably from the delay of the
vessel[#] by which it was to be forwarded, appears
not to have been despatched for twelve
days after it was written; and there is a postscript
of the 26th of August added to it, which
is peculiarly illustrative of the uncompromising
character of Clive's mind on those points
that related to the duty which he conceived
every individual in the public service owed to
the state. Mr. Orme was his most intimate
friend, and, from what he knew him to have
already written, Clive must have viewed him as
the person to whose pen he was to be indebted
for his fame with posterity. That he did so, is
proved, indeed, by a letter to Mr. Orme[#] immediately
after the enthronement of Meer Jaffier;
in which we find the following paragraph:
"I am possessed of volumes of materials for
the continuance of your History, in which will
appear fighting, tricks, chicanery, intrigues,
politics, and the Lord knows what;—in short,
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there will be a fine field for you to display your
genius in. I shall certainly call at the coast on
my way to England: I have many particulars to
explain to you relating to this said History which
must be published." Neither the ties of friendship,
however, nor the expectations of increased
fame from the partial pen of the historian, had
sufficient influence to restrain his free and severe
opinion of one of the Council at Madras quitting
his post at such a moment.
"I have learned," Clive states in the postscript,
"with great surprise, from yourself, of
your resolution of going home. I suppose it is
never to return. Your leaving the settlement at
this juncture of time, when the service of every
individual is wanted, will justly expose you to
the censure and resentment of the Court of
Directors."[#]
During these operations on shore, Sir George
Pocock had made several efforts to bring the
French fleet to a decisive action; but their superior
sailing, the bad condition of several of the
English ships, and on one occasion the conduct of
some of his captains, had always enabled them
.pn +1 // 044.png
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to escape. Clive warmly sympathised with his
gallant friend, in his feelings upon these fruitless
attempts against the enemy: at the same time he
could not refrain from associating in infamy and
disgrace those who had not supported the
Admiral, with those who had surrendered Fort
St. David.
"You may be assured," Clive writes[#], "I
felt much for you, when I heard of the unequal
fight between the two squadrons, for want of
your not being better supported by two or three
of His Majesty's ships. The unthinking world,
who never bestow applause but where there is success,
would have been ready enough to have laid
the censure at your door, if you had not called
the authors of the late miscarriage to a public
account. It is really a cruel case, after the
eminent examples of bravery and conduct shown
by you personally, that a certain victory should
be snatched out of your hands by the misbehaviour
of others. May infamy and disgrace
attend all those who are backward in their country's
cause; and may the worst of punishment
attend those who so shamefully gave up Saint
David's to the French! I cannot think of that
transaction with common patience; every reflection
about it pains me to the very soul; and the
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more I inquire into facts, the more reason I have
to lament the lost reputation of the English on
the coast of Coromandel. I do not mean that
St. David's would not have been taken at last;
but it certainly might have been made to cost
M. Lally so dear, as to have rendered his future
attempts much more uncertain and precarious."
Lally found among the prisoners at Fort St.
David a pretender[#] to the throne of Tanjore;
and, by threatening to support this man's claims,
he expected to obtain, through the fears of the
Prince of that country, a supply of treasure, of
which he was in great want. To enforce compliance
with the large demand he made as the
price of his forbearance, he moved towards Tanjore.
His march was the cause of equal distress
to his own troops, and to the natives of the
country through which he passed. The latter,
alarmed by his indiscriminate violence and the
licence he admitted, particularly in seizing their
cattle, fled the country; and we may judge how
general the desertion of their homes must have
been, when we are informed that the French
army was almost starving in the midst of plenty;
for, while it found great stores of paddy, which
is the name given to rice before the grain is separated
.pn +1 // 046.png
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from the husk, there were literally no
persons to beat it out, as it requires before it can
be used as food. The troops had neither tents
nor baggage; for, in the common alarm at the
violent measures of the French General, not
even bullock drivers could be persuaded to
remain in the camp.
Some days after the arrival of the army at
Tanjore, a treaty was concluded, by which the
King agreed to pay five lacs of rupees, and
to furnish some aid in Lally's intended attack
of Trichinopoly. Fifty thousand rupees of this
amount were paid, and hostages interchanged
for the fulfilment of the engagement; but recurring
points of irritation soon broke this agreement.
Lally charged the King with insincerity,
and with having no design but to gain time;
while the other accused the French General of
many outrages, and particularly of having confined,
on groundless suspicion, forty of the contingent
of horse with which he had furnished
him. Lally, seeing no prospect of an amicable
termination to these disputes and recriminations,
determined, with the advice of his officers, to
attack the town; and he not only sent to the
King to denounce vengeance upon his city and
dominions, but expressly directed Colonel Kennedy[#],
through whom this threat was conveyed,
.pn +1 // 047.png
.bn 047.png
to state, that it was the French General's intention
to carry the Prince and all his family as
slaves to the Mauritius.
The counsels of the King of Tanjore had
hitherto been fluctuating; they were decided,
however, by Lally's conduct, and every preparation
was made for defence. Captain Caillaud,
who commanded in Trichinopoly, had before
sent five hundred sepoys; and, being now convinced
of the King's intention to oppose the
French, sent a reinforcement of an equal number,
with a small party of gunners. The day of
their arrival, Lally had determined to retreat[#];
to which he was induced from want of ammunition,
distress for provisions, and alarm at the
British fleet, which was reported to be off Karical,
a sea-port in the vicinity.
The Tanjore General Monack-jee, on receiving
certain information of the intended movement
of the French, determined upon attacking
them. He made some impression from coming
upon the camp by surprise[#], but was compelled
.pn +1 // 048.png
.bn 048.png
to retire: when, however, the army
marched towards the Carnatic, his harassing
operations aggravated what they suffered from
fatigue and want of food; and we learn from
authentic sources[#], that the whole of the French
force was obliged to live for several days upon
gram[#] and cocoa-nuts.
The natural violence and acrimony of Lally's
disposition were greatly increased by the bad
success of this expedition. Instead of attributing
its failure to the real causes, his own want
of local knowledge, his obstinacy and presumption,
he imputed it, and the privations the troops
had suffered, to the corrupt practices of the
Company's servants, to the general laxity of discipline
and subordination in all departments of
their government, and to the dread which M.
.pn +1 // 049.png
.bn 049.png
D'Aché and his squadron appeared to have of
the British fleet. These violent attacks produced
abuse and recrimination, and nothing
could exceed the discord and faction which at
this period pervaded the settlement of Pondicherry.
Lally, after his return from Tanjore, found no
difficulty in occupying almost all the towns in
the Carnatic, and, amongst others, Arcot, the
capital of the Nabob. Chingliput was the only
place which the English preserved; but, its consequence
being fully appreciated, every measure
was adopted to strengthen its garrison and improve
its defences. The government of Madras
were not induced by Clive's advice to try their
fortune in the field. They reserved their force
unbroken for the defence of Fort St. George,
the siege of which it was evidently Lally's intention
to undertake, as soon as the season[#] permitted
him to move. In deliberating on the
course they ought to pursue, they possessed
more correct information than Clive had procured
regarding the actual composition of Lally's
force; from which it appeared, that though some
of his soldiers were of an indifferent description,
.pn +1 // 050.png
.bn 050.png
others were of the French line, and belonged
to corps of high reputation. He had besides,
well equipped and well mounted, a body of three
hundred European cavalry, who, being the first
of this branch seen in India, were likely, added
to his superior numbers of infantry, to give him
a great advantage in an action in the field;
whereas they could be of comparatively little
benefit in a siege.
Governed by these considerations, they determined
to await, within the walls of Madras, the
approach of the French army. The siege which
took place has been minutely described by a
cotemporary historian.[#] It continued for two
months, the French having taken up their ground
on the 14th of December, 1758, and retreated
on the 15th of February, 1759.
The enemy's force consisted of two thousand
seven hundred European infantry, besides their
cavalry, artillery, and sepoys. The garrison was
not more than a third inferior in number; and
when, to that circumstance, was joined the established
character of the Governor, Mr. Pigot,
and of Colonel Lawrence, the commander of
the troops, who was aided by some of the most
distinguished officers in India, there appeared,
from the first, but little doubt of the result. The
.pn +1 // 051.png
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most remarkable event of the siege was a sally,
soon after the enemy took up their ground, by
Colonel Draper; which, though not altogether
successful, was attended with a great loss to the
French as well as to the English: and Lally had
to regret, which he did deeply, the loss of two
of his best officers, Major-General Saubinet and
Count D'Estaing, the former of whom was killed
and the latter taken prisoner.
During the siege a corps of observation was
kept by the French, under the partisan Lambert;
but this did not prevent their receiving
almost as much annoyance from the activity of
the English parties without the walls, as from
the courage of those within. Two small corps,
sometimes acting separately, but oftener co-operating,
hung continually upon the outskirts of their
camp, attacking and intercepting their supplies.
One of these, which had come from the southern
territories, was commanded by the celebrated
Mahommed Esoof; the other by Captain Preston[#]:
but Captain Caillaud, who had been summoned
from Trichinopoly, took the command of
both, and by his operations greatly increased the
distresses of the enemy.
While Madras was well stored with provisions,
and had abundance of money supplied from
.pn +1 // 052.png
.bn 052.png
Bengal[#], the treasury of Pondicherry was completely
exhausted, and the conduct of Lally
had destroyed credit. The violent and irregular
means adopted, to anticipate the revenues of the
country, had left the districts which the French
occupied without the means of furnishing either
the money or the supplies that were necessary
for the subsistence of the troops. Notwithstanding
the privations to which they were subjected,
the French European soldiers performed
their arduous duty with spirit and alacrity; and
Lally fully appreciated their merits. With the
natives, however, his contempt and severity produced
their natural effects: they were loud in
their clamours for pay, and, actuated by discontent
and resentment, deserted in bodies, and began
to plunder the country, under the pretext of
obtaining payment of their arrears.
These circumstances, and the despair of success,—for
he had made little or no serious progress
in the siege[#],—made Lally resolve upon
.pn +1 // 053.png
.bn 053.png
retreat; and that measure was almost converted
into a flight by the arrival of six ships with the
.pn +1 // 054.png
.bn 054.png
reinforcements from Bombay. Not only his
battering train and camp equipage were left, but
.pn +1 // 055.png
.bn 055.png
the sick and wounded. The latter he recommended
to the care and humanity of the government
of Fort St. George, from whom they
received as much kindness and attention as if
they had belonged to the garrison.
Lally, before he left Madras, blew up the bastion
and powder mill at Egmore, and destroyed
the Governor's garden-house, and many private
buildings. He had threatened to reduce the
Black-Town of Madras to ashes; and nothing,
probably, prevented this threat from being put
into execution but the hurry of his retreat. This
may be inferred from the numerous instances of
wanton severity he showed in the prosecution of
hostilities against the English. Among other
acts, the seizure of the persons of some ladies[#]
.pn +1 // 056.png
.bn 056.png
at Nagapatam, and their harsh treatment, was
one of the least pardonable, as alike contrary to
the usage of civilised nations, and the boasted
habits and character of his country. The proceeding,
as will be hereafter stated, forced the
English to measures of retaliation.
Clive had, from the moment he heard of
Lally's intention to attack Madras, anticipated
his complete failure: he dreaded nothing but
the arrival of more troops from France, and the
want of support from England; but his alarm on
these grounds was considerable, as we find from
a letter which he wrote to Mr. Pitt, (under date
the 21st of February, 1759,) informing him that
accounts had been received of the arrival at
Mauritius of a third armament from France, and
of the expectation of a fourth.
"I presume," Clive observes, "it must have
been in consequence of this intelligence, that
M. Lally took post before Madras, as I cannot
think he would have been so imprudent as to
come there with a force not double that of the
.pn +1 // 057.png
.bn 057.png
garrison, were he not in expectation of a reinforcement.
Should that arrive upon the coast
before our squadron from Bombay, or should the
enemy's fleet, by the addition of this third division,
prove unfortunately superior to ours, the
event is to be feared. Much, very much indeed,—perhaps
the fate of India,—now depends
upon our squadron. Should it miscarry, our
land forces, without some extraordinary occurrence,
will be in danger of being obliged to yield
to the great superiority of the enemy. Advice
has been just received, that the French were
still carrying on the siege of Madras on the 25th
of January. They had been before it upwards
of six weeks; but I have so high an opinion of
the gentlemen within, that I dare answer they
will make such a defence as will do honour to
our nation, and end in M. Lally's disgrace."
"The repeated supplies," Clive adds, "furnished
the French from home, compared with
the handful of men sent out to us, affords a
melancholy proof, that our Company are not, of
themselves, able to take the proper measures for
the security of their settlements; and, unless
they are assisted by the nation, they must at last
fall a sacrifice to the superior efforts of the French
Company, supported by their monarch. Within
these eighteen months, have arrived at Pondicherry
two thousand five hundred men, and the
.pn +1 // 058.png
.bn 058.png
third division will probably bring half that number;
whereas, we shall not have received, including
Colonel Draper's battalion, more than
one thousand. It looks as if the French Government
were turning their arms this way, in hopes
of an equivalent for the losses they have reason
to apprehend in America, from the formidable
force sent by us into that country. But I cannot
bring myself to believe that so valuable a
possession as the East Indies, and which may
make a material difference in bringing about a
peace, will be abandoned; and therefore trust
that the French armament will have been followed
so closely by one from us, as to get in time to
prevent the designs of our enemies.
"A son of the Great Mogul (but at present
at variance with his father) has approached the
northern frontiers, where he has been joined by
a few disaffected people. As he has no authority
from his father, he can neither, I think, have
wealth nor influence enough to make any considerable
progress. However, I have got every
thing ready, and, in case he advances further, I
have determined to proceed myself to the northward,
in order to assist the Nabob in driving him
out of his dominions, which I make no doubt
will be easily effected, even with the small force
we have. Would to God we could as easily remove
our European enemies from India!"
.pn +1 // 059.png
.bn 059.png
In a letter to Mr. Sulivan[#], of the same
date[#], Clive anticipates the result of Lally's
operations.
"To give you my own opinion," he observes,
"I think Lally will fail in his attempt, so great
is my confidence in the strength of the garrison,
and the experience and valour of the officers.
The arrival of Captain Caillaud with the sepoy
and Tanjoreen horse, will distress our enemies
greatly, if not oblige them to raise the siege; and
if they continue till the arrival of our reinforcements,
daily expected from Bombay, they run
the risk of a total defeat. I can no otherwise
account for this undertaking of the French general,
than from his distressed situation for want
of money. He is really risking the whole for
the whole."
Clive had from youth been engaged in efforts
to prevent the establishment of the French power
in India, and his mind was constantly and intently
fixed on that object. He viewed the period of
which we are writing as a crisis: but he had no
doubt of the result, except from overpowering
reinforcements arriving from France, and the
English settlement being left unsupported. From
the moment he learned Lally's proceedings on his
march to Fort St. David and Tanjore, he foretold,
.pn +1 // 060.png
.bn 060.png
that if our resistance was protracted, that general
must destroy himself. In a private letter[#] to
Mr. Pigot, he recommends him to employ native
horse[#] in laying waste the French territories.
"By ruining the country," he observes, "you will
infallibly ruin M. Lally. Remember, that he
and his forces were obliged to eat gram before
Tanjore. May he be reduced to the same
necessity in Pondicherry itself!"
Clive's letter to Colonel Lawrence, of the same
date, exhibits, in an equally strong manner, his
sentiments upon this subject, as well as the
affectionate respect he continued to cherish for
his friend and commander. It is as follows:—
.in 5
.ti +2
"My dear friend,
"I have heard with some surprise, that M. Lally
has set himself down before Madras, not with an
intent, I believe, to besiege it in form, or carry
on approaches; if he does, I think he must be
either mad, or his situation desperate; at all
events, I hope it will be the means of adding
fresh laurels to those already gained by my dear
friend.
"Colonel Forde has orders to join you with
his forces; and we are endeavouring to send you
.pn +1 // 061.png
.bn 061.png
a complete company of one hundred rank and
file from hence. In short, we have put every
thing to risk here to enable you to engage Lally
in the field. I hope Mr. Bouchier will spare
you some men from Bombay. I enclose you a
short sketch of our strength in these parts; and,
considering how much depends upon keeping up
our influence in Bengal, you will say there never
was a smaller force to do it with.
"God give you success, which will be an
increase of honour to yourself, and of much
joy to
.in 6
"Dear Colonel,
.in 4
"Your affectionate friend and servant,
.in 6
(Signed) "Robert Clive."
.in 0
.sp 2
.ti 15
State of the European Force in Bengal, 6th Feb. 1759.
.ta lcc w=25% bl=n
Doing duty.| Military | Artillery
Captains. | 6 | 1
Lieuts. | 6 | 8
Ensigns. | 9 | 0
Serjeants. | 36 |
Corporals. | 29 | 5
Drummers. | 20 | 2
Privates. | 314* | 86
|* Whereof 140 are recruits. |
.ta-
The delight of Clive at the result of the siege
was very great: it was heightened by his warm
feelings of friendship towards those who had so
nobly supported the reputation of the service of
Fort St. George, to which he had a pride in
.pn +1 // 062.png
.bn 062.png
belonging. He congratulates Mr. Pigot[#] on
the fame he had acquired; but his greatest joy,
as he repeatedly expresses, was, that his venerated
friend, Colonel Lawrence, should so brilliantly
close his Indian career.
The events upon the coast subsequent to the
siege of Madras do not relate to our subject.
Suffice it to say, that, after some indecisive
operations in 1759, Lally, next year, suffered a
signal defeat at Wandewash, from an English
army under the command of Colonel Coote.
He was soon after compelled to shut himself up
with the remains of his army in Pondicherry,
which was immediately invested by the English.
Before this period, the increased irritability of
his temper had led to discontent in the local
government, and among the inhabitants of that
settlement, almost amounting to sedition. The
troops had been in a state of serious mutiny from
want of pay. They nevertheless did their duty
upon this occasion; but Lally had neither money
.pn +1 // 063.png
.bn 063.png
nor provisions, and was forced to surrender.[#]
This unfortunate commander left Pondicherry
amid the insults of his countrymen; and on his
return to France, he was tried, condemned to
death, and executed for crimes[#] of which he was
.pn +1 // 064.png
.bn 064.png
not guilty: for though his prejudice, violence,
and tyranny, had no doubt been one cause of the
misfortunes of his country in India, his courage,
his zeal, and his loyalty were unimpeachable.
But the voice of his enemies was loud and
vehement, and the ministers of France were glad
to save themselves from the disgrace brought
upon the country by their own want of foresight
and judgment. The Count Lally was the victim
they offered to an incensed public. The principles
of justice and the feelings of humanity
appear to have been alike violated by this act,
which a philosopher[#] of France truly denominated,
at the period of its perpetration, "A murder
committed with the sword of justice."
Bussy, with a zeal and temper that do him
equal honour, continued to serve under Lally,
and to offer his best advice, which was, however,
seldom regarded. Basâlut Jung, the brother of
the Subah of the Deckan, had evinced an anxiety
to preserve the friendship of the French; and
Bussy strongly recommended that he should be
declared Nabob of the Carnatic, and invited to
aid their operations. No measure could have
.pn +1 // 065.png
.bn 065.png
been more likely to support them. But Lally
had precipitately proclaimed the son of Chunda
Sahib Nabob: a person who had neither influence
nor character to be a useful ally; and he was not
only reluctant to repeal his own measure, but
disinclined to attend to any proposition of Bussy.
Overcome, however, by a sense of the urgent
necessity of the expedient, he detached that
officer with a small body of troops to the camp of
Basâlut Jung at Kurpah. The French commander
was received with honour; but not being
able to comply with the demands made by Basâlut
Jung, one of which was the immediate advance of
four lacs of rupees, he was compelled to return
without being able to conclude an alliance with
that prince. He brought back with him, however,
a body of four hundred excellent horse,
whom he had taken into service; and he was
enabled, through the credit he had with some of
the native chiefs of the Deckan army, not only
to supply this party with money, but also the
French detachment by whom he was accompanied,
who, like all Lally's troops, were many months
in arrear, and almost destitute of clothing, as well
as the means of obtaining food.
Bussy was made prisoner at the battle of
Wandewash, (January, 1760,) but was instantly
released by Colonel Coote, from respect for his
character, and as a return for that kindness and
.pn +1 // 066.png
.bn 066.png
consideration which he had invariably shown to
English prisoners.[#] Soon after this occurrence,
he returned to France, leaving behind him a name
as fondly cherished by the natives of India as by
his countrymen. That further acquaintance
with the true history of remarkable events, which
often diminishes the fame of military commanders
and statesmen, has hitherto tended only to increase
the reputation of Bussy. His courage and
conduct as a soldier stood high, before the genius
of Dupleix, appreciating his character, sent him
into the Deckan.
Acting in that extensive country with a force,
which, before he obtained the cession of the
northern circars, had only an uncertain and imperfect
communication with the coast, he supported,
for a series of years, the influence and
interests of his country, in a manner which
reflects the highest honour on his qualities as a
.pn +1 // 067.png
.bn 067.png
man, and on his talents as a statesman. He
thoroughly understood and held in respect the
usages of the people among whom he was placed.
He united a kindness and consideration for their
errors and weaknesses with such a good faith and
firmness of purpose in the prosecution of his own
objects, as to extort respect even from those to
whom he was opposed. This testimony to his
character is not wholly taken from the page of
history, though all writers agree in doing justice
to his memory. The facts stated have been confirmed
to the writer of these pages, by many who
acted with and against Bussy, whose reputation,
though now deservedly high in France, is not,
even at this period, so great in that country as it
continues to be with natives of the Deckan!
Clive, unless where their conduct compelled
him to acts of severity, was kind and liberal in
his treatment of French prisoners. This appears
from a very voluminous correspondence[#], both
official and private, with individuals of that nation;
but the wanton outrages of Lally made him deem
acts of retaliation indispensably necessary.
.pn +1 // 068.png
.bn 068.png
In several of his letters from Patna, Clive
urged the committee at Calcutta to destroy the
buildings at Chandernagore, and transmitted to
them letters from Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart,
in proof of the wanton outrages committed by
Lally at Madras, particularly in levelling with
the ground the Company's country-house, and
in having, without any object, destroyed the
country-houses of several private gentlemen, and
among others, that of Colonel Lawrence at St.
Thomas's Mount. The Committee could not
deny these facts, nor the right of retaliating such
injuries; but, hesitating between the desire of
attending to Clive, and their alarm at the future
consequences of the measure pressed upon their
adoption, they proposed to throw the odium of
its execution upon the Nabob. Of this Clive
wholly disapproved, stating, at the same time,
his resolution, when he returned to Calcutta, to
take the responsibility of this act exclusively
upon himself.
"As to your proposal," he observes in a letter[#]
from Patna, "of effecting it through the Nabob,
I do not see what end it will answer. Our
known interest with him is such, that it will
never be questioned we were the advisers; and
should an opportunity of retaliation ever offer,
(the apprehension of which I presume suggested
.pn +1 // 069.png
.bn 069.png
the proposal to you,) it will avail us little to
attribute the fate of Chandernagore to the Nabob.
If the French should hereafter have it in their
power to destroy Calcutta, it will be matter of
small moment whether they do it immediately
themselves, or make use of a like evasion, and
employ some of the country powers to effect it.
So far from endeavouring to conceal our being
the authors of the destruction of Chandernagore,
we ought to make a merit of publishing it, as a
laudable national revenge for the unfortunate
treatment we have received from the French.
The rules of war established among all civilised
nations authorise and applaud reprisals in such
cases. I shall, therefore, very readily on my
return take the risk upon myself: and the more
so, as (if I forget not) last year we received
directions from our masters[#] to that purpose."
I shall proceed in the next chapter to detail
events which occurred previously to Clive's leaving
Calcutta. The material changes in those
vested with authority at Madras took place before
that period, except the resignation of Colonel
.pn +1 // 070.png
.bn 070.png
Lawrence, who took the field on the siege of
Fort St. George being raised, but finding that
his age and infirmities disabled him from active
service, retired to his native land, to enjoy that
repose in private life, which he now required,
and to which he was entitled by the active and
able fulfilment, during more than twenty years,
of the most arduous public duties.
Colonel Lawrence must ever stand high among
those officers who have distinguished themselves
in India. He neither was, nor pretended to be,
a statesman, but he was an excellent officer.
He possessed no dazzling qualities, and his acts
never displayed that brilliancy which men admire
as the accompaniment of genius; but he was,
nevertheless, a rare and remarkable man. We
trace in all his operations that sound practical
knowledge of his profession, which, directed by
a clear judgment and firm mind, secured to him
an uninterrupted career of success, under circumstances
of great difficulty and danger. As
one of the chief causes of this success, we may
notice the absence of that common but petty
jealousy, which renders men afraid lest they
should detract from their own fame by advancing
that of others, and the influence of which is, consequently,
most fatal to the rise of merit.
Lawrence early discovered, and fully employed,
the talents of those under his orders; and we
.pn +1 // 071.png
.bn 071.png
find him on all occasions much more forward to
proclaim their deeds than to blazon his own. To
this quality, which is the truest test of a high and
liberal spirit, England is principally indebted for
all the benefit she has received from the services
of Clive. It was the fostering care and the
inspiring confidence of his commander that led
to the early developement of those talents, which,
by the opportunities afforded him, were matured
at an age, when most men are only in the rudiments
of their military education. Clive continued,
through life, fully sensible of the magnitude
of his obligations to Lawrence, towards
whom he ever cherished the most affectionate
gratitude.
When his venerated commander was on the
point of retirement, with a very moderate fortune,
Clive settled 500l. per annum on him during
life.[#] "It gives me great pleasure," he observes
to Lawrence on this occasion, "that I have an
opportunity given me of showing my gratitude
to the man to whom my reputation, and, of
course, my fortune is owing." This liberal
annuity must have added to the comfort of his
.pn +1 // 072.png
.bn 072.png
old age; but its value was greatly enhanced
by the warmth and delicacy of the sentiments
which Clive expressed upon this occasion.
These expressions of grateful obligation gave the
retired veteran a right to associate his own fame
with that of the successful pupil to whose progress
to fortune and renown he had, by his early notice
and encouragement, so greatly contributed.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
.h3
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 9
.sp 2
.fn #
Vide Vol. I. p. 183.
.fn-
.sp 2
.fn #
The particulars of the storm of Boobilee are narrated,
by Orme (vol. ii. p. 254.), with the clearness and a feeling
which do honoured to that historian. Such scenes as are here
described are but too common in the history of India; where
Hindus, of a high tribe, often take the heroic, but barbarous,
resolution of not leaving a living being for their enemies to
triumph over.
.fn-
.fn #
The other two remained concealed; but they were
bound, by a vow, to murder Vizeram Raz if the first attempt
failed.
.fn-
.fn #
Rangarow, and his tribe, considered themselves of much
higher race than the Rajahs of Vizianagur; and their contempt
of his family was one cause of the inveteracy of Vizeram
Raz.
.fn-
.fn #
"Bussy promised the English their property; and all
they claimed as such was resigned to them, without question
or discussion."—Orme, vol. ii. p. 263.
.fn-
.fn #
The father of Hyder Jung was governor of Masulipatam
when Dupleix made himself master of that important fortress,
and is believed to have betrayed his trust.
.fn-
.fn #
The small fortress of Dowlatabad stands at the distance
of eight miles to the north-west of Aurungabad. It is defended
by walls and bastions: but what renders it impregnable
is the solid rock being scarped perpendicular all round;
and in no place is the scarp less than one hundred and eighty
feet. The entrance is by a long tunnel, in which there are
several traverses cut out of the rock. Shahnavaze Khan
had obtained possession of this fortress. The manner in
which it was seized by Bussy is minutely described by Orme,
vol. ii. p. 345. Bussy himself, attended by a number of
officers and three hundred men, went on the pretext of seeing
the fort and paying a visit to the Killadar (or Governor);
and when the garrison were so stationed by the Killadar,
through respect for their guest, that they could make no resistance, he
was made a willing prisoner by the French general, and such of his
followers as made opposition expelled from the fort.
.fn-
.fn #
The rapidity of his flight was great: he is said to have
reached Burhampore in twenty-four hours. The distance is
one hundred and fifty miles.
.fn-
.fn #
A correspondence, between this petty prince and Clive,
was opened through the medium of an English merchant
named Bristow.
.fn-
.fn #
Clive's answer to Nizam Ali Khan is dated 27th July,
1758.
.fn-
.fn #
17th September, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
7th July, and 17th September.
.fn-
.fn #
Clive appears to have despatched treasure for this corps
the moment he learned that none was likely to be recovered
either from Anunderauze or the revenues of the country:
but the activity of the French corps of observation prevented,
for some period, Colonel Forde from receiving the benefit of
this supply.
.fn-
.fn #
Native Christians, generally the descendants of Portuguese
and Indian parents; called Topasses, from their
wearing hats (topees) like Europeans, instead of turbans.
.fn-
.fn #
The killed and wounded were nearly one third of the
whole; so that the assailants, probably, hardly exceeded
nine hundred, while the prisoners were three thousand and
thirty-seven. Arunderauze, with his irregular native forces,
was, indeed, at hand.
.fn-
.fn #
The troops in the ravelin, beyond the main gate, were
kept at their post by alarm at the false attack of the Rajah's
troops, till the assailants, who entered at the breach, shut
the gate on them.
.fn-
.fn #
Orme, vol. iii. p. 489.
.fn-
.fn #
Letter received at Calcutta, 17th July, 1759.
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Call, the chief engineer at Madras, writing to
Clive, under date the 11th October, 1758, observes, "I
cannot but say you have added much to your reputation by
the detachment (Colonel Forde's) which you have sent to
our assistance on the coast. No sooner were your apprehensions
for the safety of Bengal somewhat lessened, than
you determined to support us."
.fn-
.fn #
Including prisoners, and the corps under Moracin, at
least one thousand Europeans, and nearly three thousand
native troops, were subtracted from Lally's force by the effects
of Colonel Forde's success.
.fn-
.fn #
26th August.
.fn-
.fn #
Captain Caillaud suffered two repulses before he succeeded
in his attack on Madura.
.fn-
.fn #
This party was commanded by Colonel Forde, then belonging
to Adlercron's regiment. The circumstances attending
the repulse were such as reflected no imputation on his
character.
.fn-
.fn #
Neazballa.
.fn-
.fn #
Nazir Mahommed held Chittaput, and a small surrounding
district, by a sunnud, or grant, from the Subadar of the
Deckan.
.fn-
.fn #
Mahommed Esoof was best known, in the early part of
his career, by the name of "the Nellore Commandant."
.fn-
.fn #
Vide Vol. I. p. 402.
.fn-
.fn #
The six colonels who signed this memorial were, D'Estaing,
De Landivisan, De la Fuère, Breteuil, Verdière, and
Crillon. Their names merit to be recorded. They belonged
to the noblest families of their country; and this act
shows their patriotic feeling to have been as honourable as
their birth.
.fn-
.fn #
1st September, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
Letter to Mr. Pigot, 14th August.
.fn-
.fn #
Ibid.
.fn-
.fn #
14th August.
.fn-
.fn #
Nazir Mahommed. I have before adverted to his gallant
conduct: vide p. 26.
.fn-
.fn #
Colonel Lawrence.
.fn-
.fn #
Almost all communications between Madras and Bengal,
at this period, were by sea, which often occasioned a
considerable interval between the writing and despatch of a
letter.
.fn-
.fn #
21st August, 1759.
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Orme appears to have embarked for England about
six months after the date of this letter, but was obliged to
leave the ship at the Cape, being unable, from serious indisposition,
to proceed further until his strength was recruited.—(Letters
from Mr. Vansittart to Clive, 28th June,
and 3d July, 1759.)
.fn-
// p 44
.fn #
Letter to Sir G. Pocock, 14th August, 1759. A postscript
is added to this letter, of the 26th August; the same
date as that to Mr. Orme.
.fn-
.fn #
This man's name was Gotica; he was uncle to the deposed
King of Tanjore, whom the English had supported in
1749.
.fn-
.fn #
Col. Kennedy was one of the hostages sent to Tanjore.
.fn-
// 047.png
.bn 047.png
.fn #
A breach had been made, but it was not deemed practicable.
Two of the principal French officers, General
Saubinet and Count D'Estaing, strongly advised a storm;
deeming the breach, though imperfect, to be assailable.
.fn-
.fn #
A considerable body, cavalry and infantry, of Tanjore
troops, with fifty Europeans, and one thousand English sepoys,
were engaged in this attack; which is chiefly remarkable
for the attempt made upon the person of the French
General. A body of fifty horsemen advanced, at daylight,
to the French outposts: they inquired for Lally, saying they
wished to take service. They were conducted to the General,
who, being informed of their request, came out from a
choultry to speak to them: at this moment one of the Tanjore
horsemen, supposed to be intoxicated, fired his pistol
into a tumbril, which, by its explosion, gave a general
alarm. The leader of the party, observing this, rode at
Lally, who, however, defended himself with a stick, and
the man was shot by an attendant, while the French guard
succeeded in repelling a charge made by his comrades.
.fn-
// 048.png
.bn 048.png
.fn #
Orme's History, and Clive's MSS.
.fn-
.fn #
A species of pulse upon which horses are fed in India.
.fn-
// 049.png
.bn 049.png
.fn #
The north-east monsoon commences, on the coast of
Coromandel, in the end of October; and military operations
are difficult, and in some parts almost impracticable, till
towards the end of November.
.fn-
// 050.png
.bn 050.png
.fn #
Orme, vol. iii. p. 385.
.fn-
// 051.png
.bn 051.png
.fn #
Captain Preston's corps was from the garrison of Chingliput.
.fn-
// 052.png
.bn 052.png
.fn #
Orme, vol. iii. p. 453.
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Vansittart, a member of the Council at Fort St.
George, in a private letter to Clive, dated 2d March, 1759,
gives a general account of Lally's operations, from which
the following is an extract:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"I am very glad," he observes, "to begin with acquainting
you that the siege of Madras is raised. Certainly it was an
undertaking too great for M. Lally's force, and it was undoubtedly
a want of men that obliged him to confine his
// 053.png
.bn 053.png
approaches to so narrow a front. I will send you a plan of
them as soon as I can find one of our engineers at leisure.
The trenches are the weakest that ever were seen, and yet
they pushed them up close under our nose. Three or four
times small detachments sallied, and took possession of the
head of their sap almost without resistance. Our people
retired after destroying a little of the work, and then the
enemy returned and worked on. Their grand battery, the
first that they opened, tore our works a good deal, but our
men were active, and got them repaired in the night. This
continued for a few days, but our fire was not decreased.
The enemy then lost all patience, and advanced with all our
defences in good order; when they got to the foot of the
glacis, they erected a battery against the east face of the
north ravelin, but they could never stand there for an hour
together, as we had a heavy fire both on their flank and front.
In three or four days they abandoned that, but still kept
pushing on their sap, and presently got up to the crest of the
glacis, where they erected another battery close to the north-east
angle of the covered way. This cost them very dear,
and they well deserved to suffer; for all our defences were yet
perfect, nay, we had more guns than we had at first.
"For six mornings running they opened this battery at
daybreak, and were obliged in an hour or two to shut up their
embrasures. Their loss there must have been very great; for
it was raked from one end to the other by the flank of the
royal bastion, had a front fire from the north-east bastion, and
was overlooked by the demi-bastion so with musketry, that it
was absolutely impossible for a man to live. At the end of
six days they gave it up, and at the same time, I believe,
gave up all hopes of success. It is true they had opened a
narrow passage through the counterscarp of the ditch by a
mine, and had beat down so much clay from the face of the
// 054.png
.bn 054.png
demi-bastion, that there was a slope which a nimble man
might run up, and that is what M. Lally calls a breach; but
his people were wiser than he, if he proposed to assault it, and
they refused. That letter of M. Lally's is a most curious
piece. I am glad it was intercepted, that he may not say the
arrival of the ships obliged him to raise the siege, and that
the officers and men of the garrison may have the honour
they deserve. Their duty was really severe, and what was
yet worse, they had not a safe place to rest in when off duty;
for there is not a bomb-proof lodgement in garrison, except
the grand magazine, and the casemates under the Nabob's
bastion, where the sick and wounded lay. Nevertheless
there was a universal cheerfulness from the beginning to the
end; and (what M. Lally so much expected) a capitulation
never entered, I believe, into the head of any one man in the
garrison.
"The enemy retired by the way of Poonamallee, and, by
our last advices, were at Arcot. Our army is just now
moving after them. We had a difficulty to get coolies and
bullocks for a camp, by which many days have been lost. A
large body of Mahrattas are upon the borders of the province:
we have made them handsome offers. If they join
us, it will be difficult for the French army to get to Pondicherry,
or if they only stand neuter, Colonel Lawrence will
have no objection to a trial of skill with the Lieutenant-general.
"I should not forget to mention that your old friend the
Nellow Subhadar was of great service during the siege. He
brought a large body of country horse and sepoys from Tanjore
and Trichinopoly; and being joined by Captain Preston
with about fifty Europeans from Chingleput, and afterwards
by Major Caillaud, they occasioned a powerful diversion.
The French were obliged four times to send out considerable
// 055.png
.bn 055.png
detachments; but our people always kept their post, till a
scarcity of provisions forced them to move further off. The
enemy, however, lost many men in these different actions,
besides the hinderance it gave to their work."
.in 0
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Vansittart, in his letter to Clive of the 2d March,
1759 (quoted in the last note), observes, "I believe I shall
be obliged to apply to you to lay hands upon some of the
Chandernagore ladies, in order to exchange against Mrs.
Morse, Mrs. Vansittart, and some others, whom we sent
away in a boat for Sadras, just at the time that M. Lally
borrowed that settlement from the Dutch. They were received
by the French officer, and told they were prisoners.
They have been kept there ever since; and two days after
the siege was raised I wrote to M. Lally, desiring he would
let me know his resolutions concerning my family: he sent
// 056.png
.bn 056.png
back the peon without an answer; nor have I got one yet.
All this I could excuse if they had but been treated with
politeness; but it has been far otherwise, as you will see by
a letter I lately received from Mrs. Vansittart, and which I
send enclosed. I beg you will let Carnac explain it to the
French ladies at Bengal, that they may see, with thankfulness,
the different usage they have met with."
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Sulivan was Chairman of the Court of Directors.
.fn-
.fn #
21st February, 1759.
.fn-
// 060.png
.bn 060.png
.fn #
6th September, 1759.
.fn-
.fn #
This advice, as appears from Mr. Vansittart's letter,
(note, p. 50.) was adopted.
.fn-
.fn #
"Your defence of Madras," Clive observes, in a letter
to Mr. Pigot of the 21st August, 1759, "and your foiling a
man of Lally's rank, will certainly gain you much honour at
home; but what affords me most pleasure is, the principal
part you have acted in this famous siege. I always said my
friend would shine whenever an opportunity offered, by what
I saw of his behaviour, some years ago, near Verdiachelum
woods."
.fn-
// 063.png
.bn 063.png
.fn #
Pondicherry surrendered to Colonel Coote in January,
1761. It had been blockaded four months before the active
operations of the siege, and there were only two days' provisions
for the fighting men when it surrendered. The gallant
regiments of Lorraine and Lally were reduced to a small
number, and these worn out with famine, disease, and fatigue.—(Orme,
vol. iii. p. 722.)
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Orme justly remarks, that "if abuse of authority,
vexations, and exactions, are not capital in the jurisprudence
of France, they ought not to have been inserted, as efficacious,
in the sentence of death." The same author informs
us that Lally was charged with treason, which deprived him
of the aid of counsel. Among other crimes, this unhappy
commander was accused of selling Pondicherry to the English;
and was believed (so credulous is national vanity) to
have betrayed the interests of his country to promote those
of a nation that he hated, and whom he treated (on all
occasions when he had the power) with a severity hardly
consistent with the usage of civilised nations. The haughty
spirit of the veteran was unbroken by the persecution of his
enemies. His conduct throughout his protracted trial was
collected, but proud and indignant. When he heard his
sentence he threw up his hands to heaven, and exclaimed,
"Is this the reward of forty-five years' service?" and snatching
a pair of compasses, which lay with maps on his table,
struck it to his breast; but it did not pierce to his heart: he
then gave loose to every execration against his judges and
accusers. His scaffold was prepared, and his execution appointed
for the same afternoon. To prevent him from speaking
to the spectators a large gag was put into his mouth
// 064.png
.bn 064.png
before he was taken out of prison, whence he was carried in
a common cart, and beheaded on the Grève. He perished in
the sixty-fifth year of his age.—(Orme, vol. iii. p. 736.)
.fn-
.fn #
Voltaire.
.fn-
// 065.png
.bn 065.png
.fn #
So high did M. Bussy stand in the public opinion, that
when the Nabob Mohammed Ali wrote Mr. Pigot, the governor
of Madras, congratulating him on the recent victory,
he added, that M. Bussy's being taken prisoner was of
itself equal to any victory, and at the same time suggested
the propriety of his being sent to him, when he would take
good care of him!
Mohammed Ali even then, after some years' acquaintance
with the English, was astonished that M. Bussy was allowed
to go on his parole to Pondicherry; and as much afterwards,
when he heard how well he was received at Madras by every
body there, before his departure for Europe. D. H.
.fn-
// 067.png
.bn 067.png
.fn #
The letters of Clive's agents, also, mention many sums
which he appears to have given and sent to French officers.
Mr. Vansittart, writing from Madras, notices several individuals
who have received considerable aid (two captains one
thousand rupees each); stating that they are grateful, and
have every disposition to repay Clive, but no ability; and
that he will lose his money.
.fn-
// 068.png
.bn 068.png
.fn #
27th May, 1759.
.fn-
// 069.png
.bn 069.png
.fn #
The instructions from the Court of France to Lally had
been intercepted, in which he was directed to destroy such
of the British settlements as fell into his power: in consequence
of which the Court of Directors gave orders to retaliate
the same measures upon the French settlements.—(Orme,
vol. iii. p. 726.)
.fn-
// 071.png
.bn 071.png
.fn #
Extract from Clive's letter to his agents in England,
25th December, 1758:—"Having granted Stringer Lawrence,
Esq., an annuity of 500l. per annum during the term
of his natural life, I desire you will pay the same yearly to
him or his order."
.fn-
.if h
.dv- // end inserted dv
.if-
.pn +1 // 073.png
.bn 073.png
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch10
CHAP. X.
.sp 2
While Clive was exulting at the advantages
gained over the French in the Deckan and at
Madras, and congratulating himself on the success
which had attended his personal efforts in
Bengal, a new and alarming danger arose, from
a quarter altogether unexpected. Accounts had
been received that the Dutch were preparing a
strong armament in Batavia: and it was further
added, that its destination was Bengal. To this
report Clive at first refused his belief. Mr. Hastings[#]
had written him, that the Nabob was led
from several reasons to suspect that the Dutch
were in league with the Sovereign of Oude, and
that the armament at Batavia was meant to
strengthen their factory at Chinsura; but Clive,
in his answer to this letter, did not give credit
to the surmise. "Although it will be necessary,"
he states[#], "to be upon our guard against
the Dutch, yet I have reason to think that the
armament fitted out at Batavia is only intended
to garrison their settlements in Ceylon. Some
.pn +1 // 074.png
.bn 074.png
intelligence lately received confirms me in this
opinion."
It was not easy for Clive, or for any person, to
foresee such a course of measures as the Dutch
Government in India adopted at this period of
profound peace between the two nations in
Europe. I shall, before narrating what occurred,
take a short review of the conduct of those in
charge of their factory at Chinsura, from the
capture of Calcutta till the period at which we
are arrived.
The Dutch at Chinsura had, like others, suffered
from Suraj-u-Dowlah, who had compelled
them to pay a fine of five lacs of rupees. This
and other oppressive acts made them rejoice at his
downfall, and they addressed to Clive a letter[#]
of congratulation on his success in dethroning
that prince. Nevertheless, they did not recognise
Meer Jaffier as Subah of Bengal; and the
consequence was, so hostile a feeling towards
.pn +1 // 075.png
.bn 075.png
them in the mind of that prince, that it required
the continual good offices[#] of Clive to
preserve terms betwixt them. This was not
easy; for their not recognising him was a cause
of just and frequent irritation to Meer Jaffier.
Clive notices the subject in a letter[#] to the
Dutch Governor, written in answer to one full
of complaints.
"I am well acquainted," he observes, "with
your attachment to the English, and the service
you have at all times been ready to show them;
but give me leave to observe, Sir, that good
offices have always been reciprocal between the
two nations: and, indeed, this is no more than
we mutually owe each other, considering the
close alliance and union of interests that have so
long subsisted between us. It gives me, therefore,
much concern that you should do me the
injustice to reproach me with being in any shape
accessory to the obstruction which the Subah has
thought proper to lay upon your trade. I have,
indeed, heard him make frequent complaints of
the ill behaviour of your government towards
him; and was really much amazed at his patience,
.pn +1 // 076.png
.bn 076.png
in putting up so long with indignities which you
would not have ventured to offer either to Mohabit
Jung[#] or Suraj-u-Dowlah. I shall not
pretend to inquire into your reasons for not acknowledging
Meer Jaffier, in the same manner
as the preceding Subahs have always been, more
especially as you cannot be ignorant that he has
received his sunnud from the Mogul; but, for
my own part, I cannot conceive how you and
your Council will be able to exculpate yourselves
to your superiors for the present stoppage
of their trade, since it appears evident to
me that you have brought it upon yourselves,
by your disrespect to a person of his high station."
The act which gave rise to stopping the trade
was one of public disrespect to the Nabob, to
whom the Dutch factory did not even pay the
compliment of a salute, when he passed Chinsura
on his way to Calcutta. The mode in
which he resented this insult had its full effect.
The Governor and Council of Chinsura made a
very humble apology, which was accepted, and
the prohibition on their commerce removed.
The chief complaints of the Dutch against
the English were, the latter having the monopoly
of saltpetre at Patna, and their insisting
.pn +1 // 077.png
.bn 077.png
that Dutch vessels, coming into the river, should
take English pilots. To the first it was answered,
that saltpetre had always been a monopoly,
and that, since the English obtained it, the
Dutch had even bought the article cheaper[#]
than they had ever done before. With regard
to the insisting upon no pilot being employed in
the river but English, it was stated to be a measure
forced on the Committee of Calcutta, by
considerations of their own safety; and that,
until the danger was over, they could not allow
those of any other nation to be employed. These
facts should have been satisfactory to the Dutch,
could the Superior Government at Batavia have
been contented to abandon, without a struggle,
to another European power the political pre-eminence
in India: calculating, however, upon the
encouragement given them at the court of Moorshedabad,
previous to the expedition to Patna,
they determined to make a bold effort to establish
such a force at Chinsura as might enable
them to balance the predominating power of the
English in Bengal. I find among Clive's papers
.pn +1 // 078.png
.bn 078.png
an account[#] of this transaction; and as it exhibits,
in a very clear manner, the progress of this
serious difference between the two nations, from
its commencement to its conclusion, I shall insert
it at length. It is entitled "A Narrative
of the Disputes with the Dutch in Bengal," and
is as follows:—
"About the month of November, 1758, a
prevailing party at the Nabob Jaffier Aly Khan's
Durbar, headed by Meeran his son, had prejudiced
him to look with an evil and jealous eye
on the power and influence of the English in
the provinces, and taught him to think and look
upon himself as a cipher, bearing the name of
Subah only. From subsequent concurring circumstances,
it must have been at that period,
and from this cause, that, we imagine, a private
negotiation was set on foot between the Nabob
and the Dutch, that the latter should bring a
military force into the provinces to join the
former, and balance our power and sway. The
Dutch, stimulated by envy at our very advantageous
situation, and a sense of their own very
small importance, readily embraced the overture,
and hoped another Plassey affair for themselves.
.pn +1 // 079.png
.bn 079.png
Actuated by these golden dreams, and encouraged
by the absence of our troops on the Golconda
expedition, the Director and his Council
at Chinsura forwarded remonstrances to Batavia,
for this purpose, where, by the event, it appears
they had the intended effect. Subsequent to
this private negotiation was the advance of the
Shah-Zada, and Governor Clive's march to Patna
in support of the Nabob and his Government,
which perfectly convinced him and his son of
our faithfulness, affection, and attachment, and
struck an iniquitous party at the Durbar dumb,
who were ever insinuating to them that the English
were aiming to be Subahs of the country in
breach of their treaty.
"Early in August we received advice that a
powerful armament was fitting out and embarking
at Batavia, its destination not perfectly
known, but rumoured to be for Bengal. The
Governor sent early notice of this to Meer Jaffier,
who immediately sent a Purwannah to the
Dutch Governor, a copy of which he forwarded
to Governor Clive, demanding withal, by virtue
of the treaty subsisting with the English, that
he should join his forces to oppose and prevent
any foreign troops being brought into his
country.
"About this time a Dutch ship arrived in the
river with European troops and buggoses, of
.pn +1 // 080.png
.bn 080.png
which the Governor advised the Nabob, who was
much embarrassed at the news; he, however,
despatched a second Purwannah to the Dutch,
and ordered Omarbeg Khan Fouzdaar of Hooghley,
immediately to join the Governor with a
body of troops, and repeated his demand of our
assistance, to prevent the Dutch troops or ships
advancing up the river. To the Nabob's first
Purwannah, the Dutch sent a reply and solemn
promise of obedience to his orders; to the
second, they as solemnly assured him, the ship
which was arrived came in by accident for water
and provisions; that she was drove from her
destined port of Nagapatam by stress of weather,
and that she and her troops should leave the
river as soon as they were supplied.
"Notwithstanding these solemn assurances
from the Dutch, it was judged expedient to send
a detachment of troops, joined with one of the
Subah's, under the command of the Fouzdaar's
officer, to take possession of Tanna Fort and
Charnoc's Battery opposite to it, with orders to
stop and search all boats and vessels that passed,
without giving them further molestation; and
parties were likewise sent out on each side of
the river to prevent any foreign troops advancing
by land. In consequence of these orders, every
Dutch boat and budgerow was brought to, and
those that had no troops suffered to pass;
.pn +1 // 081.png
.bn 081.png
amongst others, Mynheer Suydland, the Dutch
master-attendant, not only refused for sometime
being either brought to or searched, but struck
the commanding officer at Charnoc's Battery.
Himself and another Dutch gentleman with him
were made prisoners for a few hours, until an
order from the Governor went down for releasing
them and the budgerow, on board of which
were found concealed eighteen buggoses, which
were conducted down under a guard by land,
until within sight of their ship at Fulta, and released.
On these transactions, we received very
long remonstrances from the gentlemen at Chinsura,
to which we replied, that, as principals, we
had, by the custom and laws of nations, a right
to search all vessels whatever, advancing up this
river, not knowing but they might introduce
French troops into the country; and that as
auxiliaries to the Mogul, we were under a necessity,
by solemn treaty, to join his Viceroy in
opposing the introduction of any European or
foreign troops whatever into Bengal; and that
we should absolutely and religiously do our duty
to the utmost of our strength and power in both
capacities.
"Early in October, Jaffier Ally Khan arrived
here on a visit to the Governor. During
his stay with us, advice came from below, of the
arrival of six or seven more Dutch capital ships,
.pn +1 // 082.png
.bn 082.png
crammed with soldiers and buggoses. Now the
Dutch mask fell off, and the Nabob (conscious
of having given his assent to their coming, and
at the same time of our attachment and his own
unfaithful dealings with us,) was greatly confused
and disconcerted. He, however, seemed
to make light of it; told the Governor he was
going to reside three or four days at his Fort of
Hooghley, where he would chastise the insolence
and disobedience of the Dutch, and drive them
soon out of the river again.
"On the 19th of October he left Calcutta; and
in place of his going to his Fort at Hooghley, he
took up his residence at Cajah Wazeed's garden,
about half way between that and Chinsura; a
plain indication that he had no apprehensions
from the Dutch, whom he received there in
the most gracious manner he could, more like
friends and allies than as enemies to him and his
country. In three or four days after his departure
from Calcutta, the Governor received a
letter from him, wherein he informed him of
'some indulgence he had granted the Dutch in
their trade, and that they had engaged to leave
the river with their ships and troops as soon as
the season would permit.' The season permitting
their immediate departure with the greatest safety
and propriety, the last condition in the Nabob's
letter, joined to his whole behaviour, convinced
.pn +1 // 083.png
.bn 083.png
us, that leaving the river was no part of their
intention, but that, on the contrary, they had
his assent to bring up their troops if they could;
which Colonel Clive was determined they should
not, as the Nabob had not withdrawn his orders
to oppose them, and in this he was heartily
joined by his Council. Ruin to the Company,
if not to the country, must have been the inevitable
consequences of their junction with the
troops they had in garrison at Chinsura; which
once accomplished, would have been beyond all
doubt attended with a declaration from the Government
in their favour, and as probably a union
between them, which must have ended in our
destruction. A very few days justified our suspicions
and resolutions; for in place of the
Dutch leaving the river, we received certain intelligence
of their moving up, and that they were
enlisting troops under every denomination, at
Chinsura, Cossimbazar, and Patna, and this
plainly with connivance of the Nabob.
"Whatever may have been the joint or
separate views of the Dutch and Nabob against
us, it is most certain they never could have had a
more favourable conjuncture to carry them into
execution; for what with the unforeseen and
inevitable long stay of our troops on the Golconda
expedition, the detention on the coast
of Coromandel of the forces appointed for this
.pn +1 // 084.png
.bn 084.png
settlement, and the necessity the Governor was
under of leaving a considerable party at Patna,
in May last, our garrison here was inconsiderable.
Our Governor, with indefatigable despatch,
made every necessary disposition to circumvent
the designs of our enemies; the 'Calcutta,'
'Duke of Dorset,' and 'Hardwicke' (the
only ships we had in the river), were ordered to
proceed immediately to town; the detachments
at Tanna and Charnoc's were strengthened, and
heavy cannon mounted at each, as also on two
faces of our new fort commanding the river.
The Patna party was recalled, and the militia
put under arms. The Governor wrote likewise
to the Nabob in strong and peremptory terms,
to send his son down with his army to invest
Chinsura; but the politics of the Durbar at this
period, we believe, ran counter, where we judge
it was determined to let the English and Dutch
weaken and destroy one another, when they
would probably have attempted to reduce both,
or join with the strongest.
"Soon as the Dutch thought their schemes
ripe for action, they sent us an immense remonstrance,
recapitulating the whole of all their
former ones, and vowing vengeance and reprisals
if we persisted in searching their boats, and obstructing
the advance of their troops up the river.
To this we replied, once for all, that we had given
.pn +1 // 085.png
.bn 085.png
no insult to their colours, or attacked or touched
their property, or infringed their privileges;
that with respect to their bringing troops into
Bengal, the Nabob knew best how far it was incumbent
on him to preserve the peace and tranquillity
of his country; that their boats had been
stopped and searched, and the advance of their
troops opposed, by orders from the Viceroy, and
under the Emperor his master's colours, and by
his troops; that they must apply therefore to
him, and that we were ready to interpose our
friendly offices to mitigate his resentment. This,
it may be thought, savoured a little of audacity,
but facts vindicated us; as the Fouzdaar had
neither withdrawn his troops (which consisted of
four or five hundred horse), nor the Nabob his
orders; and all that was done below was under
the Government's colours. Notwithstanding
which, on receipt of the last Dutch remonstrance,
we found our sentiments a good deal embarrassed,
doubting whether we should stand justified
to our country and employers, in commencing
hostilities against an ally of England, supposing
they should persist in passing the batteries below
with their ships and troops. In this situation, we
anxiously wished the next hour would bring us
news of a declaration of war with Holland;
which we had indeed some reason to expect by
our last advices from England. Another strong
.pn +1 // 086.png
.bn 086.png
reason which determined us to oppose them, and
on which subject we had been guarded against
by the Court of Directors, who had intimated
that in all likelihood the Dutch would first commence
hostilities against us in India.
"Thus circumstanced, the Dutch themselves
removed all our difficulties by beginning hostilities
below, attacking with shot, and seizing seven
of our vessels, grain-boats, &c., tearing down
our colours, disembarking our guns, military
stores, &c., from our vessels to their own ships,
making prisoners of the captains, officers, &c.
They also began hostilities on shore in our Purgunnahs
off Fulta and Riapore, where they tore
down our colours, and burnt the houses and effects
of the Company's tenants in those parts.
Amongst the vessels they attacked and seized
was the 'Leopard Snow,' Captain Barclay, whom
we had despatched with expresses to Admiral
Cornish, to hasten his coming to our succour,
which we judged would meet him somewhere on
the Arracan coast.
"On this event, we concluded, with the
greatest probability, that the Dutch had received
intelligence of a rupture between them and us in
Europe, or that they were sure of the Nabob joining
them, or of his standing neuter at least; and
having the utmost reason to suspect the Nabob's
whole conduct, Governor Clive apprised him of
.pn +1 // 087.png
.bn 087.png
the acts of violence the Dutch had committed
below, adding, that as they had commenced
actual war against us, he should judge the quarrel
now subsisted between them and us only, desiring
he would leave chastising the Dutch to
us, and desist from sending either his son or any
part of his army to our assistance; but that, if
he would convince us of his sincerity and attachment,
he should directly surround their subordinates,
and distress them in the country to the
utmost.
"Hitherto we knew not whether the Dutch
intended to pass the batteries with their ships
and troops on board, or whether their intention
was to land the latter as high up as they could,
and march them over land. The Governor,
however, made the necessary dispositions against
both, as far as our small body of troops would
permit, consisting, on the whole, of about two
hundred and forty Europeans of the battalion,
about eighty of the train, and one thousand two
hundred sepoys. The best troops and largest
proportion of these, with many volunteers
draughted from the militia, and part of the
independent company, formed into a troop of
horse, were stationed at Charnoc's and Tannas
under the command of Captain Knox. Colonel
Forde, on account of his ill state of health and
dismission from the service, had returned to us
.pn +1 // 088.png
.bn 088.png
a few days before these troubles; and, notwithstanding
both, most obligingly and readily, at the
Governor's request, took upon him the command
of the remaining troops in the garrison, which
marched to the northward the 19th of November;
on which day Mr. Holwell was ordered to
take charge of Fort William with the militia,
consisting of about two hundred and fifty Europeans,
besides some of the Portuguese inhabitants;
the Governor dividing his attention and
presence between both divisions, those at Charnoc's
and those in the field.
"The first stroke struck against the Dutch,
was possessing ourselves of Barnagore, from
whence Colonel Forde passed over the river with
his troops and four field artillery to Serampore,
the Danish factory, and marched towards Chandernagore;
not only with a view of striking
terror into Chinsura, but to be ready to intercept
the Dutch troops, in case they should disembark,
and attempt to gain that place by land.
"During this period, the Dutch ships kept
advancing with their captures and prisoners, and
our three ships in their rear, whose orders were
peremptorily to pass them and station themselves
above the batteries, where fire-boats and every
other needful step was taken to destroy the
Dutch ships if they attempted to pass. The
Dutch commodore sent two orders to Commodore
.pn +1 // 089.png
.bn 089.png
Wilson prohibiting his passing their
ships, and that if he attempted it, he would fire
upon him.
"On the 21st of November the Dutch armament
came to an anchor in Sankeral Reach, whose
point was within the range of our cannon from
the batteries. On the 23d of November they
landed on the opposite shore seven hundred
Europeans, and about eight hundred Buggoses,
and dropped down with their ships to Melancholy
Point, the lower end of the reach being near
where our three ships lay; of which advice was
immediately despatched to Colonel Forde, with
assurance that he should be reinforced with the
utmost expedition by Captain Knox and the
parties at the batteries, who were accordingly
recalled. On the 23d, orders were sent to our
commodore to demand immediate restitution of
our ships, subjects, and property; or to fight,
sink, burn, and destroy the Dutch ships on their
refusal. The next day the demand was made
and refused. True British spirit was manifested
on this occasion. Notwithstanding the inequality
(the Dutch having seven to three, and four of
them capital ships,) we attacked them; and after
about two hours' engagement, the Dutch commodore
struck, and the rest followed the example,
except his second, who cut and run down as low
as Culpee, when she was stopped short by the
.pn +1 // 090.png
.bn 090.png
'Oxford' and 'Royal George,' who arrived
two days before, and had our orders to join the
other captains. The Dutch Commodore had
about thirty men killed, and many wounded:
she suffered the most amongst them, as did the
'Duke of Dorset' on our side, who was more
immediately engaged with her.
"On the same day (the 24th) Colonel Forde
marched from the French gardens to the northward,
intending to encamp between Chandernagore
and Chinsura. In his march through the
former, he was attacked by the Dutch with four
pieces of cannon, and the garrison from Chinsura,
which had marched out and lodged themselves
in the houses and ruins of Chandernagore, at the
very time the Colonel entered with his troops
at the southernmost end. However, he soon
dislodged them from their ambush, took their
cannon, and pursued them with some slaughter to
the very barriers of Chinsura, which he prepared
to invest, being now joined by Captain Knox
and the troops from the batteries, and Charnoc's
and Tannas.
"The next day Colonel Forde received certain
intelligence of the near approach of the
Dutch troops from the ships, who had been,
in spite of his vigilance, joined by part of
the garrison from Chinsura. He immediately
marched with two field-pieces, and met them
.pn +1 // 091.png
.bn 091.png
on the plains of Bedarra (about two coss from
Chinsura), where they soon came to an action.
The Dutch were commanded by Colonel Roussel,
a French soldier of fortune. They consisted
of near seven hundred Europeans, and as many
buggoses, besides country troops: ours of
two hundred and forty infantry, and eighty of
the train, and fifty more Europeans composing
the troops of horse, independents and volunteers,
and about eight hundred sepoys. The
engagement was short, bloody, and decisive.
The Dutch were put to a total rout in less than
half an hour: they had about one hundred and
twenty Europeans, and two hundred buggoses
killed, three hundred and fifty Europeans and
about two hundred Buggoses taken prisoners,
with M. Roussel and fourteen officers, and
about one hundred and fifty wounded. Our
loss was inconsiderable. After this action,
Colonel Forde returned, sat down before Chinsura,
and wrote for further orders. The Dutch
were now as abject in their submission as they
had been insolent in their supposed superiority.
They wrote to Colonel Forde, and likewise to
the Board here, requesting he would cease hostilities
and propose terms of amity.
"We judged we had sufficiently chastised
and humbled them, without taking their settlement
(which must have surrendered on the first
.pn +1 // 092.png
.bn 092.png
summons), and agreed to enter on a treaty with
them. Deputies were appointed, and things
brought to a speedy and amicable conclusion.
They disavowed the proceedings of their ships
below, acknowledged themselves the aggressors,
and agreed to pay costs and damages; on which
their ships were delivered up to them.
"Three days after the battle of Bedarra, the
young Nabob, with about six or seven thousand
horse, arrived and encamped within a coss of
Chinsura: this struck the Dutch with the
deepest terror. Governor Clive was wrote to,
in the most supplicatory terms, to interpose,
and not abandon them to the violence of the
Moors. The Governor interposed, and went
directly to the French gardens, that he might
be a nearer check upon the young Nabob, and
prevent his proceeding to extremities with them.
His friendly interposition had its proper effect:
the young Nabob received their deputies; and
after severe altercation, forgave them, and promised
ample protection in their trade and privileges,
on the following terms:—That they shall
never meditate war, introduce or enlist troops,
or raise fortifications in the country; that they
shall be allowed to keep up one hundred and
twenty-five European soldiers, and no more, for
the service of their several factories, of Chinsura,
Cossimbazar and Patna; that they shall
.pn +1 // 093.png
.bn 093.png
forthwith send their ships and remaining troops
out of the country; and that a breach of any
one of these articles shall be punished with utter
expulsion. These terms, ratified by the council
of Hooghley, and the Nabob (otherwise) satisfied
for the trouble and expense of his march,
he broke up his camp and returned to the
city."
"Thus ended an affair which, had the event
been different, threatened us in its consequence
with utter destruction; for, had the Dutch
gained the same advantage over us, we have
now the most convincing proofs to conclude,
that the remembrance of Amboyna would have
been lost in their treatment of this colony. Mr.
Bisdom was in a dying condition during these
whole transactions, and opposed, jointly with
Messrs. Zuyaland and Bachracht, the violence
of their proceedings; but they were over-ruled
by the rest of their council, led by Messrs.
Vernet and Schevichaven, two men of desperate
fortunes and violent and evil principles, who,
we doubt not, will pay severely for their imprudence."
"There appears every reason to conclude from
this narrative, as well as from other accounts,
that Meer Jaffier had originally given countenance
to an intrigue with the Dutch, carried
.pn +1 // 094.png
.bn 094.png
on through Cajah Wazeed[#]; but there can be
no doubt that the conduct of Clive, on the subsequent
invasion of the Shah-Zada, had made a
change in his sentiments. He readily, therefore,
gave the requisite orders to the Dutch,
forbidding them to land any troops. 'He declared
to me,' Mr. Hastings[#] writes to Clive,
'that if they brought any armed force into his
country, he would look upon them as enemies,
and treat them accordingly.'"
Notwithstanding these professions, when the
Dutch armament arrived with a European force
superior to that of the English, the Nabob appeared
to falter in his resolution. He had paid
Clive a visit at Calcutta, and on his return (as
stated in the narrative) saw the principal persons
of the Dutch settlement at Chinsura; but
instead of commanding them to send away their
ships (as he had promised) he treated them
with such marked favour and distinction, that
Mr. Hastings, who accompanied him, wrote
Clive[#], that every day's transactions confirmed
.pn +1 // 095.png
.bn 095.png
him more and more in his opinion, that the
Nabob was acting a treacherous part.
This communication, added to some suspicious
circumstances, determined Clive to take
the strongest measures, with the primary view
of recalling the Nabob to a better understanding
of his own interests; and, if that failed, of counteracting
his evil designs. He wrote to Mr.
Amyate[#] to acquaint Ram Narrain of the situation
in which affairs stood, that he might be
prepared to act, if occasion required. He also
directed Mr. Sykes to seize the persons of Cajah
Wazeed and his son before they reached Moorshedabad,
to which they were proceeding; having
had full proof of their combination with the
enemies of the English. Cajah Wazeed has
been before mentioned as the agent of the
French. He had for a period transferred his
allegiance to the English; but disappointed of
the high reward he anticipated, had subsequently
directed all his influence and ability
(which were considerable) to their overthrow,
through the means of their European rivals.
When the French cause appeared hopeless, he
had attached himself to the Dutch, and was no
doubt the principal agent of all their intrigues
at the Court of Moorshedabad. The strongest
presumptive proof of Meer Jaffier's concern in
.pn +1 // 096.png
.bn 096.png
this plot, was, the favour and distinction with
which he had recently treated Cajah Wazeed.
Though that person was employed by the Dutch,
he was the subject of Meer Jaffier, who, both
on that account, and from his partiality to the
man, was likely to resent his seizure as an indignity
and insult. Clive was quite aware of
this feeling, but he thought himself justified by
the emergency of the case. He expected that
one of the effects of this decided measure would
be to alarm the Nabob in such a degree, as to
arrest his progress in any plan hostile to the
English, in which he might have engaged; and,
to add to this effect, he wrote to Meer Jaffier,
disclaiming all future connection with him, unless
he changed his course of action. Clive's
object, throughout this affair, was not to inculpate
the Nabob, but to save him from the consequences
of his weakness and want of faith.
With a thorough knowledge of his character,
he addressed himself to his fears, and the result
proved the correctness of his judgment. Mr.
Hastings writes from Moorshedabad on the 18th
of November:—
"The particulars of my conversation with
the old Nabob," he observes, "I will acquaint
you with, after I have seen him again to-morrow.
He appeared (and I am convinced was)
extremely disturbed in mind, during the whole
.pn +1 // 097.png
.bn 097.png
time I was with him. He changed colour upon
the receipt of your letter; and when he had read
it, he turned to me and told me, that you had
broke off all connection with him. He declared
himself innocent of any deceitful intention towards
you, and offered to give every proof that
you could require of his friendship and sincerity."
In his letter of the 21st of November, Mr.
Hastings observes, "Every thing goes on in
this quarter as it ought. The Nabob appears
as zealous in the cause as he was before remiss
in it, nor will, I hope, give you any further cause
for complaining, at least in this affair. He has
desired me to endeavour to accommodate the
misunderstanding which has risen betwixt you
and him, which office I cannot undertake more
effectually than by assuring you, that I do believe
him now to be sincere. I have already
acquainted you fully with what has lately passed,
nor need I trouble you with a repetition of it.
The Chuta Nabob[#] has lately written to me
upon the same subject, and has called upon
Mr. Sykes and myself to declare how earnest
he was, from the beginning of these troubles,
to join you, which I know to be fact (so far
as his word in that instance could be credited),
.pn +1 // 098.png
.bn 098.png
and Mr. Sykes' letters to you will sufficiently
testify the same.
"The firmness which you have shown, and
your resentment of the Nabob's cold behaviour,
have had every effect that could be wished for;
and pardon me, Sir, if I offer it as my opinion,
that it would be proper so far to change the
style of your letters, as to show that you are
satisfied with his present conduct. The Nabob
really wants that encouragement: whenever you
forsake him, his ruin will be inevitable; and he
must shut his eyes against the most glaring conviction,
if he does not perceive it himself."
The only subject of complaint Meer Jaffier
had now left was the seizure of Cajah Wazeed,
which he was too conscious indicated suspicion
of himself. Mr. Hastings, referring to this feeling,
writes to Clive[#]:—
"I had a long conversation with the Nabob
yesterday morning; the particulars I need not
acquaint you with, as it consisted of little more
than a repetition of his complaint of the distrust
you have shown him. He mentioned the affair
of Cajah Wazeed yesterday, for the first time.
I excused your proceedings therein, from the
necessity there was of seizing him immediately,
as he was the prime instigator of these troubles;
and it appeared from the long consultation held
.pn +1 // 099.png
.bn 099.png
between him and the Dutch, the evening before
his departure, and their letter of defiance immediately
following it, that he was going up to
strengthen their cause at the city, where the
Nabob was sensible he had many enemies. I
added, that though it was no time to stand upon
the strictness of ceremony, when the enemy
were almost at our gates, yet that you had only
given orders that Cajah Wazeed should be seized
on the way; but that no attempt should be
made upon him, if he was arrived within the
districts of the city of Moorshedabad.
"I believe he was not satisfied with my reasons:
he ascribed this event entirely to your
suspicions of himself, which I did not attempt
to deny.
"The enclosed letter is in answer to your
last. This is the last letter the Nabob will
write, till he hears what your present sentiments
are with respect to himself."
Clive, on receiving these assurances, readily
forgave what had passed; and the Nabob showed
every disposition to give his aid. A few of his
troops co-operated in the attack upon the Dutch,
but the young Nabob did not arrive at Hooghley
till after the armament had been destroyed.[#]
.pn +1 // 100.png
.bn 100.png
The strength of the small force which Clive
had with him on this occasion is stated in the
narrative. It was divided into parties; some of
which were directed to stop and search the boats
of the Dutch coming up the river, and others to
intercept any small bodies of men that might
attempt to reach Chinsura by land. Every line
of orders or instructions on this delicate and
alarming occasion appears to have been written
by Clive himself. He, indeed, had at first no
person of any distinction to aid him, till Colonel
Forde arrived from Masulipatam. This officer was
in bad health; and accounts had reached Bengal
that the Directors had not confirmed his nomination
to the service; but neither indisposition,
nor disgust at this treatment, prevented him
from offering his valuable services to his friend
and patron, at a crisis when they were so much
required. His skill and gallantry were alike conspicuous
in attacking and defeating so superior a
force. This is shown by the narrative. According
to other accounts, his success was greatly
to be attributed to the position of the enemy at
the period of the attack. It is stated upon good
authority, that foreseeing this advantage, but
acting with the caution which the attack upon
the troops of a European nation not in a state
of war required, Colonel Forde wrote a note,
stating, "that if he had the Order in Council,
.pn +1 // 101.png
.bn 101.png
he could attack the Dutch, with a fair prospect
of destroying them." Clive, to whom this note
was addressed, received it when playing at cards.
Without quitting the table, he wrote an answer
in pencil, "Dear Forde, fight them immediately.
I will send you the Order of Council to-morrow."
Clive appears to have been upon the best
footing with several of the principal inhabitants
of Chinsura, particularly their Governor, Mr.
Adrian Bisdom, who, though his name (as he
stated) was often and freely used, had been
throughout hostile to the violent proceedings of
his countrymen. We find, indeed, in his letters
during these differences, a tone of deep regret at
the violent measures resorted to by both parties,
mixed with the strongest expressions of personal
regard for Clive, and gratitude for his kindness
both in his private and official station.[#] We
discovered, also, from his letters to Clive[#], that
.pn +1 // 102.png
.bn 102.png
the large remittances the latter had made through
Batavia or Holland were not settled, and that
the Dutch East India Company were discontented,
and had deferred the payment of the
bills, expressing their displeasure at the terms
their local government had granted. The conduct
Clive pursued towards their armament was
not likely to make them view any transaction in
which he was concerned in a more favourable
light; but the thoughts of himself, or his fortune,
had no weight in a question where the interests
of his country were so deeply involved.
.pn +1 // 103.png
.bn 103.png
A more critical situation than that in which
Clive was placed by the arrival of the Dutch armament
can hardly be conceived. The responsibility
he took upon himself, in determining to
oppose it, was great; but his mind never faltered
when the public welfare was to be promoted by
his personal hazard. When some of his friends
remonstrated with him on the danger which he
incurred, in opposing, during the existence of
peace, the passage of the armament of a friendly
power up the Ganges, he is said to have answered,
that "a public man may occasionally be called
upon to act with a halter round his neck." The
inadequacy of his means was to him the most
appalling circumstance; but this was remedied
by the wisdom of his plans, and the vigour of
their execution. The moderation he showed
after victory was calculated to allay, as far as
possible, that feeling of hostility which these
proceedings must have excited. A very minute
investigation of the whole subject took place in
Europe: but the Dutch Local Government, in
the treaty into which they entered with the English,
had acknowledged themselves the aggressors,
and Clive had been so cautious in every
step he took, that his conduct could not be impugned;
and he received, as he merited, unqualified
approbation for this last act of his government,
which terminated, as it was meant to do,
.pn +1 // 104.png
.bn 104.png
all attempts of the Dutch to rival the political
power of the English in Bengal. Their views
in that country were thenceforward limited to
objects of commerce.
By the events (A. D. 1759) narrated in the
preceding chapter, Mahommed Ali Khan, whom
the Government of Fort St. George had so long
supported, became the undisputed Nabob of the
Carnatic. Salabut Jung, the Soubahdar of the
Deckan, had entered into an alliance with the
Company; and his brother Nizam Ali, who was
rising rapidly into power, was most favourably
disposed to cultivate their friendship.
The affairs of the small but important settlement
of Bombay appeared as prosperous as those
of Madras. Surat, one of the principal sea-ports
and richest towns on the western side of
India, had fallen into decay, as the power of the
Mogul government declined. This city, independent
of its wealth, had great value with
the Mahommedans, from being the port at which
the pilgrims annually assembled on their way to
the sacred tombs of their prophet or of his descendants.
The Emperor furnished the vessel
which conveyed to Jidda (a port in the Red
Sea) those pilgrims who went to Mecca. The
convoy of this vessel, as well as the protection of
the commerce of Surat, had been for some time
intrusted to the chief of Jinjeera, who was styled
.pn +1 // 105.png
.bn 105.png
the Admiral of the Emperor, and had, in virtue
of that office, an assignment on the revenues of
Surat, amounting to the sum of three lacs of
rupees per annum. On the ground of this
amount not being regularly paid Seedee Massoud,
the ruling chief of Jinjeera, had first seized the
castle of Surat, and afterwards greatly encroached
upon the other local authorities of that place.
He died in 1756; and his son not only retained
this usurpation, but demanded one third of the
revenues of the city; another third was paid to
the Mahrattas, as the price of their abstaining
from hostilities, and the remaining third was
divided among those officers who governed in
the name of the Emperor of Delhi.
This division of authority, together with the
intrigues and disputes to which it gave rise, was
ruinous to the prosperity of the town, and attended
with continual alarm and danger to the
inhabitants. The English factory, which had
been settled at Surat for a century and a half,
suffered considerably during this distracted state
of affairs, and the Government of Bombay, consequently,
listened with approbation to an overture
made by the principal officers and merchants
of Surat, inviting them to take the castle, to
expel the Seedee, and on receiving an assignment
of two lacs of rupees, to become the future
protectors of the commerce of the port. An
.pn +1 // 106.png
.bn 106.png
expedition was sent, which, after a short opposition
from the Seedee, completely succeeded;
and the garrison of the castle were compelled to
surrender to the English, who acted throughout
with the sanction and aid of the officers of the
Emperor.
An account of the events which had occurred
was sent by Mr. Spencer (the chief of Surat) to
Delhi; from whence he obtained sunnuds[#], or
deeds, appointing the English Company governors
of Surat Castle, and admirals of the
Emperor's fleet, and granting them an assignment
upon the revenues of the city for two lacs
of rupees per annum.
These events added both to the strength and
the fame of the settlement of Bombay, and rendered
it better able to cope with its predatory
neighbours the Mahrattas. The principal chiefs
of that nation, however, were at this period more
occupied with the affairs of the northern than of
the western parts of India.
Alumgeer the Second was still the Emperor
of Delhi; but he continued a prisoner in the
hands of his ambitious minister, who, himself
surrounded by Mahratta armies, and expecting
another invasion of the Affghauns, exercised but
.pn +1 // 107.png
.bn 107.png
a precarious authority. The Shah-Zada was still
in a state of hostility; and having lately received
countenance from the ruler of Oude, he again
threatened with invasion the territories of Bahar.
This danger would not appear to have been considered
serious by Clive: but he was very uneasy
regarding the internal state of Bengal; and
the last months of his stay in India were devoted
to arrangements for securing its tranquillity.
The treasury of the Nabob had been exhausted
by the great sums he had paid as the price of
his elevation. His extravagance, that of his son,
and, above all, the maintenance of large bodies
of useless troops, aggravated his distress. The
slave of habit, and devoid of energy, Meer Jaffier
was incapable of remedying his condition,
which became daily more embarrassing. The
conduct of his son, also, alarmed him; and from
his communications to Mr. Hastings, it evidently
appeared that he sometimes thought the impatient
ambition of Meeran would lead him to
accelerate, by an act of violence, the hour of his
succession. Yet, notwithstanding the urgent
advice of Clive[#], he would neither diminish the
.pn +1 // 108.png
.bn 108.png
troops of his son, nor cease to employ him in
situations which were calculated to increase his
influence, and add to his power. The Nabob
disliked the superiority and influence of Clive,
but he certainly was personally attached to him.[#]
He regarded him with the same dread and apprehension
which a wayward scholar bears his
preceptor. Though he feared his anger, he had
complete reliance on his justice and good faith,
and from habit looked to him with hopes of every
consideration that was possible for his errors
and weakness. With such sentiments, he was
alarmed at the near prospect of Clive's departure;
and his feeling affords strong presumptive
.pn +1 // 109.png
.bn 109.png
proof, that, into whatever intrigues or plots Jaffier
had been hurried or led, he could not, at
this period, have deliberately contemplated any
plan of hostility against the English power. If
he had harboured any such scheme, it is quite
evident that Clive's quitting the scene was the
only event that could give it the least prospect
of success.
The chief cause which alarmed Meer Jaffier
and other natives of rank at the intended departure
of Clive was the fear of his successor
not exercising the same authority in checking
and controlling the subordinate officers of their
government. They feared, and with reason,
that spirit of contemptuous superiority, which
the extraordinary and sudden rise of the English
in Bengal had engendered among many of the
Europeans in the service of the Company, and
still more the assumed influence and power of
the natives in their employment.
The Nabob and his chief managers had, notwithstanding
Clive's efforts, too great reason to
complain of the insolent pretensions and fraudulent
practices of Gomastahs (or agents) employed
by the gentlemen in office at Calcutta, and in
different parts of the country. Many of Clive's
public and private letters convey his sentiments
very strongly upon this subject; and from one
of them we learn, that he had punished most severely
.pn +1 // 110.png
.bn 110.png
a native in his own service, for using his
name as a sanction to some abuses. This afforded
him an opportunity, of which he availed
himself, of stating to the Committee of Fort
William, the great importance of continued and
vigilant attention to a point, upon which the
temper and good feeling of their ally and his
principal subjects must so much depend.
The alarm at Clive's return to England was
not limited to the natives: all the first civil
servants, Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Holwell, Mr. Sykes,
Mr. Hastings, and many others, entreated him
to remain some time longer. Their sentiments
are nearly similar. I shall, therefore, content
myself with stating those reasons which Mr.
Hastings brought forward in support of his arguments
on this subject.
"I own," Mr. Hastings observes[#], "with great
concern I learnt that your resolution is fixed to
return this season to Europe. The disinterested
regard which, without fearing the imputation
of flattery, I may declare you have ever shown
for the Company's welfare, convinces me, that
you would not have determined upon this step,
were it in the least respect inconsistent with
that principle. Yet permit me, Sir, upon this
.pn +1 // 111.png
.bn 111.png
occasion, to lay before you such consequences
as, from my little experience of the Durbar
affairs, I apprehend may attend your absence.
"I am, and always have been, of opinion,
that the Nabob is, both by interest and inclination,
heartily attached to the English; but I
think it as certain that the people about him,
especially his Muttaseddies[#] and the Seits, who
are evidently great sufferers by the large acquisitions
of power which the English have
obtained in this Government, would gladly use
every possible means to alienate his affections
from us. At present, the personal obligations
which he confessedly lies under to you are sufficient
to intimidate them from any open attempts
against us; but as your absence will
encourage these people to throw off the mask,
and the Nabob is but of an irresolute and unsettled
temper, I don't think it possible that he
can hold out against the united influence of so
many evil counsellors, as will be perpetually
instilling into his mind the necessity of reducing
the English power. I am the more apprehensive
of their success, from the expressions which
he has frequently made use of, before the late
attempt of the Shah-Zada, intimating that he
.pn +1 // 112.png
.bn 112.png
knew nobody amongst the English but yourself
to whom he had any obligations, and that nothing
but his friendship for you restrained him
from retaliating the many insults which he pretended
to have received from the English.
"As there is nobody to succeed you with the
same influence, and other advantages which you
possess, nothing but a large military force will
secure our privileges from being encroached
upon, as soon as you quit the country; not to
mention the dangers we are threatened with
from our natural enemies the French, which, by
your resignation of the service, will be doubled
upon us, and in which it is very probable the
Nabob will stand neuter. I believe I mentioned
to you already, that, in conversation with
one of the Nabob's principal confidants, a day
or two before I went down to Calcutta, he inadvertently
dropped, that the French had made
some overtures towards an accommodation with
the Nabob through his means, and seemed, by
his discourse, to wish that it might be brought
about; but whether he spoke his own sentiments
only, or the Nabob's, I could not judge,
as he would not explain himself further upon
the subject. This much, indeed, he added,
that the proposal was at that time rejected. I
do not advance this as an argument that the
Nabob is inclinable to favour the French; but
.pn +1 // 113.png
.bn 113.png
I think it would not be difficult to persuade him,
that it would be for his interest to suffer the
French to come into his country again, both
for the increase of his revenues (a very prevailing
argument) and to balance the power of
the English; and with regard to his engagement
by the treaty to succour the English
against their enemies; I don't apprehend it
will be any further binding, than as it is for his
advantage to abide by it.
"Of the great consequence which a junction
of the country forces would prove to us in case
of an invasion from the French, I would not
presume to say any thing in an address to you.
If the French attempt any thing against Bengal
before your departure, I think I can answer for
the Nabob's readiness to assist you against them;
but that he will exert himself as zealously in our
favour when you are gone, I greatly doubt.
"I know not in what light you may regard
the proposal lately made from Delhi, or whether
the consideration of the further advantages that
may result from a nearer connection with that
Court (in which your intervention appears of
indispensable necessity) deserve to be thrown
into the scale; though I must own it is my
opinion, that nothing can contribute so much
to establish the power of the English in this
country on the most solid and lasting foundation
.pn +1 // 114.png
.bn 114.png
as an interest properly established at that
Court.
"Such other arguments as might be produced
for the necessity of your stay, till affairs are a
little more settled in this country, not coming
properly under my province, I shall pass over;
nor should I have troubled you with so much
on this subject, but that, as these reflections
have been suggested to me by my particular employ
at the Durbar, I thought they might not
so readily occur to, or carry the same weight
with, any other person; to which I may add,
that, as I have in common with the whole settlement
an interest in your stay amongst us, I have
a particular one from the difficulties which I well
foresee will attend me in my present situation, as
soon as I lose your influence."
Clive's correspondence at this period contains
the fullest evidence, that, independently of other
motives, one great object of his return to England
was the hope of being able, by his personal
representations and influence, to obtain the
adoption of measures which he thought calculated
to preserve India. He desired to obtain
for the Governors of the three Presidencies
commissions from his Majesty as Major-Generals,
in order that their superior rank might put
an end to the pretensions and independent
.pn +1 // 115.png
.bn 115.png
powers of his Majesty's officers, which had been
found, on some occasions, seriously to impede
and injure the public service. He was also
anxious, as he stated in several letters, to arrive
in England before peace was concluded with
France.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart upon these subjects,
he observes[#], "All things considered, my design
is to get with the utmost expedition to England.
Supposing I set out in January, I may
arrive the beginning of May; and an answer to
my proposals may come to hand the end of the
same year. My intention is to get you fixt in
this government, and to have Forde and Caillaud
at the head of the military; and, if possible,
to prevail on the Directors" (for it entirely depends
upon them) "to apply to his Majesty
for commissions of Major-Generals for the Governors,
for the time being, of the three Presidencies.
If my interest prevails, I flatter myself
I shall have rendered the Company more service
by my return to England than by my stay in
Bengal. If a peace should be on the tapis, I
may be of some use likewise; for convinced I
am the Directors are not masters sufficiently of
.pn +1 // 116.png
.bn 116.png
the subject, and will probably conclude a peace
in Europe, which cannot possibly be abided by
in the East Indies."
I shall, hereafter, have occasion to show the
correctness of his conjectures, with respect to the
benefit which might be derived from his presence
in England on the expected occurrence of a peace
with France.
To understand the causes of the contradictory
orders from England, which weakened and distracted
the governments in India, it will be necessary
to take a short view of the actual state of
the Court of Directors, and of that of the proprietors
at this period.
Mr. Payne was Chairman, and at the head of the
majority by whom the government of rotation was
first appointed. To judge from the facts before
us, and, indeed, from his published narratives,
we should believe Mr. Holwell to have been the
person who first suggested this expedient. He
had proceeded to England soon after he was released
by Suraj-u-Dowlah; and his claims and
sufferings appear to have made a considerable
impression upon many of the Directors. Still he
was too young a servant to be nominated governor;
but the plan of the rotation government
gave him a share of that dignity which he could
not hope to hold alone; and he himself informs us,
that the Directors, after protracted discussions
.pn +1 // 117.png
.bn 117.png
upon this subject, agreed unanimously[#] in the
scheme of vesting the government of Bengal in
four of their servants, Messrs. Watts, Manningham,
Becher, and Holwell; but this resolution,
as stated at the period, was only intended as a
temporary measure.
A general reform of the settlement of Fort
William was subsequently taken into consideration,
and a plan was adjusted at various meetings,
at which none were present but the two
Chairmen, the Secretary, and Mr. Holwell.[#]
About this period, violent opposition arose to
the Chairman and his friends, headed by his
deputy Mr. Lawrence Sulivan, Mr. Stephen
Law, and several men of talent. This party
were indefatigable in their exertions; and, although
they were a minority in the Court of
Directors, they had great influence with the
Proprietors. They early declared themselves
decidedly hostile to the continuance of the rotation
government; and when the accounts of
Clive's successes led to his nomination, Mr. Sulivan
proposed that a resolution should be added,
to the following effect:—
"That the important changes in their affairs
in Bengal, made the expedient of the rotation
.pn +1 // 118.png
.bn 118.png
no longer needful, but that Mr. Watts should be
appointed to succeed the Colonel."
After a debate on this question, in which the
opposing parties were very violent, Colonel Clive
was nominated, but to be succeeded, on leaving
India, by the rotation government; and the
proposed reforms in the government of Fort
William were directed to be carried into execution.
The minority, undismayed by their defeat,
had recourse to the General Court, and carried
by their influence the proposition,—
"That the rotation of four should be abolished,
and the government of Bengal be conducted
by a single Governor and Council as
heretofore."
The Court of Proprietors, at the same time
that it came to this resolution, declared it had
no intention of interfering with the appointment
of the Governor and Council, which belonged
wholly to the Court of Directors; in which this
subject gave rise to further discussions. The
names of Mr. Watts and Mr. Holwell were
brought forward as successors to Clive; and the
majority being in favour of the latter, he was
elected. This choice was no sooner made than
the Chairman read a letter he had previously
received from Mr. Holwell, requesting, should
he be elected, to decline the station in favour of
Mr. Manningham, who was (he stated) senior,
.pn +1 // 119.png
.bn 119.png
and whose claims were so great, that, if he were
superseded, he would in all likelihood retire;
and his loss would be seriously injurious to the
public service.
Those who opposed Mr. Holwell's elevation
gave him little credit for this display of self-denial.
It was certain, they alleged, that Mr.
Manningham was on the eve of his return to
England, and that Mr. Holwell, if appointed his
successor, would have both the station, and the
merit of having waived his own pretensions in
favour of a much older and more deserving
public servant. Whatever were his motives, his
suggestion was attended to. Mr. Manningham
was (in the event of Clive's leaving India) nominated
Governor; and Mr. Holwell and Mr.
Becher were appointed to be, in their turn, his
successors. Affairs continued in this state until
the general election of Directors in April, 1758,
when the minority brought forward a list of
Directors in opposition to that of the majority,
or house-list. A violent contest arose, but the
ballot terminated in favour of the late minority;
whose friends in the new direction outnumbered
their opponents. From this date, Mr. Sulivan,
who became Chairman, acquired an influence
and power in the India House which he long
maintained. He was, at this period, greatly indebted
to Clive, who gave him all his support,
.pn +1 // 120.png
.bn 120.png
believing him, from his talents and his former
residence in India, more fitted than any of his
competitors for the management of the affairs of
the Company.
Writing to Mr. S. Law[#] on this subject, he
observes:—
"It has given me much pleasure to hear Mr.
Sulivan is at the head of the Direction. Much
more may be expected from one who has laid
the foundation of his knowledge in India, than
from those who have no experience but what
they have pick't up in the city of London."
Clive, writing to Mr. Smyth King[#], ascribes
the fall of Mr. Payne's party to their "endeavours
to keep up that absurd system (as he
justly terms it) of the rotation;" and in the
same letter he says, "I have to request you will
support Mr. Sulivan as far as your interest goes;
he shall have all mine, because I am persuaded
his endeavours are used for the good of the
service."
In almost all his letters[#] of this period to his
.pn +1 // 121.png
.bn 121.png
friends in England, he urges the same request,
and upon the same grounds. He could, at
this time, have little anticipation, that he was
strengthening the man, who was hereafter to
prove the most violent and powerful of all the
assailants of his fame and fortune.
When Mr. Sulivan had gained the ascendancy,
his first measure was to stop the vessels under despatch,
and to change the commission of Government,
and indeed to annul all the appointments of
his predecessor. Colonel Clive was re-appointed
Governor; Mr. Watts second and successor; after
him, Major Kilpatrick and nine other members
of Council, who were to succeed according to
their seniority. Mr. Holwell was no more than
fifth on this list; but, by death and the departure
for England of those above him, he became,
when Clive left India, the person to succeed
him.
The Directors, in the contests and changes
which have been described, were believed to be
as much (if not more) governed by personal attachments
and resentments, as by considerations
of duty. The public clamour was loud against
them; and when, after stopping the ships, they
.pn +1 // 122.png
.bn 122.png
applied for convoy, Lord Anson (then at the
head of the Admiralty) told them[#], "that in
place of labouring for the interest of the Company
and the nation, their sole aim seemed to be
gratifying their private resentments, distressing
His Majesty's service, and embroiling their constituents'
affairs."
The mind of Clive was naturally much occupied
in devising the best means of preserving to
his country the valuable possessions in India
which he had been so greatly instrumental in
acquiring. After what has been stated of the
conduct of the Court of Directors, it is not surprising
that he should have come to a conclusion,
that the India Government in England, in
its actual condition, was incompetent to the large
and increasing duties which it had to perform.
With regard to Bengal, while he saw no stability
in the administration of Meer Jaffier, a vision of
its future greatness was before him; and he submitted
his thoughts upon this subject in a letter
to Mr. Pitt, whom alone, among the Ministers of
England, he considered competent to comprehend
all the points and interests of this important
question. The following is his letter to
that great statesman:—
.pn +1 // 123.png
.bn 123.png
.ce
"To the Right Hon. William Pitt,
.ce
"One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.
.in 5
.in +2
"Sir,
"Suffer an admirer of yours at this distance to
congratulate himself on the glory and advantage
which are likely to accrue to the nation by your
being at its head, and at the same to return his
most grateful thanks for the distinguished manner
you have been pleased to speak of his successes
in these parts, far indeed beyond his deservings.
"The close attention you bestow on the affairs
of the British nation in general has induced me
to trouble you with a few particulars relative to
India, and to lay before you an exact account of
the revenues of this country, the genuineness
whereof you may depend upon, as it has been
faithfully extracted from the Minister's books.
"The great revolution that has been effected
here by the success of the English arms, and the
vast advantages gained to the Company by a
treaty concluded in consequence thereof, have,
I observe, in some measure, engaged the public
attention; but much more may yet in time be
done, if the Company will exert themselves in
the manner the importance of their present
possessions and future prospects deserves. I
have represented to them in the strongest terms
the expediency of sending out and keeping up
.pn +1 // 124.png
.bn 124.png
constantly such a force as will enable them to
embrace the first opportunity of further aggrandising
themselves; and I dare pronounce, from
a thorough knowledge of this country government[#],
and of the genius of the people, acquired
by two years' application and experience,
that such an opportunity will soon offer. The
reigning Subah, whom the victory at Plassey invested
with the sovereignty of these provinces,
still, it is true, retains his attachment to us, and
probably, while he has no other support, will continue
to do so; but Musselmans are so little influenced
by gratitude, that should he ever think
it his interest to break with us, the obligations
he owes us would prove no restraint: and this is
very evident from his having lately removed his
Prime Minister, and cut off two or three principal
officers, all attached to our interest, and who
had a share in his elevation. Moreover, he is
advanced in years; and his son is so cruel, worthless
a young fellow, and so apparently an enemy
to the English, that it will be almost unsafe trusting
him with the succession. So small a body as
two thousand Europeans will secure us against
any apprehensions from either the one or the
other; and, in case of their daring to be troublesome,
.pn +1 // 125.png
.bn 125.png
enable the Company to take the sovereignty
upon themselves.
"There will be the less difficulty in bringing
about such an event, as the natives themselves
have no attachment whatever to particular
princes; and as, under the present Government,
they have no security for their lives or properties,
they would rejoice in so happy an exchange
as that of a mild for a despotic Government: and
there is little room to doubt our easily obtaining
the Moghul's sunnud (or grant) in confirmation
thereof, provided we agreed to pay him the stipulated
allotment out of the revenues, viz. fifty
lacs annually. This has, of late years, been very
ill-paid, owing to the distractions in the heart of
the Moghul Empire, which have disabled that
court from attending to their concerns in the
distant provinces: and the Vizier has actually
wrote to me, desiring I would engage the
Nabob to make the payments agreeable to the
former usage; nay, further: application has been
made to me from the Court of Delhi, to take
charge of collecting this payment, the person
entrusted with which is styled the King's Dewan,
and is the next person both in dignity and
power to the Subah. But this high office I have
been obliged to decline for the present, as I am
unwilling to occasion any jealousy on the part of
the Subah; especially as I see no likelihood of
.pn +1 // 126.png
.bn 126.png
the Company's providing us with a sufficient force
to support properly so considerable an employ, and
which would open a way for securing the Subahship
to ourselves. That this would be agreeable
to the Moghul can hardly be questioned, as it
would be so much to his interest to have these
countries under the dominion of a nation famed
for their good faith, rather than in the hands of
people who, a long experience has convinced
him, never will pay him his proportion of the
revenues, unless awed into it by the fear of the
Imperial army marching to force them thereto.
"But so large a sovereignty may possibly be
an object too extensive for a mercantile Company;
and it is to be feared they are not of themselves
able, without the nation's assistance, to
maintain so wide a dominion. I have therefore
presumed, Sir, to represent this matter to you,
and submit it to your consideration, whether the
execution of a design, that may hereafter be still
carried to greater lengths, be worthy of the
Government's taking it into hand. I flatter myself
I have made it pretty clear to you, that
there will be little or no difficulty in obtaining the
absolute possession of these rich kingdoms; and
that with the Moghul's own consent, on condition
of paying him less than a fifth of the revenues
thereof. Now I leave you to judge,
whether an income yearly of upwards of two
.pn +1 // 127.png
.bn 127.png
millions sterling, with the possession of three
provinces abounding in the most valuable productions
of nature and of art, be an object deserving
the public attention; and whether it be
worth the nation's while to take the proper measures
to secure such an acquisition,—an acquisition
which, under the management of so able
and disinterested a minister, would prove a
source of immense wealth to the kingdom, and
might in time be appropriated in part as a fund
towards diminishing the heavy load of debt under
which we at present labour. Add to these
advantages the influence we shall thereby acquire
over the several European nations engaged in
the commerce here, which these could no longer
carry on but through our indulgence, and under
such limitations as we should think fit to prescribe.
It is well worthy consideration, that this project
may be brought about without draining the
mother country, as has been too much the case
with our possessions in America. A small force
from home will be sufficient, as we always make
sure of any number we please of black troops,
who, being both much better paid and treated
by us than by the country powers, will very
readily enter into our service. Mr. Walsh, who
will have the honour of delivering you this,
having been my Secretary during the late fortunate
expedition, is a thorough master of the
.pn +1 // 128.png
.bn 128.png
subject, and will be able to explain to you the
whole design, and the facility with which it may
be executed, much more to your satisfaction, and
with greater perspicuity, than can possibly be
done in a letter. I shall therefore only further
remark, that I have communicated it to no other
person but yourself; nor should I have troubled
you, Sir, but from a conviction that you will give
a favourable reception to any proposal intended
for the public good.
"The greatest part of the troops belonging
to this establishment are now employed in an
expedition against the French in the Deckan;
and, by the accounts lately received from thence,
I have great hopes we shall succeed in extirpating
them from the province of Golconda, where
they have reigned lords paramount so long, and
from whence they have drawn their principal resources
during the troubles upon the coast.
"Notwithstanding the extraordinary effort
made by the French in sending out M. Lally
with a considerable force the last year, I am
confident, before the end of this, they will be
near their last gasp in the Carnatic[#], unless
some very unforeseen event interpose in their
favour. The superiority of our squadron, and
.pn +1 // 129.png
.bn 129.png
the plenty of money and supplies of all kinds
which our friends on the coast will be furnished
with from this province, while the enemy are in
total want of every thing, without any visible
means of redress, are such advantages as, if properly
attended to, cannot fail of wholly effecting
their ruin in that as well as in every other part of
India.
"May the zeal and the vigorous measures,
projected for the service of the nation, which
have so eminently distinguished your ministry,
be crowned with all the success they deserve, is
the most fervent wish of him who is, with the
greatest respect,
.ti 4
"Sir,
.ti 2
"Your most devoted humble servant,
.ti 6
(Signed) "Rob^t. Clive.
.ti 2
"Calcutta,
.in 0
"7th January, 1759."
The reader will, no doubt, be curious to learn
Mr. Pitt's sentiments on this very remarkable
letter, and fortunately the means are preserved
of gratifying so natural a curiosity. Mr. Walsh,
by whom the letter was sent, on the 26th of
November, 1759, gives Clive an account of his
interview with Mr. Pitt. That great minister,
while he acknowledged the practicability of the
plan, was aware of the difficulties that attended its
.pn +1 // 130.png
.bn 130.png
principle and details. "It was not till six days
ago that I had admittance to Mr. Pitt. He had
made one or two appointments, but was obliged
by business to postpone them, for certainly he
has an infinite deal on his hands. He received me with the utmost
politeness, and we had a tête-à-tête
for an hour and a quarter, of which I will
endeavour to sum up the particulars. He began
by mentioning how much he was obliged to you,
for the marks you had given him of your friendship;
and then began on the subject of your
letter. I said I was apprehensive, from my not
having had the honour to speak with him before,
that he looked upon the affair as chimerical: he
assured me, not at all, but very practicable; but
that it was of a very nice nature. He mentioned
the Company's charter not expiring these twenty
years; that upon some late transactions it had
been inquired into, whether the Company's
conquests and acquisitions belonged to them or
the Crown, and the Judges seemed to think to
the Company. He spoke this matter a little
darkly, and I cannot write upon it with precision:
he said the Company were not proper to
have it, nor the Crown, for such a revenue
would endanger our liberties; and that you had
shown your good sense by the application of it
to the public. He said the difficulty of effecting
the affair was not great, under such a genius
.pn +1 // 131.png
.bn 131.png
as Colonel Clive; but the sustaining it was the
point: it was not probable he would be succeeded
by persons equal to the task. He asked how
long you proposed continuing there; that by
your letter he might conclude you intended to
carry the business into execution. I answered
that no one's zeal for the public service was
greater than yours; but that I believed your ill
health would oblige you to return shortly. I
then mentioned Van's abilities, and that he was
upon the point of being made Governor of
Bengal. I observed to him that it was necessary
for him to determine whether it was an object
for the Company or the State; for I was persuaded,
that, if the State neglected it, the Company,
in process of time, would secure it; that
they would even find themselves under a necessity
to do it for their greater quiet and safety,
exclusive of gain. He seemed to weigh that; but,
as far as I could judge by what passed then, it will
be left to the Company to do what they please.
"I took an opportunity of mentioning that
the French seemed to direct their views greatly
towards India; spoke of Dupleix's designs,
Bussy's letter, and Lally's armament, which, happily
for us, had melted away to nothing, but
that in time of peace, if not somehow restrained,
they would certainly pour men into India, and
be formidable in after times. He asked me
.pn +1 // 132.png
.bn 132.png
about Mauritius; whether the reduction of that
would not be laying the axe to the root, and
how far it was practicable. I gave him what information
I was capable of on the subject, and
referred him, for further, to Speke, who I said
was a clever officer, and, I believed, had revolved
the matter in his breast for some time past. Before
parting, he hinted to me a supply for this
season of four men-of-war, and a thousand men:
these generally are granted pretty late, and we
must imagine they will be so this season, as an
invasion has been seriously thought of, and
we are still doubtful as to the destination of
Brest fleet. I don't recollect any thing further,
of any consequence, that passed in our conversation.
I might, indeed, acquaint you, that he
asked very particularly if I had any thoughts of
returning to India."
The line of policy which subsequently marked
our progress in India, is strongly depicted in this
conversation. Mr. Pitt saw, in their infancy, the
difficulties which have so long prevented the
final settlement of that country; and Mr. Walsh,
tutored in the school of Clive, already clearly
discovered the future inevitable extension of our
dominions and power.
Clive's letter was written a twelvemonth before
he left Calcutta. Neither the events in India,
nor those in England, were calculated to alter
.pn +1 // 133.png
.bn 133.png
the sentiments it contained, regarding the necessity
for the interference of the legislature of
Great Britain in the administration of the interests
of the nation in India. The despatches
received from the Directors immediately before
he resigned the Government, appear to have
excited equal disgust in his mind, and in the
minds of his ablest colleagues; and in the concluding
paragraphs of a general letter to the
Directors, the Bengal Government expressed
their sentiments with a freedom, which, though
becoming their high sense of the duty which they
owed to themselves and to their country, was
but little suited to the temper or constitution of
their superiors.
The following are the observations made in
this letter upon the conduct of the Court of
Directors.
.in 5
.ti +2
"Having fully spoken to every branch of
your affairs at this Presidency, under their established
heads, we cannot, consistently with the
real anxiety we feel for the future welfare of
that respectable body, for whom you and we are
in trust, close this address without expostulating
with freedom on the unprovoked and general
asperity of your letter per the Prince Henry
Packet. Our sentiments on this head will, we
doubt not, acquire additional weight, from the
consideration of their being subscribed by a
.pn +1 // 134.png
.bn 134.png
majority of your Council; who are at this very
period quitting your service, and consequently
independent and disinterested. Permit us to say,
that the diction of your letter is most unworthy
yourselves and us, in whatever relation considered,
either as masters to servants, or gentlemen
to gentlemen. Mere inadvertencies and
casual neglects arising from an unavoidable and
most complicated confusion in the state of your
affairs, have been treated in such language and
sentiments, as nothing but the most glaring and
premeditated faults could warrant. Groundless
informations have, without further scrutiny,
borne with you the stamp of truth, though proceeding
from those who had therein obviously
their own purpose to serve, no matter at whose
expense. These have received from you such
countenance and encouragement, as must assuredly
tend to cool the warmest zeal of your
servants here, and every where else, as they will
appear to have been only the source of general
reflections thrown out at random against your
faithful servants of this Presidency, in various
parts of your letter now before us—faithful to
little purpose, if the breath of scandal, joined to
private pique or private and personal attachments,
have power to blow away in one hour
the merits of many years' services, and deprive
them of that rank and those rising benefits which
.pn +1 // 135.png
.bn 135.png
are justly a spur to their integrity and application.
The little attention shown to these considerations,
in the indiscriminate favours heaped
on some individuals, and undeserved censures
on others, will, we apprehend, lessen that spirit
of zeal so very essential to the well-being of your
affairs, and consequently, in the end, if continued,
prove the destruction of them. Private
views may, it is much to be feared, take the lead
here, from examples at home, and no gentlemen
hold your service longer, nor exert themselves
further in it, than their own exigencies require.
This being the real state of your service, it becomes
strictly our duty to represent it in the
strongest light."[#]
.in 0
This despatch was signed by Clive, and
by Messrs. Holwell, Playdell, Sumner, and
M'Guire, Members of Council. I shall only so
far anticipate the narrative as to state, that it excited
the utmost indignation and violence at the
India House.[#]
.pn +1 // 136.png
.bn 136.png
The Directors had immediate recourse to the
extreme measure of removing and commanding
to be sent to England, the four gentlemen who
had joined Clive in this strong remonstrance.
This vindication of their authority, which they
deemed necessary to prevent the further diffusion
of the contagion of disrespect and insubordination
among their servants, was attended
with the most unhappy results. It deprived the
public, at a critical period, of the aid of some of
the most moderate and experienced of the civil
servants in Bengal, and promoted to high stations
others of a very opposite character: and
there can be no doubt, the result of these
changes was the massacre at Patna, one of the
most shocking catastrophes to be found on the
page of the History of British India.
.pn +1 // 137.png
.bn 137.png
Clive was at no pains to conceal the sentiments
which the conduct of the Court of Directors
had excited in his mind. In his answer to
an address from the European inhabitants of
Calcutta, he observes:—
"I am so thoroughly sensible, Gentlemen, of
this testimony of your approbation of my conduct,
that though the ill-treatment I received
from the Court of Directors in their last general
letter, has fully determined me in throwing up
the service, yet I could waive all personal considerations,
and without hesitation comply with
your request, did the state of your affairs really
require my making such a sacrifice to you. But
the additional credit you have gained throughout
the country by your late success over the
Dutch, the arrival of Major Caillaud, with the
reinforcement from Madras, and the approach of
the detachment lately commanded by Colonel
Forde, which you now shortly expect, ensure
you from the least shadow of danger for some
time to come. In the interim, proper measures
may be taken at home for the better security of
this valuable settlement, to promote which, you
may depend upon my exerting my utmost interests;
and I may perhaps be able to serve you
more effectually than by my continuing here."
Mr. Amyatt, the Chief of Patna, had written
to Clive, expressing his fear for the continued
.pn +1 // 138.png
.bn 138.png
tranquillity of the country. Clive, in his answer[#],
observes, "Your reflections on the situation of
affairs in general are very just. I make no
doubt but the troubles will begin again in the
North. The Nabob will be here in a few days,
and I shall advise him to take the field, the instant
the weather will permit. He will have a party
of our troops with him, and, if it should be necessary,
I will accompany him myself. 'Venienti
occurrite morbo,' is the advice given by all physicians;
and if the Nabob settles the Purneah
country, and then marches to the pass of Terriagully,
the evil-minded will be overawed, and
probably your province of Bahar may remain
quiet and in peace."
The arrival of the Dutch armament, while it
prevented the proposed march of the Nabob,
gave encouragement to the Shah-Zada to repeat
his invasion of Bahar. Clive received advices
of his movement in January, 1760, when at
Moorshedabad on a farewell visit to the Nabob;
but he appears to have had no alarm for the result,
as Major Caillaud (whom the Madras Government
had at his request sent to command in
Bengal) had arrived with a considerable reinforcement
of troops, and Colonel Forde's detachment
was daily expected. Besides being
.pn +1 // 139.png
.bn 139.png
confident in the Commander, and in the number
and quality of the troops, Clive had every reliance
upon Ram Narrain; whose fidelity, however,
he thought it proper on this occasion to
fortify, by repeating his solemn assurances of
protection.
"You will deliver the inclosed" (he writes[#]
to Mr. Amyatt), "which is an encouraging
letter to Ram Narrain; and at the same time
assure him yourself from me, that he may depend
upon my taking care of his interests; and
that I will recommend him in so strong a manner
to the protection of Major Caillaud, who has
now the command of the English forces, that he
may look upon himself as safe from any danger
as if I myself were at their head.
"Our forces move to Ghyreebaug to-morrow;
and in a few days, I hope, will proceed as far as
Rajamahul at least, and further, should it be
found necessary. There has been some dispute,
between the father and son, who should go upon
this expedition. I have thought it necessary to
come to the city to adjust this affair amicably,
and I believe the old man will make the campaign
himself.
"The force with the Shah-Zada is so inconsiderable,
that you can have nothing to fear
.pn +1 // 140.png
.bn 140.png
from him in your parts; and Ram Narrain's
troops with our detachment is an overmatch, I
am well persuaded, for any number the unfortunate
Prince can bring into the field."
Clive's instructions to Major Caillaud are short,
but decisive, as to his opinion that no serious
danger was to be apprehended. "I have this
morning" (he writes[#]) "received advice by a
letter of Ram Narrain to the Nabob; that Suraj-u-Dowlah
was preparing to enter these provinces
in support of the Shah-Zada. I have, therefore,
ordered two hundred men, in addition to the reinforcement
this day despatched to you, to be in
readiness to proceed after you. When these
have joined you, with the troops you already
have, proceed with all expedition in conjunction
with the Ch[)u]ta[#] Nabob, settle matters with the
Purneah Nabob, and then endeavour to come up
with the Shah-Zada before his party have gained
head, and before Suraj-u-Dowlah, should he
really have such intentions, can join him. If
you meet with the Prince, I am persuaded you
will give a good account of him; and that the
check he will receive will deter others from
making any incursions into the Nabob's dominions."
Clive returned from Moorshedabad, and after
.pn +1 // 141.png
.bn 141.png
remaining a few weeks at Calcutta, he embarked
for England. He was succeeded by Mr. Holwell,
who, however, was soon superseded by Mr.
Vansittart, (a member of the Council at Fort
St. George,) with whom Clive had long been in
terms of intimate friendship, and of whose integrity
and abilities he had so high an opinion,
that he earnestly recommended the Directors to
appoint him to the government of Bengal. Mr.
Vansittart states in several letters from Madras,
that all his expectations of attaining that station
rested on Clive, whose solicitude on this point
appears to have been very great.
"I am preparing for you," (he observes in a
letter to Mr. Vansittart[#],) "many papers and
accounts, which will give you some insight into
the affairs of this province, and of our great consequence
at this juncture in Hindustan. As I
have fixed upon you for this Government, it is
necessary you should know how glorious a government
it may prove for you and the Company.
I hope to God, my interest in England will not
fail me. I tremble when I think of the fatal
consequences of such a mercenary man as * * *.
"The expected reinforcements," (Clive adds)
"will in my opinion put Bengal out of all danger
but that of venality and corruption."
.pn +1 // 142.png
.bn 142.png
I have before noticed Clive's exertions in
favour of Mr. Sulivan. In one of his letters to
that Gentleman, he congratulates him upon his
becoming a Director, and assures him he will give
him all his interest, "Because," (he observes) "I
was always of opinion the Company's affairs could
never be carried on to advantage, but under the
management of one of those gentlemen who
brought home with them a just knowledge of
India, acquired by many years' experience."
In the same letter, Clive gives his opinion as
to the future importance of Bengal, and the
measures best calculated to secure the greatest
benefits from that rich country. He also expresses
his sentiments in the freest manner, as
to the character of the public servants best qualified
to fill high stations in India. I cannot refrain
from quoting the concluding paragraphs of
this able letter.
"As the Company's privileges," (he observes,)
"have been greatly extended, so ought their
views also; to conduct and carry on the affairs
of Bengal to advantage, not only requires servants
of ability, but many of them.
"Mr. Watts, I think, has not had that justice
done to his merit which his services at Moorshedabad,
and since, have deserved; therefore I
cannot blame him for resigning. It was with
much difficulty I prevailed upon Messrs. Manningham
.pn +1 // 143.png
.bn 143.png
and Frankland to give me their assistance
another year. They may, I believe, be
prevailed upon to stay still longer.
"Mr. * * * * has talents, but I fear wants
a heart, therefore unfit to preside where integrity
as well as capacity are equally essential. Those
who are more immediately to supply the vacant
seats of this Board I dare not recommend to you,
(Mr. Sumner excepted,) and I think it a duty
I owe to my employers to call your remembrance
to Messrs. Vansittart and Dupré, two
gentlemen whose abilities and integrity would
do credit to any employ. The merit of the
former shines with so peculiar and bright a lustre,
as must make his services coveted by every well-wisher
to the Company; and they cannot shine
in my opinion to greater advantage than at the
Council Board of Calcutta. The Rev. Mr.
Palk, without regard to his cloth, was deemed
worthy of a seat in the Committee at Madras.
Mr. Fullerton is not less so, and may be of equal
utility in Bengal.
"There is not a gentleman on this side of the
Cape so well qualified to be your Major as Captain
Caillaud; it is hard to say, whether his
abilities or zeal for your service be greater. I
know not one so equal to the task of carrying on
a part or the whole of my designs, under the
direction of a President and Council, as that
.pn +1 // 144.png
.bn 144.png
gentleman. If any accident should happen to
him, or he should choose to remain on the coast,
let me recommend as a fit person to succeed
him Captain Carnac; I have had an opportunity
of studying him, and can assure you he is
master of an excellent heart, and of talents, in
the military way, sufficient to do honour to his
employers. I believe this gentleman will be
recommended to you by Colonel Lawrence, and
other hands, which will serve to illustrate my
account of him.
"I can declare to you, Sir, with great truth
and sincerity, I have no other attachment to
particular persons than what their capacity of
serving the Company entitles them to. As I am
independent in my circumstances, so am I in my
affections, where the good of the service calls
upon me to be so; and I should never have given
Mr. Sulivan the trouble of reading this letter, if
I was not convinced he would look upon every
syllable of it as proceeding from the dictates of
a heart full of zeal and gratitude for the Company."
Mr. Sulivan had warmly congratulated Clive[#]
.pn +1 // 145.png
.bn 145.png
upon his successes in Bengal; and I have great
satisfaction in giving that gentleman's answer to
Clive's letter just quoted; first, as it proves the
congeniality of their views; and, secondly, as it
conveys, in the most unqualified manner, a full
approbation of Clive's conduct, as far as that was
within the knowledge of Mr. Sulivan, and that
gentleman could have been ignorant of no facts
of any importance, except, perhaps, the grant of
the Jaghire.
This letter is as follows:—
.in 5
.ti 4
"Sir,
"As there is a possibility you may still remain
at Calcutta to cherish and protect your own offspring,
which certainly had been sacrificed without
your presence, I shall just confess the receipt
of your friendly and confidential letter; and
every essential part is, or will be, carried into
execution. The many judicious reflections you
have made coincide with my own sentiments;
and Mr. Vansittart, so justly your favourite, will,
I hope, firmly establish this great and noble
settlement.
.pn +1 // 146.png
.bn 146.png
"By our last advices, your situation was
critical indeed; but I trust the same Providence
that has hitherto so wonderfully protected you,
has extricated you from that new labyrinth of
dangers.
"I cannot conclude without confessing myself
much obliged for your good opinion of my
disinterested intentions. The Company have
certainly a grateful sense of their obligations to
Colonel Clive, and I hope ever to be esteemed,
.in 0
.ti +6
"Sir,
.ti +4
"Your most obedient servant,
.ti +6
(Signed) "Law. Sulivan.
.ti +2
"To Col. Clive.
.in 0
"London, 7th Dec. 1759."
Clive, though he saw no immediate danger in
the actual state of affairs at the period of his
departure, indulged no hope of the continued
tranquillity of the country. It was his decided
opinion, that in India, peace could only be made
and preserved by our maintaining a strong and
commanding military force. All his sentiments
on this subject are summed up in the following
short paragraph of a private letter to Mr. Stephen
Law, one of the leading Directors.
"Peace," (he observes[#],) "is the most valuable
.pn +1 // 147.png
.bn 147.png
of all blessings; but it must be made sword
in hand in this country, if we mean to preserve
our possessions. There is no alternative; either
every thing in India must be reduced to their
first principles, or such a standing force kept up,
as may oblige the Musselmans literally to execute
their treaties."
Clive sailed from India on the 25th day of
February, 1760, rich both in fortune and in
fame, far beyond any European who had ever
visited that country. His departure was viewed
with regret by many, and with apprehension by
all who were interested in the prosperity of the
British nation. He left a blank that could not
be filled up. "It appeared," (to use the strong
and expressive language of a contemporary observer,)
"as if the soul was departing from the
body of the Government of Bengal."
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
.h3
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 10
// 073.png
.bn 073.png
.fn #
Letter to Clive, 29th July, 1759.
.fn-
.fn #
3d August, 1759.
.fn-
// 074.png
.bn 074.png
.fn #
The following is a translation of this letter:—
.ce
"To Mr. Robert Clive.
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"Sir,—As you have had the principal charge of the enterprise
against the late Nabob Suraj-u-Dowlah, we cannot
refrain from congratulating you upon your success. Wishing
that the arms of His Britannic Majesty may every where
prosper and be triumphant, and that your fame, Sir, may
become more and more renowned, we have the honour to be,
with much consideration, &c. &c.
"Chinsura, 30th June, 1757."
.in 0
.fn-
// 075.png
.bn 075.png
.fn #
M. Bisdom, the Dutch Governor of Chinsura, applied
to Clive on all occasions of embarrassment or difficulty; and
his applications appear, from the correspondence, to have been
always treated with respect and attention.
.fn-
.fn #
2d October, 1758.
.fn-
// 076.png
.bn 076.png
.fn #
Aliverdi Khan, the predecessor of Suraj-u-Dowlah.
.fn-
// 077.png
.bn 077.png
.fn #
We find in a letter from M. Bisdom to Colonel Clive, of
the 25th July, 1759, the following passage:—"Referring
to your last favour I cannot refrain from offering you my
grateful thanks on the subject of the saltpetre." It appears,
from a variety of documents, that Clive gave every facility
to the Dutch commerce in this as well as in other articles.
.fn-
// 078.png
.bn 078.png
.fn #
This paper is not dated; but, from a correction in the
rough copy, it appears to have been drawn up in November,
1759; and was, no doubt, transmitted to England at that
period.
.fn-
// 094.png
.bn 094.png
.fn #
This person is styled Fakker-u-Toojar (a title signifying
"Glory of Merchants") in the correspondence; but we continue
to call him Cajah Wazeed, the name by which he is
generally known.
.fn-
.fn #
4th August, 1759.
.fn-
.fn #
This letter is dated "Hooghley, Thursday evening;"
probably the 12th of November.
.fn-
// 095.png
.bn 095.png
.fn #
7th January, 1760.
.fn-
// 097.png
.bn 097.png
.fn #
Meeran, son of Jaffier Aly Caun.
.fn-
// 098.png
.bn 098.png
.fn #
Letter from Mr. Hastings, 23d November.
.fn-
// 099.png
.bn 099.png
.fn #
Clive states in his evidence before the House of Commons,
that the Nabob's horse were useful in pursuing the
fugitives, after Colonel Forde's victory.
.fn-
// 101.png
.bn 101.png
.fn #
When Clive wrote to M. Bisdom to warn him against
the danger to be feared from the advance of the Nabob's
army, he offered protection, in his own house, to Mrs. Bisdom,
and any ladies she might bring with her. I extract the
following remarks on this subject from a very minute official
account of the whole transaction:—"This kind proposal
of Colonel Clive was accepted in the manner it deserved;
and M. Bisdom's sensible and polite answer manifests his
having a suitable sense of the favour, and, at the same time,
expresses what was very true, that though, from the rank he
held, his name had been very freely used throughout the
whole of this transaction, yet his sentiments never went
along with it, but that he had always retained that respect
for the English nation, and that affection for his friends at
Calcutta, which a long acquaintance, and the exchange of
reciprocal good offices, had rendered equally sincere on both
sides."
.fn-
// 102.png
.bn 102.png
.fn #
M. Bisdom, in a letter to Clive, under date the 26th of
July, 1759, observes, "With regard to the money sent to
Batavia, I have no doubt it will be credited; but, as no
vessel has yet arrived, I can at present say no more. As to
the remittances to Europe, I must not conceal from you that
they are much displeased with the negotiation of the bills,
which they think unfavourable to our Company. I can,
nevertheless, assure you that your remittance will be paid
after the Company's sale. This has been stated to me by
an individual of power in the Company. This has been a
great mortification to me. I had flattered myself that the
transaction would have given equal satisfaction to both parties;
and it proves exactly the reverse, which really grieves
me. As soon as I hear from Batavia, I will write you."
.fn-
// 106.png
.bn 106.png
.fn #
The sunnud, as admiral, is dated the 26th of August,
1759; that constituting them governors of the castle, 4th of
September, and the assignment, the 18th of the same month.
.fn-
// 107.png
.bn 107.png
.fn #
Clive had, on many occasions, stated his sentiments very
freely to the Nabob, both in regard to the character of his
son, and the persons by whom that Prince was surrounded,
particularly his Dewan Rajah Bullub. The following extract
from a letter to Mr. Hastings, dated 21st of September,
// 108.png
.bn 108.png
1759, will show how decided he was in his opinions upon this
subject:—"What you write me," he observes, "about the
young Nabob, does not at all surprise me; it was what I
always expected. Meer Jaffier's days of folly are without
number, and he had, long before this, slept with his
ancestors, if the dread of our power and resentment had not
been his only security. Sooner or later, I am persuaded, that
worthless young dog will attempt his father's overthrow.
How often have I advised the old fool against putting too
much power into the hands of his nearest relations. Tell
him, from me, that Rajah Bullub is an aspiring, ambitious
villain; and, if he does not get him removed from his son's
presence, he will push him to some violent and unnatural
resolution."
.fn-
.fn #
The letters of Scrafton, Hastings, and Sykes, afford
abundant evidence to the truth of the fact, that Meer Jaffier
was personally attached to Clive.
.fn-
// 109.png
.bn 109.png
.fn #
Letter from Mr. Hastings to Clive, 17th of August,
1759.
.fn-
// 111.png
.bn 111.png
.fn #
Muttaseddie means a "clerk;" but the plural term, as
here employed, describes all the subordinate civil officers of
the government.
.fn-
//115.png
.bn 115.png
.fn #
This letter is dated the 20th of August, 1759. Clive
had written to Mr. Pigot a few days before upon the same
subject.
.fn-
// 117.png
.bn 117.png
.fn #
11th of November, 1757.
.fn-
.fn #
Holwell's Narrative, p. 156.
.fn-
// 120.png
.bn 120.png
.fn #
29th of December, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
Id.
.fn-
.fn #
The grounds of Clive's strong support of Mr. Sulivan
appear to have been entirely public. Among other friends,
he wrote (29th of December, 1758) to his agent, Mr. Belchier,
on this subject:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"As I have," he observes, "great designs in view for the
advantage of the Company, I must request you will give all
// 121.png
.bn 121.png
your interest, and that of your friends, in favour of Mr. Sulivan,
who, I am persuaded, will pursue vigorous measures,
now become absolutely necessary."
.in 0
.fn-
// 122.png
.bn 122.png
.fn #
Holwell's Narrative, p. 170.
.fn-
// 124.png
.bn 124.png
.fn #
The application is here limited to the government of
Bengal.
.fn-
// 128.png
.bn 128.png
.fn #
Clive's prediction of the result of affairs in the Carnatic
proved, as has been shown, true to the very letter.
.fn-
// 135.png
.bn 135.png
.fn #
Although, in point of composition, the despatches of the
Indian authorities, both at home and abroad, at this early
period of our political administration, will not bear comparison
with those of a later date, they exhibit a degree of simplicity
and plainness which is both interesting and amusing.
.fn-
.fn #
In the first general letter to the Governor in Council, at
Bengal, dated 21st of January, 1761, the Directors write,
"We have taken under our most serious consideration the
general letter from our late President and Council of Fort
// 136.png
.bn 136.png
William, dated 29th of December, 1759, and many paragraphs
therein contain gross insults upon, and indignities
offered to, the Court of Directors, tending to the subversion
of our authority over our servants, and a dissolution of all
order and good government in the Company's affairs. To
put an immediate stop, therefore, to this evil, we do positively
order and direct that, immediately upon receipt of this
letter, all those persons still remaining in the Company's
service, who signed the said letter,—viz. Messrs. John
Zephaniah Holwell, Charles Stafford Playdell, William Brightwell
Sumner, and William M'Guire,—be dismissed from the
Company's service; and you are to take care that they be
not permitted, on any consideration, to remain in India, but
that they are to be sent to England by the first ships which
return home the same season you receive this letter."
.fn-
// 138.png
.bn 138.png
.fn #
7th of September, 1759.
.fn-
// 139.png
.bn 139.png
.fn #
7th of January, 1760.
.fn-
// 140.png
.bn 140.png
.fn #
22d of January, 1760.
.fn-
.fn #
Meeran.
.fn-
// 141.png
.bn 141.png
.fn #
20th of October, 1759.
.fn-
// 144.png
.bn 144.png
.fn #
The letter of congratulation, from Mr. Sulivan, is dated
the 20th of February, 1758. The following are the concluding
paragraphs:—"If your health would allow of a stay
sufficient to fix the government of Calcutta (recovered and
infinitely extended by Col. Clive) on a solid and lasting basis,
the Company are deeply interested in their wishes that
//145.png
.bn 145.png
you would remain to cherish and establish this noble colony beyond the
reach of danger. But should your own preservation determine a return to
your native country, may you live to receive the personal thanks of your
employers, together with higher honours intended you."
.fn-
// 146.png
.bn 146.png
.fn #
29th of December, 1758.
.fn-
.if h
.dv-
.if-
.pn +1 // 148.png
.bn 148.png
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch11
CHAP. XI.
.sp 2
However important the public services of individuals
may be, however entitled to the notice
and gratitude of their country, their reputation
will lose much of its lustre, or receive additional
splendour, from the tenor of their conduct in the
different relations of private life. Speculative
men may argue, that, if a statesman by his wise
counsels, or a general by his military talents,
promote the interests and glory of his country,
it is of little consequence whether he is moral
and virtuous. But such a conclusion is unjust:
for men who attain distinction, by becoming objects
of imitation, do infinite good or harm in
the community to which they belong, by the influence
of their example. Few can hope to
emulate their higher qualities; but their failings
and imperfections are within the reach of every
one, and are copied by the lowest, in the belief
that they thereby approximate themselves to
him whom the public voice has raised to such
celebrity. This influence over society renders
such persons far more responsible than ordinary
men, for every action, and becomes therefore
.pn +1 // 149.png
.bn 149.png
one test by which public characters must be
tried. There is, indeed, no way in which we
can more satisfactorily confirm our opinion of
the superiority of an individual, than by accompanying
him into the walks of private life; for
we may be assured that no stronger proof of his
just title to pre-eminence can be obtained, than
his not being intoxicated with his own elevation,
and its effecting no alteration in his personal
habits, or in the ties of family or of friendship;
while, on the other hand, we may pronounce,
that he who does not contemplate unchanged
and undisturbed his own fame and fortune, is
deficient in that simplicity and strength of mind,
which are the most essential of all attributes in
the composition of a truly great character.
If there be justice in these remarks, the
general historian even should not lightly pass
over the incidents of the private life of those
eminent men whose public deeds it is his duty to
record; but with the biographer such facts are
of essential importance, not only as they develope
the character of the subject of his biography,
but as they establish or contradict the sincerity
and truth of the alleged motives and principles
of his public acts. I am very anxious to do
justice to this part of my task, which for the
sake of perspicuity I have separated from those
official details, which have hitherto occupied so
.pn +1 // 150.png
.bn 150.png
much of our attention. I can only hope the
reader will experience the same satisfaction that
I have had, in escaping for a time from the description
of battles, sieges, crimes, and intrigues,
to the less brilliant, though more pleasing subject
of domestic habits, and the formation and
maintenance of those ties of love and friendship
which form the bonds of human society.
I have already spoken of the youth of Clive.
In the review of his private life in this chapter
I shall limit myself to the period which elapsed
from his leaving England in 1756, until his return
to that country in 1760.
During his short visit to England in 1753,
Clive appears not only to have revived all his
family connections, but to have extended very
considerably the circle of his personal friends;
and on his return to India, we discover that he
numbered amongst his correspondents men of
the first rank in his native land. Many of his
private letters are addressed to Lord Barrington,
the Chancellor[#], the Archbishop of Canterbury,
and Mr. Henry Fox.
To the first of these noblemen, who was Secretary
at War, Clive, in a letter under date the
23d of February, 1757, acknowledges himself
under obligations for many marks of friendship,
.pn +1 // 151.png
.bn 151.png
and particularly for his aid "in the election of
Mitchell." To Mr. Henry Fox he owns himself
indebted for much kindness; and he emphatically
addresses him as the "patron and
protector of the East India Company." He
writes[#] to the Archbishop of Canterbury and
the Lord Chancellor in terms which show that
he had been honoured with their particular notice
and kindness during his short residence in
England.
Clive was in Parliament, but only for a few
months; during which period, though on friendly
terms with some members of the administration,
he appears, as far as he engaged in public affairs,
to have been in opposition to the King's ministers.[#]
It is very evident, from the letters of his
father at this period, that though he was disappointed[#],
.pn +1 // 152.png
.bn 152.png
he had established some political influence;
for the Duke of Newcastle, before he
resigned the situation of Prime Minister, expressed
himself most anxious to give his father a
situation; and though this promise was never
performed, the solicitude the Minister showed
on this and other occasions to conciliate Clive's
friendship and support, could only have proceeded
from an impression of his talent, as he
had at this time nothing that could give him any
influence on the ground of wealth.
Though Clive's fortune was not large when
he returned to England, he had realised, from
his prize-money, and from the emoluments of the
civil and military stations he had filled, a competence
which would have satisfied a less aspiring
mind; but he never seems to have even
contemplated retirement from public life. Such
a step, indeed, was neither consistent with his
ambition, nor the generosity of his disposition.
His first use of his wealth was to place all his
.pn +1 // 153.png
.bn 153.png
family (and above all, his parents,) in a state of
comfortable independence. He greatly added
to the joy of his father, by appropriating a part
of his fortune to save the family estate of Styche,
to relieve which, he probably advanced its full
value, as we find that it was transferred to him.[#]
His father was delighted at his son becoming
the owner of this property. This we see from
many letters; and in one[#], written after Clive
had sailed for India, he informs him that he
had been at "the old place, which," he adds,
"I always loved, and have kept the walls from
tumbling, in hopes of seeing the new landlord
come and take possession."
Clive appears himself to have been quite alive
to all those family and local feelings, which have
great value as associated with the earliest and
most vivid of our recollections and affections.
To judge from his private correspondence, no
man ever more cherished such ties; for during
the busiest periods of his public life, his letters
continually refer to his relations and to the
scenes of his boyhood; but above all, he speaks
of old Styche with a fond familiarity that conveys
an idea of the pleasure he must have had
in becoming its possessor. Many of his letters
.pn +1 // 154.png
.bn 154.png
upon these subjects are addressed to his father,
by whose answer to one of them we may judge
of the tone in which they were written. "Your
letter," he observes, alluding to himself, "made
the old man drop tears of joy, that you still
survive with honour and success. May you go
on and prosper!"
Clive did not remain two years in England.
When he returned to India, accompanied by his
lady, they left two infant boys; the eldest,
Edward, is the present Lord Powis; the second,
Richard, died shortly after the departure of his
parents.
The great generosity of Clive to every branch
of his family during this short visit to his native
country, together with the manner in which
he lived, and the expenses of his election,
greatly diminished his property[#]; and it would
seem from his agent's letters, that he had not,
when he returned to India, more than three
.pn +1 // 155.png
.bn 155.png
thousand pounds of money[#]; the interest of
which, together with a small annuity he had purchased,
he directed to be given to his father[#],
whose letters are full of gratitude for the comfort
given to his declining age by the liberality
of his son.
"I am entirely obliged to you," he observes[#],
in one of these now before me, "for
the comfortable subsistence I may expect from
your generosity, if I should live a few years
longer. If among the dead, don't forget the
old place of our nativity; but let Ned[#] reside
there. If the Judge[#] does not take him, (as I
think he will, if her Ladyship pleases,) he will
soon be with us, and will divert me in the decline
of life. I shall be desirous of living a little
longer, in hopes of seeing the joyful day when
you and my daughter return to England; but
whatever events may happen before that time,
God only knows, to whose pleasure I desire to
submit."
The house of Styche had been given by Clive
as a residence to his uncle, Mr. Robert Clive,
.pn +1 // 156.png
.bn 156.png
who, with the other branches of the family, appears
to have taken an interest in its being improved
and beautified. I cannot refrain from
making an extract from one of his letters on
the subject.
"Things go on," he writes[#], "as usual at
Styche, and I enjoy a very comfortable existence,
under your roof. My income enables me to keep
house while the family are in town; and when
they come down, I am glad to see them. Aunt
Fanny is with me this winter. I am in hopes of
seeing you here again, and your most amiable
lady, to whom I beg my most affectionate compliments.
O that these next ships might bring
you over! But I am well assured, your desire
is towards your native country and your friends,
and that you will be with us as soon as you can.
Styche is now leased to a tenant; but as the term
is expired within about two years, I think it will
be better not to renew it but only from year to
year, that you may be able to make such alterations
as you please when you come to England.
Mr. Mackworth has consented to our having a
road over the meadows, and we have built a
bridge for that purpose, which is a great convenience;
many more might be thought of and
had, were you here with one of Rajah Dowlah's
millions. In the mean time, if you think of any
.pn +1 // 157.png
.bn 157.png
thing that you would have done, I shall think
myself honoured by a commission from you."
Clive's return to India in 1755, and the successes
which attended him during the three
following years, attracted more of the public
notice from being contrasted with the reverses
which had attended the British arms in Europe
and America during this unpropitious period.
The success at Gheriah even, which (had the
public mind not been full of disappointment)
would probably not have been mentioned, was
spoken of in all the newspapers of the day as
an achievement of importance.
Mr. Smyth King, in a letter to Clive[#], observes,
when alluding to this event; "The news
of your success could not have reached England
at a season more advantageous for the increase of
your reputation; a season in which there was a
general clamour and indignation for the ignominy
that had been brought on our arms by the
losses in the Mediterranean and North America,
of which you will hear so much: I need not say
any thing. The consequence has been driving
out all the Ministry, Duke of Newcastle, Lord
Chancellor, Mr. Fox, &c. &c. Mr. Pitt, and a
new set in the Treasury and Admiralty, are now
the steersmen: they have set out well at the
opening of Parliament: how long they will continue
.pn +1 // 158.png
.bn 158.png
in the good course, time will show. You
will easily imagine how opportune and grateful
the taking of Gheriah was, notwithstanding the
distance of the place, and its not being so generally
known. Colonel Clive was again in all the
newspapers. I believe you have made a maxim
of what I have somewhere read, that 'a man
who has got himself a great name should every
now and then strike some coup d'éclat, to keep
up the admiration of the people.'"
The capture of Calcutta, the taking of Chandernagore,
the battle of Plassey, and the dethronement
and death of Suraj-u-Dowlah, with
the elevation of Meer Jaffier, were events which,
at any time, would have excited attention; but
the impression they made was greatly increased
by the depressed state of the public mind at the
moment when intelligence of their occurrence
reached England. They were hailed by all ranks,
as redeeming, in some degree, the national reputation
that had been lost in other quarters of the
globe.
We meet, in a letter from his friend Mr. King,
a concise and vivid description of the causes
which combined at this period to raise Clive's
fame in England.
"You are too well assured," that gentleman
observes[#], "of the joy I must have felt at the
.pn +1 // 159.png
.bn 159.png
news of your great actions, for me to profess it:
they can add nothing to my admiration of your
military capacity, which was at the height, with
what you had achieved for several years. I can
only tell you, what your love to your country
will make you sorry for, that your conduct shines
with a peculiar brightness, from the unglorious
doings of our leaders of armies and admirals of
fleets in Europe; and that the name of a Clive
is made use of in the public papers to reproach
and stimulate his superiors in rank, but not in
fame. That you may judge how little we have to
boast of at home, I will give you a compendium
of our exploits since the beginning of the war.
"You already know Minorca is taken, for
which Admiral Byng was shot, and Blakeney,
who defended it, adorned with a title and a
riband, though it is at this time undetermined
whether his merit or demerit was the greater.
Lord Loudon went to America last year, with a
great number of troops and a strong fleet. All
that we have heard from thence is, that the
French have taken several of our forts, but that
we have taken none of theirs, nor otherwise incommoded
them.
"The Duke of Cumberland, in the beginning
of the summer, put himself at the head of a
German army, to defend the Electorate of
Hanover; but after the loss of a battle, and
.pn +1 // 160.png
.bn 160.png
being driven from post to post, was necessitated
to capitulate with the French General, Duke de
Richelieu, and signed a convention, whereby
those favourite dominions are to be possessed by
the French King till he shall think proper to
evacuate them. His Royal Highness, a few
days after his arrival in England, resigned all his
commissions. Ligonier is made Commander-in-chief
of the army. Less than two months ago, a
fleet of about thirty ships of the line, commanded
by three admirals, attended with a number of
transports, carrying ten thousand land forces
and three general officers, a noble train of artillery,
and every thing proportionable, sailed upon
a secret expedition; so secret, that it was never
divulged, till this pompous armada of near a
hundred sail arrived at Spithead, then was it
known that the design had been against Rochelle;
but that, after holding councils of war
for five days, in sight of the coast, it was judged
proper to sail home again and attempt nothing,
for the Isle of Aix may be called nothing. Thus
has a million been expended to set the people in
an uproar. The Parliament is to meet in a fortnight;
when it is expected they will find out,
as Shakspeare says,—
.in 4
.nf
"'The cause of this effect,
Or rather say, the cause of this defect,
For this effect defective comes by cause!'"
.nf-
.in 0
.pn +1 // 161.png
.bn 161.png
The name of Clive was heard every where:
we are assured the King himself spoke of the
Indian hero in the most flattering terms. Lord
Ligonier asked his Majesty, "Whether the young
Lord Dunmore might go as a volunteer to the
army of the King of Prussia?" Leave was refused.
"May he not join the Duke of Brunswick?"
was the next request. "Pshaw!" said
the King, "what can he learn there? If he
want to learn the art of war, let him go to
Clive!"[#]
But a higher honour was reserved for Clive,
and one he valued more than all others. His
name was not only brought forward, but held
forth as an example, by the celebrated William
Pitt. That statesman, in his speech on the
Mutiny Bill, after adverting to the late disgraces
which had attended the British arms, said, "We
had lost our glory, honour, and reputation every
where but in India. There the country had a
heaven-born general who had never learned the
art of war, nor was his name enrolled among the
great officers who had for many years received
their country's pay. Yet was he not afraid to
attack a numerous army with a handful of men."
After this he drew a character of Clive, which
excited the admiration of every one, but above
.pn +1 // 162.png
.bn 162.png
all, of the father of the distinguished individual
whose name was honoured by such praise. The
above extract of Mr. Pitt's panegyric is from his
letter to his son[#], which is written in the pride
of his heart, and concludes in the following
words: "Thus you are, with truth, honourably
spoke of throughout this nation: may you
continue to be so, till you return to your native
country, and to the embraces of an aged father!"
Clive, in 1758, had written to his father to try
whether he could not obtain the appointment of
General Governor of India. I do not find among
his manuscripts any copy of his letter on this
subject, which is to be regretted, as the notice
taken of the suggestion by his friends proves,
that his clear and penetrating mind saw, and
desired to avert, the evils which were likely to
result from the three presidencies (extended as
our connections with native states had become)
continuing to be ruled by distinct and independent
authorities.
Clive's friends in England, to whom his father
referred for advice, were of opinion that the
proposition would never be entertained by the
Court of Directors, and that regard for his interest
should prevent its being made. There was
another reason for not agitating this question.
.pn +1 // 163.png
.bn 163.png
A motion[#] had some time before been brought
forward in the Court of Proprietors, to give
Clive a sum of 6000l., which was opposed on the
ground of his having sufficient opportunities of
acquiring fortune in the course of the service.
This had occurred before the news of the battle
of Plassey reached England. The reputation
which that and subsequent events gave Clive
with the nation, and with his Majesty's ministers,
excited a spirit of jealousy amongst some of the
Directors. His father informs him that several
leading men in the India House appeared offended
at the recommendations they had received
of him from persons of high rank and members
of administration.
Clive knew the world, and was fully aware of
the feelings which his success was likely to produce;
and judged wisely that his prospects of
future notice and reward might be impeded, instead
of being promoted, by the imprudent zeal
of his friends. He was particularly apprehensive
of the effects of the natural feelings of his father,
and wrote to Mr. Belchier, one of his agents, to
endeavour to repress the old gentleman's desire
.pn +1 // 164.png
.bn 164.png
to intrude the merits of his son upon all the
great men of the land.
"As this good news," he observes[#], "may
set my father upon exerting himself too much,
and paying too many visits to the Duke of Newcastle,
Mr. Fox, and other great men, I desire
you will endeavour to moderate his expectations;
for although I intend getting into Parliament, and
have hopes of being taken some notice of by his
Majesty, yet, you know, the merit of all actions
is greatly lessened by being too much boasted
of. I know my father's disposition leads this
way, which proceeds from his affection for me."
It was not easy, however, to moderate either
the language or the expectations of a father
whose pride in the public services of his son,
though great, was exceeded by the admiration
and gratitude with which he viewed the conduct
of one, whose ties of duty and of love for his
parents and family appeared to gain additional
strength as he advanced in riches and in fame,
and who seemed to place his chief happiness in
making those for whom he cherished regard or
affection participators in his own good fortune.
The moment, indeed, Clive found himself,
from unexpected events, abounding in wealth,
his first object was to impart comfort to all who
.pn +1 // 165.png
.bn 165.png
had claims upon him, either from kindred or
friendship. His gifts, though liberal, had in them
no spirit of prodigality. They were adapted
with judgment to the wants and dispositions of
those on whom they were bestowed: but it was
the manner, even more than the substance, of
his acts which gave them value with those who
loved him. His correspondence with his family
and friends will afford the best evidence of this
fact.
Clive, in a letter[#] to his father, written shortly
after the battle of Plassey, giving him an account
of the events which had occurred from the capture
of Chandernagore till the enthronement of
Meer Jaffier, informs him, that the Nabob's generosity
will enable him to live in his native
country, in a manner much beyond his most
sanguine expectation.
"I have ordered," he states in this letter,
"2000l. to each[#] of my sisters, and shall take
care of my brothers in due time. I would advise
the lasses to marry as soon as possible, for
they have no time to lose. There is no occasion
for you following the law any more: but more
.pn +1 // 166.png
.bn 166.png
of this when I have the pleasure of seeing
you, which, I hope, will be in twelve or fourteen
months."
"You may order the Rector[#] to get every
thing ready for the reparation of old Styche.
I shall bring his brother home with 15,000l.,
and also Mrs. Clive's brother. If I can get
into Parliament, I shall be very glad; but no
more struggles against ministry: I choose to be
with them.
"Mrs. Clive will write my mother at large.
My kind wishes attend her, not forgetting my
brothers and sisters."
When Clive resolved, as has elsewhere been
stated, to defer his departure for England, he
directed his agents to add to the allowance
before given to his father and mother the sum
of 500l. per annum, and to keep a coach for
them[#]: he also desired them to pay 25l. per annum
to each of his four aunts, and to two of Mrs.
Clive's, to whose other relations in England he
gave liberal assistance. For her brother, Captain
Maskelyne, who was on the Madras establishment,
Clive cherished a very sincere regard;
but I should conclude, from what appears in the
.pn +1 // 167.png
.bn 167.png
manuscripts in my possession that, though a
pleasant and respectable gentleman, Captain
Maskelyne had little talent as an officer. His
conduct to part of the Nabob's family, while
commanding at Arcot, had been severely condemned
by Mr. Pigot. We find amongst his
letters to his brother-in-law an indignant remonstrance
against the treatment he had met with
from the Governor, who also wrote Clive fully
upon the subject. The latter in his reply[#] to
Mr. Pigot states the great uneasiness which the
circumstance had caused him, but adds, that
he derived consolation from the belief, that it
entirely proceeded from an error of judgment.
This instance, added to others, proves that,
though the title to Clive's regard rested more
upon the heart than the head of the individual
by whom it was possessed, yet he was rigid in
his principle of never nominating any one to
public station whose qualities did not fit him
to perform its duties. He regretted, as is shown
by his letters, that Captain Maskelyne did not
accompany him to Bengal, as a member of his
family; but, instead of appointing him to one
of the many high and lucrative stations he had
in his gift, he recommended him to go to England,
and added to his small means what he
.pn +1 // 168.png
.bn 168.png
deemed necessary to place him in independence[#]:
and we are amused with the following
passage, in a letter[#] from Clive to his father:—"My
brother-in-law, Captain Maskelyne, goes
by this conveyance, and will bring you this: he
is worth 10,000l. or 11,000l. I beg you will
assist in settling him in the world, and in getting
him a good wife."
In the same letter he observes, "Should you
have occasion for money to purchase commissions
for my brothers, or to answer any other
purpose that may be for their advantage, you
will apply to my attorneys, who I desire may
supply you accordingly."
The letter[#] from Mr. Clive to his son, acknowledging
the receipt of the accounts of his
success, commences with one of those simple
but natural bursts of paternal affection that mock
all imitation.
"Your last letter," he says, "gave me joy beyond
all possibility of expression. The whole
kingdom is in transports for the glory and success
their countryman has gained. Come away,
and let us rejoice together!"
.pn +1 // 169.png
.bn 169.png
In a subsequent letter, he dwells with true
paternal feeling upon the same subject.
"May Heaven," he writes[#], "preserve you
safe to Old England, where not only your friends
and relations, but strangers who never saw you,
will congratulate you for the glorious actions
you have done your country. With what joy
shall I embrace you! Oh, may I live to see that
day! Your mother and sisters are sitting with
me round the fire, drinking to your health and
safe voyage."
Mr. Clive appears, from his own statement, to
have been involved in his circumstances, and
to have felt much distress in becoming such a
burden to his son. In his answer to the letter
which informed him of Clive's agents being directed
to give him the additional sum of 500l.
per annum, and to keep a coach for him, he observes[#],
"I have received your letter of the 9th
of November, 1758, and am under the greatest
obligations that ever father was to a son, especially
in the unhappy circumstances my own
imprudence and being bound for others hath
rendered me. Mr. Woolaston, for whom I was
surety, is now dead; and what he owed the
government, together with what remained unpaid
on my account, amount to no less than
.pn +1 // 170.png
.bn 170.png
9000l. more than we have to pay. The Treasury,
by direction of the Duke of Newcastle,
have postponed the payment to a future day;
but I fear that day will come before you arrive
in England; and when you come, what pretence
have I to expect or desire you should set me
free, when I have already had your benevolence
in so extraordinary a manner? Thank God you
have so much in your power! Let us live on a
fifth part of what you have so generously allowed
me. If I am free, I shall be content; and,
while I live, bless Providence, and pray for the
increase of your happiness, who have saved a
distressed family from utter ruin."
The letters from Clive's mother breathe the
truest maternal affection. Her warmest gratitude
is expressed for that comfort which he has
diffused throughout all his family, and above all,
as the old lady states, for his great kindness to
"her girls."
The greater part of the letters from Clive's
mother and sisters, subsequent to his marriage,
are addressed to Mrs. Clive, but docketed by
himself, and placed among his own papers; a
proof of the value he attached to the feelings
which they expressed. They contain the common
topics of such correspondence, marked with
a feeling of the warmest affection for one who,
amid all his public avocations, was continually
.pn +1 // 171.png
.bn 171.png
affording them proofs of his love and attachment.
Towards Mrs. Clive there appears to
have been but one sentiment throughout the
family: all speak of her constant attention and
kindness with gratitude, and appear to rejoice as
much in their brother's happiness in the married
state, as in the other instances of his good
fortune.
Besides occasional acts of generosity, Clive
continued incessant in his endeavours to render
happy, by his regard and attention, every branch
of his family, however distant. In this he was
wholly disinterested, for none of them (except,
perhaps, Sir Edward Clive) were in a situation
to afford him the slightest aid; but they gave
him, what he more valued, their gratitude and
affection.
The impressions produced by his conduct
towards every one with whom he was connected
cannot be better shown than by inserting some
short extracts from the entertaining letters of one
of his female cousins[#] to Mrs. Clive in India.
"I don't know what title I must give you
now[#], but I am sure I may say, 'To the agreeable
Mrs. Clive.' I have always wrote whenever I
heard the ships sailed, and by Captain Tully and
Mr. King. Ill fate for you and me, that so many
.pn +1 // 172.png
.bn 172.png
fine thoughts should be sent to the bottom of
the sea! Neptune will be quite entertained.
As to the name of Clive above ground, the
Colonel has made it so famous, that it is the
only comfort I have in still being a Clive.
* * * * * * * He is in the highest esteem in
this part of the world, and does honour to all
his relations. * * * * Your father, my cousin
Clive, dined with us yesterday, and read, or
tried to read, one of the Colonel's letters; but
his joy, with tenderness at the thoughts of such
a son, made him burst twice into tears before
he could go on. Is it to be wondered at?
for sure it must be a pleasure so great, the
strongest mind must be greatly affected. Well,
I sincerely wish you all safe on your native shore,
with your bags of money, and bushels of diamonds;
with the Eastern Prince the Colonel
is so good as to say he will get for me. I can't
possibly refuse him. I have a taste to be a
princess. As to Captain Clack, you are so good
to think of for me, if this Prince don't care to
take so long a voyage, don't leave the Captain
behind. The war makes men very scarce. He
shall talk for ever, and I for ever have patience.
I have been in town a fortnight, at two plays;
one, a new tragedy somewhat resembling the
story of The Children in the Wood. Did you
ever read that old ballad? Garrick is in as
.pn +1 // 173.png
.bn 173.png
much vogue as ever; operas at a low ebb. I suppose
you are a complete mistress of harmony.
"I hope you will never receive this letter:
not that I don't think it very clever; but I wish
the Colonel and all his family may be in a ship,
the sails filled with most prosperous gales, that
will, soon as possible, send you safe to your own
country and friends; one of whom I hope ever
to be styled, which will always be a pleasure to
your sincere and affectionate cousin."
We meet the following passage in another
letter from this lady, which appears to have been
written about the same period (for, like many
ladies' letters, it has no date.)
"I have a thousand things to say to you, and
but a moment's time. I find the bearer of this
is a painter; hope the Colonel and you will let
him take your pictures. I should be glad of
them in miniature. I begin to fear the Colonel
will not bring me the Eastern Prince till it is
too late: the bushel of diamonds runs strangely
in my head. Fanny is going to enter into the
happy state of matrimony. I have seen the
lover: upon my word, a pretty, cherry-cheeked,
agreeable young counsellor. I hear he is called
to the bar, and will have 500l. a year. I wish I
had been the Colonel's sister; not to detract
from them; certainly he is a great advantage to
his family; and I believe, after my aunts and
.pn +1 // 174.png
.bn 174.png
myself, that horrid name of old maid will be
extirpated out of the house of Clive.
"I have still a thousand things to say.
Apelles is arrived, and must have this letter: I
don't know, but it may be of service to him, his
occasioning me to release you. Well, a little
more. All diversions go on as usual; a gloomy
town—general mourning for the Princess of
Orange; the linen that is worn is crape, as yellow
as saffron, and what they call Turkey gauze, that
looks like sarcenet: a sketch that the world is
as ridiculous as ever. A most elegant ball at
Lord Sandwich's! I must not say any more,
only beg my respects and most sincere love to
the Colonel. I wish for your speedy return to
England. Pray my love to cousin George, who
I would write to had I a moment, but will in
the next ship."
Clive had appointed several of his relations
and friends joint agents in England; and he was
very fortunate in having his near connexion, Sir
Edward Clive, Bart. (a Judge of circuit), as one
of them. It appears to have required all that
gentleman's strictness to prevent his relation suffering
from the bad choice he had made of one
of his men of business.
"One of your attorneys," Sir Edward remarks[#],
"is a man I never can, and never shall,
.pn +1 // 175.png
.bn 175.png
accord with. I have several things to reveal to
you when you come home. I believe, in order
to take care of your interest, and (as I think) to
protect your property, I must file a bill in
Chancery. When you arrive, you shall have an
account of it: I don't think any labour troublesome
to serve you, but assure you (and Mr. King
knows it) I have had a great deal.
"It is a great pleasure," adds this respectable
Judge, "to know that, considering your father
and his large family, God Almighty has put it
into your mind, as well as your power, to make
him and them happy. Assisting a parent must
be the most agreeable sensation to good hearts.
I happened, in a small way, to have that happy
opportunity. I call it happy, and it affords me
many agreeable reflections."
A few months after Clive sailed for India, his
eldest sister[#] married Sir James Markham, Bart.;
and when he returned, he found that three more
had entered the matrimonial state, being much
indebted (if we are to believe their sprightly
cousin already noticed) for their happy settlement
to the good fortune of having an Indian
Colonel for their brother.
Clive never forgot those to whom he was
.pn +1 // 176.png
.bn 176.png
in any degree indebted for his advancement.
Several of his letters are addressed to Mr.
Chauncey, a gentleman who, though then retired,
had, at one period, taken a very active part
in Indian affairs. In one of these letters[#], after
communicating to him the peace with Suraj-u-Dowlah,
Clive observes, "If I have been in any
way instrumental in the late revolution, the
merit is entirely owing to you, who countenanced,
favoured, and protected me, and was the
chief cause of my coming to India in a station
which rendered me capable of serving the Company.
Accept, Sir, of my gratitude, and sincerest
wishes for your welfare. May you enjoy the
blessings of peace and retirement, and may success
and every other happiness in this life
forsake me, when I forget how much I am
obliged to you!"
However, a sense of gratitude had more value
from being expressed in the moment of victory,
and from being addressed to an individual who
had no longer any power of promoting his views.
I notice such facts, not only because they are
the truest indications of character, but as they
account for the zeal and attachment which Clive's
numerous and respectable friends displayed on
many trying occasions. Neither his wealth nor
his fame could have inspired such feelings.
.pn +1 // 177.png
.bn 177.png
Sincerity and warmth of heart alone can kindle
corresponding sentiments in honourable minds.
Of Clive's friends in India I have already
spoken. His ties with them had been formed in
the course of public service, and remained unbroken,
except in the rare cases, where he thought
individuals parted from those principles of action
upon which his esteem was founded. His deep
and affectionate gratitude towards Colonel Lawrence
has been mentioned. His friendship for
Mr. Pigot remained unchanged: not so that
for Mr. Orme. We find in one of his father's
letters an observation upon his being reconciled
to that gentleman on his return to India in 1755.
Mr. Clive expresses his hope, in this letter, that
Mr. Orme's History would be speedily published,
as the objections[#] on account of Mr. Chauncey
were at an end.
Clive, though his experience had rendered
him singularly well acquainted with the character
of all classes of the natives of India, was very
little, if at all, versed in the languages of that
country; but he appears not only to have been
most solicitous to avail himself of the aid of those
who had this advantage, but, when he found the
acquirement accompanied by integrity and talent,
.pn +1 // 178.png
.bn 178.png
to recommend them, and place them in the highest
stations in the service. His notice and
patronage of Mr. Watts, Mr. Vansittart, and Mr.
Hastings, afford ample proof of this fact; and,
on almost all occasions, public and private, when
he brings forward the names of those individuals,
he adds some observations on the great advantages
they enjoy over others, from their knowledge
of the languages, the manners, and the
habits of the people of India.
During his expedition to Bengal, Clive had
only one of his relations in his family, Mr. George
Clive, for whom he cherished a very sincere
affection. The two persons to whom he appears
to have been most attached were Mr. Walsh and
Mr. Luke Scrafton, both civil servants of the
Company, whose names have been frequently
mentioned in the course of the narrative. They
continued through life in habits of the strictest
intimacy with their friend and patron. Of Mr.
Walsh, Clive never speaks without expressing
great respect for his character; and of his regard
for Mr. Scrafton, whose lively disposition suited
his own, we have many proofs. Bad health
obliging that gentleman to go to Madras, Clive
wrote by him to Sir George Pocock, in a style
which evinced his kind and anxious solicitude.
"The bearer of this[#]," he observes, "Mr.
.pn +1 // 179.png
.bn 179.png
Luke Scrafton, is a young fellow of great worth
and honour. Much I fear he is too far gone to
be recovered by the coast air: he has been a
constant attendant of mine in all our expeditions,
and can solve any question you may have to ask
on the subject of Bengal. For God's sake return
him to me in good health and condition!"
Clive was also on the most intimate terms with
Captain Latham, a distinguished officer of His
Majesty's navy; and this intimacy was increased
from that gentleman's marriage to a relation of
Mrs. Clive, who had accompanied her to India.
I have found numerous private letters from
Captain Latham, which are all written in the
open manly style of a British seaman, and bear
a convincing testimony to the tone of Clive's
mind on all points connected with his friends.
From the tenor of one, in answer to a letter from
Clive, written immediately after the enthronement
of Meer Jaffier, it would seem that Mrs.
Latham was one of those whom he considered
(from the relation in which she stood to him)
entitled to participate in his good fortune. His
conduct on this occasion appears to have given
sincere pleasure to Mrs. Clive; as the letter in
which his kindness and liberality are noticed is
superscribed with the word "Charming," in her
own handwriting.
I have before mentioned the origin of Clive's
.pn +1 // 180.png
.bn 180.png
regard for Colonel Forde; the grounds upon
which he selected him for the command of
Bengal, and the degree in which he deemed
himself indebted to him for his great and brilliant
achievements. We have also seen the
poignant feelings with which he regarded the
conduct of the Court of Directors towards this
able and gallant officer, who, immediately after
the capture of Masulipatam, had the mortification
to find himself superseded by Colonel
Coote, who, a year before, had been his junior
in Adlercron's regiment; but, returning from
India with fortune and reputation, had obtained
a Colonel's commission, and had just landed at
Madras in command of a regiment destined for
Calcutta.
Though Colonel Coote had evinced, on the
expedition to Bengal, those qualities as an officer
which subsequently made him so renowned,
neither his opportunities nor his achievements
bore as yet any comparison with those of Colonel
Forde; but the successes of the latter were not
known in England at the period of Coote's appointment.
Many, therefore, will deny the justice
of Clive's complaint of the conduct of his
superiors on this occasion; but even these must
admire that warmth and decision, with which
he pledged himself to support an officer with
whom he had no private friendship, except such
.pn +1 // 181.png
.bn 181.png
as had been formed in consequence of his eminent
public services.
The news of Colonel Coote's arrival reached
Clive about the same period as the account of
Major Forde's capture of Masulipatam, and of
the conclusion of the treaty with the Subahdar
of the Deccan. Desiring, at such a moment, to
afford every consolation to the mind of that
meritorious officer, he not only stated his opinion
as to his superior claims to those of the officer
by whom he was superseded, but gave him the
most unqualified assurances of his future support.
"I can easily conceive," he observes in a letter[#]
to Colonel Forde upon this occasion, "that such
rank and honour bestowed (I think I can say
without flattery) on one so much your inferior
in every respect, must give you much concern.
I assure you it has affected me greatly, and is
one of my principal motives for wanting to push
home with the utmost expedition on the 'Royal
George.' I flatter myself, the request I have to
make will not be denied me, which is, that you
will stay in Bengal all next year, provided Coote
remains on the coast. If within that time I do
not get you a colonel's or lieutenant-colonel's
commission, and an appointment of Commander-in-chief
.pn +1 // 182.png
.bn 182.png
of all the forces in India, I will from
that instant decline all transactions with Directors
and East India affairs."
Clive's resentment at the Court of Directors
was increased by their subsequently annulling
Colonel Forde's appointment to Bengal, while his
attachment to that officer was greatly heightened
by his admirable conduct in the destruction of
the Dutch armament. But there were other
feelings which may have influenced his mind.
He certainly entertained at this period a strong
prejudice against Colonel Coote, which may
possibly have originated from the prominent
manner in which that officer, when only a Captain,
was brought forward at Calcutta to support
the alleged rights of his Majesty's service against
those of the Company. But we have, nevertheless,
proofs that Clive appreciated his talents
from his employing[#] him on all occasions, and
particularly in detaching him, after the battle of
Plassey, in pursuit of the French corps. But at
the same time that he entertained this high
opinion of his military talents, he considered,
from his whole conduct in Bengal, that he was
mercenary and prone to intrigue, and consequently
an unfit person to be intrusted with
.pn +1 // 183.png
.bn 183.png
great powers on such a scene. I do not find
among Clive's papers any specific grounds to
justify this opinion; and in the absence of all
such documents, we must conclude, from the
high reputation which Colonel Coote attained
and supported, that it was erroneous; or, at all
events, that, if this eminent commander evinced
in his youth any such dispositions as those of
which he was suspected, they were early corrected:
for though he never displayed any remarkable
talents as a statesman, he assuredly
became as qualified for the chief military command
in India as any person that ever held that
station; and during his latter years, the love
and esteem in which he was held by his countrymen
was even exceeded by the affectionate regard
and attachment of the native troops, whom
he so often led to victory.
In giving this tribute to a soldier, whose
memory I have venerated from my earliest years,
I must do justice to Clive by declaring my
sincere conviction (formed from the perusal of
his numerous letters upon the subject) that he
was most sincere and conscientious in the opinion
he expressed, and upon which he acted. With
such impressions upon his mind, he certainly
thought he was doing his duty to the public by
his endeavours to keep Colonel Coote at Madras;
and he was so solicitous to effect this object that
.pn +1 // 184.png
.bn 184.png
he consented to the request of the government of
Fort St. George, that the regiment of that officer
should remain for some time at that presidency.
He enters fully upon this subject in his correspondence,
both with Mr. Pigot and Mr.
Vansittart; but his letters contain merely a
repetition of his opinions as to Colonel Coote's
unfitness for the general command of the forces
in Bengal, while he recognises the benefits to be
derived from his services in the mere military
operations on the coast of Coromandel. The
success of Clive's efforts on this occasion proved
fortunate for the reputation of Colonel Coote,
who, during the subsequent year, established a
high military character by the battle of Wandewash
and the capture of Pondicherry.
I have been compelled to enter more at length
upon this subject than I desired, from its being
intimately connected with those disputes regarding
the employment of officers in India in
which Clive became involved on his return to
England. Colonel Coote, when he revisited his
native country after the campaign of 1757, was
received with favour and distinction. He was
possessed of a small fortune, his connections were
respectable, and his manners and address manly
and agreeable. He became more prominent
from being the senior King's land officer employed
on the expedition to Bengal; and, from
.pn +1 // 185.png
.bn 185.png
the comparatively low estimation in which the
Company's[#] officers were held at that period, his
fame was advanced to detract from their pretensions.
He was represented as a rising officer,
of whom Clive was jealous; and it was believed
by many (till contradicted several years afterwards
by his own evidence), that it was through
his advice and remonstrances that the army
advanced to the field of Plassey. Besides the
influence and popularity which those combined
causes gave to this officer, he enjoyed the marked
favour and friendship of Mr. Sulivan, the Chairman
of the Court of Directors, whose subsequent
rupture with Clive is in a great degree to be
attributed to their difference in opinion with
regard to the respective pretensions and merits of
Colonels Coote and Forde.
Clive, at the period of his second visit to his
native country, was thirty-five years of age. We
collect from his private correspondence, that he
retained much of that hilarity of disposition for
which he had been remarkable in youth. He
was fond of female society; and many of his
letters show that he was by no means indifferent
to those aids by which personal appearance is
improved. It was the fashion of the period to
.pn +1 // 186.png
.bn 186.png
dress in gayer apparel than we now do; and the
European visiter at an Indian Durbar, or Court,
always wore a rich dress. We find in a letter[#]
to Clive, from his friend Captain Latham, a
description of a Durbar suit he was preparing
for him, in which he says he has preferred a fine
scarlet coat with handsome gold lace, to the
common wear of velvet. He has also made up,
he writes, a fine brocade waistcoat; and he adds
to this intelligence, that "it is his design to line
the coat with parchment, that it may not
wrinkle!"
In a commission which Clive sent to his friend
Mr. Orme, there is an amusing instance of his
attention to the most trifling parts of his dress.
"I must now trouble you," he observes[#],
"with a few commissions concerning family
affairs. Imprimis, what you can provide must
be of the best and finest you can get for love or
money; two hundred shirts, the wristbands
worked, some of the ruffles worked with a border
either in squares or points, and the rest plain;
stocks, neckcloths, and handkerchiefs in proportion;
three corge[#] of the finest stockings;
several pieces of plain and spotted muslin, two
yards wide, for aprons; book-muslins; cambrics;
.pn +1 // 187.png
.bn 187.png
a few pieces of the finest dimity; and a
complete set of table linen of Fort St. David's
diaper made for the purpose."
In the list of packages which Mr. Richard
Clive sent to his son in Bengal, one is a box of
wigs! Whether Clive had resorted to this ornament
from want of hair, or from deference to the
fashion of the period, I know not; but there is[#]
an authentic anecdote of his boyhood, which
proves how essential a wig was considered to all
who were full dressed. Clive had, when very
young, been admitted by a relation, who was
Captain of the Tower, to be one of the spectators
when his Majesty George the Second happened
to visit that fortress. Nothing was wanted in the
boy's dress to prepare him for the honour of approaching
majesty except a wig! To supply
this want one of the old Captain's was put upon
his head; and his appearance in this costume
was so singular as to attract the notice and smiles
of the King, who inquired who he was, and
spoke to him in a very kind and gracious
manner.[#]
In concluding this chapter on the private
.pn +1 // 188.png
.bn 188.png
occurrences of Clive's life during a period so
eventful to his fame and fortune, I shall estimate,
as far as I have the means, the wealth he carried
to England, as well as the amount which
he had, before he left India, given to, or settled
upon, his friends and relations. I have already
shown, in the fullest manner, how his great
riches were acquired; and it is a grateful task to
record the generous manner in which a considerable
portion of them was distributed.
Clive, from what has been stated, may be
said, when he returned to India in 1755, to have
been worth little or no money beyond what he
had vested for redeeming the small family estate,
and giving his parents an annuity. When he
took possession of the government of Fort Saint
David, he embarked in trade, like others who
filled similar stations; but, to judge from his
correspondence, he had not much success in his
commercial pursuits. We read of nothing but
bad markets, or the want of means of those who
owed him money. He appears, before he embarked
on the expedition to Bengal, to have
made a large speculation in benjamin, which
turned out badly. It is entertaining, when associated
with the scenes in which he became
engaged, to pursue his remarks upon his unprofitable
adventure in this and other articles of
trade.
.pn +1 // 189.png
.bn 189.png
After desiring his friend and agent, Mr. Orme,
not to demand payment of the money owing to
him by Messrs. Pybus and Roberts, and that
the interest of the debt should be only 4 per
cent., he observes[#], "You have given me a
most curious account of my adventure in the
Grampus. If I had not made better strokes in
war than in trade, my money concerns would
by this time be drawing to a conclusion."
The whole of Clive's money, when he returned
to India in 1755, appears to have been
in that country; for we find, from his correspondence,
that he had hardly sufficient uninvested
cash in England to pay for his annual
supplies. He became anxious, however, after
he attained great wealth, to remit it home; but
this, owing to various causes, was very difficult.
The public treasury was so rich from the successes
in Bengal, that, for a period, no bills were
drawn upon the Directors; Clive, therefore,
had recourse to the Dutch Company, through
whom he sent the greater part of his fortune;
he also transmitted a considerable sum in diamonds[#]
(a common mode at that time), and the
.pn +1 // 190.png
.bn 190.png
rest in private bills; and, latterly, two on the
Company.[#]
I have carefully examined his letters to his
agents, from the 21st of August, 1755, when
he advised them of his first remittance, till
January, 1759, when he made one of his last;
and the amount of property sent to England
during that period is, as nearly as the difference
of exchange and the loss[#] on bills enable us to
judge, 280,000l. Of this I calculate that he
received 210,000l. on the enthronement of Meer
Jaffier; and the remaining 70,000l. is made up
by part of his former fortune, his prize-money
at Gheriah and Chandernagore, the receipts
from the high stations[#] he held, and the accumulation
of interest upon a considerable part of his
.pn +1 // 191.png
.bn 191.png
property during the last five years of his residence
in India.
From what has been stated we may assume
that Clive's fortune, before the jaghire was settled
upon him, did not amount to 300,000l.
It appears from documents before me that, previous
to this grant, he had given away, or vested
for annuities, a sum not less than 50,000l.[#]
(more than one sixth of his fortune), to render
comfortable and independent those for whom he
cherished affection and gratitude.
Clive was, subsequently to these acts of generosity,
enriched by the grant of the jaghire,
which he himself estimates at 27,000l. per annum.
With this addition, we may conclude he
had an income of upwards of 40,000l.; a large
amount, but far below what this Indian Crœsus
(for such he was deemed) was thought by his
countrymen to possess.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
.h3
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 11
.sp 2
// 150.png
.bn 150.png
.fn #
Lord Northington.
.fn-
//151.png
.bn 151.png
.fn #
23d of February, 1757.
.fn-
.fn #
In a letter from Mr. Richard Clive, dated 18th of April,
1755, we find this subject mentioned. "I was glad," he
writes to his son, "to hear from you last post; and though
you banter me about the election at Dover, I think, as you
are so near, and the electors so well disposed to oppose the
ministry, you have a fair opportunity to disappoint the Duke
of Newcastle; and after you are elected you can proceed on
your voyage."
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Richard Clive, in a letter to his son on the 22d of
December, 1756, expresses his sentiments on this subject
with all the warmth and partiality of a father. "Before I
left London," he observes, "the Duke of Newcastle repeated
// 152.png
.bn 152.png
his promise to do for me; and the last time I saw him, he told
me it must be something in my own way.[a] I have little expectation,
especially at this time of life: but the great and
solid satisfaction I enjoy is to think I have a son, who is a
benefactor to the public, as well as his own private relations;
and though you may not have met with what might have
been expected from your countrymen, 't is no discredit to
you, but a reflection on them never to be erased."
.fn-
.fn a
The law.
.fn-
// 153.png
.bn 153.png
.fn #
The transfer of the title-deeds of Styche is stated in his
father's letter of the 22d of July, 1756.
.fn-
.fn #
22d of December, 1756.
.fn-
// 154.png
.bn 154.png
.fn #
In a letter from his father, dated 22d of December,
1756, we find the following curious account of the sale of
Clive's establishment:—
.ta lr w=40%
"The coach | £40 0 0
"Pair of horses | 40 0 0
"A grey riding horse | 12 12 0
.ta-
"One horse broke his neck; another fell backwards; and
one pair kept to go in a chaise."
From this statement of property, we infer that Clive, while
in England, must have lived very expensively.
.fn-
// 155.png
.bn 155.png
.fn #
This is independent of the sum he had paid for Styche.
.fn-
.fn #
This appears, from Clive's letter to his agent, Mr. King,
of 6th of October, 1756.
.fn-
.fn #
29th of April, 1755.
.fn-
.fn #
Lord Powis.
.fn-
.fn #
Sir Edward Clive, a near relation, who always acted as
one of Clive's agents.
.fn-
// 156.png
.bn 156.png
.fn #
27th of December, 1757.
.fn-
// 157.png
.bn 157.png
.fn #
27th of December, 1756.
.fn-
// 158.png
.bn 158.png
.fn #
2d of November, 1757.
.fn-
// 161.png
.bn 161.png
.fn #
Extract of Mr. R. Clive's letter to his son, 1st of
January, 1758.
.fn-
// 162.png
.bn 162.png
.fn #
6th of December, 1757.
.fn-
// 163.png
.bn 163.png
.fn #
Mr. King, who highly disapproved of this attempt, informs
Clive that the motion was made by a Proprietor at the
suggestion of his father, but withdrawn on seeing it was not
relished by the Directors.
.fn-
// 164.png
.bn 164.png
.fn #
Letter to Mr. Belchier, 21st of August, 1757.
.fn-
// 165.png
.bn 165.png
.fn #
9th of August, 1757.
.fn-
.fn #
In Clive's letter to his agents, of the 21st of August,
1757, he directs 2000l. to be paid to each of his five sisters,
Rebecca, Sarah, Judith, Frances, and Anne: this amount to
be given for their use for ever.
.fn-
// 166.png
.bn 166.png
.fn #
The Reverend Mr. Clive, his cousin.
.fn-
.fn #
This order is repeated as one some time before given
in a letter to Sir Edward Clive, Bart., and his other agents,
dated 9th of November, 1758.
.fn-
// 167.png
.bn 167.png
.fn #
25th of December, 1757.
.fn-
// 168.png
.bn 168.png
.fn #
I have not been able to ascertain the exact amount Clive
gave Captain Maskelyne, but judge it must have been considerable
from a passage in one of his letters.
.fn-
.fn #
29th of December, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
23d of March, 1758.
.fn-
// 169.png
.bn 169.png
.fn #
23d of December, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
29th of July, 1759.
.fn-
// 171.png
.bn 171.png
.fn #
Miss Sarah Clive.
.fn-
.fn #
26th of December, 1758.
.fn-
// 174.png
.bn 174.png
.fn #
Letter to Clive, 24th of December, 1759.
.fn-
// 175.png
.bn 175.png
.fn #
Lady Markham is still alive, and, although upwards of
ninety, in the enjoyment of all her faculties.
.fn-
// 176.png
.bn 176.png
.fn #
23d of February, 1757.
.fn-
// 177.png
.bn 177.png
.fn #
What these objections were, or the cause of their termination,
is not explained; but Mr. Clive's letter proves that
the first part of the history was written before 1755.
.fn-
// 178.png
.bn 178.png
.fn #
14th of September, 1759.
.fn-
// 181.png
.bn 181.png
.fn #
24th of August, 1759.
.fn-
// 182.png
.bn 182.png
.fn #
Captain Coote commanded the troops detached to take
Hooghley, and he was, before the battle of Plassey, sent with
the advance to attack Kutwa.
.fn-
// 185.png
.bn 185.png
.fn #
Though Clive held the King's commission as Lieutenant-Colonel,
he was always considered as a Company's officer.
.fn-
// 186.png
.bn 186.png
.fn #
5th of August, 1757.
.fn-
.fn #
1st of August, 1757.
.fn-
.fn #
A corge is twenty pair.
.fn-
//187.png
.bn 187.png
.fn #
This anecdote of his father was communicated by Lord
Powis.
.fn-
.fn #
It is added that he was sent to school in a wig; but, as
may be supposed, was soon quizzed out of it by his play-fellows.
.fn-
//189.png
.bn 189.png
.fn #
11th of March, 1758.
.fn-
.fn #
Clive sent sixteen thousand gold mohurs to his agents
at Madras, Messrs. Orme and Vansittart, with directions to
purchase diamonds as a remittance.
.fn-
//190.png
.bn 190.png
.fn #
One of the bills on the Company was for 8000l., and
the other for 32,881l. 12s. 2d. He advises his agents of
these bills on the 9th of November and 23d of December,
1758.
.fn-
.fn #
Clive expected the bills on Holland to produce 183,000l.,
but, after a vexatious delay, they were paid with great deduction.
His father states the loss upon this transaction as
amounting to 10,000l.
.fn-
.fn #
I consider the statement of the Committee of the House
of Commons, of Clive's receipts at Moorshedabad, to be
exaggerated; but we shall have occasion to notice this statement
hereafter, particularly the note annexed to it, in which
it is asserted, in direct opposition to truth, that Clive's
jaghire was obtained at the same period as the donation from
Meer Jaffier. Mr. Mill copies the statement and note without
remark. (Vol. iii. p. 326.)
.fn-
//191.png
.bn 191.png
.fn #
The following sums appear to have been given or settled
upon his relations and friends:—
.ta lr w=50%
Present to his sisters | £10,000
Present to Captain Maskelyne and others | 10,000
Money vested to produce an annuity for his father, of | £500
Ditto, his aunts | 150
Ditto, Colonel Lawrence | 500
To keep a coach for his parents | 300
| ———
Yearly amount of annuities | £1450
Sum vested to produce the above | 30,000
| ———
Total | £50,000
.ta-
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.dv-
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CHAP. XII.
.sp 2
Clive remained in his native country between
three and four years; and it will be proper
briefly to narrate the events of his private life
during this period, to notice the part he took in
the political transactions of the times, and the
connections he formed with persons of power
and influence, whether in the direction of Indian
affairs, or of the more general interests of the
British empire. The knowledge of such facts,
connected as they became with his future career,
is quite essential to our subject.
The constitution of Clive had never been robust.
He had been, for the last two years in
Bengal, freer than usual from the attacks of a
spasmodic complaint, to which he appears to
have been more or less subject from his earliest
years. In 1759 he had a very violent attack of
rheumatism, and feared, at one time, that it
might settle into gout; but this apprehension
vanished; and when he embarked at Calcutta he
describes himself as in excellent health.
When Clive reached England, he was received
with distinction by his Sovereign and the members
.pn +1 // 193.png
.bn 193.png
of the administration; and, notwithstanding
the deep offence taken at his last public despatch,
the Court of Directors, and particularly their
Chairman, Mr. Sulivan, welcomed him as one
to whom the Company were deeply indebted.
The enjoyment, however, of those flattering
attentions was early interrupted by a violent and
dangerous illness, which for many months threatened
to terminate his existence.
Clive was not, for some time after his arrival,
honoured by any public mark of royal favour.
This seems to have arisen from two causes: one,
his very long and serious illness; the other, his
desire to obtain more than the ministers were willing
to grant. He, probably, at first expected
to enter the British House of Peers, and to have
a red riband; but, after a considerable delay,
he received only an Irish peerage.
In writing[#] to his friend Major Carnac upon
this subject, he observes; "If health had not
deserted me on my first arrival in England, in
all probability I had been an English peer, instead
of an Irish one, with the promise of a red
riband. I know I could have bought the title
(which is usual), but that I was above, and the
honours I have obtained are free and voluntary.
My wishes may hereafter be accomplished."
.pn +1 // 194.png
.bn 194.png
Clive had assumed a scale of expenditure
suited to his income. He engaged in elections
to aid his friends in the administration, and to
give him the influence he desired in the prosecution
of his plans for his own advancement, and
the furtherance of those which he thought essential
to the prosperity and security of the Indian
empire. The expenses into which he was early
led, combined with his liberality to his family,
amounted to a very large sum[#]; and we can
easily conceive the alarm with which he received,
while yet on a sick bed, an intimation from Mr.
Sulivan, that the Directors showed an inclination
to question his title to his jaghire.
He strongly and feelingly expresses his sentiments
upon this subject in a letter to Mr.
Amyatt; "My arrival in England," he observes[#],
"was attended with every mark of respect that
.pn +1 // 195.png
.bn 195.png
I could wish, and my interest in Leadenhall
Street might have been of as much consequence
as I could have desired, for the advantage of my
friends; but a most severe fit of sickness overset
all. For twelve months it was difficult to
pronounce whether I was to live or die. In so
dreadful a situation, I could not think much of
India, or indeed of any thing else but death.
It is very natural to think, the interest of a dying
man could not be very great. Under these circumstances,
I had hints given me that either
some attempts would be made upon my jaghire,
or some proposal made for giving it up to the
Company after a certain time, on a supposition,
perhaps, that I had not long to live. Accordingly
I was given to understand by Sulivan, that
the gentlemen of the Secret Committee would
wait upon me on this subject. But health returning,
this proposal was dropt, and I have heard
nothing more of it since. Although I have
such an interest at Court and in Parliament,
that I should not be afraid of an attack from
the whole Court of Directors united, yet all my
friends advise me I should do nothing to exasperate
them, if they are silent as to my jaghire.
Indeed it is an object of such importance, that
I should be inexcusable if I did not make
every other consideration give way to it; and
this is one of the reasons why I cannot join
.pn +1 // 196.png
.bn 196.png
openly with the Bengal gentlemen in their resentments.
It depends upon you, my friend, to
make me a free man, by getting this grant confirmed
from Delhi, and getting such acknowledgment
from under the hands of the old
Nabob, and the present Nabob, as may enable
me to put all our enemies at defiance. In this,
I am sure, you will be assisted by Vansittart."
The account of the deposition of Meer Jaffier,
and the election of Cossim Ali Khan, which had
been planned by Mr. Holwell immediately after
Clive left Calcutta, will occupy the next chapter.
I only so far notice this revolution at present,
as to state its effect on Clive's private
feelings; as it divided and rendered irreconcilable
enemies the friends in India whom he
most valued. Though he deplored the revolution,
and anticipated its bad consequences to
the reputation of the English Government, he
believed Mr. Vansittart to have been both disinterested
and conscientious in the part he took;
and with this impression, while he admitted the
manly sincerity and honourable principles which
dictated the violent opposition of his friend
Major Carnac, he decidedly blamed the warmth
and want of respect with which he had addressed
his superiors on this subject. Mr. Amyatt was
much respected by Clive both for his talents and
integrity. He wished him to succeed Mr. Vansittart
.pn +1 // 197.png
.bn 197.png
in the Government, and was unwilling
that his services should be lost by his
continued opposition, grounded on a measure
which, as Clive truly stated, however much to
be regretted, was now past and could not be
recalled.
With such sentiments, Clive endeavoured to
reconcile his friends to each other. His efforts
were not successful: but it is a remarkable testimony
to his personal character, that, during this
period of violent collision between the parties in
Bengal, every individual engaged in the contest
referred to him, as to one on whose honour and
judgment they had implicit reliance; and his
more particular friends, though opposed on all
other points, appear to have united whenever
his interests were concerned.
To understand the motives which induced
Clive to take an active part in the affairs of the
India House, it is necessary to explain the actual
condition of the different parties who at
this period took a share in the management of
the Company's concerns.
The legislature had not as yet directly interfered
in the administration of our Eastern possessions;
but ministers and men of high rank
and influence had, nevertheless, great power and
weight, both in the Court of Directors and in
the Court of Proprietors. This, however, appears
.pn +1 // 198.png
.bn 198.png
to have been seldom if ever exerted but to serve
individuals, and to have been more maintained to
promote parliamentary influence, and as a means
of rewarding and attaching friends, than with
any view to the benefit of the public interests of
either the Indian or the British empire.
Mr. Sulivan, as has been mentioned before,
had attained an ascendency in the direction, of
which he was in complete possession when
Clive came to England. But though he had a
majority of the Directors with him, he had many
and virulent opponents among the Proprietors.
The most prominent of these were gentlemen
who had been in Bengal, who considered themselves
injured by the frequent supersession of the
servants of that presidency by those of Madras
and Bombay, to which they considered Mr.
Sulivan more attached, and particularly to the
latter.
Though Mr. Sulivan, as has been shown, professed
great admiration of Clive, and was much
indebted to him for the station he had attained
in the direction, he appears to have early regarded
him as a dangerous rival. It is certainly
to be concluded from what subsequently took
place, that the intimation regarding his jaghire
was meant to repress the ambition of Clive, as
connected with Indian affairs; and for a period
it had the desired effect. This we learn from
.pn +1 // 199.png
.bn 199.png
several of his private letters. In one, to Mr.
Pybus at Madras, he makes the following observations
on this subject[#]:—
"The Court of Directors seem to be much
in the same situation as when you left England.
Sulivan is the reigning director, and he follows
the same plan of keeping every one out of the
direction who is endowed with more knowledge,
or would be likely to have more weight and influence,
than himself. This kind of political behaviour
has exasperated most of the gentlemen
who are lately come from India, particularly
those from Bengal. They are surprised I do
not join in their resentments; and I should
think it very surprising if I did, considering I
have such an immense stake in India. My
future power, my future grandeur, all depend
upon the receipt of the jaghire money. I should
be a madman to set at defiance those who at
present show no inclination to hurt me. I have
so far fallen into their way of thinking, as to preside
at a general meeting of a club of East Indians
once a fortnight; and this has all the
effect I could wish, of keeping Sulivan in awe,
and of convincing him, that, though I do not
mean to hurt him, I can do such a thing if he
attempts to hurt me. Indeed I am so strongly
.pn +1 // 200.png
.bn 200.png
supported by the Government and by Parliament,
that I should not be afraid of an attack
from the whole body united; but there is no
necessity of wantonly exciting them to attempts
against my interest."
Clive, soon after he recovered from his illness,
appears to have established himself in great
favour at Court; and the Queen stood godmother
to one of his children. These marks of
royal favour, and his connection with the administration,
combined with his known opinion
that the British legislature ought to take a share
in the management of the national interests in
India, tended much to increase Mr. Sulivan's
jealousy, and to alarm his ambition. His feelings,
indeed, for some time remained dormant;
but from the first day of Clive's landing in England
there existed no cordiality between them.
That no rupture ensued during this period, is,
in some degree, to be attributed to Mr. Sulivan
being in 1762 out of the direction by rotation.
Before next general election, circumstances occurred
which decided Clive in the determination
to combine his interests with those of the great
majority of Indians[#], to oppose this autocrat of
the India House.
.pn +1 // 201.png
.bn 201.png
We find, in one of Clive's letters[#] to Mr.
Vansittart, what I believe to be an honest statement
of his feelings at the period at which it
was written; and it sufficiently indicates the
part he afterwards took to prevent the re-election
of Mr. Sulivan.
"There is," he observes, "a terrible storm
brewing against the next general election. Sulivan,
who is out of the direction this year, is
strongly opposed by Rous and his party, and by
part, if not all, of the East Indians (particularly
the Bengalees), and matters are carried to such
lengths, that either Sulivan or Rous must give
way. * * * * * * I must acknowledge
that in my heart I am a well-wisher for the cause
of Rous, although, considering the great stake
I have in India, it is probable I shall remain
neuter. Sulivan might have attached me to his
interest if he had pleased, but he could never
forgive the Bengal letter[#], and never has reposed
that confidence in me which my services
to the East India Company entitled me to. The
consequence has been, that we have all along behaved
to one another like shy cocks, at times
outwardly expressing great regard and friendship
for each other."
.pn +1 // 202.png
.bn 202.png
The appearance even of friendship could not
long continue between individuals actuated by
such different interests and feelings. Lord Clive
was the first to avow openly his real sentiments;
but, according to his own statement, he had
the completest proof that Mr. Sulivan was the
secret abetter of those who sought to ruin him
both in fortune and fame; and he ascribed to
the encouragement of that gentleman the numerous
articles which appeared in the newspapers
and other ephemeral publications, traducing his
character. This belief was confirmed by a
knowledge that the personal efforts of the ex-chairman
were unremittingly applied to exalt the
name of Coote to a rivalry with that of Clive.
But what appears to have exasperated him in the
highest degree was the production of a letter[#]
which Mr. Sulivan had written to his friend
Colonel Coote, in March, 1761, in which, when
remarking upon some disputes that the Colonel
had with the government at Madras, he observes;
"The behaviour of the then Bengal gentlemen
to you being similar to their treatment
of their masters, it puts an end to all reasoning.
.pn +1 // 203.png
.bn 203.png
Still your detention at Madras verifies that reflection
of Pope upon human foresight, 'Whatever
is, is best;' and how much are we indebted
to Providence for this disobedience to our orders.
Your country and your friend share the honour
of your masterly and prosperous conduct."
In the same letter, when referring more immediately
to Colonel Coote's quarrel[#] with the
gentlemen of Fort St. George, Mr. Sulivan
adds:—
"Our people at Madras, we find, are hot-headed,
but they are able, generous, and open.
I can smother their rebukes; but the ungrateful
wretches, late of Bengal, have hurt my temper.
I pray keep up a friendly correspondence with
General Lawrence,—he is great and good. I
adore him for his distinguished and noble
spirit."
The allusions in the latter paragraph of this
letter were too plainly directed against Clive to
be mistaken; and considering that, at the period
when it was written, Mr. Sulivan was on professed
good terms with him, he deemed the expression
.pn +1 // 204.png
.bn 204.png
of such sentiments unpardonable. But,
on the other hand, it might have been urged by
Mr. Sulivan's friends, that these sentiments,
though brought to light by some breach of confidence,
were meant only for a private friend, and
that there could be no breach of friendship where
none existed; that Lord Clive and Mr. Sulivan
belonged to different parties in politics; that
their personal connections and views, particularly
as connected with the Indian administration in
England, were opposed to each other; and that,
if Mr. Sulivan had been led by considerations of
interest to preserve outward terms of cordiality
with Lord Clive, his Lordship had been alone
restrained from attacking him by similar prudential
considerations.
Amid the causes which tended to hasten a
rupture between these individuals, we must not
omit the irritation produced by their difference
of opinion as to the merits and claims of the
Company's servants in India. Clive was the
bold and persevering advocate of all those who
had gained and merited his friendship by the
aid they gave him in the performance of their
public duties. Several of his recommendations
to Mr. Sulivan met with attention; but others
were treated with slight or delay. I have already
mentioned Clive's feeling respecting Colonel
Forde. However great the claims of that officer,
.pn +1 // 205.png
.bn 205.png
the more recent successes of his rival, Colonel
Coote, had fully justified those who furthered his
promotion in England; but Major Carnac had
distinguished himself in Bengal by the defeat of
the Shah-Zada, the surrender of that prince, and
the capture of M. Law and the French who were
attached to him. These services, Clive thought,
gave him a claim to a superior commission. He
was also very anxious to obtain a majority for
Captain Knox, who, independent of his services
under him, had, on several late occasions[#],
established a reputation for skill and gallantry,
superior to any one of his standing in India.
At this period it was not uncommon to give
superior commissions to those who greatly distinguished
themselves. Clive was the advocate
of a system, which, considering the actual state of
the service, he thought indispensable to reward
and encourage men of talent and enterprise.
Mr. Sulivan, though he did not deny the merits
of the persons brought to his notice by Clive,
appears to have been very reluctant to promote
them, at the hazard of creating discontent to
others. He was, like other members of the
Court of Directors at that period, prompt to
.pn +1 // 206.png
.bn 206.png
attend to the frequent appeals made to them
against the local government; and such appeals
were usually from those who had no pretensions
to preferment but that of seniority, and who were
often persons quite unfitted, by their habits and
character, for the delicate and arduous duties
which, at this period, devolved upon officers intrusted
with high military command. Clive, by
his notes in answer to the Chairman on these
points, appears to have been very impatient of
the general reasoning with which his applications
were answered. He conscientiously felt, in supporting
those he brought forward, that he acted
from no motive but that of the public good; he
saw that by such maxims our Indian empire
never would have been gained; and he was quite
satisfied that the system which Mr. Sulivan desired
to establish, of directing the attention of
the civil and military servants in India to the
government in England, was calculated to subvert
all authority in the local administration, and,
in its results, to distract, weaken, and distress
our yet infant empire in the East. Sulivan's
were the principles of the head of a commercial
company; Clive's those of the founder and sustainer
of an empire.
To understand all the motives which influenced
Clive's conduct at this period, it is necessary to
advert to the changes in the British administration,
.pn +1 // 207.png
.bn 207.png
and especially, in so far as these affected the
individuals with whom he was most intimately
connected.
The personal influence exercised by Lord
Bute over the mind of his young sovereign
counteracted the wise and vigorous measures of
Pitt; who, on being thwarted in his design of
anticipating the hostile intentions of Spain, retired
with his friends from the cabinet.[#] Aware
of the great popularity of his predecessor, Lord
Bute (who succeeded Mr. Pitt) tried every effort
to increase the number of his adherents.
Amongst others, Clive was courted to give his
support to the new administration. His fame,
his wealth, and the votes he commanded, gave
importance to his aid; and the terms offered
him were alike tempting to his ambition and
interests: but his respect for the integrity and
great talents of Mr. Pitt had been increased by
personal acquaintance[#], and he cherished the
.pn +1 // 208.png
.bn 208.png
sincerest attachment to Mr. George Grenville,
who, on Pitt's retirement, had resigned his situation
as Treasurer of the Navy. Besides these
personal considerations, the measures of Mr.
Pitt were congenial with every sentiment of his
mind; and he augured no benefit to the nation
from the less energetic character of his successor,
whose avowed eagerness for peace (he anticipated)
would prevent its being concluded on
such favourable terms as the successes of the
war gave grounds to expect.
Governed by these motives, Clive rejected the
overtures of Lord Bute. He states the grounds
of his conduct in a letter to Major Carnac,
written a month after the change of ministers
occurred.
"Now that we are to have peace abroad," he
observes[#], "war is commencing at home amongst
ourselves. There is to be a most violent contest,
at the meeting of Parliament, whether
.pn +1 // 209.png
.bn 209.png
Bute or Newcastle is to govern this kingdom;
and the times are so critical that every member
has an opportunity of fixing a price upon his
services. I still continue to be one of those unfashionable
kind of people who think very highly
of independency, and to bless my stars, indulgent
fortune has enabled me to act according to
my conscience. Being very lately asked, by
authority, if I had any honours to ask from my
sovereign, my answer was, that I thought it
dishonourable to take advantage of the times;
but that when these parliamentary disputes were
at an end, if his Majesty should then approve
of my conduct by rewarding it, I should think
myself highly honoured in receiving any marks
of the royal favour."
When the treaty of peace between France
and England was in the course of negotiation,
the opinion of Bussy[#] was taken on all points
connected with the interests of his nation in
India. No similar reference appears to have been
made to Clive, whose knowledge far exceeded
that of every other individual, on this important
subject. But he was too earnest in his desire to
.pn +1 // 210.png
.bn 210.png
promote the future peace of India to allow any
party motives to prevent his offering every information
that could aid ministers in that part of
the negotiation which related to our Eastern
possessions; he transmitted, therefore, a memorial
to Lord Bute.
In this memorial Clive stated, that it was not
now more than fifteen years since the European
nations, who had established factories in India,
were as much regulated and controlled in their
concerns by the native governments as the natives
themselves. To the extortions to which this
exposed them, to the expense of their establishments,
and to the decrease in value in the Indian
manufactures, he attributes the disappointment of
the expectations originally formed of great profits
from this trade. Dupleix (he observes), on the
ground that commerce alone must, under such
circumstances, be a losing concern, suggested
to his government the policy of making conquests
in India; territorial revenue being, in
his opinion, the only source by which a European
nation could derive wealth from that
country.
"Acting upon the principles he recommended,"
to use the words of the memorial,
"Dupleix engaged in the contentions of the
princes of the country, and had, at one time,
in a great measure, obtained his aim. There
.pn +1 // 211.png
.bn 211.png
remained nothing to complete it but the expulsion
of the English out of Hindustan. We were
at that time wholly attached to mercantile ideas;
but undoubted proof of M. Dupleix's projects
obliged us to draw the sword, and our successes
have been so great that we have accomplished
for ourselves, and against the French, exactly
every thing that the French intended to accomplish
for themselves and against us."
After stating these facts, Clive proceeds to
detail, in this memorial, the extent to which
concessions may be made at a general peace.
He expresses great anxiety that the French
should, if possible, be limited as to the number
of men they are to maintain upon the coast of
Coromandel; but, under every circumstance, he
is strenuous against their re-admission to Bengal,
except as merchants.
Lord Bute expressed his obligations to Lord
Clive for this communication.
"I have received[#]," he states, "your Lordship's
letter, and the paper accompanying it, in
which you have offered your sentiments on the
interests of this country with respect to our
possessions in the East Indies, in a very clear
and masterly manner. The lights you have
thrown on the subject could not fail of being
.pn +1 // 212.png
.bn 212.png
acceptable to me. I return your Lordship
thanks, therefore, for the communication; and
you may be assured that I will make a proper
use of them."
Every attention possible was given to Clive's
suggestions; and by the definitive treaty of
peace, concluded in February, 1763, the French
government agreed not to maintain any troops
in Bengal, or in the northern circars. These
were the chief objects to which he had directed
the attention of Lord Bute; but that minister
(consulting only his friend Mr. Sulivan, and the
Directors) had inserted an article into the preliminary
treaty, by which the recognition, by
the French, of the title of Mahommed Ali Khan,
as Nabob of the Carnatic, was obtained by the
English recognising the title of the ally of the
French, Salabut Jung, as Subahdar of the Deckan.
Nothing could be more preposterous than
this guarantee (for to such it amounted) of the
title of two Indian princes standing in the relations
the Subahdar of the Deckan and the
Nabob of Arcot did to each other, and to their
European allies. Besides, Salabut Jung had for
some years ceased to be the ally of the French,
and was the ally of the English Government.
Clive, it would appear from the documents in
my possession, only heard by accident of this extraordinary
article. He hastened to Mr. Wood,
.pn +1 // 213.png
.bn 213.png
the Under Secretary of State, whom he soon
convinced of the embarrassment and danger it
might produce. Lord Bute being also satisfied
by his reasoning, it was, in forming the definitive
treaty, so altered and amended, that (as I have
elsewhere remarked) it might have remained
innoxious, "had it not been subsequently converted
by his Majesty's ministers into a pretext
for one of the most unjustifiable and mischievous
acts[#] of interference with the powers of the
Company that is to be found on the page of Indian
history."
Clive was dissatisfied with the peace, and voted
in the minority that condemned that measure.
His having come forward, under such circumstances,
to give his aid in improving the treaty,
as far as the interests of the Company were concerned,
greatly increased his popularity with the
proprietors. He continued in opposition, though
to the sacrifice of his personal interests; nor was
his conduct, on this occasion, dictated by any
hope of Mr. Pitt's restoration to power. He
evidently thought that great statesman had, by
his own acts, barred himself from all chance of
future employment.
.pn +1 // 214.png
.bn 214.png
Writing to Mr. Vansittart, Clive observes[#];
"Mr. Pitt, notwithstanding his great abilities and
the many eminent services he has rendered this
nation, has become the most odious man living
to the King, nobility, and both parliaments.
The King can never forgive him that unfortunate
visit to the city on the Lord Mayor's day, his
popularity was such, that it seemed as if King
William instead of King George had been invited
to that grand entertainment. As to the
Privy Council, he has honoured them in Parliament
with the names of state cowards and
political misers. In short, his whole interest in
Parliament is lost, and it is very improbable, if
not impossible, he should ever come into employment
again."
Ministers, unable to gain Clive, desired to give
him every annoyance, and by diminishing his
wealth and reputation, to lessen his influence.
Lord Bute was Mr. Sulivan's friend and patron;
and the latter was a willing leader in this attack.
The measures taken by his opponents satisfied
Clive that he had no means of supporting his
own interests but by a successful opposition to
Mr. Sulivan at the ensuing general election at
the India House.
The share of stock, which at this period, entitled
.pn +1 // 215.png
.bn 215.png
a proprietor to vote, was 500l.; and
though it was supposed to be the bonâ fide
property of the individual who voted, the law was
not so strict but what it could be avoided; and
there is abundant evidence in the papers before
me, that, in these annual contests for the administration,
all parties "split votes" (as it was
termed) to a very great extent.
Lord Clive, in the election of 1763, mentions
his having employed 100,000l. in this manner;
and we find in the following season, when his
friends (after he had left England) so far
triumphed over Mr. Sulivan as to bring Mr.
Rous into the chair, that a bill[#] was brought
into the House of Commons, and ultimately
carried, by which the proprietor was compelled
to swear, not only that the stock was bonâ fide
his property, but that it had been in his possession
a twelvemonth. This measure put an end
(as was intended) to a practice, which, from
being general, had ceased to be a reproach to
.pn +1 // 216.png
.bn 216.png
individuals; and which, when resorted to by one
party, left the other no option but following a
bad example[#], or submitting to defeat.
Clive engaged in the contest at the general
election at the India House with all the ardour
which belonged to his character. His first intention
appears to have been limited to the support
of Mr. Rous; but I am led to conclude, from
a few papers still preserved upon this subject,
that he came forward personally as a candidate.
In a letter to Mr. Vansittart[#], adverting to
what passed at a numerous meeting of the proprietors,
he observes:—
"That tremendous day[#] is over. I need not
be particular about it; you will have it from
many hands. I should imagine there were present
not less than eight hundred proprietors.
Numbers of neutral people went off; and no
small number of our friends, thinking our majority
.pn +1 // 217.png
.bn 217.png
so great, that there was no occasion for
their presence. Indeed, upon the holding up
of hands, I thought we were at least two to
one. This is really a great victory, considering
we had the united strength of the whole ministry
against us.
"Our cause gains ground daily, I should think
we shall be stronger at the election than we were
in the General Court. However, this time only
can show, and I do not choose to be very sanguine,
our opponents being very active."
In a subsequent part of the same letter, anticipating
success as certain, he enters into particulars
as to the share he proposed to take in the
affairs of the Company, and the arrangements
he hoped to be able to carry into effect. It is a
relief, when accompanying him into such scenes,
to have the proof which this letter affords, that
the expectation of being better able to promote
the interests and strengthen the empire of India,
was the leading motive which induced him to
seek a station, which he may deem it most fortunate
for himself and the interest of his country
that he failed in attaining.
"If we should succeed," he adds in the letter
before quoted, "I have no thought of ever accepting
the Chair; I have neither application,
knowledge, nor time, to undertake so laborious
an employ. I shall confine myself to the political
.pn +1 // 218.png
.bn 218.png
and military operations; and I think I may promise,
you shall have a very large military force in
India, such a force as will leave little to apprehend
from our enemies in those parts. I propose
having all the troops regimented; that there
shall be kept up at Bengal three battalions of
infantry, consisting of seven hundred and eighty
men each battalion, and three companies of
artillery, and four battalions of sepoys; the same
at Fort St. George. A much less number will
serve for Bombay. But more of this by the
latter ships, when we see the event of the thing."
From letters addressed to his friends in India,
during the first two years of his residence in
England, it may be inferred that Clive, on his
return to his native country, had no intention
whatever of involving himself so deeply with the
parties at the India House, and for some time he
had little intercourse with any of the Directors.
"The situation I am in at present," he observes
in a letter to Mr. Lushington[#], "and
the part of the town where I now reside, seldom
gives me an opportunity of seeing any of the
Directors, to whom I have been very sparing of
applications, since I do not like refusals."
From this and other facts we may collect that
the desire to repel attack, on one hand, and the
zeal and confidence of friends, on the other,
.pn +1 // 219.png
.bn 219.png
hurried him into the contest in which he became
engaged. His cause was warmly espoused by
many noblemen and gentlemen of the first respectability.
Almost all those who had served
in India were of his party, and brought with
them their friends and connections. These classes
of proprietors were all-powerful at the quarterly
meetings of the General Court; but when Directors
were balloted for, the election was
chiefly decided by persons in different walks of
life, many of whom seldom, if ever, attended
those Courts; but, having bought stock, either
as a good investment of capital, or as the means
of establishing an influence with the Directors,
or with Administration, they gave their votes at
elections as suited their respective interests. Mr.
Sulivan had in his favour a great majority of the
Directors, and he was actively supported by
ministers; his strength was consequently great
with this class of voters, and with persons employed
in England by the Company, and the
officers and dependents of Government. He
numbered also, among his friends, many of the
merchants and tradesmen in the city, and nearly
the whole of the ship-owners and others connected
with the trade to India.
No election ever excited more interest than
that now pending. Each party summoned all its
forces; but Clive was destined to sustain his
.pn +1 // 220.png
.bn 220.png
first defeat in a contest, in which we cannot but
regret he should ever have engaged. His victorious
opponents lost no time in making him
feel the full weight of their resentment.
It has been already stated that Clive received
his jaghire in 1759: the grounds upon which it
had been granted and accepted were, at that
period, placed upon the records of Government.
He had enjoyed it four years; receiving, annually,
its amount from the Company. Immediately
after his return to England an intimation
was conveyed to him, by Mr. Sulivan, that the
Secret Committee of the Directors desired to
communicate with him regarding this grant. He
expressed his willingness to meet them, and enter
into any explanation; and, considering the
jaghire only as a life-rent, he was disposed to
meet any fair arrangement that could be suggested;
but the subject had not been re-agitated.
Three years had passed, and his revenue from
this source was regularly paid by the Bengal
Government to his agents in Calcutta. Under
such circumstances, whatever he might have
apprehended from the hostility of Mr. Sulivan,
whom he had certainly provoked by an open and
determined opposition, he could not but be astonished
to hear that the first step the Directors
took, after the election of 1763, was to transmit
orders to the Bengal Government to stop all
.pn +1 // 221.png
.bn 221.png
further payments on account of Lord Clive's
jaghire, and to furnish them with an account of
all sums which had been paid to that nobleman
and his attornies since the date of the grant.
I find, among the MSS. in my possession, a
short narrative of the progress of this transaction,
which presents, in a very compressed form,
a series of facts, a knowledge of which is quite
essential to the clear understanding of this question;
I shall therefore give them in the words
of the writer.[#]
"By the ninth article of the treaty between
the Company and Meer Jaffier, at the time of
the revolution in 1757, certain lands to the south
of Calcutta were ceded to the Company as perpetual
renters, the Nabob reserving to himself
the lordship and quit-rents, which amounted to
near 30,000l. yearly; and the Company could
never be legally dispossessed so long as they
continued to pay that quit-rent. The Company
farmed out these ceded lands for above 100,000l.
a year, and paid the quit-rent regularly to the
Nabob till the year 1759, when the Nabob, in
consideration of the great services rendered him
by Lord Clive, assigned over to his Lordship,
for life, that quit-rent. The assignment passed
.pn +1 // 222.png
.bn 222.png
through all the forms usual in the country; and
Lord Clive became grantee of the rent, under
the same authority, precisely, as the East India
Company had become grantee of the lands.
From this period the rent was duly paid to Lord
Clive, instead of to the Nabob; nor was there
any intermission of the payment until differences
arose between the noble Lord and Mr. Sulivan.
It was intimated to his Lordship that some
scruples were entertained concerning any further
payment; and Mr. Sulivan himself, at last
informed him, that the Court of Directors were
of opinion it ought to be retained for the Company's
use. Lord Clive replied, that he was
entitled to it as well by the laws of England as
by the laws of India; that his right to the reserved
rent was established upon the same authority
as the Company's right to the ceded lands;
that he was, notwithstanding, ready to concur
in its devolving to the Company after he should
have enjoyed the possession of it a reasonable
number of years; and that he was desirous of a
conference with the Court of Directors upon
the subject, any day they might be pleased to
appoint.
"It might have been imagined that the Court of
Directors, if they had no other objects upon this
occasion than the honour and interest of the Company
and justice to an individual, would have paid
.pn +1 // 223.png
.bn 223.png
some attention to an acquiescence of this nature.
But their resolution, under the influence of their
leader, was to resent the offence given them by
the noble Lord in the attempt he was meditating
against their power; and this was to be done,
not by entering into the discussion of any terms
of accommodation, in which each party, contending
for the right above mentioned, might
have met, but by putting an immediate stop to
the payment of the jaghire, and leaving upon
his Lordship the difficulties and vexation of recovering
his property by a suit at law.
"There was, however, another secret motive
to this violent and unjust measure. It happened
that Lord Clive and his parliamentary friends
had, for some time, acted in opposition to the
court-party; and in this country, where ministers
maintain their power by the inflicting of punishments,
as well as by the distribution of rewards,
it is no wonder that they should endeavour to
weary out by oppression those whom they cannot
allure by corruption. The Chairman of the
East India Company was known to be at enmity
with Lord Clive. Him, therefore, they considered
as the aptest instrument with which the
noble Lord might be tortured into a change of
political conduct; and the plan of mutual
resentment was no sooner resolved upon than
executed.
.pn +1 // 224.png
.bn 224.png
"By one of the first ships which sailed for
Bengal after the contested election, the Court of
Directors sent orders to the Governor and
Council, that they should no longer pay to the
attornies of Lord Clive the rent granted him by
Meer Jaffier, but that they should in future
detain it in their hands, and carry it to the credit
of the Company; and that they should transmit
to the Court of Directors an exact account of all
the sums already received by Lord Clive or his
attornies on that head, as his Lordship's pretensions
to the jaghire would be settled in England.
The public letter conveying these orders assigned
no reason for their being issued; but a private
letter[#] from Mr. Sulivan to Mr. Vansittart, then
Governor of Bengal, which was soon after produced
on oath in the Court of Chancery,
declared that the payment of the jaghire was
stopped, because all cordiality between the Court
of Directors and Lord Clive was at an end.
This vindictive plea, confidentially communicated
.pn +1 // 225.png
.bn 225.png
by the Chairman to his friend the Governor,
could not, however, be set up in a court of
equity in justification of a flagrant violation of
right. The Company had, for some years, paid
the jaghire without objection; and even at this
time of litigation they neither claimed any title
to it themselves nor pretended that there was
any other claimant than the present possessor.
It is not necessary to enumerate the absurd
arguments and mean subterfuges to which the
Court of Directors were reduced, in answer to
the bill filed against them by Lord Clive in the
Court of Chancery. It is sufficient to observe,
that the principal reasons which they assigned
for discontinuing the payment were, that the
Company might one day or other be called to
account by the Emperor[#] of Hindustan for the
.pn +1 // 226.png
.bn 226.png
money paid under the head of this jaghire; that,
therefore, Lord Clive was accountable to them
even for the sums he had already received; that,
if the Nabob, Meer Jaffier, had a right to grant
the jaghire out of his own revenues, (which,
however, the Court of Directors did not admit,)
yet as that Nabob had been deposed by the
Company's agents, the grant became of no
effect.
"Such were the grounds upon which the right
to the jaghire was contested; and we may judge
how very futile they were, by the sentiments
entertained of them by all the eminent lawyers of
the time; for the Court of Directors consulted
gentlemen of the first reputation in the profession.
Among these were Mr. Yorke, the Attorney-general,
and Sir Fletcher Norton, the Solicitor-general,
the substance of whose opinions was, that
it did not appear to be material to enter into
such objections as might be made either by the
Emperor of Hindustan or the successors of
Meer Jaffier, to the form or substance of the
grant of the lands to the Company, or of the
.pn +1 // 227.png
.bn 227.png
reserved rent to Lord Clive; that they both
claimed under the same granter, and that the
East India Company could not raise an objection
against the grant to Lord Clive, founded on the
want of right and power in the Nabob, which
would not impeach their own; that the question
was to be considered, not upon the strict
absolute words (according to the laws and constitution
of the Moghul empire), but relatively
as between the East India Company, the grantee
of the lands from Meer Jaffier, and Lord Clive,
the grantee of the same Nabob, of a rent issuing
and reserved out of those lands when granted to
the Company; that the question ought to be
determined between his Lordship and the Company
upon the same principles as the like
question would be determined, arising between
the owner of lands in England subject to a rent,
and the grantee or assignee of that rent, in a case
where both parties derived from the same original
granter; that it was incumbent upon the Court
of Directors, in this instance, to turn chancellors
against themselves; and that it was for the
honour of that great Company to act upon such
principles, not only with foreign merchants,
trading companies, and foreign states and
sovereigns, but with their own servants.
"Such was the opinion of the greatest lawyers.
But the Court of Directors, actuated, it should
.pn +1 // 228.png
.bn 228.png
seem, rather by a spirit of resentment than by
principles of equity, although they could not
hope for a decision in their favour, determined
still to withhold the jaghire, and to protract the
judgment of Chancery by such stratagems or delays
as the forms of judicial proceedings might
chance to furnish them with."
Lord Clive complained (and apparently with
great justice) of the mode in which this measure
relating to his jaghire was to be carried into execution.
The letter regarding it was sent to
India without any intimation to him; and when,
on hearing that the government of Bengal had
been directed to stop all future payments to his
agents, he applied to the Court of Directors for
a copy of their proceedings in a case so deeply
affecting his fortune and his reputation, they
peremptorily refused compliance with his request.
Under such circumstances, he had nothing
left but to institute (as he did) a suit in Chancery,
and to give to his agents abroad the best
general instructions his want of minute information
enabled him. Mr. Vansittart, the Governor,
was his principal agent; but conceiving that his
duty to him and that to his superiors might clash,
he desired him on such occurrence to devolve the
charge of his interests on Major Carnac, and in
case of this gentleman not thinking proper to
.pn +1 // 229.png
.bn 229.png
act, he nominated Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Lushington,
and Mr. Amphlett[#], his attornies.
The situation and feelings under which he
acted on this remarkable occasion are fully explained
in the following letter to Mr. Vansittart:
.in 5
.ti +2
"My dear Friend,
"Last night I received advice that the Directors
had sent orders to their President and
Council of Bengal to pay into their cash the
amount of my jaghire, and not to grant me any
bills of exchange on that account. Without enlarging
upon this subject, so arbitrary and ungrateful
a proceeding will give you a just idea
of the principles of those who have the management
of the Company's affairs at present.
"I am really at a loss what to desire of you
about so delicate a matter. Upon the whole,
act like an honest man, and a man of honour:
do justice to your friend without injuring the
Company; for I am satisfied, the more this affair
is inquired into, the more it will be to my honour.
At the same time, I am obliged to take every
step both against the Directors and the Governor
and Council that the law will admit of.
"Enclosed you will receive a letter to that
.pn +1 // 230.png
.bn 230.png
purport, and if you should judge it not improper
to act as my attorney on this occasion, I request
you will act accordingly. I have sent Carnac a
duplicate of the power of attorney sent you by
this conveyance, and you will observe I have appointed
the Major, Lushington, and Amphlett,
to act as may be thought most proper by you
and Carnac, with whom I request you will consult
on this occasion.
"If you should find my information not exactly
true, and that the Directors allow you some
latitude of judging of my right to the jaghire,
before you take such a step, these precautions of
mine may be laid aside for the present; but I
have too good authority for what I write; notwithstanding
the Directors have refused giving
me a copy of the paragraph sent by this conveyance,
which I demanded in form.
.in 5
"I am, dear Sir,
.in 4
"Your affectionate friend and servant,
.in 6
(Signed) Clive.
.in 5
"Berkeley Square,
"April 28th, 1763.
.in 0
"To Henry Vansittart, Esq."
In a letter to Major Carnac of the same date,
after giving him similar information regarding
the conduct of the Directors, he observes:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"Your friendship and regard for justice will,
I am persuaded, induce you to take every step
in support of both my fortune and reputation;
.pn +1 // 231.png
.bn 231.png
and the more this affair of the jaghire is inquired
into, the more honour it will do me, and make
the ingratitude of the Directors appear in blacker
light.
"What I wrote you last year is become now
absolutely necessary,—that the old Nabob, as well
as the present one, should acknowledge my right
to the jaghire in the strongest terms. Meer
Jaffier will be surprised at this step, and may, if
he pleases, address a letter to the Company upon
the occasion; a translation of which must be
enclosed.
"The opinion of the lawyers is, that the
Directors' orders are illegal; that the President
and Council cannot, consistent with their own
safety, put them in execution; for which purpose
I have addressed a letter to the President
and Council, forbidding them to comply with
the orders sent them, at their peril.
"Enclosed you will receive a power of attorney
to act for me, if you shall think necessary, provided
Vansittart should decline it from his being
Governor. I have desired Van. to consult with
you on this matter; and you will observe that I
have nominated Lushington and Amphlett to act
as my attorneys, if you should not think it proper,
or for my interest, to act for me.
"In case the Governor and Council should
retain my money, or refuse giving bills of exchange,
.pn +1 // 232.png
.bn 232.png
you (or whoever acts as my attorney)
are immediately to commence a suit at law against
the Company, and to transmit a very exact account
of all your proceedings, that it may be
taken up in England. I am not in the least
doubt of making the aggressors pay dear for the
attempt; but their purpose will, in some respect,
be answered by their lawsuit, as it prevents me
becoming a Director next year. However, this
will not prevent me from bringing in my friends,
which will be the same thing."
.in 0
Lord Clive wrote to his friend, Mr. Amyatt,
in much the same terms: he observes, in the
conclusion of this letter[#],—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"You, who know the honourable manner in
which I acquired my jaghire, will not be wanting
to do me justice; at the same time, do your
duty to the Company as far as is consistent with
equity and your own safety; for I tell you very
plainly, that if the Governor and Council obey
the orders received from the Company, they
must do it at their peril, and that I shall immediately
commence an action against them by my
attorneys in Bengal.
"The letter I send to the Governor and
Council, I am persuaded, you will look upon as
an act of necessity, in order to save my undoubted
.pn +1 // 233.png
.bn 233.png
property from the worst of enemies,—a
combination of ungrateful Directors."
.in 0
From the sentiments entertained and expressed
by Mr. Vansittart and Lord Clive's other friends
in Bengal, and the result of communications
with the Nabob and Emperor[#], there is no doubt
that every step would have been taken, and
every document obtained, that could have confirmed
his right to the jaghire; but an arrangement
which took place in the ensuing year at
the India House rendered all further proceedings
unnecessary.
The violent animosities of parties in Bengal,
which spread to England, were brought to a
crisis, in that country, by intelligence of the
dreadful massacre at Patna, and the murder of
Mr. Amyatt, and those by whom he was accompanied,
at Moorshedabad. These events will be
fully noticed in the next chapter. Suffice it here
to say, that they produced the greatest alarm
in the mind of every one connected with India.
The proprietors now turned all their attention
to the state of Bengal; where, besides what
had occurred with the native government, the
recriminations of the opposed parties among their
own servants had brought to light a scene of
corruption, division, and distraction in their internal
.pn +1 // 234.png
.bn 234.png
rule, which, if not early remedied, threatened
to bring complete ruin upon their affairs,
and to disappoint all the golden dreams of profit
from their possessions in that quarter of
India.
Under such circumstances it is not surprising
that the eyes of almost all should have been
turned on Clive, as the only person fitted to remedy
the mismanagement and misrule of their
Indian empire. At a very full General Court
he was unanimously solicited to return to India.
At the same time, the proprietors proposed
to the Directors the instant restitution of his
jaghire; nor can there be a doubt (according to
the narrative[#] now before me) that this vote
would have been carried by a great majority;
but Lord Clive, who was in Court, not thinking
it strictly honourable to take advantage of this
sudden spirit of generosity, and to carry, merely
by his popularity, a case which was depending
at law, rose, and requested they would desist
from their liberal intentions; adding, that from
being sensible of the impropriety of going abroad
whilst so valuable a part of his property remained
in dispute, he would make some proposals
to the Court of Directors, which would,
he trusted, end in an amicable adjustment of this
affair.
.pn +1 // 235.png
.bn 235.png
Lord Clive had now thrown off all disguise
with Mr. Sulivan; they were open and irreconcilable
opponents. His Lordship, on this occasion,
pursued a course quite suited to the
boldness and decision of his character. After
stating what he had done about the jaghire, he
concluded by observing, "There was another
and more weighty obstacle to his undertaking
the management of the affairs in Bengal, without
the removal of which he thought it incumbent
upon him to apprise them of his positive determination
to decline entering again into their
service: that he differed so much from Mr.
Sulivan in opinion of the measures necessary to
be taken for the good of the Company, that he
could not consider that gentleman as a proper
Chairman of the Court of Directors; that it
would be in vain for him to exert himself as he
ought, in the office of Governor and Commander
in Chief of their forces, if his measures were to
be thwarted and condemned at home, as they
probably would be, by a Court of Directors
under the influence of a Chairman, whose conduct,
upon many occasions, had evinced his
ignorance of East India affairs, and who was also
known to be his personal and inveterate enemy;
that it was a matter totally indifferent to him,
who filled the chair, if Mr. Sulivan did not; but
that he could not, consistently with the regard
.pn +1 // 236.png
.bn 236.png
he had for his own reputation, and the advantages
he should be emulous of establishing for the
Company, proceed in the appointments with
which they had honoured him, if that gentleman
continued to have the lead at home."[#]
Mr. Sulivan, fearing he might fall a sacrifice
to the resolution which he saw the Court entertain
of possessing on any terms the services of
Lord Clive, and knowing too well the frame of
his Lordship's mind to expect any change in
sentiments he had so decidedly avowed, rose,
and expressed his concurrence in the opinion of
the General Court as to the talents of Lord Clive,
with whom he could conceive no reason why he
should be at variance, it having been his desire
to live in friendship with him. After these professions,
and some general observations of the
same tendency, Mr. Sulivan proceeded to represent
the impropriety of superseding (by the civil
and military powers proposed to be granted to
Lord Clive) Mr. Vansittart, Governor of Bengal,
and Major-General Lawrence, who had
lately been induced to return to Madras. He
also stated the disappointment which the nomination
of Lord Clive would create to Mr. Spencer,
a Bombay servant lately nominated to the head
of affairs at Bengal. But the General Court
.pn +1 // 237.png
.bn 237.png
were in no temper to listen to such reasoning,
and with one voice insisted upon the Directors
making the appointment. The Directors, as a
last resource, desired to try the question by ballot;
but the bye-laws of the Company establish
that no ballot shall take place except by a
requisition of nine proprietors. Though upwards
of three hundred were present, this number could
not be found to sign their names to such a
requisition; and the Court, in consequence,
adjourned.
The Court of Directors, thus compelled to
attend to the wish of the Court of Proprietors,
nominated Lord Clive Governor and Commander
in Chief of Bengal. There was some hesitation
about the military commission interfering with
that of Major-General Lawrence, who, though
advanced in years, and infirm, had accompanied
his near relation Mr. Palk, when that gentleman
was appointed Governor of Madras. But Clive
intimated, that it was far from his wish to supersede
his old commander: all he required was,
that neither Major-General Lawrence nor any
other officer should have the power of interfering
with his command in Bengal.
Lord Clive received his appointment[#] within
a month of the general election; and the Directors
hurried their preparations for his departure,
.pn +1 // 238.png
.bn 238.png
from a desire that he should leave England
before that took place; conceiving, no doubt,
that his doing so would evince a confidence in
their support, and prevent that opposition which
several of them expected, on the ground of their
known hostility to the popular Governor. A
letter was, in consequence, written to Lord Clive
by the Secretary, informing him that a ship was
ready to receive him. He replied, that, for
reasons he had assigned at the General Court, he
could not think of embarking, till he knew the
result of the election of Directors, which was
to take place in the ensuing month. The Directors,
when they received this answer, declared
that they considered it as a resignation of the
government. They therefore summoned a General
Court, at which one of the proprietors in
their interest moved, that, as Lord Clive declined
the government of Bengal, they should
proceed to a new nomination; but his Lordship's
declaration at the late Court had made too deep
an impression to be easily erased. The proprietors
saw nothing in his conduct but manly
consistency with the sentiments he had before so
decidedly avowed; and, on the other hand,
viewing the conduct of the Directors as an unworthy
artifice to evade compliance with their
wishes, they threw out the proposition with
violence and clamour.
.pn +1 // 239.png
.bn 239.png
On the 25th of April, 1764, a very warm
contest took place. Mr. Sulivan brought forward
one list of twenty-three Directors; and
Mr. Rous (who was supported by Clive) produced
another. Notwithstanding his friend,
Lord Bute, was no longer minister, Mr. Sulivan
succeeded in bringing in half his numbers; but
we cannot have a stronger proof of the degree
in which the attack of Lord Clive had shaken
the power of this lately popular Director, than
the fact that his own election was only carried
by one vote. In the subsequent contest for the
chair, Mr. Rous succeeded; and Mr. Bolton,
who was also of Clive's party, was nominated his
Deputy.
Soon after the election of the Directors, the
Court took the subject of the settlement of Lord
Clive's jaghire into consideration; and a proposition,
made by himself, was agreed to[#], confirming
.pn +1 // 240.png
.bn 240.png
his right for ten years, if he lived so
long, and provided the Company continued,
during that period, in possession of the lands
from which the revenue was paid.
Lord Clive, previous to his departure, communicated
his sentiments to the Directors, very
fully, upon all points connected with affairs in
Bengal. The subject of his letters will be noticed
hereafter. Suffice it to say, that the same
emergency which caused his nomination led to
his being vested with extraordinary powers; and
he was, aided by a committee of persons of his
own naming, made independent of his Council.
His recommendations of different military officers
were also attended to. The King's troops being
at this period recalled, all officers in his Majesty's
service were ordered to England. Major Caillaud,
promoted to the rank of Brigadier General,
had been appointed to Madras; Major
Carnac's services were rewarded with a similar
commission, and the command of the troops in
.pn +1 // 241.png
.bn 241.png
Bengal; Sir Robert Barker was appointed to
command the artillery; Majors Richard Smyth
and Preston were nominated Lieutenant-Colonels
of the European corps; and Major Knox advanced
to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, to
command the sepoys.
The victory which Lord Clive obtained at the
India House was followed up by his friends,
who, on the next general election (1765),
strengthened their party among the Directors
very considerably; and Mr. Sulivan, notwithstanding
the active exertions of his adherents,
was again defeated. This success gave Clive
the support he required during his short but important
administration of the affairs of Bengal.
It laid, however, the foundation of the future
troubles of his life; for those over whom he now
triumphed cherished their resentments[#]; and
their ranks were early recruited by numerous
malcontents from India, whom Clive's reforms
had either deprived of the means of accumulating
wealth, or exposed to obloquy. The efforts
of his confederated enemies will be noticed hereafter:
.pn +1 // 242.png
.bn 242.png
the subject is mentioned here merely as
a consequence of his engaging personally in the
politics of Leadenhall Street. How far that step
was one of wisdom, or of necessity, it is very
difficult to determine.
The twenty-four Directors were at this period
elected annually; and they had no sooner taken
their seats than they were obliged to commence
an active canvass to maintain them. Their patronage
was the great means by which this was
effected; and as that extended to almost every
office in India, the value of which rose in proportion
to the undue exercise of local authority,
the Directors, generally speaking, might
be said to derive strength from the continuance
of those abuses which, as managers of the Company's
concerns, it was their duty to correct.
At the period of which I am writing, a great
change had taken place in this body. Within
the last ten years a number of the servants of
the Company had returned to England with
large fortunes; all of those bought India stock,
to give them weight as proprietors; and many
sought the direction, either to support their
own interest, or that of their friends. Their
efforts to influence elections brought them sometimes
into violent collision with each other, but
oftener with those classes of individuals who,
before this change, had almost wholly monopolised
.pn +1 // 243.png
.bn 243.png
the management of the affairs of the
East India Company.
To judge from the papers and pamphlets written
by the different parties concerned in the
general elections, and the means taken to create
and influence the votes by ballot, we should pronounce
that the India House, at this period, presented,
annually, a scene in which there was
little more of temper, and decorum of language,
than at any popular election in the kingdom.
No person better knew the nature of these contests
than Lord Clive; and no one could be more
anxious to avoid them. The resolution he took and
declared, of preserving himself personally clear
of them, was communicated to all his friends;
and there can be no doubt that he was sincere
in desiring to abstain from mixing in a scene
where he might lose, but could not gain, reputation.
But England is a country where men
who require support must give it. Lord Clive
had grounds, from his first landing in his native
country, to dread an attack upon his fortune.
He ascribes (and no doubt justly) the forbearance
of his opponents to their dread of his influence,
particularly with ministers and at court;
but that was now at an end, when his attachment
to Mr. Pitt and Mr. Grenville, and his
disapprobation of the peace, led him, as we
have stated, to reject the overtures of Lord Bute,
.pn +1 // 244.png
.bn 244.png
when that nobleman added to his power, as the
court favourite, that attached to the station of
Prime Minister of his country.
Lord Clive, under such circumstances, had
no choice between bartering his independence
to obtain security to his fortune, and strengthening
himself, through other means, in order to
resist the attack with which he was threatened.
He had many and warm friends among men of
the first rank and respectability in England; and
a numerous body of Indians were attached to
him, either through gratitude, or from admiration
of his character. But all these persons had
their own objects to serve; and a continuance
of their attachment could not have been expected
by one who, thinking only of himself, chose to
be neutral in affairs which nearly concerned
their honour or their interest. To prevent,
therefore, his being left defenceless and at the
mercy of those in whom he had no confidence,
Clive, we must suppose, was compelled to come
forward; and, once in the field, defensive measures
(however prudent) were altogether unsuited
to his character. He immediately became
the assailant; and his short but active campaign
at the India House, though chequered with defeat
and victory, was ultimately successful, from
the same causes which had made him so often
triumph in very different scenes. His bold,
.pn +1 // 245.png
.bn 245.png
open, and uncompromising mind gave courage to
his friends, and filled with dismay the ranks of
his enemies. But never was that good fortune
which attended this extraordinary man through
life more conspicuous than when it preserved
him from sinking into the leader of a party at
the India House, and restored him to his proper
sphere, to improve and consolidate his former
labours, and fix beyond dispute his claim to the
title of the Founder of the British Empire in
India.
Lord Clive, notwithstanding the opinion he
expressed of the imprudence of Mr. Pitt, continued
to entertain the greatest veneration for
that statesman. In a letter to Major Carnac, he
expresses his delight at the feelings of indignation
with which Mr. Pitt heard of the conduct
of the Directors in stopping the payment of his
jaghire. But the person to whom Clive appears
to have most completely attached himself was Mr.
George Grenville; and the connection between
them rested upon principles alike honourable to
both. It was by the advice of Mr. Grenville
that Clive came to a compromise with the Directors;
and he interfered, personally, to bring
the dispute between his Lordship and that body
to an amicable conclusion.
When Clive left England, he took care to free
himself of all political connections, except with
.pn +1 // 246.png
.bn 246.png
his friend Mr. Grenville; and he requested the
members whom he brought into parliament, and
those friends who from gratitude chose to give
him their personal aid, to make the support of
that statesman the rule of their conduct. We
learn these facts from the letters of Mr. Walsh
to Clive, after the departure of the latter from
England.
In one letter, written when Mr. Grenville
was in office, Mr. Walsh observes, "There is
no alteration in the administration; the coldness
and jealousy between them and Lord Bute seem
to continue, and rather to increase. Your friend
Mr. Grenville maintains his ground very well;
indeed he appears to me to confirm his power
daily, by his vast application to business, and by
the moderation and circumspection with which
he conducts himself. He is very sparing of
promises, and therefore, as I take it, means to
keep those he makes, which is the sure foundation
for a durable administration. I am much
inclined to think that while he has any influence,
there will be no unpopular steps taken by the
ministry. The day of the general warrants held
till five in the morning, when an amendment
that destroyed the motion was carried by a majority
of thirty-nine. Before the debate, I spoke
to Mr. Grenville, and reminding him of what
had passed when you introduced me to him, I
.pn +1 // 247.png
.bn 247.png
remarked that it was upon such occasions as the
present that he had the most want of assistance
from his friends; and that I was apprehensive
my being no longer neutral, as I was last year,
would, instead of being of use to him as I
meant it, be of detriment; and that, therefore,
I left it to his option, whether I should come
down that day or not; upon, which, he very
handsomely desired me to come down by all
means, and be determined by the merits of the
cause, and not only that day, but during the
whole session. I accordingly was there, and
staid till one in the morning, when the debate,
having got amongst the lawyers, grew excessively
dull and tedious, and not being very well
at the time, I retired without voting at all."
In a subsequent letter[#], Mr. Walsh informs
Lord Clive of the unexpected change that had
taken place in the administration. After describing
the different political parties that had
arisen, and were likely to arise, he adds, "As to
me I do not propose being absolutely of either
party; your interest does not appear to me by
any means to require it, nor do my inclinations
at all lead me to it. Mr. Grenville, it is true, I
consider as entitled personally to all your assistance;
but his connections are no ways to be
justified. The man, therefore, not his party,
.pn +1 // 248.png
.bn 248.png
should have your support, and, agreeably to
what you yourself told him in my presence, that
your ministerial attachments would cease for
ever with his quitting the administration, your
plan henceforward should be independency."
Lord Clive had a most tedious voyage to
India. The ship put into Rio Janeiro, from
whence we find letters to all his friends in England.
Constantly alive to every object which
affected, in the most remote degree, the interest
of his country, he communicated to Mr. Grenville
the observations which occurred to him
upon the state of the colony, which he had very
unexpectedly visited.
"As a well-wisher to my country," he observes[#],
"I cannot avoid representing to you the
deplorable condition of this capital settlement of
the Portuguese. I should think myself deserving
of everlasting infamy if I did not, with
a battalion of infantry, make myself master of
Rio Janeiro in twenty-four hours. They have
nothing here that deserves the name of fortification:
an unflanked garden wall with a rampart,
with some old unserviceable and honey-combed
cannon, constitute the chief strength of this
place; and if the capital be in this defenceless
condition, what are we to think of the subordinate
settlements on the coast of Brazil. Bad as
.pn +1 // 249.png
.bn 249.png
the Spaniards are, they could not fail, upon a
future war, of making a speedy and easy conquest
of all the Portuguese possessions in this
part of the world, which would be of much more
consequence to Spain than the conquest of
Portugal. If a hint of their weakness could be
conveyed to the court of Portugal, and the reformation
already begun there could be extended
to the coast of the Brazils, it might be
the means of preserving their valuable possessions
from falling into the hands of the Spaniards
sooner or later."
Mr. Grenville, after he left office, acknowledged
the receipt of this letter and some small
presents from the Cape. He refers, in this communication,
to the change of administration
which had so recently occurred; and I quote his
observations less from their connection with the
life of Clive than from the value which attaches
to every sentiment of one of the most honourable
and eminent statesmen who belonged to this
period of English history.
"I take this opportunity," Mr. Grenville observes[#],
"of repeating to your Lordship my
thanks, for the honour of your letter from the
Brazils, and for the sensible and useful observations
contained in it; which I immediately endeavoured
to make the best use of in my power.
.pn +1 // 250.png
.bn 250.png
I have since then received an account of your
very obliging present of some wine, a sea-dog, and
some birds from the Cape. The sea-dog was
unluckily lost in the voyage home, by jumping
overboard, and the birds I have not yet been
able to get; but when I return to town, I shall
apply to Mr. Walsh for his assistance. The wine
is safely lodged in my cellars, and by the account
of it, I make no doubt will prove excellent.
"Your Lordship will have heard long before
this letter can reach your hands, of the change
which the King has been advised to make
in his administration, in consequence of which
I have no longer the honour to be in his
Majesty's service. You will certainly have received
many comments upon this very sudden
(and, from the situation of public affairs when it
happened, very unexpected) alteration; but as I
am too nearly concerned in this event to make
them, I will only say, that I sincerely wish it
may be productive of benefit to the King and to
the kingdom, instead of being attended with
that confusion and disorder which is generally
expected, if the present system should continue,
though that is thought not likely. For my own
part, I can only say, that I am in the same
opinions, and shall endeavour to promote the
same plan for the public business out of office,
which I did whilst I had the honour to hold
.pn +1 // 251.png
.bn 251.png
one. In these sentiments, those who are now
in his Majesty's service will probably not agree
with me; but on the other hand, I have reason
to hope for the approbation of those who have
done me the honour to approve my conduct. I
shall earnestly wish in every situation, to preserve
the good opinion and kindness which my
friends have so strongly expressed towards me
upon the present occasion, and to cultivate the
good will and friendship which your Lordship
has shown to me. Our accounts here of the
state in which you will find affairs in the East
Indies are too uncertain for me to be able to
make any pertinent observations upon them; I
will, therefore, content myself with expressing
to you my warmest and most hearty wishes, that
you may be attended with the same success and
honour to yourself, and the same benefit to the
public, in your present command, as your former
conduct in those countries so deservedly acquired."
Lord Clive had been flattered during his stay
in England, by having a vote passed that his
statue should be placed in the India House along
with those of General Lawrence and Sir George
Pocock. A medal[#] had also been struck at the
.pn +1 // 252.png
.bn 252.png
desire of the Society for Promoting Arts and
Commerce, in commemoration of the victory of
Plassey, and its great and important results.
These honourable marks of regard and respect
could not but be gratifying; and, combined as
they were with the enjoyment of domestic[#]
.pn +1 // 253.png
.bn 253.png
happiness, and the society of friends to whom
he was attached, they naturally rendered him
very reluctant again to leave his native country.
The bad health he had for the first twelvemonth
after his return made him dread the effects of
an English winter; but latterly he appears to
have overcome that feeling, though we meet, in
his letters, with occasional expressions of despondency,
which indicate that depression of
spirits consequent on the nervous attacks to which
he continued to be subject.
Lord Clive purchased, as his town residence,
the lease of the excellent and spacious house,
which still belongs to his family, in Berkeley
Square. He made several improvements on
Styche; but the house and lands being on a
limited scale for his fortune, he bought the estate
of Walcot, and employed a celebrated architect[#]
to render the mansion suitable to the residence
of his family. His kind attentions to his parents
appear to have been greater than ever; and when
on the eve of returning to India, though his
agents' letters show that the purchases he had
made and the stoppage of his jaghire had so
embarrassed him, that he had no money at command,
he generously gave a bond to each of his
five sisters for 2,000l., in addition to the present
.pn +1 // 254.png
.bn 254.png
to the same amount which he had before given
them.
Lord Clive carried to India Mr. Strachey, and
Captain Maskelyne, a brother to Lady Clive.
He exerted his utmost efforts to forward the interests
of her other brother, Mr. Nevil Maskelyne
of Cambridge; and these efforts, supported
as they were by the great science and high character
of that gentleman, obtained for him the
Regius professorship at Woolwich.[#]
Mr. George Clive, who (as has been before
stated) brought home a moderate fortune, improved
it by marriage; and was too comfortably
settled to return to India. Mr. Scrafton
had become a Director; but his grave duties do
not appear to have deprived him of his usual
high spirits. In one letter, he warns Lord Clive,
that he is now in a different relation to him,
being "one of his honourable masters." In
another, he gives a humorous account of some
of their mutual acquaintances and friends.
"I add this letter," he observes, "to give
you an account of that arch Tory Harry[#], who,
having shook off a load of gout at Mortlake, is
come to town so pert, so envenomed with toryism,
that he is quite unsufferable. He goes about
.pn +1 // 255.png
.bn 255.png
boasting of your Lordship's conversion, abuses
Mr. Pitt, impeaching his patriotism and honour,
because a private gentleman has left him an
estate which he swears he has no right to, and
that the will should be set aside, for that the
man who made it must have been non com.;
trumps up the Duchess of Marlborough's legacy,
the Hanover millstone, &c. &c.; swears Lord Bute
is the only man of merit, and Tories the only true
patriots. * * * * Young Walcot has
married a parson's daughter sans un sol; and
Walsh has married a country-house, that will
run away with more money, and give him more
plague, than half the wives in England. Poor
Daddy King is half eat up with the gout; has
just one hand left to play at cards, and the free
use of his tongue, so that he has as much enjoyment
of his faculties as if his whole body were
at ease."
Lord Clive's friend Mr. Pigot returned to
England before his Lordship left it: his fortune[#]
was reported to be very large; and
.pn +1 // 256.png
.bn 256.png
through the influence it enabled him to establish,
he attained first a baronetcy, and afterwards a
peerage.
Mr. Orme had settled in England; and from
his correspondence appears (at this time) to
have been engaged in finishing the second part
of his history. In a letter[#] now before me, he
complains of the obstructions which forms create
to his examination of the records of the India
House; while he expresses his hope of meeting
more facility from the kind attentions of Lord
Clive. Writing to that nobleman, he observes,
"I have had permission to poke into the records
of the India House, and have discovered
excellent materials for the exordium of my second
volume; but the difficulty of getting them away
is immense, for every scrap of an extract that I
desire is submitted to the consideration of the
Court of Directors; so that in three months, and
after making twenty-five journeys to the House,
I have not got half what I want. All because
they wo'n't lend me old books, of which not
a soul in England suspected the existence until
my rummages discovered them. I am afraid,
my Lord, that these gentlemen suspect that I
shall make a fortune by my book; and therefore
think all the trouble and impediments I meet
.pn +1 // 257.png
.bn 257.png
with to be what I have no reason to complain of,
as it is in the way of trade.
"You, my Lord, have treated me differently;
and pray continue to do so. Make me a vast
map of Bengal, in which not only the outlines of
the province, but also the different subdivisions
of Burdwan, Beerboom, &c. may be justly
marked. Get me a clear idea of the different
offices and duties of Duan, Bukhshee, Cadgee,
Cutwall, and all other great posts in the government.
Take astronomical observations of longitude,
if you have any body capable of doing it.
I send you a skeleton of the Bengal map I intend
for my second volume, and I will hereafter
send you the first sheets of the book itself;
which will contain matter entirely new, even to
us East Indians; but that cruel India House,
and my paper constitution, keep me back most
terribly."
Among those he had left in India, Lord Clive
regarded none with more sincere friendship than
Major Carnac[#]; and when he feared that that
officer would resign the service from disgust at
the treatment he had received, he wrote him in
the most urgent manner, to take no such precipitate
step. He informs him, in one letter[#],
.pn +1 // 258.png
.bn 258.png
that he had exerted himself to the utmost, and
would continue to do so while he lived, to promote
his views; and "if any accident happens
to me," he adds, "I have left you an annuity
of 300l. per annum."
Mr. Amyatt had established himself very high
in the opinion of Lord Clive, with whom he
maintained, for several years, a very intimate correspondence,
to which frequent reference has
been made. Lord Clive thought equally well of
this gentleman's talent and integrity; and was
deeply grieved at hearing of his death. He had,
it is true, recommended Mr. Vansittart to be his
successor, in preference to Mr. Amyatt; but the
latter was quite satisfied that this was done from
a conscientious conviction of Mr. Vansittart's
superior competency to the station; and he knew
that Lord Clive had endeavoured, though unsuccessfully,
to obtain for him the succession of
the government of Bengal, which had been
given to Mr. Spencer, a member of Council at
Bombay, a gentleman whom Clive had recommended
to be at the head of his own presidency,
but against whose present nomination he remonstrated
in the strongest manner, on the
ground of his abilities and character (though respectable)
not being such as to warrant the
supersession of so many civil servants at Bengal,
and particularly of Mr. Amyatt.
.pn +1 // 259.png
.bn 259.png
We have often had occasion to notice the intimate
footing on which Clive had lived for
many years with Mr. Vansittart, and the high
opinion he entertained of his virtue and abilities.
Though condemning the dethronement of Meer
Jaffier, he ascribed the chief blame of that measure
to Mr. Holwell, and believed that his friend
Van. (as he termed him) had acted from necessity:
but when Cossim Ali was left uncontrolled
to pursue his own course, and the Governor,
acting on the system of non-interference with
the Nabob's authority, abandoned to his mercy
the rich Hindus and others, who had long looked
to the English for protection, Clive was unqualified
in his condemnation of a policy which he
deemed calculated to injure the reputation, and
with it the strength, of the British Government.
The opinions he gave on this subject were in
direct opposition to those contained in the minutes
and memorials published by Mr. Vansittart
in defence of his conduct; and their wide difference
on a subject of such importance led to
their being of opposite parties in the India
House.
Mr. Sulivan became the advocate of Mr. Vansittart,
whose modesty, moderation, and great
virtue he contrasted with the bold, grasping ambition
of Lord Clive; and this circumstance,
more than any other, tended to loosen those
.pn +1 // 260.png
.bn 260.png
bonds by which the two friends had been so long
united.
When persons are in the situation of Lord
Clive and Mr. Vansittart, every trifle obtains
importance, and serves to widen the breach.
Lord Clive appears to have been, during the
whole of his residence in England, very desirous
to establish himself well at court. Among other
attentions, he studied to gratify the curiosity of
the King, by obtaining for him some of the most
remarkable animals of the East. He wrote[#]
several times to Mr. Vansittart to aid him in
this object. Some time after his application,
Lord Clive received a letter from that gentleman,
intimating that he had sent home two elephants[#],
a rhinoceros, and a Persian mare, which he requested
his Lordship would, along with his brother,
Mr. Arthur Vansittart, present to his
Majesty.
When these animals reached England, Mr. A.
.pn +1 // 261.png
.bn 261.png
Vansittart requested Lord Clive would accompany
him to court, to present them. The
following answer to this letter shows the first
impression which this transaction made upon his
Lordship's mind.
"Upon the receipt of your letter," Lord
Clive observes, "enclosing a copy of a paragraph
from your brother, I can plainly perceive,
that Mr. Vansittart, declining to comply with
the request I made him, of purchasing and sending
home, on my account, an elephant, to be
presented to his Majesty by me, has taken that
hint to send one home on his own. This unkind
treatment I neither deserved nor expected
from Mr. Vansittart. I am persuaded his Majesty
will not think I am wanting in that respect
which is due to him, if I decline presenting, in
another person's name, an elephant which I intended
to present in my own. At the same
time, I shall take care his Majesty be informed
of the cause of my desiring to be excused attending
you to his Majesty, with Mr. Vansittart's
presents."
An explanation took place upon this subject;
and it appears by a letter[#] from Lord Clive to
.pn +1 // 262.png
.bn 262.png
Mr. Vansittart in the following year, that some
blame attached to the captain of the ship, who
acted, according to Lord Clive's opinion, at the
instigation of Mr. Sulivan. But it is a justice
we owe to the memory of the latter gentleman
to state, that Lord Clive was in such a frame of
mind at the time he listened to this accusation,
as readily to believe that every thing (whether
public or private) which tended to annoy or
injure him originated with or was aggravated
by, his rival for supremacy at the India House.
Though several causes combined to interrupt
that cordiality which had once subsisted between
Lord Clive and Mr. Vansittart, no open rupture
took place. The latter had left Calcutta before
his successor arrived, and returned to his native
country with a moderate fortune[#], and a character
for integrity that was never impeached,
even by those who censured most severely the
weakness and impolicy of many measures of his
government.
Lord Clive, in the hurry of leaving England,
.pn +1 // 263.png
.bn 263.png
forgot to include Mr. Call, the chief engineer
at Madras (with Mr. Campbell[#] and Mr. Preston),
in his recommendation for a brevet commission
as Colonel. He wrote[#] from Rio Janeiro
to the Chairman, Mr. Rous, entreating
he would rectify his mistake, and prevent so excellent
an officer being hurt by neglect. In the
same letter he called his attention, in a very
forcible manner, to the merits of Colonel Forde.
"If Caillaud," he observes, "should not go
to the coast of Coromandel, pray do not forget
Colonel Forde, who is a brave, meritorious, and
honest officer. He was offered a jaghire by the
Subah of the Deckan, but declined taking it
upon terms contrary to the interest of the Company.
Lord Clive, General Lawrence, and Colonel
Coote, have received marks of the Directors'
approbation and esteem; Colonel Forde has received
none. The two captains who fought and
took the Dutch ships in the Ganges received
each a piece of plate; but Colonel Forde, the
conqueror of Masulipatam, who rendered the
Company a much greater service by the total defeat
of all the Dutch land forces in Bengal, has
not been distinguished by any mark of the Company's
favour."
.pn +1 // 264.png
.bn 264.png
I here close the account of Clive's second visit
to his native country, in which he resided more
than three years. I have been minute in relating
the events of this period. They had, both as
they related to the friendships he formed and
improved, and the hostility which his open and
warm temper provoked, a serious influence upon
his future career; and a knowledge of them is
quite essential, both to the developement of his
character, and to the understanding of the subsequent
part of these volumes.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
.h3
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 12
.sp 2
// 193.png
.bn 193.png
.fn #
27th of February, 1762.
.fn-
// 194.png
.bn 194.png
.fn #
This fact he mentions in several letters. In one to Mr.
Amyatt, after entreating that gentleman to remain a short
time longer in Bengal, to succeed Mr. Vansittart in the
government, he warns him against retiring till possessed of
an ample fortune. He notices the disappointment experienced
by many of their friends, by the discovery of their
inadequate means, and adds, that he had already spent[b] (in a
period of eighteen months) upwards of 60,000l.
.fn-
.fn b
This letter is dated 27th of February, 1762. Clive could not have
reached England before September or October, 1760, and had been a
twelvemonth on a sick bed.
.fn-
.fn #
27th of February, 1762.
.fn-
// 199.png
.bn 199.png
.fn #
27th February, 1762.
.fn-
// 200.png
.bn 200.png
.fn #
We have already noticed, that the most violent of Mr.
Sulivan's opponents were the gentlemen from Bengal, who
formed, on this occasion, a party, long afterwards known in the
India House by the name of the "Bengal Squad."
.fn-
// 201.png
.bn 201.png
.fn #
22d November, 1762.
.fn-
.fn #
For this letter, vide antè, p. 129.
.fn-
// 202.png
.bn 202.png
.fn #
In the heat of the canvass at the India House, in the
beginning of 1763, a copy of this letter was obtained and
circulated. One was sent to Clive, who transmitted it to
Mr. Vansittart, with expressions of the most unqualified indignation.
.fn-
// 203.png
.bn 203.png
.fn #
Colonel Coote, when he took Pondicherry, supported by
the Admiral, desired to keep that fortress for the King of
England, and appointed an officer to command it. Mr. Pigot,
and the gentlemen in Council at Fort St. George, refused to
advance pay to the army till the fortress was given up; and
having thus compelled that concession, removed the commandant
nominated by Colonel Coote.
.fn-
// 205.png
.bn 205.png
.fn #
The rapid march of Captain Knox to the relief of Patna
in 1760, and the severe action he afterwards fought with a
handful of men against Cuddim Hussun Khan, who had
a considerable army, were exploits worthy of Clive himself.
.fn-
// 207.png
.bn 207.png
.fn #
Mr. Pitt resigned on the 5th October, 1761.
.fn-
.fn #
We find in Clive's correspondence many allusions
to his intercourse with Mr. Pitt, whom he describes as impressed
with the fullest conviction of the importance of
India to England. In a draft of a private note to the Chairman
of the Directors, (which is not dated) he observes;
"A few days ago I was with the Duke of Newcastle and
Mr. Pitt. The discourse of the former was truly in the
courtiers' style—many professions of friendship and regard,
many offers of service, without the least meaning in them;
// 208.png
.bn 208.png
but the discourse of the latter, which lasted an hour and a
half, was of a more serious nature, and much more to the
purpose. The subject was the support and welfare of the
East India Company. Mr. Pitt seems thoroughly convinced
of the infinite consequence of the trade of the East India
Company to the nation; he made no scruple to me of giving
it the preference to our concerns in America. Indeed, a
man of Mr. Pitt's influence and way of thinking is necessary
to oppose to the influence of Lord Anson, who certainly is
no friend to our Company."
.fn-
.fn #
23d November, 1762.
.fn-
// 209.png
.bn 209.png
.fn #
Bussy carried home a very large fortune, and through
its influence he attained great consideration. The favour he
enjoyed at court was increased by his connection with the
Duc de Choiseul, whose niece he married soon after his
return to France.
.fn-
// 211.png
.bn 211.png
.fn #
Letter from Lord Bute, 1st September, 1762.
.fn-
// 213.png
.bn 213.png
.fn #
The act to which I here allude is the appointment of
Sir John Lindsay, ambassador from the King of England to
the Nabob of Arcot. For an account of this transaction,
vide Political India, vol. ii. p. 36.
.fn-
// 214.png
.bn 214.png
.fn #
2d February, 1762.
.fn-
// 215.png
.bn 215.png
.fn #
The history of this bill is very curious, and is fully given
in the letters of Mr. Walsh and others to Clive. It was
brought forward in 1764, and read twice; but owing to some
informality in its wording, was thrown out that session. This
was imputed by Mr. Sulivan to the measures of his opponents,
many of whom would have been disqualified, from not having
had the stock for the prescribed period: they, on the other
hand, accused Mr. Sulivan of having so timed the bill, as to
establish his own votes and destroy those of his opponents.
.fn-
// 216.png
.bn 216.png
.fn #
Mr. Walsh, in a letter to Lord Clive, of the 14th of
February, 1765, after telling him of Mr. Sulivan's having
split a number of votes, and of Mr. Divon (a partner of
Child's house) having split 30,000l. to support him, informs
Clive that he means to do the same with some of his money.
He adds, "I am splitting mine to the amount of 20,000l.
It is a troublesome and dangerous business, but the act of parliament
will put an end to it."
.fn-
.fn #
19th March, 1763.
.fn-
.fn #
Clive here alludes to a quarterly meeting of the Court
of Proprietors.
.fn-
// 218.png
.bn 218.png
.fn #
28th February, 1762.
.fn-
// 221.png
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.fn #
The extract here quoted is part of a larger paper in defence
of Lord Clive's conduct, and believed to be written
by the late Sir Henry Strachey.
.fn-
// 224.png
.bn 224.png
.fn #
The contents of this private letter to the President of
the Council at Bengal were as follows:—"That all cordiality
being at an end with Lord Clive, the Court of Directors had
stopped payment of his jaghire; a measure which would
have taken place years ago, had it not been for him (Mr.
Sulivan); and that, on this head, the said President was to
obey every order which he might receive from the Court of
Directors; and that more was not, nor must be expected of
him."
.fn-
// 225.png
.bn 225.png
.fn #
Lord Clive, in his address to the proprietors in 1764,
answers all these objections in a very full and conclusive
manner. In treating of the supposed claims of the Emperor
and the want of power in the Nabob to grant a jaghire, he
remarks, that the arguments used against him by the Directors
are exactly those which the Dutch government had recently
brought against them, in the affair of the destruction
of their armament in 1760; and he refers the Court, in
answer to their present plea, to the memorial they lately
submitted to his Majesty; in which, after justly describing
the Emperor of Delhi as possessing, beyond very narrow
limits, only a nominal power, they observe; "The Nabob
makes war or peace, without the privity of the Moghul; that
there appears still some remains of the old constitution in the
succession to the state of Nabob; yet, in fact, that the succession is
// 226.png
.bn 226.png
never regulated by the Moghul's appointment: the Nabob in possession is
desirous of fortifying his title by the Moghul's confirmation, which the
court of Delhi, conscious of its inability to interpose, readily grants.
The Nabob of Bengal is, therefore, de facto, whatever he may be
de jure, a sovereign prince."
.fn-
// 229.png
.bn 229.png
.fn #
Mr. Amphlett (a connection of Lord Clive) was a civil
servant of Bengal; but his abilities as an engineer had led to
his being employed in improving the works at Fort William.
.fn-
// 232.png
.bn 232.png
.fn #
28th April, 1763.
.fn-
// 233.png
.bn 233.png
.fn #
The Shah-Zada (Shah Alum) had, before Clive's letters
arrived, succeeded to the throne of Delhi.
.fn-
// 234.png
.bn 234.png
.fn #
MSS. of Sir Henry Strachey.
.fn-
// 236.png
.bn 236.png
.fn #
I have extracted this summary of what Lord Clive said
upon this subject from the MSS. before quoted.
.fn-
// 237.png
.bn 237.png
.fn #
March, 1764.
.fn-
// 239.png
.bn 239.png
.fn #
This agreement between the Company and Lord Clive is
as follows:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"By indenture bearing date the 16th May, 1764, between
the United Company of Merchants of England trading to
the East Indies on the one part, and Robert Lord Clive on
the other part, it is agreed, that the said Company shall, for
the term of ten years, cause to be paid to Lord Clive, his administrators,
&c. out of their treasury in Bengal, (to be computed
from the 5th May, 1764,) the full amount of the said
jaghire rents; provided nevertheless, that in case the said
Lord Clive should die before the expiration of the said ten
years, the Company shall make good the payment of the
// 240.png
.bn 240.png
jaghire only to the time of the death of him the said Lord
Clive; provided also, that in case the Company shall not be
in actual possession of the lands out of which the said jaghire
issues, and the revenues thereof, to and for their own use, and
during the said term of ten years, then and in such case, the
said Company shall not be compellable or subject to pay any
further part of the jaghire than shall accrue due during the
said Company's actual possession of the said lands out of
which it issues."
.in 0
.fn-
// 241.png
.bn 241.png
.fn #
Mr. Sulivan was not defeated without an active struggle.
Mr. Walsh, in a letter to Lord Clive of the 5th April, 1765,
speaking of the contest, observes:—"Lord Bute joined him
(Mr. Sulivan) very strenuously, and got the Duke of Northumberland
to do the same. This change may appear extraordinary;
but abject submissions on the one part, and tender
solicitations on the other, are said to have brought it about!"
.fn-
// 247.png
.bn 247.png
.fn #
13th December, 1765.
.fn-
// 248.png
.bn 248.png
.fn #
14th October, 1764.
.fn-
// 249.png
.bn 249.png
.fn #
14th October, 1765.
.fn-
// 251.png
.bn 251.png
.fn #
The following is the account of this medal given by
Mr. Stuart (commonly called Athenian Stuart) by whom it
was designed. "The medal commemorates the battle of
// 252.png
.bn 252.png
Plassey, and is in honour of Lord Clive. On one side is his
Lordship, holding the British standard in one hand, and
with the other he bestows the ensign of Subahship on Meer
Jaffier. In the space between, are grouped together a globe,
a cornucopia, and an antique rudder, to which the legend
refers. The cornucopia symbolises the riches with which
Meer Jaffier atoned for the injuries done to our countrymen
by his predecessor; the rudder is for the augmentation of
our navigation and commercial privileges; and the globe,
for our territorial acquisitions; all of which were consequences
of this victory. In the exergue is written, 'A
Soubah given to Bengal.'
"On the other face of the medal is a victory seated on
an elephant, bearing a trophy in one hand, and a palm-branch
in the other. The inscription is 'Victory at Plassey,'
'Clive Commander.' In the exergue is the date of the
victory, and the mark of the Society for Promoting Arts and
Commerce."
.fn-
.fn #
In the collection of letters in my possession are many
which prove the happiness Lord Clive enjoyed, at this period,
in his family; but he was not exempt from severe afflictions.
I have before mentioned the loss of an infant boy, when he
sailed on his second visit to India. When he left Calcutta in
1760, his youngest boy was so ill, that he could not embark;
the child was left in charge of Mr. Fullarton, and died. A
daughter, as has been mentioned, was born to Lord Clive
after his arrival in England; and Lady Clive, when he sailed,
was on the point of being confined again.
.fn-
// 253.png
.bn 253.png
.fn #
Mr. (afterwards Sir Robert) Chambers.
.fn-
// 254.png
.bn 254.png
.fn #
Dr. Nevil Maskelyne is better known as Astronomer-Royal
at Greenwich.
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Harry Clive.
.fn-
// 255.png
.bn 255.png
.fn #
Mr. Watts estimated Lord Pigot's fortune at 400,000l.
It had chiefly been made (according to the same authority)
by lending money at high interest to the Nabob, the chiefs,
and managers of provinces. This practice was then too
common to be considered as in any way discreditable; though
it was soon afterwards discovered to be one of the most
baneful and injurious to the public interests that the Company
could tolerate in any of their servants, but above all,
in those high in station.
.fn-
// 256.png
.bn 256.png
.fn #
21st November, 1764.
.fn-
// 257.png
.bn 257.png
.fn #
Major Carnac, in 1760, came to St. Helena with Lord
Clive, and from thence returned to Bengal.
.fn-
.fn #
June, 1764.
.fn-
// 260.png
.bn 260.png
.fn #
One of Lord Clive's letters to Mr. Vansittart is dated
17th December, 1762. The passage alluded to is as follows:—"I
must again repeat my desire of having a large elephant
embarked for his Majesty, if the thing be practicable, of
which you must be a better judge than I, who are upon the
spot; and if you can send me any curiosities, such as antelopes,
hog-deer, nilgows or lynxes, I shall be much obliged
to you."
.fn-
.fn #
One of the elephants was so large that it could not be
embarked.
.fn-
// 261.png
.bn 261.png
.fn #
In this letter, which is dated January, 1764, Lord Clive
observes; "I am sorry there should be any mistake about
the elephant; and although I was somewhat affected at first
at the commission you gave me to present the elephant to
// 262.png
.bn 262.png
his Majesty in your name, instead of my own, yet the thing
in itself appears to me to be of too trifling a nature for either
of us to think any more about it. Your brother will inform
you in what manner Sampson has acted, owing, I believe,
to the instigation of Sulivan."
.fn-
.fn #
Mr. Walsh writes to Lord Clive, that Mr. Vansittart told
him his fortune did not exceed 2,500l. per annum.
.fn-
// 263.png
.bn 263.png
.fn #
Afterwards Sir Archibald Campbell, Governor of Fort
St. George.
.fn-
.fn #
14th October, 1764.
.fn-
.if h
.dv-
.if-
.pn +1 // 265.png
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.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch13
CHAP. XIII.
.sp 2
Before resuming the narrative of Clive's life,
and accompanying him on his last visit to India,
it will be necessary to take a general and concise
view of the events which had occurred in that
country during the short period of his absence.
It would, indeed, be impossible, without such
a review, to understand the nature of the scenes
in which he became engaged, or the motives
and grounds of the measures he adopted.
He was succeeded in the administration of the
affairs of Bengal by Mr. Vansittart; who, as he
owed his elevation to Clive, was disposed, we
may conclude, to pursue the course of policy
which Clive had marked out. But however easy
it may be for a man of moderate talent to follow
genius in a smooth and beaten track, it becomes
impossible, where the road is rugged and indistinct,
and where the slightest deviation leads
inevitably to the widest separation from him who
preceded.
This was the case with Mr. Vansittart. He
had a clear perception between right and wrong,
in the abstract; but his letters and minutes,
.pn +1 // 266.png
.bn 266.png
soon after he was appointed governor, show that
he was quite incompetent to take a comprehensive
view of the great and conflicting interests
committed to his charge, and still less to quell
the violent passions that were in action. He
found evils of much magnitude, and he conscientiously
desired to remedy them; but he
appears to have looked no further, and, consequently,
to have often exchanged bad for worse.
Volumes have been written for and against the
measures he adopted: they will be here noticed
only in a very cursory manner.
I have stated, in the tenth chapter, that at the
period of time when Clive sailed for England,
accounts had been received of the advance of
the Shah-Zada towards Patna; and that Colonel
Caillaud had been detached with a force to aid
Ram Narrain in repelling the invasion. Alumgeer
the Second had been murdered by his
minister, Umad-ul-Moolk[#]; and the Shah-Zada[#],
on becoming emperor, had assumed the title of
Shah Alum[#]; nominating, at the same time,
Sujah-u-Dowlah (the ruler of Oude) his vizier.
The young emperor was successful in his first
action with Ram Narrain; but the latter being
reinforced by Colonel Caillaud and Meeran, the
.pn +1 // 267.png
.bn 267.png
invaders were, in their turn, defeated[#], and
compelled to retire from before Patna. The
Emperor, however, instead of retiring towards
Benares, took the route of Moorshedabad, whither
he was pursued, and obliged to retrace his
steps; and, after another ineffectual attempt to
take Patna, he retreated to Hindustan. The
triumph of the Nabob's arms was completed by
the defeat of the rebel Raja of Purneah, by
Captain Knox; but, in the midst of these successes,
an event occurred, which became the
proximate cause of another revolution in Bengal.
The Prince Meeran, who has occupied so conspicuous
a part in this narrative, was killed[#] by
lightning. This violent young man had been at
once the support and dread of the less energetic
Meer Jaffier. Though Meeran was sensible
of the necessity of the aid of the English, he
was impatient of the state of dependence and
control in which the alliance with that nation
had placed him; and the continual conflict of
his interests and passions rendered him turbulent
and dangerous. To Clive, alone, he was obedient;
and a sentiment of attachment and respect
for that commander appears, on many
occasions, to have checked him in schemes that
must have terminated fatally for himself, or his
father. This prince, with all his vices and errors,
.pn +1 // 268.png
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was generous to his dependents and army;
who, after his death, afraid of losing their arrears,
surrounded the palace, and threatened the
life of their sovereign, against whom many of
his dependents took up arms; and, as if the
misfortunes of the country were to be complete,
it was visited by a predatory incursion of the
Mahrattas.
Amid these scenes of war, mutiny, rebellion,
and plunder, Mr. Vansittart assumed the government
of Bengal.[#] Mr. Holwell, who had been
in temporary charge, cherished the greatest prejudice
against the reigning Nabob. Meer Jaffier
was, according to him, the author of all these
evils; and so entirely did he succeed in impressing
the new governor with the same sentiments
that, within two months[#] from Mr. Vansittart's
arrival at Calcutta, a treaty was concluded with
Meer Cossim Ali, son-in-law to the Nabob, the
general of the army, engaging that the Nabob
should invest him with full power as ruler of
Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa; in return for which,
he made over to the Company the fruitful provinces
of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong.
The ostensible causes of this revolution are
honestly, indeed, but not very satisfactorily,
.pn +1 // 269.png
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stated by the Governor himself in his narrative[#],
and seem to have been chiefly the financial difficulties
of the Company's affairs. The Nabob
was to a certain extent in arrear, and other pressures
were felt. "The season had now begun,"
says Mr. Vansittart, "when our forces were to
take the field against a powerful enemy, whilst
we had scarce a rupee in our treasury to enable
us to put them in motion. The easy channel in
which the Company's affairs ran, whilst the sums
stipulated by the treaty (with Meer Jaffier)
lasted, had diverted their attention from the distresses
which must unavoidably fall on them,
whenever that fund should be exhausted; and
continuing to act on the same extensive plan in
which they set out, they now found themselves
surrounded by numerous difficulties, which were
heightened by the particular circumstances of
the country at this period, and weighed down
with the very advantages which they had acquired;
that is, an establishment which had lost
the foundation on which it was built; a military
force proportioned to their connections and influence
in the country without the means of
subsistence; a fortification begun upon the same
extensive plan, at a vast expense; and an alliance
with a power unable to support itself, and
threatening to involve them in the same ruin."
.pn +1 // 270.png
.bn 270.png
Mr. Vansittart adds, that had indolence and
weakness been the Nabob's only faults, destructive
as they were to the welfare of the country
and of the Company, he would have felt more
severely the necessity of measures the tendency
of which was to dissolve the engagements between
him and the Company; but that in addition
to this, he found a general disaffection to
his government and detestation of his person and
principles in all ranks of people. Even from this
representation of the person principally concerned
in the revolution, it is plain that the measure
"of not only breaking a solemn treaty without
previous warning and negotiation with the
prince with whom it was contracted, but even of
dethroning that prince, without attempting to
remedy by some convention the temporary evils
complained of, was a rash and unjustifiable measure,
particularly where the change and all the
articles of the new treaty were so obviously for
the advantage of one of the parties only."
The Governor went to Moorshedabad in the
hope of persuading Meer Jaffier to resign a
power which he endeavoured to convince him
he was alike unfit and unworthy to use, and to
place it in the hands of Cossim Ali, who was his
nearest connection, and the commander of his
army. We cannot be surprised that the Nabob
should indignantly repulse these attempts to
.pn +1 // 271.png
.bn 271.png
render him the willing instrument of his own
degradation. He refused to be associated, in
any way, with the proposed arrangements for
the better government of his dominions; and
stipulated for nothing but permission to retire to
Calcutta, that his life might be safe from that
danger to which it must be exposed, if he remained
at his own capital. His request was
granted; and Cossim Ali was proclaimed Nabob.[#]
.pn +1 // 272.png
.bn 272.png
The character of this chief stood high before
his elevation. Of the crime of guilty ambition,
.pn +1 // 273.png
.bn 273.png
it is vain to think of clearing him; but if he
afterwards committed the greatest atrocities, and
if his memory has become, from his cruel deeds,
an object of just abhorrence with the English, it
must not be forgotten that he was stung to madness,
by the conduct of individuals of that
nation; that he was rashly raised to power, by
men who could not support him in its exercise,
and driven to extremities by others, who, in the
pursuit of their own interests and political views,
appear to have thought all means justifiable, that
could accelerate his downfall.
There is no page in our Indian history so revolting
as the four years of the weak and inefficient
rule of Mr. Vansittart. He was, as an
individual, virtuous and respectable, and his intentions
were pure; but these personal qualities
were altogether insufficient to carry him through
such a scene as that in which he became involved.
His apologists have imputed his failure to the
want of support from his associates in power, to
that spirit of cupidity and rapacity, which had
been kindled by the successes of Clive, and to
the hopes and intrigues of the natives, which
were cherished and excited to action by those
that were hostile to the Governor and his plans.
These assertions are all true, but they only
serve to prove the want of that superiority of
mind, that spirit of command in Mr. Vansittart,
.pn +1 // 274.png
.bn 274.png
which would have enabled him to sway the
minds of his own countrymen, as well as the
want of that foresight which should have led
him to abstain from the adoption of measures
extremely questionable in themselves, and which
he did not very clearly see that he could carry
through. The only ground of apology for him,
and that not a very sufficient one, is, that he allowed
himself to be surprised in adopting the
measure at all; and that even in the instrument
which he employed for executing the work, he
was deceived in the character of Meer Cossim,
whose financial skill and ferocious energy were
both equally unforeseen. The truth, however,
is, that many of the acts of Mr. Vansittart's administration
were less his own than those of a
selfish and domineering council.
The first year of the new Nabob's reign was
marked by success against his foreign enemies.
Major Carnac, who now commanded the English
troops in Bengal, defeated the Emperor at
Gyah; and a rebellion of the chief of Beerboom
and Burdwan was repressed by the aid of a detachment
under Major Yorke. Major Carnac,
who had obtained just reputation from his military
operations, had acquired more with the
natives of India by his generous treatment of
M. Law, who was compelled to surrender to
him, and by his humane and politic behaviour
.pn +1 // 275.png
.bn 275.png
to the unfortunate emperor, whom he had defeated,
but whom he afterwards waited upon and
attended as one of his subjects.
The courteous behaviour of Major Carnac to
the French commander excited, according to the
author of the Seer Mutakhareen, equal astonishment
and admiration. We cannot refrain from
giving an account of the surrender and treatment
of M. Law in the words of the native
historian.[#]
"When the Emperor left the field of battle,
the handful of troops that followed M. Law,
discouraged by this flight, and tired of the
wandering life which they had hitherto led in
his service, turned about likewise and followed
the Emperor. M. Law, finding himself abandoned
and alone, resolved not to turn his back;
he bestrode one of his guns, and remained firm
in that posture, waiting for the moment of his
death. This being reported to Major Carnac,
he detached himself from his main, with Captain
Knox and some other officers, and he advanced
to the man on the gun, without taking with him
either a guard or any Telingas (sepoys) at all.
Being arrived near, this troop alighted from
their horses, and pulling their caps from their
heads, they swept the air with them, as if to
make him a salam; and this salute being returned
.pn +1 // 276.png
.bn 276.png
by M. Law in the same manner, some
parley in their language ensued. The Major,
after paying high encomiums to M. Law for his
perseverance, conduct, and bravery, added these
words:—'You have done every thing which
could be expected from a brave man; and your
name shall be undoubtedly transmitted to posterity
by the pen of history; now loosen your
sword from your loins, come amongst us, and
abandon all thoughts of contending with the
English.' The other answered, 'that if they
would accept of his surrendering himself just as
he was, he had no objection; but that as to surrendering
himself with the disgrace of being
without his sword, it was a shame he would
never submit to; and that they might take his
life if they were not satisfied with that condition.'
The English commanders, admiring his
firmness, consented to his surrendering himself
in the manner he wished; after which the Major,
with his officers, shook hands with him, in
their European manner, and every sentiment of
enmity was instantly dismissed on both sides.
At the same time the Major sent for his own
palankeen, made him sit in it, and he was sent
to camp. M. Law, unwilling to see, or to be
seen, shut up the curtains of the palankeen for
fear of being recognised by any of his friends
at camp; but yet some of his acquaintances,
.pn +1 // 277.png
.bn 277.png
hearing of his being arrived, went to him. The
Major, who had excused him from appearing in
public, informed them that they could not see
him for some days, as he was too much vexed to
receive any company. Ahmed Khan Koreishee,
who was an impertinent talker, having come to
look at him, thought to pay his court to the
English by joking on the man's defeat; a behaviour
that has nothing strange, if we consider
the times in which we live, and the company he
was accustomed to frequent; and it was in that
notion of his, doubtless, that with much pertness
of voice and air, he asked him this question;
'And Beeby (Lady) Law, where is she?' The
Major and the officers present, shocked at the
impropriety of the question, reprimanded him
with a severe look and very severe expressions:
'This man,' they said, 'has fought bravely, and
deserves the attention of all brave men; the impertinences
which you have been offering him
may be customary amongst your friends and
nation, but cannot be suffered in ours, which
has it for a standing rule, never to offer an
injury to a vanquished foe.' Ahmed Khan,
checked by this reprimand, held his tongue, and
did not answer a word. He tarried about one
hour more in his visit, and then went away much
abashed; and, although he was a commander of
importance, and one to whom much honour had
.pn +1 // 278.png
.bn 278.png
been always paid, no one did speak to him any
more, or made a show of standing up at his departure.
This reprimand did much honour to
the English; and it must be acknowledged, to
the honour of those strangers, that as their conduct
in war and in battle is worthy of admiration,
so, on the other hand, nothing is more
modest and more becoming than their behaviour
to an enemy, whether in the heat of action, or
in the pride of success and victory. These
people seem to act entirely according to the
rules observed by our ancient commanders, and
our men of genius."
The Emperor of Delhi this year[#] invested
Cossim Ali as Subadar of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa; the latter agreeing to pay an annual
tribute of twenty-four lacs. The aid of the
English was desired to fix the Emperor upon
the throne of Delhi; and in return, an offer was
made of the Dewanee of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa; but, though the project was entertained
at Calcutta, the want of funds for the expedition,
and alarm at the embarrassments in which
it might involve the Company, prevented its acceptance.
The consequence of the success of his arms,
was a desire, on the part of the Nabob, to avail
himself of it to confirm his power, and to enable
.pn +1 // 279.png
.bn 279.png
not only to raise funds to discharge the
heavy burdens imposed upon him as the price of
his elevation, but to enrich himself. No means
appeared more likely to effect these ends than
the plunder of Ram Narrain, the celebrated
governor of Patna. Mr. Vansittart had anticipated
this desire, and had furnished Major
Carnac with orders to protect a man, who had
so often merited, and so often received pledges
of protection from the British government.
Happy would it have been for the English name
and interests, had the Governor persevered in
this resolution!—but deceived by the artful representations
of Cossim Ali, and irritated by the
opposition and remonstrances of Major Carnac,
who had (as his friend Clive thought[#], most
unnecessarily,) joined his opponents, Mr. Vansittart
.pn +1 // 280.png
.bn 280.png
appointed Colonel Coote to the command
of the troops at Patna, as preparatory to abandoning
its ruler. But Coote, like Carnac,
refused to be passive, much less to be the instrument
of a measure which they both deemed
a violation of pledged faith to an individual;
and as such, derogatory to the honour, and
injurious to the interests of the British nation.
The consequence of this opposition, which,
however laudable the motives, was quite indefensible
in military officers, was the removal of
Colonel Coote; after which Ram Narrain was
seized, but no wealth was found in his possession.
His imprisonment, and subsequent execution, by
order of Meer Cossim Ali brought just reproach
upon the English government: for nothing but
direct rebellion, or the most flagrant violation of
his duty, could have warranted the abandonment
of one whom we had so repeatedly, and so specifically,
guaranteed against the apprehended
avarice and resentment of his superior's passions,
which were aggravated by the protection that
policy had compelled us to give to this Hindoo
ruler. That the conduct of Cossim Ali was
not to be anticipated, is a weak and inadmissible
excuse. The faith of the British nation should
not have been committed to such hands: for if
there exists one ground of strength more than
another to our empire in India, it is the strict
.pn +1 // 281.png
.bn 281.png
maintenance of such guarantees as that which
had been given to Ram Narrain. They can
never be made without creating hostility in the
parties whose power they limit, or to whose interests
they are, or seem to be, opposed. Every
artifice, and every effort, therefore, will be used
to induce us to break them; and when we do so,
we may be satisfied, that we lose more of real
strength, by every such act, than can be gained
by the most brilliant victory.
One of the chief causes of the discord which
prevailed in Bengal was the exemption from
duties on their private trade, claimed by the
Company's civil servants, who at that period
were remunerated by their trade rather than their
salaries. The system of collecting customs on
the transit of goods in the interior of the country
prevailed all over India; and in Bengal
much inconvenience was felt, and many quarrels
arose, from the number of tolls and inspections to
which the Company's goods were liable, in common
with all others, in their transit to and from
the marts of purchase and sale. To obviate
these, it was arranged with the Nabobs, in explanation
of the Emperor's firman, that the
Company's flag and dustuck[#], in their boats
.pn +1 // 282.png
.bn 282.png
and other conveyances, should secure their
goods from search; and as their trade consisted
solely of goods from foreign parts for sale in the
country, or of country goods for foreign exportation,
the privilege only partially interfered with
the trade of the interior. While the Nabobs and
their officers were in full power, any abuse of
this privilege was easily checked. But when,
after the accession of Meer Jaffier, the English
had become all-powerful, and it was dangerous
to interfere with their acts, or to question their
proceedings, the Company's servants, who had
still the privilege of trading on their own account,
not only covered their private adventures,
by passports under the Company's name,
but all their servants and dependents claimed an
exemption from internal duties on the same plea,
and besides entered deeply into the internal trade
of the country. During the vigorous administration
of Clive such attempts had been rare; but
when all fear of correction was lost in the increasing
weakness of his successors in the government,
men set no limits to their efforts to enrich
themselves. The Nabob's revenue was injured,
and his authority insulted, in every quarter of
his dominions, by the exemptions claimed for
the trade of European agents, and the respect
demanded for the persons of the lowest of their
servants. Against their pretensions and excesses
.pn +1 // 283.png
.bn 283.png
he made the most forcible remonstrance, but in
vain. Many of the persons of whom he complained
were members of Council; and it was
not surprising, therefore, that difficulties should
occur in any attempt made by the Governor to
check and reform such abuses. Cossim Ali became
impatient of delay; and finding his representations
produce no effect, and that the orders
of the government were either evaded or disobeyed,
he himself took, and authorized measures
of violence, that increased the discontent and
hostility of the party opposed to Mr. Vansittart;
many of whom were the persons chiefly benefited
by the abuses complained of, who represented
him as leaving British subjects and public servants
of the Company at the will and mercy of a capricious
tyrant whom he had unjustly raised to the
throne.
To remedy these evils, Mr. Vansittart negotiated
a treaty, by which, while some advantages
were left to the servants of the Company, many
of the privileges they had claimed were done
away. This treaty, though exceptionable in some
of its clauses, might have operated well, had
Mr. Vansittart's Council been disposed to listen
to reason, and had Cossim Ali been more temperate.
Trusting to his judicious and active
administration of the customs as one of the
.pn +1 // 284.png
.bn 284.png
sources out of which he was to discharge the
heavy pecuniary obligations under which he had
come to the English, he adopted the strictest
measures for enforcing their collection. The
adjudication and enforcement of all fiscal demands
by the articles of the treaty had (unfortunately
as affairs stood) been left to the Nabob's
officers. Numerous collisions instantly ensued
in all parts of the country. "In truth," says
Mr. Verelst[#], a dispassionate observer, "it soon
became a personal quarrel. Meer Cossim, in the
orders issued to his officers, distinguished between
the trade of his friends, and of those who opposed
him, treating individuals with indecent reproach."
The opponents of Mr. Vansittart, who thought
their interest injured, and who now formed the
majority of Council, combined in measures which
soon led to an open rupture.
So excessive were the claims made by the
English and their native servants, for carrying
their goods free from the duties paid by the
Nabob's own subjects, that the whole commerce
of the country was thrown into confusion, and
ruin was threatened to the Nabob's finances. As
a measure of justice to his own subjects, and to
prevent the daily breaches of the peace which
occurred, he saw no remedy left, but to abolish
all customs in his dominions. An order was
.pn +1 // 285.png
.bn 285.png
accordingly issued abolishing all tolls and customs
for the space of two years.
This act of the Nabob, though extorted by
necessity, and so injurious to his own revenue,
was loudly exclaimed against as an infringement
of his engagements with the Company; and two
agents[#] were sent to demand its annulment.
But before they could adjust differences, events
were brought to a crisis, principally through the
impressions made upon the Nabob's mind by the
conduct of the majority of the Council.[#]
.pn +1 // 286.png
.bn 286.png
Mr. Vansittart informs Lord Clive of his measures
for regulating trade; but states his apprehensions
.pn +1 // 287.png
.bn 287.png
of the result. These were but too
fully verified. The Nabob, alarmed by the assembly
of all the Council from the out-stations,
and outraged by their seizure of some aumils
(or revenue officers) for the performance of his
orders, became most violent, and was rendered
more so from the daily reports of the conduct of
Mr. Ellis, chief of Patna, who, from the first, had
been the determined opponent of his elevation.
A knowledge of the disposition, and a belief of
the hostile intentions of this public agent, led
him to stop two boats proceeding to Patna with
arms; and he added to this act of aggression a
demand for the removal of Mr. Ellis, and the
English detachment from Patna. This conduct
was regarded as very little short of an open declaration
of war; and as such, it was treated by
the majority of the Council, who issued orders to
Mr. Ellis, giving him the power (if he thought it
right to exercise it) to anticipate the Nabob's
hostile designs by seizing upon the citadel of
Patna. The reins of government had fallen
from the hands of Mr. Vansittart, and were
guided by a selfish and sordid majority.
.pn +1 // 288.png
.bn 288.png
It was in vain that Mr. Vansittart and Mr.
Warren Hastings protested against giving such
discretionary power to a man known to be so
violent. They too truly anticipated the result.
At the very moment Cossim Ali (alarmed at
having proceeded too far) released the boats,
he heard of the Fort of Patna being surprised
and taken by the English troops, acting under
the orders of Mr. Ellis. Though it was immediately
re-taken by his troops, Cossim Ali's rage,
at what he deemed a treacherous commencement
of hostilities, knew no bounds; and throwing
away the scabbard, he became furious in his
resentment against the whole English nation,
and all who had adhered to them. Mr. Amyatt[#],
.pn +1 // 289.png
.bn 289.png
one of the deputies sent to Monghyr, was
murdered on his way back to Calcutta. To
Ram Narrain's death was added the execution
of the two Hindu Seits (or bankers), who had always
been supposed attached to the English interests;
and notwithstanding the entreaties and
threats of the Governor, and the more direct
menaces of Major Adams, commanding the
British forces, he glutted his vengeance with
the deliberate murder of Mr. Ellis and all the
English (except one) who had been taken prisoners
at Patna. Their numbers amounted to
one hundred and fifty, of whom fifty were military
or civil officers.
Subsequently to this act of atrocity[#], Cossim
Ali and the German[#], Sumroo, (who had been
.pn +1 // 290.png
.bn 290.png
the instrument of the massacre,) fled before the
British troops, and found refuge in the territories
of Oude. Sujah-u-Dowlah, the prince of that
country, not only refused to deliver them up on
the demand of the British commander, but,
acting as an ally of Cossim Ali, advanced to attack
the English army, then under Major Munro,
from whom he received a signal defeat at Buxar.
He was afterwards pursued into his own country,
and again discomfited, though he had been
joined by the Mahratta chief, Mulhar Row
Holkar. So situated, this ruler adopted a very
politic and decided course. He would not, he
said, bring a stain upon his honour, by surrendering
men who had sought his protection; but
he commanded Cossim Ali and Sumroo to quit
his dominions, and repaired to the British camp,
throwing himself entirely upon the clemency of
his enemy. To this he was chiefly induced by
the accounts which had been received of the return
of Clive, whom he could not hope to oppose,
and whose resentment he hoped to disarm
by unqualified submission. His conduct and
character were represented in the most favourable
light by Major Carnac, who earnestly
recommended that he should be treated with
.pn +1 // 291.png
.bn 291.png
generosity, and confirmed in his dominions.
Such a measure, this sensible and liberal officer
remarked, would be more beneficial to our interests
and reputation, than any change we could
make in this quarter of India.
The events that have been described led to the
re-elevation of Meer Jaffier to the Musnud; and
we must, therefore, shortly revert to the history
of that prince.
Before Clive left India, Meer Jaffier had committed
many acts that might have been construed
into infractions of the treaty with the
English, and more, that, strictly viewed, would
have proved him ill suited for the high station
to which he had been raised: but Clive considered
that his conduct was less to be attributed
to his character, which was weak and vacillating,
than to the galling nature of his dependent condition;
and as the relations between the Nabob
of Moorshedabad and the English could not
be changed, without danger to the very existence
of the latter, he judged wisely, that,
while Meer Jaffier abstained from hostility, however
glaring his defects, any change in the head
of the native government would be impolitic,
and attended with consequences alike injurious
to the reputation and interests of the British
government.
The departure of Clive was the most serious
.pn +1 // 292.png
.bn 292.png
of all misfortunes to Meer Jaffier. He required
the most liberal toleration that enlarged policy
could give to his measures. He had, besides,
a respect for the character and a dread of the
displeasure of Clive, which operated as a check
upon his excesses. Mr. Holwell (the temporary
successor to Clive) could not succeed to his
influence over the mind of the Nabob, whose
want of personal deference must have aggravated
the bad impressions the new governor appears
to have previously entertained of his character.
But, though Mr. Holwell has laboured to prove
that Meer Jaffier, subsequent to his combination
with the Dutch, carried on a correspondence
with the Shah-Zada hostile to the English, the
fact is not clearly established; and if it were,
the sound principles that regulated the conduct
of Clive would have led to its being passed over.
The unhappy death of Meeran, however, was
the event which tended most to accelerate the
revolution. It threw, as has been shown, the
army and country into equal confusion; and the
step taken by the Nabob of elevating his nearest
connection[#] and most efficient military leader,
Cossim Ali, to the condition before held by his
son, proved the proximate cause of his ruin.
Cossim Ali's ambition was of too active a
nature to render him content to await the death
.pn +1 // 293.png
.bn 293.png
of his father-in-law and benefactor; and he found, in the distracted
state of the Nabob's government, and in the prejudices of those
intrusted with the administration of the Company's affairs in Bengal,
ample grounds to proceed upon. He had also recourse to what he no doubt
deemed more certain means of effecting his object. He promised (and the
promise was afterwards made good[#]), large sums to those of the select
committee who had favoured his elevation. He anxiously desired to extend
his gifts to the members of the committee who were opposed to the
measures of the Governor; but they rejected his offers, and made such
rejection a
.pn +1 // 294.png
.bn 294.png
strong ground of the sincerity of that protest[#]
which they had entered against the proceedings
of the Governor and his party on this memorable
occasion.
The letter written by the secret committee of
Bengal to the Court of Directors, at the period
of Clive's departure for England, has been already
noticed. It was, of course, deemed most
contumacious; and as a mark of their displeasure,
the Court dismissed from their service
the four civil councillors.[#] Three of those dismissed
were zealous supporters of Mr. Vansittart;
and their removal threw the power into
the hands of a majority, whose violence, in their
opposition to him and Cossim Ali, led to measures
which precipitated the rupture with the
latter, and all the horrid acts by which it was
attended.
On the breaking out of the war, the restoration
of Meer Jaffier was urged by the majority
of the Council; and when the excesses of Cossim
Ali put an end to all hopes of a settlement with
him, Mr. Vansittart and Mr. Hastings, who
were at first opposed to the measure, concurred
in it. The re-elevation was attended with few
changes. He confirmed the concessions[#] made
.pn +1 // 295.png
.bn 295.png
by Cossim Ali, and restored the advantages of
trade to the English which that prince had
taken from them. Meer Jaffier survived his
restoration to power but a short period; and
that was disturbed by mutinies in his army, and
by the intrigues and corruption of his court.
He imputed all his misfortunes to the absence
of Clive; and he anxiously desired to protract
his existence till the arrival of one, whom, notwithstanding
all their disputes and differences,
he appears throughout to have considered as his
only true friend. The gratification of his wish
was denied him. He died a few months before
Clive's arrival[#]; but the warm and often-expressed
sentiments of Meer Jaffier, on this
point, show that he was neither destitute of good
feeling nor discernment. The sincerity of his
attachment was proved by the last act of his
life, which was to leave a legacy to his friend.
The amount and destination of this bequest shall
be hereafter mentioned.
On the death of Meer Jaffier, doubts arose as
to his successor. The first claimant was Nujum-ud-Dowla,
a youth of twenty, and son of
the deceased; and the second, his grandson
(the son of Meeran), who was only six years of
age. After some deliberation, the decision was
in favour of the former.
.pn +1 // 296.png
.bn 296.png
By the treaty[#] concluded with this prince,
the military defence of the country entirely
devolved upon the English; the Nabob agreeing
to keep no more troops than were necessary for
purposes of parade. The most remarkable feature
of this arrangement was, the agreement of
the young Nabob to appoint, with the advice
and concurrence of the English government, a
Naib Subah (or vicegerent), to conduct the civil
administration of his country. At the time
when Meer Jaffier was restored, the choice of
his minister was, of course, considered as being
of the greatest importance. While at Calcutta,
he proposed to appoint to that office Nundcomar[#],
a Hindu of the worst character. To this Mr.
Vansittart strongly objected, recommending Mahommed
Reza Khan, a Mahommedan noble of
talent and of reputed integrity, but who was opposed
(probably for those very qualifications) by
the intriguing and corrupt faction which had
long governed the court of Moorshedabad.
The Nabob soon after left Calcutta, when Nundcomar
followed; and, in spite of Mr. Vansittart's
.pn +1 // 297.png
.bn 297.png
remonstrances, being supported by the
majority in Council opposed to the Governor,
he was intrusted with the direction of the Nabob's
affairs. Mr. Vansittart had left Bengal
before the death of Meer Jaffier; on which
event, by the treaty that followed, Mahommed
Reza Khan (then at Dacca) was elevated to the
rank of Naib Subah to his successor, Nujum-ud-Dowla.[#]
Mr. Vansittart, or rather his council, has
been reproached[#] (as Clive was) for making Nabobs,
without any reference or respect for the
legitimate authority of the Emperor of Delhi,
or his Vizier, Sujah-u-Dowla. But however
politic it might have been to have gained the
sanction of such authorities after the measure
was adopted, a previous application would have
been the height of folly and of weakness. Whatever
latitude of interference, or right of approbation,
had been given to the Emperor or his
minister, would assuredly have been exercised
for venal and ambitious purposes; and the embarrassments,
that must ever attend such proceedings,
.pn +1 // 298.png
.bn 298.png
would have been multiplied tenfold.
Sujah-u-Dowla, it is true, upbraided the English
with their conduct in this particular. He
accused them of casting down and putting up
Nabobs at their pleasure; but this was to gain
opinion, and afford a pretext for the hostilities
he meditated against their power. The very
chief who made this accusation was the proclaimed
minister and servant of the Emperor;
but he yielded him neither obedience, nor a participation
in the revenues of the wide and rich
territories of Oude. Names and forms, as connected
with the different relations of authority
in the empire of India, continued to be observed,
and were so far of importance; but, as connected
with the substance of power, they had
been, for a long period, wholly neglected; and
though we may agree with the historical antiquary,
who judges from the principles of times
long past, and looks only to the theory of Indian
government, that the English were wrong, yet,
if we take a dispassionate and comprehensive
view of the actual condition of India, we must, I
conceive, not only deem them defensible upon
this point, but pronounce that, under the circumstances
in which they were placed, it was
quite impracticable for the local authorities at
Calcutta to pursue any other line, without sacrificing
the interests committed to their care, and
.pn +1 // 299.png
.bn 299.png
greatly increasing the anarchy and bloodshed in
the country, regarding the administration of
which the disputes existed.[#]
The changes that took place at Madras during
Clive's absence from India have little relation
to these Memoirs, as that presidency continued,
during his second administration, almost unconnected
with Bengal. Suffice it, therefore, to
say, that the power of the English Nabob (as
he was termed), Mahommed Ali Khan, was fully
established[#]; the strong fortress of Vellore was
besieged, and taken from Mortiz Ali Khan, and
part of the Carnatic was assigned, as a jaghire,
to the Company.
Another event occurred during this period[#],
which created a great sensation. The gallant
Mahommed Esoof, who had so greatly distinguished
himself in the early campaigns of Lawrence
and Clive, had been continued in the
management of Madura and Tinnevelly, which
he had been the chief instrument of reducing
to order. He was, in this situation, subject to
the Nabob, to whom, and those around him, he
was not long in becoming an object of jealousy
and hatred. The defalcation of revenue from
.pn +1 // 300.png
.bn 300.png
exhausted countries, and the haughty replies
made by a proud soldier to reproaches, added to
the preparations he made to guard against the
designs of those he justly deemed his enemies,
furnished ample pretexts for accusing him of
malversation and rebellion. The Company's
troops were combined with those of the Nabob
for his reduction; which was not, however, effected,
without great waste of blood and treasure,
and at last accomplished by an act of treachery.
A Frenchman in his service, of the name of
Marchand, betrayed him; and he was put to
death by the Nabob, Mahommed Ali. This
gallant soldier, no doubt, became a rebel to the
prince he served; but he may be deemed, in
some respects, the victim of those disputes for
power which ran so high, at this period, between
the English and the Nabob. Mr. Pigot, according
to Mahommed Ali, forced Mahommed Esoof
upon him as the manager of the countries of
Madura and Tinnevelly; and by his support and
countenance encouraged him in acts of contumacy
and disobedience. Educated as the Vellore
Subadar had been, and knowing that the real
power was vested in the English, he appears to
have looked exclusively to them, and to have paid
little attention to one he considered as having no
more than a nominal authority. But the departure
for England of his friend Mr. Pigot, and the
.pn +1 // 301.png
.bn 301.png
succession of Mr. Palk, whose policy conceded
to the Nabob the real dominion of his country,
left Mahommed Esoof without hope; and, in
the desperate struggle he made for his life, the
former faithful soldier of the English not only
corresponded with their enemies, the French,
against whom he had so often and so gallantly
fought, but declared himself the subject, and
displayed in his fort and country the banners, of
that nation. This last act of his life has not
deprived his memory of the honours that belong
to it, as the bravest and ablest of all the native
soldiers that ever served the English in
India.
Mr. Palk, formerly clergyman at Fort Saint
David, who had risen, by his moderation, good
sense, and experience, to different offices of
government, was, when Clive returned to India,
Governor of Madras. His appointment to this
station induced his friend and near connection,
General Lawrence, to quit his retreat, and revisit,
as commander of the troops, the scene of
his former fame.
At Calcutta, Mr. Spencer from Bombay had
succeeded to Mr. Vansittart. He was governor
at the time of the elevation of Nujum-ud-Dowla,
and participated in the money[#] that was distributed
on that occasion. These presents have
.pn +1 // 302.png
.bn 302.png
been justly arraigned, as furnishing powerful
motives to the Company's servants for making
revolutions by which they were enriched; and
it is one of the heaviest charges against Clive,
that his example was the origin of this baneful
practice. The fact is not disputed; but it happened
in this case, as in most others, where
small men attempt to imitate great, that they
reach only the defects, and fail in every other
part.
The princely presents which Clive merited
and received were the rewards of great services
rendered to the parties by whom they were
given, and in which his first efforts were prompted
by considerations that were decidedly uninfluenced
by sordid motives. Add to this, that
whatever he undertook prospered, and that all
the individuals whom he elevated he preserved,
not only from their native enemies, but from the
still more galling encroachments and rapacity of
the Company's servants. By such acts he won
the good opinion of all ranks in India. From the
King to the peasant the name of Clive inspired
sentiments of respect and confidence.
What a contrast was presented by his successors
in power! Money for themselves was, in
every engagement, one of the stipulations, and
appeared, though in some cases it might not have
been, the leading motive of their measures. All
.pn +1 // 303.png
.bn 303.png
their measures failed: every one connected with
them was ruined. The character for good faith,
which at Clive's departure stood so high, was
lost. No one trusted the word of an Englishman.
Many of those who engaged in these scenes
were able and virtuous; but there was no leading
genius among them. The jealousy and party
spirit that pervaded the government at home
multiplied checks and cherished insubordination
in those abroad; till nothing was heard but accusations
and recriminations.
The army, both European and native, had
fallen into a very insubordinate and mutinous
state. The officers evinced this spirit on almost
every occasion where they deemed their personal
interests affected; and many of the privates
deserted to the native powers. A most serious
mutiny occurred at the period when Major
Munro took the command of the army[#] at Patna.
A battalion of sepoys left camp to join the enemy:
they were intercepted by a body of troops, and
twenty-four of the ringleaders were brought before
a native court-martial, and sentenced to
death. They were all executed; and we are informed
by an officer who was present, that an
incident occurred on this occasion, which not
only created a great sensation at the moment, but
left a lasting impression on the native soldiers of
.pn +1 // 304.png
.bn 304.png
Bengal, being truly characteristic of their proud
and dauntless spirit.
When the orders were given to tie four of these
men to the guns, from which they were to be
blown, four grenadiers stept out and demanded
the priority of suffering, as "a right," they
said, "which belonged to men who had always
been first in the post of danger." The calm
manner in which this request was made, and the
anxiety that it should be granted, excited great
sympathy in all who beheld it. The officer[#] on
whose authority this fact is stated, and who was
an eye-witness of the scene, observes; "I belonged
on this occasion to a detachment of
marines. They were hardened fellows, and some
of them had been of the execution party that
shot Admiral Byng; yet they could not refrain
from tears at the fate and conduct of these gallant
grenadier sepoys."
When a strong sense of imminent danger, and
a fear of total ruin to the affairs of the Company
and of the English nation in Bengal, excited
universal attention and alarm, all eyes were naturally
turned on Clive, as the only human being
who could restore the reputation and interests of
this nation in India. He was in consequence, as
has been stated, called upon to proceed once more
to that country, and he had courage to obey the
.pn +1 // 305.png
.bn 305.png
call, though convinced that the scene presented
difficulties which were almost insurmountable,
and that he would have to perform duties that
were personally invidious, and calculated not only
to interrupt but to destroy all his prospects of
future enjoyment.
There can be no doubt that Clive, in consenting,
under such circumstances, to return to India,
was chiefly, if not solely, actuated by an honourable
ambition, and by an ardent desire to promote
the interests and glory of his country.
His first stipulation, however, was, that his stay
should be limited to a very short period; and he
pledged himself (and the pledge, as will be
shown hereafter, was nobly redeemed) not to
enrich himself one farthing by any pay or emoluments
he might receive from the high station
to which he was nominated.
Though Clive had been restrained by many
considerations, as well as by the rapidity of
events, from taking personally any decided part
in the disputes in Bengal, he had not been an
unconcerned observer of those scenes. Each
party had addressed him with an equal solicitude
that he should approve and support them; but
we do not meet in his private correspondence
with any full expression of his sentiments. He
regretted, it appears from his letters, the removal
of Meer Jaffier from the throne; but uninformed
.pn +1 // 306.png
.bn 306.png
of the minute circumstances that had produced
that measure, he did not withdraw his confidence
in the wisdom of the administration of one, whom
he so highly valued as Mr. Vansittart, till he saw
him depart step by step from all those maxims
of policy he had laid down as the rules of his
own conduct, both in regard to native princes
and other men of rank and consequence in
India.
The opposition of his views to those of his
successor, as well as his own difficulties, are
clearly expressed in a letter he wrote to the
Court of Directors immediately before his embarkation.
"In obedience to your commands," Lord
Clive observes[#], "I now transmit the purport
of what I had the honour to represent to you
by word of mouth at the last Court of Directors,
with some other particulars which slipped my
memory at that time.
"Having taken into consideration your letter
sent me by the Secretary, as also the request of
the General Court of Proprietors, I think myself
bound in honour to accept the charge of
your affairs in Bengal, provided you will co-operate
with, and assist me in such a manner
that I may be able to answer the expectations
and intentions of the General Court.
.pn +1 // 307.png
.bn 307.png
"As an individual, I can have no temptation
to undertake this arduous task, and nothing but
the desire I have to be useful to my country,
and to manifest my gratitude to this Company,
could make me embark in this service, attended
as it is with so many inconveniences to myself
and my family. I cannot avoid acknowledging
that I quit my native country with some degree
of regret and diffidence, on leaving behind me
(as I certainly do) a very divided and distracted
Direction, at a time, too, when unanimity is
more than ever requisite for the carrying into
execution such plans as are absolutely necessary
to the well-being of the Company.
"I shall now enter into a short discussion of
your political, commercial, and military affairs
in Bengal. Without searching into the causes
of the unhappy revolution in favour of Cossim
Ali Khan, I shall only remark, that if the same
plan of politics had been pursued, after he was
placed upon the throne, as that which I had observed
towards his predecessor, he might with
great ease have remained there to this day,
without having it in his power to injure either
himself or the Company in the manner he has
lately done. Indeed, Mr. Vansittart's ideas in
politics have differed so widely from mine, that
either the one or the other must have been totally
in the wrong. Soon after Cossim Ali Khan was
.pn +1 // 308.png
.bn 308.png
raised to his new dignity, he was suffered to retire
to a very great distance from his capital, that our
influence might be felt and dreaded as little as
possible by him:—he was suffered to dismiss
all those old officers who had any connection
with, or dependence upon us; and, what was
the worst of all, our faithful friend and ally,
Ram Narrain, the Nabob of Patna, was given
up; the doctrine of the Subadar's independency
was adopted, and every method was put
in practice to confirm him in it. We need seek
for no other causes of the war, for it is now
some time that things have been carried to such
lengths abroad, that either the princes of the
country must, in a great measure, be dependent
on us, or we totally so on them.[#] That the public
and continued disapprobation of Cossim Ali
Khan's advancement to the government, expressed
by the gentlemen of Calcutta, increased
the Nabob's jealousy, is most true; and that it
was the duty of every one, after the revolution was
once effected, to concur heartily in every measure
to support it, cannot be denied. It is likewise
true, that the encroachments made upon
the Nabob's prescriptive rights by the Governor
and Council, and the rest of the servants trading
in the articles of salt, beetle, and tobacco, together
.pn +1 // 309.png
.bn 309.png
with the power given by Mr. Vansittart
to subject our gomastahs (or agents) to the
jurisdiction and inspection of the country government,
all concurred to hasten and bring on
the late troubles; but still the groundwork of
the whole was the Nabob's independency. It
is impossible to rely on the moderation and justice
of Mussulmen. Strict and impartial justice
should ever be observed; but let that justice
come from ourselves. The trade, therefore, of
salt, betle, and tobacco having been one cause
of the present disputes, I hope these articles
will be restored to the Nabob, and your servants
absolutely forbid to trade in them. This will
be striking at the root of the evil. The prohibition
of dustucks to your junior servants will, I
hope, tend to restore that economy which is so
necessary in your service. Indeed, if some method
be not thought of, and your Council do
not heartily co-operate with your Governor to
prevent the sudden acquisition of fortunes,
which has taken place of late, the Company's
affairs must greatly suffer. What power it may
be proper to vest me with, to remedy those
great and growing evils, will merit your serious
consideration. As a means to alleviate in some
measure the dissatisfaction that such restrictions
upon the commercial advantages of your servants
may occasion in them, it is my full intention
.pn +1 // 310.png
.bn 310.png
not to engage in any kind of trade myself; so
that they will divide amongst them what used to
be the Governor's portion of commercial advantages,
which was always very considerable."
Clive then proceeds to offer some observations
upon the state of the Company's military affairs
in Bengal; and suggests the necessity of keeping
up an European force of four, or, at least,
three thousand men.[#] While he pays a just tribute
to the high character of the Indian army,
and to the honour they had gained by their
gallant exploits, he laments the want of due
obedience and subordination, so essential to the
interests of the service. To remedy this (which
was rendered more necessary by the removal of
the King's troops at this time), he recommends
an immediate increase of field officers; and
points out to the Court the different individuals,
who, from their character and services, had the
strongest claims upon their notice.
"I would recommend," he observes, "the
appointing three field officers to every battalion,
a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, and major; and
the officers I would choose to command the battalions
.pn +1 // 311.png
.bn 311.png
should be Majors Carnac, Richard Smith,
and Preston. You have already done justice to
Major Carnac's character by reinstating him in
the command of your forces in Bengal, and by
acknowledging his services in the most public
manner. This gentleman will, I flatter myself,
stand as high in your esteem as Brigadier General
Caillaud; and will, I hope, have the same
rank and appointments. The military merits
of the other two gentlemen you are likewise
well acquainted with, having both received from
the Court marks of approbation for their distinguished
services. To command your artillery I
would recommend Sir Robert Barker, whose
abilities in that department have been exceeded
by no officer that ever was in your service. Your
sepoys are already commanded by Major Knox,
whose merits I could wish to have rewarded
with a lieutenant-colonel's commission. Your
horse, when raised, should be commanded by
a lieutenant-colonel, or major.
"I have very strong reasons to wish this idea
of regimenting your troops may take place; for
without such a subordination I shall not be able
to enforce your orders for the reduction of your
military expenses, which have been a constant
dead-weight, and have swallowed up your revenues.
I could wish, that whatever emoluments
are unavoidable may fall to those few who, having
.pn +1 // 312.png
.bn 312.png
been long, are high in your service, whether
civil or military. Thus will the expense be
scarce felt by the Company, in comparison to
what it is at present, when, for want of due
subordination, every one thinks himself entitled
to every advantage; and the juniors in your service
be excited to exert themselves, from a certain
knowledge that application and abilities only
can restore them to their native country with
fortunes honourably acquired."
In concluding the subject of military affairs,
Clive submits to the consideration of the Court
his ideas and opinions on the proper mode of
levying troops in England. The method pursued
at this period he considered to be, in many
respects, objectionable. In order that due attention
might be paid to the selection of recruits,
and to insure, at all times, a proper supply of
efficient men, to meet any unexpected demands
that might arise in cases of sudden emergency,
he suggests, that the Company should
apply to his Majesty for permission to maintain
two battalions, of five hundred men each, in
England, with a proper proportion of officers;
and, as a reward to the important services of
Colonel Coote and Colonel Forde, he recommends
that these two officers should be nominated
to command them.
Clive appears to have referred much of the
.pn +1 // 313.png
.bn 313.png
spirit of opposition that arose in Bengal to the
jealousy among the public servants of that presidency
of appointments, which they deemed
supersessions, of civilians from Madras and
Bombay, to be governors of Bengal.
"The heart-burnings and disputes," he observes,
"which seem to have spread and overrun
your settlement of Calcutta, arose, I must
fear, originally, from your appointment of Mr.
Vansittart to the government of Bengal from
another settlement; although his promotion was
the effect of my recommendation. The appointment,
therefore, of Mr. Spencer, from Bombay,
can only tend to inflame these dissensions, and
to destroy all those advantages which the Company
only can expect from harmony and unanimity
amongst their servants abroad. The
resignation of Messrs. Verelst, Cartier, and many
others of the senior servants, which must be the
consequence of Mr. Spencer's appointment, will
deprive me of those very gentlemen on whose
assistance I depend for re-establishing your affairs
in Bengal."
The following letter from Clive relates to the
same subjects, and contains too many sound observations
and wise reflections upon the actual
state of the affairs of India at this period to be
omitted. Though the Court of Directors did
not comply with the wish of Clive, that he
.pn +1 // 314.png
.bn 314.png
should have the power (since vested in Indian
governors) of acting, when occasion demanded,
upon his own responsibility, they did what was
almost tantamount,—they vested the power required
in a select committee[#], composed of
persons from whom he had no opposition to apprehend,
and who were competent to all acts of
administration, independent of the other members
of Council.
"I shall not enter," Clive observes, "into the
motives which caused the deposition of Meer
Jaffier, nor into the fundamental cause of the
present war with Cossim Ali Khan. It is sufficient
to say, that these two events have lost us
all the confidence of the natives. To restore
this, ought to be our principal object; and the
best means will, in my opinion, be by establishing
a moderation in the advantages which may
be reserved for the Company, or allotted to individuals
in their service.
"If ideas of conquest were to be the rule of
our conduct, I foresee that we should, by necessity,
be led from acquisition to acquisition,
until we had the whole empire up in arms against
us; and whilst we lay under the great disadvantage
of fighting without a single ally, (for
.pn +1 // 315.png
.bn 315.png
who could wish us well?) the natives, left without
European allies, would find, in their own
resources, means of carrying on war against us
in a much more soldierly manner than they ever
thought of when their reliance on European
allies encouraged their natural indolence. The
last battle fought against Cossim Ali Khan is a
proof of this assertion, for never did the troops
of India fight so well.
"Nothing, therefore, but extreme necessity,
ought to induce us to extend our ideas of territorial
acquisitions beyond the amount of those
ceded by Cossim Ali Khan, in his treaty with
Vansittart. This necessity can only arise from
finding that nobody will trust us; and that the
people of the country are determined to try their
strength with us to the utmost.
"But by this system of moderation it is not
intended that the Nabob should be left entirely
independent of us. The moment he fancies
himself in this situation he will look upon us as
enemies who have taken too much from him,
and whom it will be necessary, either to reduce
to our ancient state of mere merchants, or to
extirpate. This, therefore, was the error of Mr.
Vansittart's conduct: he advised the Nabob to
regulate his treasury, save money, to form and
discipline an excellent army, and to pay them
well and regularly, contrary to the practice of all
.pn +1 // 316.png
.bn 316.png
the princes of India. By following this advice
punctually, Cossim Ali, in two years, thought
himself in a condition to bid us defiance, and
was near being so.
"It ought, therefore, to be our plan to convince
the Nabob that our troops are his best, his only
support against foreign enemies; and that our
friendship will be his best support against the
plots and revolutions of his own officers. Necessitated,
by the extent of his dominions, to
repose large governments and great trusts in
particular men, jealousies will be perpetually
subsisting. On the nice and disinterested management
of these will depend our importance.
The principal officers must be convinced that we
will protect them from any capricious violences
of their sovereign; and, on the other hand, the
Nabob must be convinced, that we will give
them up to his just resentment the moment their
ambition alone leads them to strike at him.
"To carry this balance with an even hand,
the strictest integrity will be necessary in every
one who shall have a vote in your councils
abroad. I found myself every day assaulted by
large offers of presents, from the principal men
of the province, not to support the Nabob in resolutions
contrary to their interests; and from
the Nabob, to sacrifice them to his capricious
resentments.
.pn +1 // 317.png
.bn 317.png
"But even this conduct alone will not be sufficient
to keep us from giving umbrage. During
Mr. Vansittart's government, all your servants
thought themselves entitled to take large shares
in the monopolies of salt, beetle, and tobacco,
the three articles, next to grain, of greatest consumption
in the empire. The odium of seeing
such monopolies in the hands of foreigners need
not be insisted on; but this is not the only
inconvenience: it is productive of another,
equally, if not more prejudicial to the Company's
interests; it enables many of your servants
to obtain, very suddenly, fortunes greater than
those which in former times were thought a sufficient
reward for a long continuance in your
service. Hence these gentlemen, thus suddenly
enriched, think of nothing but of returning to
enjoy their fortunes in England, and leave your
affairs in the hands of young men, whose sanguine
expectations are inflamed by the examples
of those who have just left them.
"This, therefore, will be the greatest difficulty
which I shall have to encounter; to persuade,
or, if necessary, to oblige your servants to be
content with advantages much inferior to those
which, by the prescription of some years, they
may think themselves entitled to. Yet if this
is not done, your affairs can never be settled on
a judicious and permanent plan. My fortunes,
.pn +1 // 318.png
.bn 318.png
my family, and the other advantages I may be
possessed of, will naturally make me wish to
accomplish my intentions for the Company's
service abroad as soon as possible, that I may
return to my native country, which, it cannot
be imagined, that I quit without some regrets;
but if I should meet in your councils abroad
men whom private interest may render averse to
my maxims, I shall, perhaps, instead of settling
your affairs as may be expected from me, find
myself harassed and over-ruled in every measure
by a majority against me in council.
"It therefore rests with the Court of Directors
to consider, seriously, whether they should
not intrust me with a dispensing power in the
civil and political affairs; so that whensoever I
may think proper to take any resolution entirely
upon myself that resolution is to take place.
The French Company gave Mr. Godeheu sole
and absolute control over all their settlements
to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, at a time
when their affairs were not in a worse condition
than ours are at present. In India we ourselves
have had examples of supervisors. I myself was
intrusted with great powers by the gentlemen
of Madras, when I went down to Bengal against
Suraj-u-Dowlah: the use which I made of these
powers will, I hope, justify my opinion, that I
may, without danger, be intrusted with an authority
.pn +1 // 319.png
.bn 319.png
so highly necessary at present. The occasions
of exerting it will rarely happen, but will
certainly happen at times, when all may be lost
for want of it. Moderation, I will venture to
say, was always a part of my character in political
concerns; and as a means to induce the gentlemen
abroad to contract their views of private
advantage within the bounds essentially necessary
to the interests of the Company, the first
step I shall take will be, to give up to them every
commercial advantage, as I did during my last
residence in Bengal. I need not mention that
these advantages are, to a Governor, great, and
adequate to his station.
"To prevent dissensions, I am willing to receive
a military commission inferior to General
Lawrence's; but that gentleman has received
from the Court of Directors so very extensive a
power over all their forces in India, that the
presidency, at which he resides, is, in fact, little
less than the residence of a Governor-general
over all your settlements in India. If ever the
appointment of such an officer as Governor-general
should become necessary, it is evident
that he ought to be established in Bengal, as the
greatest weight of your civil, commercial, political,
and military affairs will always be in that
province. It cannot, therefore, be expected that
I should be subject to have any part of the military
.pn +1 // 320.png
.bn 320.png
forces allotted for that province recalled or
withheld from me at the will of an officer in
another part of India; or that even the presence
of that officer in Bengal should, in any way, interfere
with my military authority in that province.
It will likewise be necessary (at least
until affairs in Bengal are restored to perfect
tranquillity) that whatever troops, treasures, or
other consignments may be destined from England
to that presidency, shall not, as usual, be
stopped and employed by any of the other presidencies
at which they may chance to arrive
in their passage towards the Ganges."
Such was the prospect, and such were the
anticipations, with which Clive proceeded to
India. The task was arduous, but his mind was
resolved on its full performance; and the next
chapter will show that his efforts were more than
sufficient to surmount the obstacles that were
opposed to his success, although they proved
even greater than he had apprehended.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 13
.sp 2
// 266.png
.bn 266.png
.fn #
More commonly called Ghazee-u-Deen.
.fn-
.fn #
Prince Royal.
.fn-
.fn #
Shah Alum signifies "King of the World."
.fn-
// 267.png
.bn 267.png
.fn #
22d February, 1760.
.fn-
.fn #
2d July, 1760.
.fn-
// 268.png
.bn 268.png
.fn #
August, 1760.
.fn-
.fn #
This treaty was concluded on the 27th September.
.fn-
// 269.png
.bn 269.png
.fn #
Vol. I. p. 98.
.fn-
// 271.png
.bn 271.png
.fn #
A curious and minute account of the progressive steps
taken in effecting this revolution is given in a letter to Clive
(dated the 3d December, 1760,) from Mr. Lushington, who
held the situation of linguist to the army, and who was an
eye-witness of the incidents he describes. After detailing
Mr. Vansittart's visit to Moorshedabad accompanied by a
hundred and eighty Europeans, six hundred sepoys, and four
pieces of cannon, that force might be used in case Meer
Jaffier should refuse to comply with his demands, and mentioning
that he had delivered to the Nabob three letters explanatory
of his intentions, to which he waited a final answer,
Mr. Lushington proceeds:—"We waited all the next day;
but no answer coming, the Governor thought it proper not
to lose any time, and therefore ordered Colonel Caillaud to
go by water with his detachment, so early that he might
surround the palace at daybreak; sending at the same time
a letter, acquainting the Nabob that he had sent the Colonel
to settle those affairs which he had conferred with him about,
and to which he had promised to give an answer, but none
was brought. The Nabob sent word to the Colonel he would
give no answer until the troops returned to Moraudbaug, as
he never expected such treatment from the English. Some
few conferences were afterwards held by Mr. Hastings and
myself with several of the Nabob's ministers; but as nothing
could be agreed on I was sent back to Moraudbaug, to give
// 272.png
.bn 272.png
an account of our proceedings to the Governor, and to have
his final order whether we should storm the palace in case the
Nabob refused to comply. He answered he wished not to
spill the blood of a man whom he raised to such dignities,
but that the affair must be finished before sunset. With this
I returned; and found, to my great surprise, Cossim Ali
Khan's standards, and the nobits[c] beating in his name. Colonel
Caillaud now told me that the Nabob had sent out the
seals to his son-in-law, and offered to resign the government
if the English would be security for his life. This was immediately
agreed to, and a meeting was held between the
Colonel and the Nabob, who made the following speech, as
well as I can remember:—'The English placed me on the
musnud; you may depose me if you please. You have thought
proper to break your engagements. I would not mine. Had
I such designs I could have raised twenty thousand men,
and fought you if I pleased. My son, the Chuta Nabob
(Meeran), forewarned me of all this. I desire you will
either send me to Sabut Jung (Lord Clive), for he will do
me justice, or let me go to Mecca; if not, let me go to Calcutta;
for I will not stay in this place. You will, I suppose,
let me have my women and children; therefore, let me have
budgerows and be carried immediately to Moraudbaug.' The
Governor saw him soon after this, and he made much the
same speech to him, adding, he could be nowhere safe but
under the English protection."
That Mr. Lushington did not concur very cordially in the
measures described, may be inferred from his concluding
observations. "The Company," he observes, "are to receive
the countries of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong, for
this service. I, therefore, should be glad to know how this
Nabob will be any more able to pay his people than the old
man, after having given away a third part of his revenues."
.fn-
.fn c
Large drums.
.fn-
// 275.png
.bn 275.png
.fn #
Seer Mutakhareen, vol. ii. p. 164.
.fn-
// 278.png
.bn 278.png
.fn #
1761.
.fn-
// 279.png
.bn 279.png
.fn #
In a letter to Major Carnac, dated the 7th of May, 1762,
Clive observes, "Although I am convinced of the goodness
of your heart and intentions, yet there is a warmth and fire
in your disposition which often carries you beyond the rules
of prudence; and, whatever your friends in India may say of
the letter you sent the Board, I wish you never had wrote it,
for it gives room to such designing men as Sulivan to do you
more prejudice than you can imagine."
The same sentiments had been previously expressed by
Clive, in a letter to Mr. Vansittart, 3d of February, 1762.
"I am most heartily concerned," he says, "that Carnac has
been induced to take part with your enemies in the Council.
He has an excellent heart, and a very good understanding;
but the warmth of his temper in this instance has got the
better of both."
.fn-
// 281.png
.bn 281.png
.fn #
Dustuck, a permit, exempting goods from the payment
of duties.
.fn-
// 284.png
.bn 284.png
.fn #
Verelst's View, p. 47.
.fn-
// 285.png
.bn 285.png
.fn #
Mr. Hall and Mr. Amyatt.
.fn-
.fn #
"The question is," Mr. Vansittart observes, in a letter to
Clive, dated the 25th of February, 1763, "whether the salt,
beetle-nut, and tobacco trade shall be carried on with the
Company's dustuck, or pay duties to the country government,
and go with their dustuck. I am of the latter opinion,
and assured the Nabob I would not grant dustucks for these
articles, but that myself and any other English gentlemen
who had a mind to trade in them, should pay the government's
duties and take out their dustuck. This, and some
rules I proposed for restraining the overgrown power of the
English gomastahs employed in carrying on this trade, and
giving the officers of the government their due authority,
were disapproved by the rest of the Council; and it was resolved
to call down the members from the subordinates to
make the necessary regulations upon these points at a full
board. * * * * Where the abuses will end I
know not; for where the Nabob's officers have the power and
the courage to oppose and prevent the unlawful attempts of
our gomastahs, they are not contented with that, but, in their
turn, oppress and injure in a most extravagant and insufferable
manner, so that it is a difficult matter to keep a proper
balance; and I shall be obliged to you if you will take an
// 286.png
.bn 286.png
opportunity of giving Mr. Sulivan your sentiments on the
subject."
A very different view of this subject is taken by Major
Carnac. In a letter to Clive, dated the 26th of February,
1763, he observes: "Mr. Vansittart's interview with the
Nabob, instead of removing our grievances, has occasioned
their being exceedingly multiplied and carried beyond sufferance.
He, in conjunction with Mr. Hastings, without consulting
the rest of the Board, established a set of regulations,
whereby a duty of 9 per cent. is laid upon all articles of
inland trade without exception; and the disputes of our
gomastahs and others in our employ are subjected to the decisions
of the Nabob's officers. These concessions are so
evidently shameful and disadvantageous to us, that it is not
to be conceived they could ever have been submitted to,
except by persons who were bought into them; and, indeed,
it is confidently asserted, and generally believed, that Mr.
Vansittart got seven lacs by his visit to Mongyr. The members
of the Council, then at Calcutta, passed a severe minute
of censure upon the President's procedure, and summoned
the absent members, in order to devise a speedy and effectual
remedy for the complaints received from every quarter.
They have been some time assembled, and have absolutely
forbid the regulations being complied with, and have issued
out orders to repel by force any insults that shall in future be
offered, or obstructions to our trade. It is, indeed, high time,"
he adds, "to overset the ruinous system which Mr. Vansittart
has so industriously endeavoured to establish: by a
strange contradiction, he deposes one Nabob under pretence
of mal-administration, and then asserts the successor to be
independent, and master of his own actions, and uses all
possible means to render him so, and to increase his power.
We have so sensibly felt the ill use made thereof by Cossim
// 287.png
.bn 287.png
Ali Khan, that the man must be wilfully blind who does not
see the necessity of immediately checking his career, and the
consequences that must result from his being suffered to run
on." From these observations, it may safely be concluded,
that the gallant Major was a better soldier than statesman.
.fn-
// 288.png
.bn 288.png
.fn #
The following letter, dated the 15th of June, 1763,
which we find entered in the copy book of Mr. Amyatt, was
meant to report to Mr. Vansittart the failure of his mission.
The original never reached its destination. "I am favoured
with yours of the 8th and 9th instant. We waited on the
Nabob, and delivered him your letter: he was highly incensed,
and expressed great contempt for us and our forces,
and told us he expected nothing else than a war; that we
might go and remain at our tents till we received the
Council's orders, and then signify the same to him by writing—which
he supposed would be much the same as your letters
to him; if so, he should dismiss us, but expected Mr. Hay
to remain a hostage till those prisoners we had of his were
released. The stopping our arms is not equal to the seizing
his aumils, he says; and our troops being in his pay, they
shall not remain at Patna; and peace or war depended on
their removal, which he found would not be the case. All my
// 289.png
.bn 289.png
endeavours to establish a friendship and confidence have been
in vain; nor can I convince him we did not intend breaking
with him, or to disgrace him by being obliged to seize his
aumils, but necessitated so to do. He seemed inclined to
quarrel, or rather resolved we shall have no influence, or free
intercourse, or trade through his country, but what he
pleases. I have had a very disagreeable time with him, and
shall be heartily glad when free from this embassy, which I
have, to the utmost of my power, endeavoured to conclude,
in bringing about a lasting peace and friendship, and reconcile
the Nabob to every body; but to no purpose, nor can it be
effected."
.fn-
.fn #
1763.
.fn-
.fn #
A well-informed friend of the author remarks, that he
was not a German, but a Frenchman or Swiss, of the name
// 290.png
.bn 290.png
of Sombre, which, perhaps, had been his nom-de-guerre when
in the French service.
.fn-
// 292.png
.bn 292.png
.fn #
Cossim Ali was his son-in-law.
.fn-
// 293.png
.bn 293.png
.fn #
Mr. Vansittart, in his communications with the Nabob,
rejected this present previous to the treaty, as it might
appear the price of its stipulations: but he intimated, at the
same time, that there would be no objection to such present
after the obligations of the treaty were fulfilled. The following
is a list of the presents acknowledged to have been received
on this occasion:—
.ta lrr w=60%
Mr. Vansittart | rupees 500,000 | £58,333
Mr. Sumner | 240,000 | 28,000
Mr. Holwell | 270,000 | 30,937
Mr. M'Guire | 180,000 | 20,625
Mr. Smyth | 134,000 | 15,354
Major Yorke | 134,000 | 15,354
General Caillaud | 200,000 | 22,916
Mr. M'Guire | 75,000 | 8,750
| |————
| |£200,269
| | ————
.ta-
Vide Parl. Reports, vol. iii. p. 311.
.fn-
// 294.png
.bn 294.png
.fn #
This protest, which is in the form of a letter, is dated
the 11th of March, 1762.—Vide Parl. Rep., vol. iii. p. 252.
.fn-
.fn #
Messrs. Holwell, Pleydell, Sumner, and M'Guire.
.fn-
.fn #
The provinces of Burdwan, Midnapore, and Chittagong.
.fn-
// 295.png
.bn 295.png
.fn #
February 6, 1765.
.fn-
// 296.png
.bn 296.png
.fn #
February, 1765.
.fn-
.fn #
This man has been before mentioned. He was justly
objectionable to the British government on account of the
various intrigues and treasons in which he had been detected;
and was imprisoned at Calcutta for his correspondence
with its enemies during the reign of Cossim Ali.
.fn-
// 297.png
.bn 297.png
.fn #
Vide Mill's British India, vol. iii. p. 318.
.fn-
.fn #
There is some confusion in Mr. Mill's account of this
transaction (vol. iii. p. 330.), from that accurate historian
having overlooked the fact, that the appointment of Nujum-ud-Dowla
was managed by Mr. Spencer and his council,
Mr. Vansittart having previously set out for Europe.—See
3d Report of Committee of 1773, p. 21.; and Scott's Hist. of
Bengal, vol. ii. pp. 439-447.
.fn-
// 299.png
.bn 299.png
.fn #
An exception must be made of the deposition of Meer
Jaffier: Suraj-u-Dowla, and Cossim Ali respectively forfeited
their authority in consequence of their unsuccessful attempts
to destroy the power of the English.
.fn-
.fn #
1763.
.fn-
.fn #
1764.
.fn-
// 301.png
.bn 301.png
.fn #
Vide Parliamentary Reports, vol. iii. p. 312.
.fn-
// 303.png
.bn 303.png
.fn #
1764.
.fn-
// 304.png
.bn 304.png
.fn #
Captain Williams' Memoir of the Bengal Native Army.
.fn-
// 306.png
.bn 306.png
.fn #
This letter is dated 27th April, 1764.
.fn-
// 308.png
.bn 308.png
.fn #
Clive's clear and practical mind here puts the question
on its real basis. There is no other alternative.
.fn-
// 310.png
.bn 310.png
.fn #
"For the good of the Company," Clive observes in the
letter already quoted, "I would propose that you should
always have, in Bengal, four, or at least three, thousand
Europeans; to consist of three battalions of seven hundred
each; four companies of artillery of one hundred each; and
five hundred light horse."
.fn-
// 314.png
.bn 314.png
.fn #
This select committee was composed of Lord Clive,
General Carnac, Mr. Verelst, Mr. Sumner, and Mr. Sykes.
The two latter accompanied Lord Clive from England.
.fn-
.if h
.dv-
.if-
.pn +1 // 321.png
.bn 321.png
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch14
CHAP. XIV.
.sp 2
We have already adverted to the state of confusion
in which affairs were at Bengal when Lord
Clive landed.
Never had an individual a more arduous task
of reform; but he came to it with great local
knowledge, with a full acquaintance with the
characters of those by whom he was likely to be
aided or thwarted, and with a mind determined
at all hazards to execute the great work to which
he had been called, almost by acclamation.
The public letters, papers, and minutes which
were laid before Parliament, regarding the transactions
in Bengal, during the years 1765 and
1766, illustrated as they are by the debates of
1772, gave a full and accurate history of those
two years; but it is in his volumes of private
letters, more than even in any public documents,
that we must look for the motives of
Clive's conduct, during this most eventful period
of his life. These are so numerous, that it is
difficult to select from them such as will best
give, in his own language, a just idea of the difficulties
which he had to combat, and of that
.pn +1 // 322.png
.bn 322.png
unyielding firmness and determined resolution
by which they were overcome.
He writes to his friend General Carnac, under
date the 3d May, 1765:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"I arrived here this morning to take possession
of a government, which I find in a more
distracted state, if possible, than I had reason to
expect.
"The measures taken, with regard to the
country government, have been at best precipitate;
and the gentlemen here, knowing that the
arrangement of all affairs was absolutely vested
in the committee, might, I think, have avoided
going the lengths they have, till my arrival.
But I am determined not to be embarrassed by
the errors of others, if in my power to remedy
them. At least, I will struggle hard that the
disinterested purpose of my voyage prove not
ineffectual. Your resolution, my dear friend,
and principles, almost unparalleled in these
climes, will, I am sure, co-operate with me in
every regulation for the public good. Verelst
appears, as far as I can hitherto judge, to be a
man of honour and integrity. Sykes may be
thoroughly relied on, and Sumner must, for his
own sake, be a friend to the Company. It is
impossible, therefore, to doubt that we shall be
able to settle every matter to the satisfaction of
our employers. The young Nabob should be
.pn +1 // 323.png
.bn 323.png
treated with respect, with dignity, and with that
honour which ought to be characteristic of Englishmen
in Asia as well as in Europe; but since
we have experienced such a series of troubles
from the mismanagement of Subahships, it is
our duty to guard against future evils, by doing
for ourselves what no Nabob will ever do for us;
and never trust to the ambition of any Mussulman
whatever, after what has happened. Peace
upon a firm and lasting foundation must be established
if possible. And to obtain this object,
I conclude it will be necessary for me to march
up to you at camp, not to continue long there, but
to enter into some treaty with the King. Your
long and extensive expedition I could wish had
been avoidable; but of that and all other affairs
I will speak more at large, when I have the pleasure
of hearing from or seeing you. For the
present, I can only say, that our views ought to
be confined to Bengal and its departments, and
so far I am sure may be gone with justice; nor
do I doubt, that a committee of gentlemen,
whose emulation is not excited by the distribution
of loaves and fishes, may acquire at this
juncture immortal honour to themselves, and lasting
advantages to the Company. To-morrow
morning I begin to read over the papers, and
minutes of Council, that I may, by seeing what
has been done, be able to form a clearer opinion
.pn +1 // 324.png
.bn 324.png
of the plan we ought now to adopt. This business
will, I suppose, employ my attention for two or
three days, and then you shall hear from me."
.in 0
In a letter to the same officer, under date the
6th May, Clive observes:—
.in 5
"I shall now inform you of this day's proceedings.
Having met in Council, after some
debates, the field officers were established as follows:—General
Carnac, Colonel Smith, and Sir
R. Barker are Colonels of the first, second, and
third regiments of Infantry; Sir R. Fletcher,
Major Peach, and Major Chapman, Lieutenant-Colonels;
Majors Champion and Stibbart, Majors.
It was also proposed to fill up the other
vacancy, which I objected to, until General
Carnac's sentiments were known; a compliment
I thought due to the commanding officer. You
will therefore point out to me whom you would
have the third Major, and he shall be appointed.
I am informed you do not think Major Champion
has had justice done him, when these appointments
were made. Major Champion's merits
were not known, or he would most certainly have
stood next in rank to Colonel. However, Major
Champion is satisfied with an assurance from me,
that whatever the Directors shall order on that
head shall be complied with.
"After this matter was settled, I desired the
Board would order those paragraphs relative to
.pn +1 // 325.png
.bn 325.png
the power of the committee to be transmitted
to the chiefs and council of the subordinate
settlements, to the Commander-in-chief of the
army, and to the two presidencies of Madras
and Bombay, that they might know what powers
the committee were invested with. I then acquainted
the Board, that the committee was
determined to make use of the power invested
in them, to its utmost extent; that the condition
of the country, and the very being of the Company
made such a step absolutely necessary.
Mr. Leycester then seemed inclined to enter
into a debate about the meaning and extent of
those powers, but I cut him short, by informing
the Board, that I would not suffer any one to
enter into the least discussion about the meaning
of those powers; but that the committee alone
were absolutely determined to be the sole and
only judges; but that they were at liberty to
enter upon the face of the consultations any minutes
they thought proper, but nothing more. Mr.
Johnstone desired that some other paragraphs
of the letter might be sent to the different subordinates,
&c., as tending, I believe, in his opinion,
to invalidate those orders. Upon which I
asked him, whether he would dare to dispute
our authority? Mr. Johnstone replied, that he
never had the least intention of doing such a
thing; upon which there was an appearance of
.pn +1 // 326.png
.bn 326.png
very long and pale countenances, and not one
of the council uttered another syllable. After
despatching the current business, the Board
broke up, and to-morrow we sit in committee,
when, I make no doubt, of discovering such a
scene as will be shocking to human nature.
They have all received immense sums for this
new appointment, and are so shameless, as to
own it publicly. Hence we can account for
the motive of paying so little respect to me and
the committee; and, in short, every thing of
benefit to themselves they have in this hasty
manner concluded, leaving to the committee
the getting the covenants signed, which they
say, is of such consequence, that they cannot
think of settling any thing final about them until
Lord Clive's arrival.
"Alas! how is the English name sunk! I
could not avoid paying the tribute of a few tears
to the departed and lost fame of the British nation
(irrecoverably so, I fear). However, I do
declare, by that Great Being who is the searcher
of all hearts, and to whom we must be accountable,
if there must be an hereafter, that I am
come out with a mind superior to all corruption,
and that I am determined to destroy those great
and growing evils, or perish in the attempt.
"I hope, when matters are a little settled, to
set out for the army; bringing with me full
.pn +1 // 327.png
.bn 327.png
power for you and me to settle every thing for
the best."
.in 0
His own situation and that of the country, at
the period of his arrival, is forcibly depicted in
a letter to Mr. Palk, Governor of Madras.[#]
.in 5
"I wrote you a few lines last Saturday; since
which matters do not go on so well as I could
wish. Nasib Cawn, either through treachery or
want of ammunition, has surrendered himself
and army to the enemy; and Sir R. Fletcher,
who was going to his assistance with one hundred
Europeans, four battalions of sepoys, and four
field-pieces, will find some difficulty to get back,
as I understand the Rohillas, Mahrattas, and
Sujah Dowla, intend to use their utmost efforts
to prevent it. He has gained the banks of the
Ganges, but I fear has no boats: however, as
the General is marching to join him, I hope the
enemy will not be able to make any impression
before their junction, when I think there is not
much to apprehend. Whether Sujah Dowla
intends to try his fortune in another battle, or to
harass and cut off our supplies, and detach into
the Bahar province, we know not. However,
we are providing against all accidents, by forming
a second army from the reinforcements lately
arrived, who are already upon their march for
Patna, to cover that country or proceed further,
.pn +1 // 328.png
.bn 328.png
as the situation of affairs may require. Thus circumstanced,
you will see the necessity of reinforcing
us upon all occasions when you can do
it consistent with the safety of your own settlement.
"Mr. * * * * and all the council have been
guilty of such barefaced corruption, that the
committee have thought it absolutely necessary
to make use of the power given them, in its utmost
extent. You are addressed by this conveyance,
and copy of the powers with which we
are invested has been sent to you.
"At the first meeting, the gentlemen began
to oppose and treat me in the manner they did
Vansittart, by disputing our power, and the
meaning of the paragraph in the Company's
general letter. However, I cut that matter
short, by telling them they should not be the
judges of that power, nor would we allow them
to enter into the least discussion about it; but
that they might enter their dissents in writing,
upon the face of the consultations. This brought
matters to a conclusion, and spared us the necessity
of making use of force, to put the Company's
intentions into execution. We arrived
on Tuesday, and effected this on Thursday. On
Friday we held a committee; and on Monday
was read before the council the following resolution
from the committee book:—'Resolved,
.pn +1 // 329.png
.bn 329.png
that it is the opinion of this committee, that the
covenants be executed immediately by the rest
of the council, and all the Company's servants.'
After many idle and evasive arguments, and
being given to understand they must either sign
or be suspended the service, they executed the
covenants upon the spot. From this you will
see what I had the honour to inform you of,
that I am determined upon an absolute reformation;
but here we must act with caution, until
a peace is established, which I do not despair of
accomplishing during the rains.
"It gives me infinite concern to inform you
that Mr. Spencer (of whom I had the highest
opinion) is by no means the man of integrity or
abilities that I took him to be; being deeper in
the mire than the rest, and who appears to me
to have been seduced and led astray by Johnstone
and Leycester, having never had any will
or opinion of his own, since he came to the
chair. Indeed, the dignity of governor is sunk
even beyond contempt itself; and the name of
council only heard of in these parts. Would
you believe that in his letters to the Nabob and
others he has submitted to write, 'I and the
council?'
"We are waiting the arrival of the Nabob and
his ministry, to determine whether we shall
suspend them the service, or represent matters in
.pn +1 // 330.png
.bn 330.png
a general light leaving to the Directors to determine
their state; though I am persuaded they
will never wait such a decision, having all of
them received large fortunes which they bare-facedly
confess, for absolutely and precipitately
concluding the late treaty with the young Nabob;
not waiting for our approbation, or leaving it in
our power to rectify the least tittle, without
being guilty of a breach of faith.
"The large sums of money already received,
and obligations given for the rest, on account of
this treaty, are so very notorious through the
whole town, and they themselves have taken
such little pains to conceal them, that we cannot
without forfeiting our honour and reputation
possibly avoid a retrospection, as far back as the
receipt of the covenants and Meer Jaffier's
death. If we should call upon you hereafter for
the assistance of Messrs. Broke, Russell, Kelsall,
Floyer, and two or three more, we are persuaded
your zeal for the service will not let you
hesitate a moment about sending them by the
first conveyance. However, you will keep the
contents of this paragraph to yourself, till you
hear from the committee or me upon the subject.
"I have employed Mr. Vansittart[#] as Persian
interpreter, but cannot admit him to that share
.pn +1 // 331.png
.bn 331.png
of confidence I wish to do, until those matters
are ended entirely, out of a point of delicacy
towards him."
.in 0
Clive addressed a letter to Mr. Spencer at
this period[#], which is singularly illustrative of
that bold and open manner which led him to
speak and write his sentiments with little if any
of that reserve and discretion which are necessary
to less vigorous minds to insure their unobstructed
progress through life. Mr. Spencer was
at this time still in Calcutta.
.in 5
"I have read over all the consultations from
the death of the late Nabob, Jaffier Ali Cawn,
to the 4th April, 1765, in which it does not
appear to me that you and the gentlemen have
given any solid reasons for thus precipitately concluding
a solemn treaty with the present young
Nabob. There could have been no danger in
declining an absolute conclusion of the treaty,
until our arrival, which you know was expected
every day. I am most sensibly affected at the
treatment I have received from you and the gentlemen
touching my jaghire. The instructing
your deputies to apply to the Nabob for a
sunnud to confirm the agreement made by the
Company and me was officious, and contrary to
the instructions of the Court of Directors, who
more than once, in their last letter of the 1st of
.pn +1 // 332.png
.bn 332.png
June, say, this matter is to be conducted by
Lord Clive in conjunction with the council.
Such a proceeding carries with it a reflection
upon my integrity, as if it was doubted whether
I should make use of the power I was invested
with to perform what I had so solemnly engaged
to perform. However, before I leave
India, I will endeavour to convince this part of
the world upon what principles I act."
.in 0
Clive was at this period most anxious to make
peace with the native states; and among other
reasons that led him to seek this object, one of
the principal was, to establish subordination[#] in
the army, and to correct abuses in the civil administration,
neither of which it was easy to
effect while war existed. One of his first steps
had been to establish the supremacy of the committee,
which consisted only of five members,
over the council which had sixteen, including
the chiefs of all the principal factories. The
members of council could not be expected to
suffer patiently the execution of measures, which
not only reduced their influence and power, but
threatened investigation into their past conduct,
and destroyed their golden prospects for the
future. A party was soon formed against Clive,
the head of which was Mr. Leycester.[#] But
.pn +1 // 333.png
.bn 333.png
one of the most able and energetic of Clive's opponents
was Mr. John Johnstone, who had distinguished
himself for his zeal and activity when
employed with Colonel Forde at the capture of
Masulipatam, and in various other services. Mr.
Johnstone was, as has been stated, one of the
members of the committee who had been the
instruments of placing the young Nabob on the
throne, and who had received presents which
they were not disposed to return. On the contrary,
they pleaded the example which others,
and especially Clive himself, had given, and refused
to admit that there was any just ground
for considering conduct as criminal in them
which had been approved in their predecessors,
placed under circumstances which, according to
their statement, were not essentially dissimilar.
Clive[#], disregarding opposition, recorded his
opinion that the treaty with the Nabob was
formed with precipitation; and while he expressed
in the most open and bold manner his
opinion as to the motives which had influenced
those by whom it had been concluded, he declared
his determination to exercise his full
powers to correct mal-administration, to enforce
the signature, by the civil servants, of the covenant,
as ordered by the Directors, which had
.pn +1 // 334.png
.bn 334.png
hitherto been evaded[#]; and above all, to put a
stop to the shameful abuses and wrongs which
had arisen from Europeans in the civil service,
and free merchants engaging in the inland trade.
.pn +1 // 335.png
.bn 335.png
He was quite aware of all the odium and hostility
which the sudden and great reform he contemplated
would bring upon him, both in India and
England; but, from the whole tenor of his private
letters of this date it is obvious, that the knowledge
of this, so far from dispiriting, only encouraged
him to the great efforts he made. The
following is an extract of a letter to Mr. Sykes
of the 29th June on the subject:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"I fear the military as well as civil are so far
gone in luxury and debauchery, that it will require
the utmost exertion of an united committee
to save the Company from destruction.
However, let us always appeal to the rectitude
of our intentions, and we shall be enabled to
complete the arduous undertaking with great
satisfaction and honour to ourselves. Remember
me to Verelst in the kindest manner; tell
him the Company and myself have no other dependence,
but upon the justness of his and your
principles."
.in 0
Lord Clive's anxiety to conclude a peace,
made him determine, immediately after his arrival,
to proceed to Patna. He had also several
arrangements to effect at Moorshedabad[#], where
affairs had fallen into great confusion. His intention
was to proceed, after settling affairs in
Bengal, to Bahar; and his colleagues in the committee
.pn +1 // 336.png
.bn 336.png
delegated to him their power to conclude
a settlement with Sujah Dowla and the Emperor
of Delhi, with or without the aid of
Brigadier General Carnac.[#] Lord Clive had,
however, left Calcutta but a short time, before
he was embarrassed by the wavering conduct of
Mr. Sumner, the senior member of the committee.
His Lordship had proposed, for strong
and obvious reasons, that the members of council
should be reduced from sixteen to twelve, and
that the chiefs of subordinate factories should
not be included. Their being in council, he
argued, gave them an increased local influence
and power, that was often abused; and the
council were slow and reluctant to censure or
punish the acts, however much they disapproved
of them, of members of their own body. Another
evil arose out of this system. Rise to council
was in fact by seniority; for when nothing appeared
on record against an individual, his claim
to that station was almost invariably admitted.
Mr. Sumner was adverse to any change of this
system. Clive, though annoyed at his conduct,
which he thought too compromising, endeavoured
by every argument he could use, to reclaim him
to that decided course which he conceived it the
duty of the committee to pursue, and from which
it was important they should not be diverted,
.pn +1 // 337.png
.bn 337.png
either by the opinions or remonstrances of the
council: Mr. Sykes continued firmly to support
the Governor, but he was called away to his duties
at the court of the Nabob at Moorshedabad;
and Mr. Verelst had been before nominated to
the station of supervisor of Burdwan and Midnapore.
Placed under these circumstances, Lord Clive
made every effort to convince Mr. Sumner of
the necessity of giving him a decided support
against the opposition raised by the council.
"I hope," he observes on one occasion, "my
last letter will have convinced you of the insignificancy
of the struggles of the gentlemen
of council, as well as of their power, when
compared with that of the committee. If you
will but convince yourself that they have laid
themselves under such a censure that nothing
can excuse them at home, and that the committee's
upright and spirited conduct must gain
the universal applause, you will treat them with
that contempt which they deserve, by never
suffering them to give a vote on any subject
whatever, when once it has fallen under consideration
of the committee.
"But to convince you what opinion even Mr.
Sulivan and our enemies must have of our conduct,
I refer you to the two enclosed letters of
Mr. Palk, who is Mr. Sulivan's oracle. Besides,
.pn +1 // 338.png
.bn 338.png
I have seen a letter of his to Mr. George Vansittart,
wherein he speaks in the highest terms
of what we are about, and the absolute necessity
of a reformation.
"The behaviour of the council is so shameless,
abandoned, and ungrateful, that I know
not whether I shall not produce fresh accusations
against them, in that the subordinate chiefs,
down to the writers, have laid all the zemindars
under contribution, of which I shall soon be in
possession of the most authentic proofs."
In almost all Clive's letters written at this
period he dwells upon the same subjects, expresses
his opinion that the covenants should be
executed, and depicts the extent and enormity
of the prevailing abuses and corruption in the
interior of the country, particularly by the natives,
whom men with local influence and power
have employed as agents. These have (as he
states), by their exactions and tyranny, rendered
the English name odious.
The sentiments he entertained of his council
are fully given in a letter to Mr. Sykes, under
date the 10th August.
.in 5
"The behaviour of the council has convinced
me they are children and fools, as well as
knaves, and I am not at all concerned, on the
Company's account, that they have demeaned
themselves in the manner you represent; for we
.pn +1 // 339.png
.bn 339.png
may now, with great propriety, let the sentiments
of humanity give way to justice. For
my own part, I am determined, as one, to show
them no more mercy; indeed it now becomes
necessary, as well for our own vindication as for
the advantage of the Company, to make an example
of them, and represent them in their proper
colours to the Court of Directors.
"I wish you would get ready the Dinagepoor
Rajah's evidence, as well as the evidence of
others, concerning Mr. Gray's conduct at Malda,
against we assemble at Calcutta; and also what
other evidences of other gentlemen whose conduct
deserves our censure. I can't help thinking
Leycester has been guilty of other misdemeanours
at Dacca, &c. Burdett I am sure has."
.in 0
In a letter[#] from Lord Clive to the Directors,
he has the following observations upon this subject:—"Upon
my arrival, I am sorry to say, I
found your affairs in a condition so nearly desperate,
as would have alarmed any set of men
whose sense of honour and duty to their employers
had not been estranged by the too eager
pursuit of their own immediate advantages. The
sudden, and, among many, the unwarrantable
acquisition of riches, had introduced luxury in
.pn +1 // 340.png
.bn 340.png
every shape, and in its most pernicious excess.
These two enormous evils went hand in hand
together through the whole presidency, infecting
almost every member of each department.
Every inferior seemed to have grasped at wealth,
that he might be enabled to assume that spirit
of profusion which was now the only distinction
between him and his superior. Thus all distinction
ceased; and every rank became, in a
manner, upon an equality. Nor was this the
end of the mischief; for a contest of such a nature
among our servants necessarily destroyed
all proportion between their wants and the honest
means of satisfying them. In a country where
money is plenty, where fear is the principle of
government, and where your arms are ever victorious,
it is no wonder that the lust of riches
should readily embrace the proffered means of
its gratification, or that the instruments of your
power should avail themselves of their authority,
and proceed even to extortion, in those cases
where simple corruption could not keep pace
with their rapacity. Examples of this sort, set
by superiors, could not fail of being followed,
in a proportionable degree, by inferiors. The
evil was contagious, and spread among the civil
and military, down to the writer, the ensign,
and the free merchant."
In the answer from the Court of Directors
.pn +1 // 341.png
.bn 341.png
to this letter[#] from Clive, they observe; "We
have the strongest sense of the deplorable state
to which our affairs were on the point of being
reduced, from the corruption and rapacity of
our servants, and the universal depravity of manners
throughout the settlements. The general
relaxation of all discipline and obedience, both
military and civil, was hastily tending to a dissolution
of all government. Our letter to the
Select Committee expresses our sentiments of
what has been obtained by way of donation;
and to that we must add, that we think the vast
fortunes acquired in the inland trade have been
obtained by a scene of the most tyrannic and
oppressive conduct that ever was known in any
age or country."
In the letter of the same date as that of Lord
Clive[#], from the Select Committee of Calcutta
above referred to, they express themselves
bound to lay open to the view of the Directors
a series of transactions too notoriously
known to be suppressed, and too deeply affecting
their interest, the national character, and the
existence of the Company in Bengal, to escape
unnoticed and uncensured. "Transactions,"
they add, "which seem to demonstrate that
every spring of this government was smeared
with corruption, that principles of rapacity and
.pn +1 // 342.png
.bn 342.png
oppression universally prevailed, and that every
spark of sentiment and public spirit was lost
and extinguished in the unbounded lust of unmerited
wealth."
Lord Clive, in a letter to Mr. Sykes of the
20th August, informs him of the happy conclusion
of his mission to Benares, and of his having
obtained from the King the grant of the dewannee,
or deed, for the administration of Bengal,
Bahar, and Orissa; an arrangement to
which he very justly attaches the greatest value,
and which may be viewed as having crowned his
efforts as a hero and a statesman, in fixing firm
the foundation of the British empire in India.[#]
It is difficult, at the present day, to appreciate
that wisdom which appeared to attach a value to
the form, almost beyond the substance, of power.
It is impossible to satisfy those who judge
such questions by philosophic rules, or others
who apply a European standard to Indian policy,
of the weight of the reasons which led Clive to
give the consequence he did to an act, that may
appear to them as being more likely to augment,
than to lessen, the numerous obstacles which
.pn +1 // 343.png
.bn 343.png
already opposed the good government of our
Eastern territories. It is not easy to convince
such persons of the degree in which he was enabled,
by this grant, to reconcile to the rule of
strangers the various communities which formed
the vast population of India; nor can we compute
the amount of strength which it took away
from princes, who had long been enemies to
those Europeans whom they deemed invaders
and usurpers, but who were, from the moment
the grant was made, in the eyes of a great proportion
of their subjects, if not in their own,
sanctioned in the exercise of the power they had
attained, by the authority of one who, however
fallen, was still considered the legitimate source
of all rank and authority over that empire of
which he was hardly more than the nominal
head.
Philosophers may smile at such impressions,
may despise those who act on such grounds;
but as the bulk of human beings, in every
country, are swayed by impressions and prejudices
more than by reason, wise and great statesmen
will continue to establish authority, and
preserve peace, by adapting their measures to
the habits and feeling of the community, instead
of acting on theories which, taken in the
abstract, have an appearance of wisdom, but
reduced to practice, by running counter to the
.pn +1 // 344.png
.bn 344.png
character and condition of the great mass of men,
for whose benefit they are intended, produce bitter
fruits from fair but deceitful blossoms.
Previous to the conclusion of the negotiations
at Patna, Mr. Verelst[#], acting under the instructions
of Lord Clive, had succeeded in obtaining
the acquiescence of the Nabob of Moorshedabad
and his ministers, to an engagement, by which
it is stipulated, that 50 lacs of rupees should be
assigned for his support[#], and that of his family,
while the remaining revenue was allotted to the
payment of restitutions, expenses of the army,
and allowance to the King.
Lord Clive, in a letter which announced to
the Court of Directors his having made peace,
and obtained rights and privileges that gave
them resources which, well managed, were more
than competent to maintain the East India Company
in that political power which a rapid succession
of events had forced upon them, entered
fully upon the subject of the future administration
of their affairs, and, above all, the necessity
of a complete reform in their civil and military
establishments, which, in Bengal, he describes to
be in the worst possible state, owing to many
causes, but to none more than the rise of youth to
.pn +1 // 345.png
.bn 345.png
wealth and high station, before they had either
prudence or judgment; a rise inevitably succeeded
by their falling into a state of indolence
and luxury, that led to the increase of the evils
it was his anxious object, and that of the Select
Committee, to remedy.
The measures he adopted to enforce obedience
to the orders of the Directors, regarding certain
classes of their servants discontinuing trade,
were accompanied by a distribution among
the seniors, of a proportion of the profits of the
salt monopoly, in shares accordant with their
rank. These shares, though large, were considered
as nothing by men who were enjoying
the enormous profits that resulted from the privileges
which their influence and authority gave
them as merchants. This arrangement, consequently,
caused great discontent among those
whose interests it affected; which was increased
by his removal of civil servants from many minor
stations in the provinces, and ordering all free
merchants, except those that were specifically
licensed, to return to the presidency. An effectual
check was also put, at this period, to that system
of violence with which the native gomastahs,
or agents of civil servants and free merchants,
continued to enforce the passing their goods,
not only without paying duties, but without
.pn +1 // 346.png
.bn 346.png
dustucks or passes[#], which were granted when
it was deemed expedient or proper, on application.
There is, in Clive's letter books, much
correspondence upon this subject; the whole
tenor of which proves, that the effort made by the
committee to stop the inland trade, was one of
the principal causes of that combination of civil
servants, which rapidly increased in number and
violence, when it was known, that Clive had requested
that four of the senior and best qualified
civil servants of Madras should be immediately
sent to Bengal, in order to strengthen his administration
of the latter presidency.
The conduct of Mr. Leycester, one of the
council, who placed himself at the head of the
discontented, forced the Select Committee to
suspend him. Mr. Gray and Mr. Burdett, two
other leaders, went home; and severe measures
were taken with several juniors, who joined with
their superiors in order to arrest reforms, which
threatened to destroy those prospects of early
and great wealth in which they so fondly indulged.
Clive heard, soon after his arrival, of Mr.
Dudley being deputy-chairman; and we find a
.pn +1 // 347.png
.bn 347.png
long private letter[#], written in 1765, to that
gentleman. In this, after commenting with his
usual freedom on the characters of persons connected
with the conduct of Indian affairs, both
at home and abroad, he particularly alludes to
Mr. Sumner, his destined successor, who, however
respectable, he was led to believe, from
what he has seen and heard, would not be found
to possess that energy and decision which were
indispensable to carry into full effect the system
which he had introduced.
He concludes this letter with some strong
opinions, as to the measures that were necessary
to insure the future welfare of Bengal:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"If the Directors will empower me alone, or
me in conjunction with the present committee,
to regulate matters, I can be responsible for the
consequences after my departure; if not, I much
fear, things will fall into the old channel, and to
the advantages arising from salt will be added
every other that can be obtained.
"Remember the oath and penalty bond mentioned
in my public letter.
"If you could, by increasing the Governor's
salary, or ordering his proportion of salt to be
greater, insert in the oath, that the Governor
should not be allowed the liberty of private
.pn +1 // 348.png
.bn 348.png
trade, but attend only to the affairs of the Company,
leaving trade to the second, &c., I think
the plan of government would be much more
perfect, as it would be less liable to abuses from
the head.
"With regard to the magnitude of our possessions,
be not staggered. Assure yourself that
the Company must either be what they are, or
be annihilated. Hitherto, at least, one can see
no alternative; for, in a moderate state, though
the power might still be preserved, corruption
and frequent revolutions, must in the end overset
us. Never was there a time when affairs
wore so strong an appearance of prosperity and
stability as the present.
"Irruptions of the Mahrattas may now and
then interrupt our trade, and impede the collection
of our revenues; but I am persuaded
that nothing can prove fatal but a renewal of
licentiousness among your servants here, or intestine
divisions among yourselves at home.
"I am sorry I cannot send the Directors, by
this conveyance, a list of the revenues; but I
am as much convinced as that I now exist, that
when the revenues are all perfectly regulated,
the Company will receive, clear of civil and
military expenses, and without oppressing or
overloading the inhabitants, a net income of
2,000,000l. sterling per annum.
.pn +1 // 349.png
.bn 349.png
"One arduous undertaking still remains behind;
I mean, a thorough examination into all
the civil and military offices. The difficulty is
in the choice of men for a committee. We cannot
easily find servants here endued with such
strict principles of honour as to make them
think it a duty they owe the Company to enter
heartily into the scrutiny, and recommend such
wholesome regulations as may in future prevent
abuses.
"It is impossible for the Select Committee to
go through the whole themselves, nor can they
expect to see a thorough reformation take place,
unless they are assisted with the zeal and assiduity
of others. If the gentlemen of Madras
whom I have recommended were here, I could
be certain of having my plan soon completed.
The Directors will, I am sure, be surprised
when they see what a total inattention (to call
it by no worse a name) there has been in the
gentlemen of council, with regard to their employment,
and what gross frauds have been
committed by the natives acting under them.
"Still more will they be surprised, when they
see the late military expenses, compared with
the present; for there is now a system of
economy, consistent with the true interest of
the Company, and yet the allowances are not reduced
below what they ought to be.
.pn +1 // 350.png
.bn 350.png
"Neither the general nor committee's letter
is very full upon the subject of remittances.
This year we shall probably draw upon you to
the amount of treasure sent to China. There
still remains 24 lacs of restitution money to be
paid, 3 lacs of donation, 30 lacs of bonds and 10
or 12 lacs to be sent to Bombay; and if to this
you add 20 lacs to be sent to China, the whole
will amount to 87 or 89 lacs. Our treasury at
present is low, as we have not yet received the
benefit of our new grant; and large sums have
been advanced for the investment, which will
exceed 40 lacs this year.
"The trade of salt, betle, and tobacco is now
become an object of the utmost importance, both
to the Company and to individuals. If the profits
should greatly exceed what they are stated
at, as some are sanguine enough to imagine, you
may be assured the Company shall receive the
benefit; for, if the clear gain should exceed a
certain sum, the indulgence will become too
great. As matters are settled at present, the
Company will receive one half of the advantages
by allowing them a duty of 35 per cent. upon
salt, which is the principal article. The proprietors
pay 10 per cent. for the loan of money,
and 5 per cent. may be allowed for the loss of
boats and wastage."
.in 0
The Court of Directors appear, from their
.pn +1 // 351.png
.bn 351.png
general letters sent by Lord Clive, and those of
subsequent date, to have been very anxious to
put an end to the internal trade carried on by
their servants and their native agents, which
they considered as being alike oppressive to the
inhabitants of the country, and injurious to the
native governments. It constituted a great
source of profit to individuals, but was, they
stated, directly opposed to the interests of the
Company, and from the mode in which it was
carried on brought disgrace upon the English
name. In the general letter of April 26th,
1765, the Court observes, with reference to the
conduct of the civil servants who had charge of
the government before the arrival of Lord
Clive, and who pretended that their right to
engage in the internal trade, and to have their
goods passed free of duty, was founded on the
Emperor's firman to the Company;—
.in 5
"Treaties of commerce are understood to be
for the mutual benefit of the contracting parties.
Is it then possible to suppose that the court of
Delhi, by conferring the privilege of trading free
of customs, could mean an inland trade in the
commodities of their own country, at that period
unpractised and unthought of by the English, to
the detriment of their revenues and the ruin of
their own merchants? We do not find such a
construction was ever heard of, until our own
.pn +1 // 352.png
.bn 352.png
servants first invented it, and afterwards supported
it by violence. Neither could it be
claimed by the subsequent treaties with Meer
Jaffier, or Cossim Ali, which were never understood
to give one additional privilege of trade
beyond what the firman expressed. In short,
the specious arguments used by those who pretended
to set up a right to it convince us they
did not want judgment, but virtue to withstand
the temptation of suddenly amassing a great
fortune, although acquired by means incompatible
with the peace of the country, and their
duty to the Company.
"Equally blamable were they who, acknowledging
they had no right to it, and sensible of
the ill consequences resulting from assuming it,
have, nevertheless, carried on this trade, and
used the authority of the Company to obtain,
by a treaty exacted by violence, a sanction for
a trade to enrich themselves, without the least
regard or advantage to the Company, whose
forces they employed to protect them in it.
"Had this short question been put, which
their duty ought first to have suggested, 'Is it
for the interest of our employers?' they would
not have hesitated one moment about it; but
this criterion seems never once to have occurred.
"All barriers being thus broken down between
the English and the country government,
.pn +1 // 353.png
.bn 353.png
and every thing out of its proper channel, we
are at a loss how to prescribe means to restore
order from this confusion; and being deprived
of that confidence which we hoped we might
have placed in our servants, who appear to have
been the actors in these strange scenes, we can
only say, that we rely on the zeal and abilities
of Lord Clive, and the gentlemen of the Select
Committee, to remedy these evils. We hope
they will restore our reputation among the
country powers, and convince them of our abhorrence
of oppression and rapaciousness."
.in 0
In the general letter, under date the 19th
February, 1766, recurring to the same subject,
they write:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"With respect to the treaty with Nudjum-ul-Dowla,
it is proper here to insert, at length, the
fifth article, which runs in these words:—'I
do ratify and confirm to the English the privilege
granted them by their firman, and several
husbulhookums, of carrying on their trade, by
means of their own dustucks, free from all duties,
taxes, or impositions, in all parts of the
country, except in the article of salt, on which
the duty of two and a half per cent. is to be levied
on the Rowana or Haughley market price.'
This fifth article is totally repugnant to our own
order, contained in our general letter, by the
Kent and Lapwing, dated the 1st June, 1764;
.pn +1 // 354.png
.bn 354.png
in which we not only expressed our abhorrence
of an article in the treaty with Meer Jaffier,
literally corresponding with the present fifth article,
but in positive terms directed you, in
concert with the Nabob, to form an equitable
plan for carrying on the inland trade, and transmit
the same to us, accompanied by such explanations
and remarks as might enable us to give
our sentiments and directions thereupon. We
must remind you, too, that in our said general
letter we expressly directed, that our orders, in
our letter of the 8th February preceding, which
were to put a final and effectual end to the inland
trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco, and in all
other articles produced and consumed in the
country, should remain in force, until an equitable
and satisfactory plan could be found and
adopted. As, therefore, there is not the least
latitude given you for concluding any treaty
whatsoever respecting this inland trade, we must
and do consider what you have done as an express
breach and violation of our orders, and as a
detrimental resolution to sacrifice the interest of
the Company, and the peace of the country, to
lucrative and selfish views.
"This unaccountable behaviour put an end
to all confidence in those who made this treaty,
and forces us to resolve on measures for the support
of our authority, and the preservation of
.pn +1 // 355.png
.bn 355.png
the Company. We do therefore pronounce, that
every servant concerned in that trade stands
guilty of a breach of his covenants with us and
of our orders; and in consequence of this resolution,
we positively direct, that if that treaty is
now subsisting, you make a formal renunciation,
by some solemn act to be entered on your records,
of all right under the said treaty, or
otherwise, to trade in salt, betle-nut, and tobacco;
and that you transmit this renunciation of that
part of the treaty, in form, to the Nabob, in the
Persian language. Whatever government may be
established, or whatever unforeseen occurrences
may arise, it is our resolution to prohibit, and we
do absolutely forbid, this trade of salt, betle-nut,
and tobacco, and of all articles that are not for
export and import, according to the spirit of the
firman, which does not in the least give any
latitude whatsoever for carrying on such an inland
trade; and, moreover, we shall deem every
European concerned therein, directly or indirectly,
guilty of a breach of his covenants, and
direct that he be forthwith sent to England, that
we may proceed against him accordingly. And
every native who shall avail himself of our protection
to carry this trade on, without paying all
the duties due to the government equally with
the rest of the Nabob's subjects, shall forfeit
that protection, and be banished the settlement;
.pn +1 // 356.png
.bn 356.png
and we direct that these resolutions be signified
publicly throughout the settlement."
.in 0
These letters were meant to be in support of
the measures Lord Clive was supposed to have
adopted; but the opinions of the Court in regard
to the salt trade differed essentially from those
on which he had acted. This subject, however,
will be noticed hereafter. In a subsequent
letter, (May 17th, 1766,) after stating the earnest
request they had made of Lord Clive to remain
one more season in Bengal, and giving their
sentiments on the importance of his services,
they drew a strong and just contrast between the
conduct of the Select Committee, of which he
was president, and that of the Governor and
Council, whose power it had superseded.
.in 5
"The article in the treaty with Shuja Dowla,
stipulating a trade duty-free, through his dominions,
we direct to be confined solely to the
Company's trade; and even in that sense of it,
we mean only if his dominions produce any
goods fit for the European markets, or if it can
be made the means of extending our trade in
the woollen manufactory, or any other European
goods.
"We come now to consider the great and important
affairs of the dewannee, on which we
shall give our sentiments with every objection
that occurs to us.
.pn +1 // 357.png
.bn 357.png
"When we consider that the barrier of the
country government was entirely broken down,
and every Englishman throughout the country
armed with an authority that owned no superior,
and exercising his power to the oppression
of the helpless natives, who knew not whom
to obey; at such a crisis, we cannot hesitate to
approve your obtaining the dewannee for the
Company.
"When we look back to the system that Lord
Clive and the gentlemen of the Select Committee
found established, it presents to us a subah disarmed,
with a revenue of almost two millions
sterling, (for so much seems to have been left,
exclusive of our demands on him,) at the mercy
of our servants, who had adopted an unheard-of
ruinous principle, of an interest distinct from the
Company. This principle showed itself in laying
their hands upon every thing they did not
deem the Company's property.
"In the province of Burdwan, the resident
and his council took an annual stipend of
near 80,000 rupees per annum from the
Rajah, in addition to the Company's salary.
This stands on the Burdwan accounts, and we
fear was not the whole; for we apprehend it
went further, and that they carried this pernicious
principle even to the sharing with the
Rajah of all he collected beyond the stipulated
.pn +1 // 358.png
.bn 358.png
malguzary, or land revenue, overlooking the
point of duty to the Company, to whom, properly,
every thing belonged that was not necessary
for the Rajah's support. It has been the
principle, too, on which our servants have falsely
endeavoured to gloss over the crime of their
proceedings, on the accession of the present
Subah; and we fear would have been soon extended
to the grasping the greatest share of that
part of the Nabob's revenues which was not
allotted to the Company. In short, this principle
was directly undermining the whole fabric;
for whilst the Company were sinking under the
burden of the war, our servants were enriching
themselves from those very funds that ought to
have supported the war. But to Lord Clive and
our Select Committee we owe, that the Company
are at last considered as principals in the advantages
as well as dangers."
.in 0
Clive had recommended, that the Governor
of Bengal should have an adequate salary, and
be restrained from trade. In one of his letters
already quoted, he strongly urged that he should
be vested with authority to take a resolution in
cases of emergency entirely on himself. He subsequently
not only pointed out the expediency of
making Calcutta the chief seat of the government
of India, but proposed, in any future arrangement,
the nomination of a Governor-general, with the
.pn +1 // 359.png
.bn 359.png
full powers he now enjoys. All these propositions
have been adopted; but the most important
were not carried into effect till thirty years
of collision and confusion in the administration
of the Indian Government, through the means of
separate and independent presidencies, compelled
the divided and jealous authorities in
England to follow the wise counsel of one
whose experience and foresight enabled him to
predict the evils which must result from the
weakness and distraction of their government
abroad, and the necessity of forming one uniform
system for the administration of our Indian territories,
and placing them under one efficient
general rule,—the individual at the head of which
should be of a character that justified his being
clothed with paramount power over the whole.
Such was the magnitude of the evils that now
weighed down the government of Bengal. It
was at this period of danger from external enemies
aggravated by a system radically corrupt,
and in the continuance of which the interests
of almost the whole of the public servants, and of
all the free traders, were involved, that Clive
evinced all the energy of his extraordinary character.
We trace that quality, however, more in
his private than in his public letters; and some
extracts from the former will exhibit, better than
the most laboured detail, the nature of the obstacles
.pn +1 // 360.png
.bn 360.png
he had to encounter, and the measures he
took to surmount them, and to restore and fix,
on a firmer foundation than ever, the interests
of his country in India. He observes, in a letter
to Mr. Palk, Governor of Madras, dated Calcutta,
4th May[#];—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"I have little more to say than that I arrived
here yesterday, and that all affairs, civil and
military, are in a state of confusion beyond what
I had even reason to expect. I can see no end
to the troubles in these parts. Suja Dowla has
been joined by the Rohillas and Mahrattas, and
he is marching down with them to make another
effort to recover his dominions, which, at present,
are entirely in our possession. Their apprehension
seems to be, that our principal object is
to support the King, and establish him at Delhi;
and if this is the case, we may expect all India
will go to war with us. Such a continued scene
of fighting as this seems to open, will not, however,
suit with us; and, in a very short time, I
believe I must march up to camp, in order to
settle measures, if possible, upon a pacific plan.
I beg you will send us as many small arms, as
well as men, as your settlement can spare, out
of the next and succeeding ships."[#] * * * * *
.in 0
.pn +1 // 361.png
.bn 361.png
In a letter to General Carnac, he describes
the state of the Nabob of Moorshedabad and
.pn +1 // 362.png
.bn 362.png
his ministers, and the recent events at that court,
in the following terms[#]:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"I cannot yet write you particulars; however,
matters seem drawing to a conclusion. The
Nabob and Mahommed Reza Cawn are arrived.
The Seets and Roydulub will be here to-morrow,
and I am determined to give an impartial audience
to all of them, who are ready enough to
disclose every transaction, and will prove to demonstration,
upon what grounds and principles
the gentlemen have been actuated, thus precipitately
to conclude a treaty before our arrival.
"Although Nundcomar may not prove guilty
of the crimes laid to his charge, yet, believe me,
my dear General, he will do no honour, either
to the Nabob or to the Company, in any great or
eminent post, which he never was formed or designed
for; and I can give you unanswerable
.pn +1 // 363.png
.bn 363.png
reasons against his being the principal person
about the Nabob, when I have the pleasure of
seeing you. I am as fully averse to Reza Ali
Cawn's remaining in the great post of Naib Subah.
His being a Mussulman, acute, and clever,
are reasons of themselves, if there were no others,
against trusting that man with too much power;
and yet the young man must have men about
him capable of directing and governing him;
for besides his youth, he is really very simple, and
always receives his impressions from those who
are last about him. It is really shocking to see
what a set of miserable and mean wretches Nundcomar
has placed about him, men that the other
day were horsekeepers. I proposed that three
or four of the principal families in Bengal shall
assist him in his government; and make no
doubt of obtaining his own consent for adopting
such a plan as may make him perfectly easy
in his own mind, and do the English nation
honour.
"I hope fifteen or twenty days will enable me
to put affairs in such a channel, that the gentlemen
may go on with the reformation during my
absence; and upon my arrival we must heartily
set about a peace: for the expense is now become
so enormous, (no less than 10 lacs per
mensem, civil and military,) that the Company
must be inevitably undone, if the Mahrattas, or
.pn +1 // 364.png
.bn 364.png
any other powers, should invade Bahar and Bengal;
for it will then be impossible to raise money
sufficient to continue the war. This is a very
serious consideration with me, and will, I make
no doubt, strike you in the same light."
.in 0
Treating the same subject in a subsequent
letter, Clive observes[#]:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"Strange discoveries have been made, which
prove your conjectures about revolutions to be
true. The enclosed will give you an idea of
what is intended. The more I see of the Nabob,
the more I am convinced of his incapacity for
business: whether it proceeds from want of
natural abilities, or want of education, time will
discover; certain it is, the most difficult task we
have is to act in such a manner as not to put
too great a restraint upon the Nabob's inclinations,
and yet, at the same time, influence him
to do what is for his own honour, and the good
of the Company. There is no submitting to be
dictated to by every plaguy fellow about him."
.in 0
And again[#]:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"There seems to me to have been a combination
between the blacks and whites, to
divide all the revenues of the Company between
them, for the Nabob knows nothing about the
matter. Large sums have been taken out of
.pn +1 // 365.png
.bn 365.png
both treasuries, by Mahommed Reza Cawn at
Muxadabad, and by Nundcomar at Calcutta.
Every day convinces me, that so long as that
man with his instruments continue about him
we shall never have that influence which appears
to me absolutely necessary, as well for his own
reputation as to prevent the revenues being
dissipated on a set of plaguy rascals."
.in 0
The evidence which Clive about this time
obtained from the officers of the Nabob, of the
sums paid to the different public servants on the
conclusion of the treaty, are stated in a letter to
General Carnac[#], with some severe remarks on
the conduct of those who, on that occasion,
sacrificed the interest and honour of the public
for venal objects. This subject would, in its
details, lead us too far. Suffice it to say, that
the strong measures which the discovery he made
led him to adopt, particularly that of suspending
several of the older civil officers from the service,
added to the number of his enemies in a degree
that made them more powerful in England than
in India, and was the chief cause of that parliamentary
inquiry into his conduct which took
place on his return to his native country.
Meanwhile, however, the honest course of
investigation which he pursued, though fatiguing
and painful to his mind, and severe on his spirits,
.pn +1 // 366.png
.bn 366.png
left him resolute and composed in his sense of
duty. He had a great object in view, the salvation
of an empire, through the repression of
wrong, and the amendment of the public character
and morals. "Let me but have health
sufficient to go through with the reformation we
intend," says he, in writing to his friend Carnac,
"and I shall die with satisfaction and in peace."
The same feeling, which seems at this period to
have deeply penetrated his mind, he expresses
to many of his friends.
Clive, it appears from several letters to other
friends, had been, at this period, seriously hurt
at the long, and, as he thought, the mysterious
silence of General Carnac. He was at last relieved
by a letter, which satisfactorily accounted
for the apparent neglect of a friend for whom
he cherished so sincere an esteem. The following
extract from Clive's reply is singularly
illustrative of his feelings, and of the principles
on which he acted:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"The receipt of your letter[#], number eight,
gave me as much pleasure as your long silence
gave me real concern. Indeed, I had resolved
to write no more, being convinced that, from
some cause or other, the friendship which had
so long subsisted between us was drawing towards
a conclusion, since you had declined even giving
.pn +1 // 367.png
.bn 367.png
me your sentiments upon a subject or subjects
in which I conjectured we may have differed in
opinion. But surely that could be no reason for
not writing at all; neither ought a difference of
opinion, where both are actuated by principles
of honour and justice, in the least diminish that
cordial affection which hitherto hath subsisted,
and I trust will subsist to the day of our deaths.
"I was not ignorant, when a general Court of
Proprietors prevailed upon me to resume this
government, what an odious as well as arduous
task I had undertaken. Foreseeing, in a manner,
every thing at the time which has since
happened, I was determined, if possible, to
answer the expectations of the Proprietors, who
did me the honour to think me the only person
who could, by my power and influence (and
example, I hope,) put a stop to that universal
corruption (some few instances excepted) which
seems to have spread itself over all Bengal.
"Although a reformation both in the civil and
military department appears to me absolutely
necessary, yet if there be any thing which can
occasion you the least uneasiness, for God's
sake let the whole weight fall upon my shoulders.
I can go through every thing with pleasure, so
long as I can, with truth, and without vanity, apply
to myself these beautiful lines of Horace:—
.pn +1 // 368.png
.bn 368.png
.ti +6
'Justum et tenacem propositi virum,'" &c.
.in 0
Clive, in the following letter to his friend
Walsh, dated 30th September, 1765, gives full
scope to his feelings, both as to public transactions,
and those connected with them:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"Our friendship and connection have been of
so many years' standing, and I have always
observed in you so much real warmth of heart
and zeal for my interest and honour, that I think
of these marks of your affection in this distant
part of the globe with the greatest satisfaction.
"To you, and to you only, I shall communicate
every transaction of consequence which
has passed since our arrival, because I know
you have judgment and discretion to make a
proper use of them.
"It will be needless to expatiate on the very
great things we have done for the Company,
since the several papers which accompany this
will make you a perfect master of the whole of
our proceedings.
"I have referred many of my friends to you
for information; but you will communicate to
them what you think proper, Mr. Grenville excepted,
to whom I have been very explicit,
having inclosed him a copy of my letter to the
Court of Directors, translation of the treaty of
peace, and a map of Bengal, with some marginal
explanations.
"You will therefore lay before him, without
.pn +1 // 369.png
.bn 369.png
reserve, all papers of a public nature; such as
relate to individuals, and are not made public,
you may not think proper to reveal to any one.
There is only one paper which I could not send
you, viz. the letter from the Select Committee
to the Court of Directors, being bound by oath
not to make any of our proceedings public until
laid before council, or communicated to the
Court of Directors; neither of which being yet
done, with respect to the committee's letter, is
the reason I cannot send you a copy; but you
will, undoubtedly, obtain a sight of it from
Scrafton.
"Had I known Mr. Sumner as well as I do
at present, I would never have consented to his
being appointed my successor, let the consequences
be what they would. I did, indeed,
entertain hopes, that my example and instructions
might furnish that gentleman with a plan
of conduct and political knowledge, which would
have enabled him to fill the chair with honour,
and me to leave it with satisfaction to myself.
But I am sorry to inform you, that I had been
but a short time on board the Kent, before I
discovered him to be a man no ways fit to be
my successor. His ideas of government differ
widely indeed from mine; add to this, his judgment
is weak, timid, and unsound, and resolution
he has none.
.pn +1 // 370.png
.bn 370.png
"Nor was my opinion of him changed on our
arrival here; for I was frequently mortified with
instances of his conduct, which made me look
forward with regret to the day on which he
was to be intrusted with the government of
Bengal.
"When affairs of the utmost consequence to
the Company were transacting by me, at the
distance of seven hundred miles from the presidency,
Mr. Sumner, governor for the time
being, would have yielded up some of the most
material privileges of the committee to Mr.
Leycester, Gray, and Burdett, the most factious
among the counsellors; and, if I had not written
to him very severely on the subject, and prevailed
on Mr. Verelst to hasten down from
Burdwan to remonstrate to him on the weakness
of his conduct, I verily believe he would have
joined with those gentlemen in endeavouring
to abolish the power of the committee.
"Whether his behaviour arose merely from
timidity of temper, or from a consideration that
his actions formerly, in the Burdwan country,
could not bear a scrutiny, if the resentment of
those whom he had been obliged to join in condemning
should prompt them to retaliate, I cannot
say; but it is certain that his attention to
those gentlemen, guilty as they had been of the
most notorious acts of oppression, was mean and
.pn +1 // 371.png
.bn 371.png
absurd. His conduct, upon the whole, convinces
me, that had he been in council during the
late transactions he would have stood next to
Mr. Johnstone in the donation list, which I
almost wish he had, since the Company and I
should, by that means, have been freed from the
apprehensions we now labour under, on account
of his succeeding me in the government.
"Imagine not that I have exceeded the
bounds of truth in this description. A due regard
to my own honour, as well as to the advantage
of the Company, obliges me to be thus
plain; but it is not my intention to impress you
with ideas so far to the disadvantage of Mr.
Sumner, as that he may be set aside from the
government. I think I cannot go such lengths
without hurting my own reputation. I must
make a point of his succeeding me according to
his appointment; and I hope affairs will go on
very well, as long as he has a good committee or
council to watch him.
"If you can prevail upon the Court of Directors
to empower me alone, or me in conjunction
with the Select Committee, to regulate
matters, I will be responsible for his good behavior:
if not, I much fear things will fall into
the old channel; and to the advantages arising
from salt will be added every other that can be
grasped at.
.pn +1 // 372.png
.bn 372.png
"Remember the oath and penalty bond mentioned
in my public letter. If by increasing the
Governor's salary, or ordering his proportion of
salt to be greater, there was a particular oath for
the Governor, whereby he should not be allowed
the liberty of private trade at all, but obliged to
attend to the affairs of the Company only, leaving
trade to the second, &c., I think the plan of
government would be much more perfect, as it
would be less liable to abuses from the head.
"I have hinted to Dudley only my sentiments
of Mr. Sumner, and he knows from me that I
have explained myself to you. Consult, therefore,
together about the matter; settle it, if possible,
in such a manner that I may not be taxed
with breach of promise to Mr. Sumner, and I
may at the same time resign the government
without apprehension for the consequences.
.hr w=25%
"It would be endless for me to send you the
particulars of every act of extortion and corruption.
I had prepared a great many, under the
hands and seals of the several zemindars and
phousdars, in order to make it impossible for
such men to succeed in any of their future designs;
but the total overthrow of Sulivan and
his party makes such authentic proofs unnecessary,
especially as we have sent home sufficient
.pn +1 // 373.png
.bn 373.png
to convince every impartial Director of the
general corruption and profligacy of their servants
in Bengal.
"Among other papers, you will find a letter
from the King to the Governor and Council,
in favour of General Carnac. The 2 lacs of
rupees he has given him is lodged in the public
funds, until the pleasure of the Directors is
known. I shall only say that Carnac has acted
with such moderation and honour in the service
of the Company, and with such good deference
and attention towards his Majesty the Great
Mogul, that the Directors must be the most
ungrateful of men, if they do not, by the return
of this ship, or the first conveyance, order him
this money, with a due encomium upon his
services, disinterestedness, and modesty. I am
sure your interest will not be wanting to push
this matter to the utmost, if it be possible that
such an order from the Court should meet with
the least resistance.
"I have determined to remain in this country
until I receive an answer to our proceedings.
No consideration on earth shall prevail upon me
to stay beyond the month of December, 1766;
and my friends may be assured, if no accident
happens to me, of hearing of me from Europe in
April or May, 1767. In the mean time I shall
.pn +1 // 374.png
.bn 374.png
dedicate every day of my life to the service of
the Company; a thorough reformation shall take
place; every department, both civil and military,
shall be examined, and regulated by a
disinterested committee, upon oath; and the
Directors will be surprised indeed at the extravagancy,
inattention, and frauds of their servants,
both civil and military, at the same time that
they must be greatly pleased at the reduction of
their exorbitant expenses.
"Can you believe me, that the civil and military
charges at the time of my arrival, amounted
to between 11 and 12 lacs per month?
"I have dropt all thoughts of what I mentioned
to you from Rio Janeiro, concerning my
jaghire, and am resolved to let it rest as it is.
"That you may assist with confidence the
justice of my cause, I do declare, by that God
who made me, it is my absolute determination to
refuse every present of consequence, and that I
will not return to England with one rupee more
than what arises from my jaghire. My profits
arising from salt shall be divided among those
friends who have endangered their lives and constitutions
in attending me; the congratulatory
nuzzurs shall be set opposite to my extraordinary
expenses, and, if aught remains, it shall go to
Poplar or some other hospital."
.in 0
Clive, the same day, wrote the following
.pn +1 // 375.png
.bn 375.png
letter[#] to Mr. Grenville, with whom, throughout
this period, he appears to have kept up a constant
correspondence:—
// letter
.in 5
.ti +2
"Give me leave to call to your remembrance
some discourse we had together about the Company's
affairs (in which the honour and interest
of our nation was so much concerned), and to
inform you, I have now the particular satisfaction
of seeing the great object of my wishes nearly
accomplished.
"The enclosed copy of my letter to the Court
of Directors, and a map of Bengal, with some
marginal explanations, will open to you a full
view of the present great and flourishing condition
of our East India Company, and show how
near it was to destruction, from corruption, extortion,
and luxury. If you have leisure and inclination
to be further acquainted with our
transactions, Mr. Walsh has orders from me to
lay before you our proceedings. May what we
are about, in times of distress and necessity, contribute
towards lessening the debt of the nation.
If you imagine the King can find amusement in
perusing any of these papers, or some particular
friends whom you can trust, I shall have no objection.
"I hope by this year's conveyance to send
you a particular account of the revenues of these
.pn +1 // 376.png
.bn 376.png
provinces, which, put under proper management,
cannot fall far short of 4,000,000l. per annum.
"I return you many thanks for Mr. Strachey:
I have found him in every respect deserving
your good opinion; and I must not forget to express
how thankful I am for the assistance you
have given Mr. Nevil Maskelyne, to obtain the
Regius professorship.
"My best wishes attend Mrs. Grenville and
all your family."
.in 0
Clive observes, in a letter to Lord Halifax, of
the same date,—
.in 5
"I will not attempt entering into a detail of
affairs in this part of the world, especially as I
have enabled Mr. Grenville to give your Lordship
a very explicit account of the prosperous
and flourishing condition of the East India Company:
too prosperous, without they have better
heads and hearts to manage such grand and extensive
concerns than heretofore."
.in 0
In the following letter[#] from Lord Clive to
Sir Matthew Featherstonhaugh he states,—
.in 5
"We have just concluded a very honourable
and advantageous peace with Sujah-u-Dowlah.
To convince him, as well as the Mogul empire,
of our moderation, we have restored to him all his
dominions, upon condition of paying to the
.pn +1 // 377.png
.bn 377.png
Company 50 lacs of rupees, or 600,000l. (the
half down, and security for the other half.) This
he very readily consented to, and has exactly
complied with his engagements; so that Bengal,
by such a powerful alliance, will in all probability
enjoy tranquillity and peace for some time.
"Was I to paint to you the anarchy and confusion
which reigned in these rich provinces
upon my arrival, you would be much surprised.
Indeed, the Company's affairs were at their last
gasp, not from our enemies, but from that universal
licentiousness which had overrun the whole settlement
of Calcutta. Extortion and corruption
were practised openly and at noonday. The three
kingdoms of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, whose
revenues amount to 4,000,000l. sterling per annum,
had been put up to sale, and the profits
divided among the civil and military; the Company's
interests have been most scandalously
sacrificed; but on this subject let me refer you
to Mr. Walsh, who will give you such proofs of
the venality, corruption, and extortions of the
Company's servants, as must give you great pain,
from the consideration of the national honour
being so much prostituted.
"We are making use of the power given the
committee to check these great and growing
evils, and have made great progress already. Our
vigorous proceedings towards retrieving the national
.pn +1 // 378.png
.bn 378.png
honour, and obtaining for the Company
those great and glorious advantages, which they are
so justly entitled to, will, I make no doubt, create
us many enemies; however, conscious rectitude
will enable us to go through our undertakings
with pleasure. With regard to myself, I do declare,
upon the word of a gentleman, and upon
my honour, that, although history can scarce furnish
an instance of any subject who hath had
such opportunities of acquiring an immense fortune,
it is my determined resolution to return
to my native country not one farthing richer
than when I left it.
"The very great attention you have always
paid to my interest, and the favourable opinion
you have always entertained of my abilities and
zeal for the Company, bind me to you by ties of
the strongest gratitude.
"The Company, in consequence of a grant
from the Great Mogul, and with the Nabob's approbation,
are in possession of a clear revenue of
2,000,000l. sterling; and all our expenses, both
civil and military, can never exceed the half of
that sum in time of war, and in time of peace,
not more than 600,000l. per annum: so that, at
the worst of times, there will be a clear gain of
1,000,000l. sterling per annum to the Company.
Neither are these revenues chimerical or precarious:
the rents are regularly paid; and we
.pn +1 // 379.png
.bn 379.png
have established such a force, that all the powers
of Hindustan cannot deprive us of our possessions
for many years. Let me refer you to Mr.
Walsh for further particulars, who, I am persuaded,
will explain these matters much to your
satisfaction.
"Although I find I cannot, as formerly,
struggle with the inclemency of this hot climate,
yet I am determined to wait for an answer to
our despatches by this ship: my duty to my
family will not permit me to stay longer. I hope
to kiss your hand in April or May, 1767.
"The Duke of Devonshire's death has given
me inexpressible concern: the nation has lost a
nobleman who was an honour to it, and we the
best and sincerest of friends. I could with
pleasure have attached myself to him for the
remainder of my days."
.in 0
The following letter[#] to his friend Scrafton
exhibits a short view of the prosperous state of
the finances, and closes with a postscript written
on Clive's hearing of his friend's election to the
office of Director:—
.in 5
"You must not expect a long letter from me,
because I know you will have many particulars
from other friends, and because the public
business will really not allow me time for that
purpose.
.pn +1 // 380.png
.bn 380.png
"Revolution upon revolution, rapacity, extortion,
and corruption, have at last reduced us
to the necessity of doing the only thing which
could be done, to save the whole fabric from
being ruined. The King hath granted to the
Company the dewannee of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, and expresses himself in this manner:—'In
consideration of the great services rendered
me by the English Company, and on the condition
of their paying me the annual tribute of 26
lacs, and allowing sufficient for the support of
the dignity of the Nizamut, whatever remains
of the revenues of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, I
give to the English Company as a free gift, for
ever and ever.'
"The Nabob's allowances are 53 lacs,
which he signed and agreed to; so that there
will remain little short of 200 lacs to the Company,
clear of all expenses in collections.
What think you of the stocks? We shall
draw bills for about 16 lacs this year, and, in
future, I believe, there will be an end to bills of
exchange. Our investment this year will exceed
40 lacs, and we shall send 15 lacs to China. We
have 24 lacs of restitution money to pay, and
30 lacs of bonds to discharge, or we should not
have drawn at all, even this year.
"We have concluded a firm and lasting peace
with Sujah-u-Dowlah, by giving him up all his
.pn +1 // 381.png
.bn 381.png
country, for which he pays 50 lacs to the Company:
25 down, and security for the rest in
twelve months. I have not leisure to entertain
you with an account of our proceedings
with regard to the gentlemen of council: the
upshot is, as you have expressed yourself in one
of your letters, 'There are not five men of principle
in the whole settlement.' I believe this is
the first instance of such a paper appearing
upon record as we have sent home.
"There is an account in our committee and
consultation proceedings, as large as a general
return, with as many columns, specifying the
sums of money received, and to be received, by
whom, and to whom, and on whose houses
drawn; in short, the Directors, when they first
see these papers, will imagine it to be an account
of increase of revenues. If you can get John
Walsh into a humour of entertaining you upon
these matters, he is qualified to do it better than
any man in England. My time and paper grow
short.
.ti 8
"I am, dear Scrafton,
.ti 10
"Yours, &c.
.ti 12
"Clive
.ti +4
"May it please your Honour,
.ti +2
"I did not know at the time I wrote the
above, that your Honour would have been one of
.pn +1 // 382.png
.bn 382.png
my masters, as I might have saved myself the
trouble of writing so much, or referring you to
Walsh. Believe me, there is an absolute
necessity of getting some of the Madras servants
here, or we shall never bring about a reformation.
The gentry here will do nothing with a good
will.
.ti +10
"I am
.ti +6
"Your Honour's most obedient servant,
.ti +10
"Clive."
.in 0
Clive, in answering a letter[#] from Mr. Fowke,
a Director, observes,—
.in 5
"I have received your letter of the 13th November,
1764, from the contents of which I can
easily perceive our affairs in Leadenhall Street
are not likely to be upon a solid foundation for
some time: indeed, Rous, though a very honest
man, is the most unfit of all men living to preside
and govern a Court of Directors. I am
now convinced, a man of lighter principles, with
more abilities, and a certain degree of resolution,
will manage both private and public concerns
to more advantage than Mr. Rous. My only
hopes are, that the next year's election will produce
one or two men well versed in the politics
of India, and then Mr. Sulivan may be entirely
excluded.
.pn +1 // 383.png
.bn 383.png
"I am not at all surprised at your disappointment;
nothing less could have been expected
from such a divided and distracted Direction;
nor should I be much surprised if
something of a disagreeable nature, touching
my powers, should find its way to India. If the
Directors dare take such a step, woe be to them,
for I am pursuing measures so manifestly to the
nation's honour, and the Company's advantage,
that envy and malice themselves will not dare to
enter the lists against us.
"Was I to enter into a detail of all our transactions
in these parts, volumes would not suffice.
To Mr. Walsh, therefore, I refer you, who will
be perfectly informed of the great and glorious
things we have already done for this Company;
too great, indeed, for such a Company. I shall
only say, that such a scene of anarchy, confusion,
bribery, corruption, and extortion was
never seen or heard of in any country but
Bengal; nor such and so many fortunes acquired
in so unjust and rapacious a manner.
The three provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, producing a clear revenue of 3,000,000l.
sterling, have been under the absolute management
of the Company's servants, ever since
Meer Jaffier's restoration to the subaship;
and they have, both civil and military, exacted
and levied contributions from every man of
.pn +1 // 384.png
.bn 384.png
power and consequence, from the Nabob down
to the lowest zemindar.
"The trade has been carried on by free
merchants, acting as gomastahs to the Company's
servants, who, under the sanction of their
names, have committed actions which make the
name of the English stink in the nostrils of a
Gentoo or a Mussulman; and the Company's servants
themselves have interfered with the revenues
of the Nabob, turned out and put in the officers
of the government at pleasure, and made every
one pay for their preferment."
.in 0
It may be questioned whether any of Clive's
many and great achievements called forth more
of that active energy and calm firmness for
which he was distinguished, than was evinced in
effecting the reform of the civil service of Bengal.
It created a host of enemies in India, several of
whom were men of talent, and possessed both of
wealth and reputation. These, when they
returned to England, gave vent to their indignation
against one whom they represented as
an arbitrary tyrant, who, having made his own
immense fortune in a rapid manner, now desired
to obtain fame by depriving others of the same
advantages. They found, among the Directors
and the House of Commons, many who listened
eagerly to their grievances, and to accusations
against a man whose fame and fortune made him
.pn +1 // 385.png
.bn 385.png
an object of envy and of calumny; and who,
besides the numbers he had rendered his enemies,
by detecting and exposing their nefarious conduct,
had deeply offended others, of whose
character and principles he had a better opinion,
by his impatience at their weak or undecided
conduct. Born, it may be said, to command,
clear in his views of what was right, and devoted
to the public service, he was not only uncompromising,
but impatient of check or hinderance in
the pursuit of objects he deemed essential for
the good name or interests of his country. This
impatience led him too often to evince indignation
or contempt of those who opposed him, or
whose minds could not keep pace with his own,
but whose conduct and character merited more
justice and consideration.
But we must close this chapter, the events
detailed in which occurred within a twelvemonth
of Clive's arrival in Bengal. The second year
afforded him a still greater opportunity of displaying
his wisdom and courage.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='footnotes'
.if-
.h3
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 14
// 327.png
.bn 327.png
.fn #
11th May, 1765.
.fn-
// 330.png
.bn 330.png
.fn #
Mr. George Vansittart, the brother of Henry, the late
governor.
.fn-
// 331.png
.bn 331.png
.fn #
13th May, 1765.
.fn-
// 332.png
.bn 332.png
.fn #
Vide letter to Mr. Sykes, 7th July.
.fn-
.fn #
Vide letter to Mr. Palk, 14th July.
.fn-
// 333.png
.bn 333.png
.fn #
Vide letter to Mr. Spencer of the 13th May.
.fn-
// 334.png
.bn 334.png
.fn #
The Court of Directors, by the Lapwing packet, which
left England in June, 1764, sent positive orders, which
reached Calcutta on the 24th January, 1765, that all persons
in the Company's service should execute covenants, restraining
them from accepting, directly or indirectly, from
the Indian princes, any grant of lands, rents, or territorial
dominion, or any present whatever, exceeding the value of
four thousand rupees, without the consent of the Court of
Directors. The letter further contained orders relating to
private trade, and to batta to the troops. The council assembled
next day, 25th January. It is remarkable that the
subjects, both of the batta and of the private trade, are
noticed in the consultation, but no allusion whatever is made
to the matter of the covenants. At this crisis the old Nabob
died; and Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Leycester were immediately
empowered to negotiate with his son, the young Nabob, and
accordingly did conclude a treaty, 6th February, as has been
already mentioned. About twenty lacs of rupees were, on
this occasion, promised, and the greater part of it received,
as a present to the Governor and several members of council.
(Verelst's Narrative, p. 51.; Third Report of Select Committee
of House of Commons, p. 21.) As upwards of three
months had elapsed at the time of Clive's arrival, and the
Company's orders regarding the covenants had not yet been
put in force, the Select Committee, immediately on meeting,
issued an order for carrying them into instant effect. Clive,
in his letters, expresses great indignation at the circumstances
attending the treaty with the young prince; and it is
impossible not to agree with him in thinking, that the delay
in the signing of the covenants, and the subsequent presents
from the young Nabob, reflect light on each other.
.fn-
// 335.png
.bn 335.png
.fn #
Vide letter to Mr. Sumner of the 26th June.
.fn-
// 336.png
.bn 336.png
.fn #
Vide letter, Secret Committee, 21st June, 1765.
.fn-
// 339.png
.bn 339.png
.fn #
This letter is dated the 30th September, 1765. It is
published in the Third Report of the Select Committee of
the House of Commons, A. D. 1772.
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17th May, 1766.
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30th September, 1765.
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//342.png
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It may be mentioned, as a curious fact, that when the
durbar for conferring the dewannee on the Company was held,
the Emperor having none of the appurtenances of high condition
or state along with him, an English dining table,
covered over, made the throne on which he sat during the
ceremony.
.fn-
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.fn #
Vide letter from Mr. Verelst, 27th July, 1765.
.fn-
.fn #
An addition of 386,131 was subsequently granted.
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// 346.png
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.fn #
Mr. Johnstone, who had resigned council, but who remained
some time settling the commercial concerns with Mr.
Bolts, complains of his salt being stopped; Lord Clive, in
reply, says he should have applied for a dustuck.
.fn-
// 347.png
.bn 347.png
.fn #
Letter to Mr. Dudley, 29th September, 1765.
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// 360.png
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1765.
.fn-
.fn #
At the time of Lord Clive's writing the letter quoted in
the text, to Mr. Palk, the Governor of Madras, which was
// 361.png
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the day after his Lordship's arrival at Bengal, Suja Dowla
was, as is mentioned in that letter, threatening to invade our
provinces with a large army, joined by the Mahrattas and
Rohillas. But he altered his tone very shortly after; since it
appears, by a letter written by him to General Carnac, that
he offered to make peace on any terms.
This letter, it appears from the public records mentioned
in the Report of the Select Committee of 1772, was received
by General Carnac on the 19th of May, 1765, and was probably
written by Suja Dowla two days before; which allows
for his having received intelligence of Lord Clive's arrival on
the 3d of that month, and that it had the effect of his proposing
to make peace with the English.
The letter is worth transcribing in this place. (3d Rep. of
Select Comm. App. No. 84.)
.ce
Suja Dowla to General Carnac.
"It is known all over the world, that the illustrious chiefs
of the English nation are constant and unchangeable in their
friendship, which my heart is fully persuaded of. The late
disturbances were contrary to my inclination; but it was so
ordered by Providence. I now see things in a proper light,
and have a strong desire to come to you; and am persuaded
you will treat me in a manner befitting your own honour.
You have shown great favours to others; when you become
acquainted with me you will see with your own eyes, and be
thoroughly sensible of my attachment, from which I will
never depart while I have life. I am this day arrived at Belgram:
please God, in a very short time I shall have the happiness
of a meeting with you. As for other particulars, I
refer you to Monyr-o-Dowla and Rajah Shitabroy."
.ce
(And with his own hand.)
"My Friend,—I regard not wealth nor the government
of countries: your favour and friendship is all I desire.
// 362.png
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Please God, I will be with you very soon, when you will do
for me what you think best."
The fame of Lord Clive having been so long established in
India, it will not be thought extraordinary by those acquainted
with that country, that the news of his return to it should
have operated, as it did, so instantaneously with Suja Dowla,
in the manner expressed in the above letter.
Lord Clive soon after concluded a treaty of peace with
him, of which an account is given in the letter of the Select
Committee at Calcutta, 30th September, 1765, in the same
Report, App., No. 86.
.fn-
.fn #
Calcutta, 20th May, 1765.
.fn-
// 364.png
.bn 364.png
.fn #
General Carnac, 27th May, 1765.
.fn-
.fn #
Ibid., 30th May, 1765.
.fn-
// 365.png
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.fn #
8th June, 1765.
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// 366.png
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.fn #
Mootagyl, 8th July, 1765.
.fn-
// 375.png
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.fn #
Dated Calcutta, 30th September, 1765.
.fn-
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.fn #
Dated Calcutta, 30th September, 1765.
.fn-
// 379.png
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.fn #
Dated Calcutta, 25th September, 1765.
.fn-
// 382.png
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.fn #
Dated 25th September, 1765.
.fn-
.if h
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.if-
.sp 4
.ce
END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
.sp 4
.nf c
London:
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.
.nf-
.pb
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.nf c
Publications
OF
THE LATE SIR JOHN MALCOLM.
.nf-
.hr w=15%
A HISTORY of PERSIA. Third Edition. 2 vols.
8vo. 30s.
The POLITICAL HISTORY of INDIA. A new Edition,
revised, with an additional Chapter on the Present State of
India. 2 vols. 8vo. 1l. 12s.
SKETCHES of PERSIA. Second Edition. 2 vols.
post 8vo. 15s.
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.ul
.it Transcriber's Notes
.ul indent=1
.it In the plain text versions of this book a carat is used before a \
character to indicate that that character was superscripted in the original.
.it A few cases of inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were regularized.\
(Mahomed/Mahommed, hindu/hindo, hindostan/hindoostan/hindustan)
.it The spelling of Shakespeare was not modernized.
.it Footnotes were gathered and placed at the end of each chapter.
.ul-
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