.dt The Scottish Journal of Topography, Antiquities, Traditions - Vol I, No 22, by\
The Scottish Journal of Topography, Antiquities, Traditions, &c. &c.-A\
Project Gutenberg eBook
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.h1
THE|<xxl>SCOTTISH JOURNAL</xxl>|<s>OF</s>|<i><l>Topography, Antiquities, Traditions,</l></i>
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&c. &c.
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<B>No. 22.\_\_\_\_\_\_Edinburgh, Saturday, January 29, 1848.\_\_\_\_\_\_Price 1½d.</B>
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.h2
SOME PARTICULARS REGARDING THE FAMILY OF INVERNAHYLE.
.in 2
.ti -2
<fs=0.8em>COPIED FROM A MANUSCRIPT IN THE POSSESSION OF
DR THOMSON, LATE OF APPIN, BY JOSEPH TRAIN.</fs>
.in 0
ALEXANDER, the first Invernahyle,
was son to Allan Stewart,
third Laird of Appin. He married
Margaret Macdonald, daughter
of Donald Macdonald of Moidart,
commonly called <i>Donul
an Lochan</i>.[#] He had only one
child, Donald, who succeeded him. Alexander,
it would appear, lived in Island Stalker. He
rose early on a summer morning, and stepped
over to the <i>Nan Gall</i>,[#] which lies contiguous.
He had in his hand a Lochaber axe, which at that
period was frequently used instead of the sword.
He reclined upon a verdant spot of the isle, with
his Lochaber axe laid carelessly by him. A deadly
feud existed at that time between his family and
that of Dunstaffnage. A brother of Dunstaffnage,
called <i>Cailen Uaine</i>,[#] arrived at the island
with his barge, and a number of men to assist him
in executing his bloody purpose. He landed unperceived
by Alexander. Upon being observed,
he assumed the mask of friendship, and was about
to salute him; but, seeing Alexander defenceless,
he cast his eye on the axe, which still lay upon
the ground, and eager to be possessed of that
which, if in the hands of the other, might make
him pay dear for his expedition, he hastily grasped
it, expressing himself thus—“Sma an tua so
Alasdair na on bioda leor sauich innte.”[#] Alexander
quickly replied—“Bheil duil agad nach eil
sin innte,”[#] and also laid hold of the axe, being
fully sensible of the spirit of Colin’s remark.
During the struggle, Colin’s men surrounded Alexander,
and basely murdered him. Donald, his
infant son, was suckled by Morag, a woman from
Moidart, and wife to <i>Rab a Pheti</i>, the smith of
that district. Colin, foreseeing that the black deed
he had committed might not pass unrevenged,
was very anxious to destroy the child. In this,
however, he was disappointed by the prudence
and activity of the faithful nurse, who, with a
// 003.png
.pn +1
strength of attachment truly valuable, understanding
what had happened, regardless of her own
safety, fled away with the child to her own country.
Having informed her husband of the circumstances,
they agreed to bring up the child as
if he was their own, and to keep the secret of his
parentage concealed from the world, even from
himself, till a proper time arrived for disclosing it.

.pm fn-start // A
Donald of the Lakes.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // B
Ellen-nan-Gall, an island contiguous to Island Stalker.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // C
Green Colin.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // D
This is a good axe, Alexander, if you could whittle
well with it.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // E
Do you think but I can do so.
.pm fn-end
Donald was accordingly educated in the family
of Rab a Pheti, the blacksmith. When he acquired
some strength, he was often called to assist
his supposed father in carrying on his trade. Being
of a strong, athletic make, he performed every
task proposed to him with ease, little thinking he
had any right to be otherwise employed. One
day, when about eighteen years of age, it being
his turn to work in the smithy, he took hold of a
large hammer, which required the strength of any
ordinary man to wield with both hands, and, of
course, deemed too unweildly for a stripling of his
age, yet he found so little difficulty in managing
it, that he wrought it with one hand; and not
satisfied with this exertion, he took another hammer
of the same size in his other hand, and beat
away with both alternately, without much apparent
exertion. His supposed father, Rab a Pheti,
seeing this, gave up his work and went to the
faithful nurse to tell what he had seen. This
honest couple, who had as much affection for Donald
as though he had been their own child, came
to the resolution of disclosing to him the secret
they had so long kept of his birth and parentage.
Donald was called, and the mournful tale of his
father’s death, and the risk he ran of sharing
the same fate, was circumstantially laid before
him. If we can judge by his future actions, we
may conclude that he listened to the mournful
story with strong emotions. The smith took him
in his arms and embraced him. “Your education,”
he said, “has been necessarily obscure, but
I trust the blood that runs in your veins, and the
spirit of your fathers, will ever inspire your conduct
and direct your steps.” The smith then presented
him with a sword, tempered with all the
art of his trade, praying it might be the means of
clearing his way through difficulties, and extricating
him from every danger. Donald received it
as a valuable token of love. Nor did he allow it
long to remain peaceful in its scabbard. Previous
to his setting out for Appin, he, by the advice of
his foster-mother, Morag, waited on his mother’s
brother, Macdonald of Moidart, who gave him a
very warm and hearty reception, and offered freely
// 004.png
.pn +1
to support him with his interest and influence in
recovering his paternal property, which had been
taken back to the family, on the supposition of
his death when a child.[#]

.pm fn-start // A
The following is another version of the manner in
which Donald was transferred to the protection of the
smith. It is rot, however, so consistent with the previous
part of the narrative as the first:

Donald, the only son of Alexander, being an infant,
was, at the death of his father, carried away to Lochshiel
side, in Moidart, to a smith’s family, commonly known
by the name of  ‘An Gothan Muidartsich.’ The smith
was a descendant of the Clanronald family, and had a
tack of both sides of Lochshiel, which, together with his
trade, supported his family. His work principally consisted
in the making of arms, hence the bye-word, when
a warrior met with a sword that pleased him, ‘N’na
claimbh Mudairstach than seodh.’ The smith, notwithstanding
his mechanical employment, was considered a
person in good circumstances; and it being customary at
that age for the Highland chiefs to send their male family,
in disguise, to farmers to rear them in hard hood and
fatigue, a number of the neighbouring gentry sent their
sons, ‘Air mhachaladh,’ to the smith to bring them up
till the age of maturity. The smith would have none
except the heirs of property. The peculiar family circumstances
under which Donald was left to his protection,
his life being in danger, rendered the smith more
careful of him. The kindness thus shown by his supposed
father, drew the attachment of the child towards
him. The smith at last got fonder of him than any of
his own family, and frequently brought him to the smithy
to assist him in making swords, axes, and such other
warlike instruments as were used in those times. As
Donald grew up, his strength and intrepidity increased
with his years. He was reckoned a good swimmer, and
by diving, several times caught salmon in ‘Linidh Bhlathain,’
a pool immediately below the smith’s house, in
the water of Shiel. On one occasion, he came up with
one in each hand, and one in his teeth. One day, the
smith having a piece of work to execute, and no other
assistance being at hand, called upon Donald to aid him.
The article he was engaged with required a man to hold
it on the study, and two men, with hammers used by
both hands, to beat it down. Donald seized one of these
large hammers in each hand, and beat it down with great
ease. The smith, admiring his strength and activity,
could no longer contain himself: and after consulting his
wife, sent for ‘Mhac Mhic Allen,’ the uncle of Donald, to
reveal the secret. On the arrival of the uncle, the smith
told him he wanted to show him what one of his sons,
who was only eighteen years of age, could do. They went
to the smithy, and Donald, in order to please his supposed
chief, exerted himself in beating on the study with
the two large hammers. They afterwards proceeded to
the pool, the smith at the same time taking a sword with
him, and telling Donald that he need not come ashore
unless he brought a salmon in each hand. Donald dived
into the water, and staying an unusual time, the smith
drew nearer ‘Mhac Mhic Allen,’ and, unsheathing his
sword in a great fury, the young man came out with
a salmon in each hand. “What,” says ‘Mhac Mhic
Allen,’ “are you going to kill me.” The smith replied,
that unless the young man had come out of the water,
he certainly would have been a dead man. Upon which
‘Mhac Mhic Allen’ said, he would rather than a ‘ceud
mbare Ferin,’ a hundred marks of land, he had a son that
could do the same thing. The smith, elevated with the
young man’s safety, and the exploit before his chief and
relation, revealed the secret of his birth, upon which
‘Mhac Mhic Allen’ embraced the young man—telling him
he was his uncle. Donald was rather in a dilemma about
the loss of his supposed father, whom he so dearly loved,
and who so fondly cherished him; but when he recovered
himself, he showed symptoms of indignation against
the murderer of his father, and craved the assistance of
his uncle to redeem his lawful possessions. His uncle
considered him too young; but Donald said he was determined,
even single-handed, to attempt the attainment
of his rights. Upon which his uncle and the smith went
to the smithy, made a sword, tempered it well, and presenting
it to him, told him not to sheath it till he had
redeemed his rights, and he revenged on his father’s enemies.
The smith likewise sent his own sons to assist
him, along with a party of select men from his uncle’s
country, who were greatly attached to him, he having
been brought up among them. Donald soon gained his
rights, and returned to the smith to take farewell, and
thank him for his kindness and protection. The smith
gave him a bull and twelve cows, which Donald regarded
as a high affront, knowing that he gave twenty and a
bull to each of the other heirs of property that he reared.
He asked the smith what was the reason, upon
which the latter replied, that he was now getting old,
and intended to divide his property between his own
sons; but that he had as great a regard for him as any
of the other young men, notwithstanding that he only
gave him this number. Donald went to the fold and
made out the twenty, that it might not be said that he
got less than the rest; but, upon further consideration,
returned them all, saying to the smith, he had taught
him to be a warrior, and he would find sufficient cattle
among the Campbells, his father’s enemies.
.pm fn-end
// 005.png
.pn +1

Donald, upon coming to Appin, and his history
being made public, got the name of <i>Donul nan
Ord</i>,[#] by which he was known ever after. Nature
was very kind to Donald. He had ready wit, a
quick invention, an excellent address, an uncommon
degree of firmness of mind, strength of body,
and activity. Those qualities rendered him a fit
leader of a chosen band in those restless and warlike
times. He soon became a terror to the enemies
of his clan and of his friends. His first step
was to kill <i>Cailen Uaine</i>,[#] the murderer of his
father. Nor did he stop till he had destroyed
nine other gentlemen of the family of Dunstaffnage.
This cost Donald several skirmishes; but
his attacks were so bold, and so well managed,
that he was always successful. Argyle soon came
to be interested in the distress that Donald was
bringing on his clan, and employed several parties
to cut him off, but in vain. Donald seeing Argyle’s
intention, instead of being intimidated,
penetrated with his chosen band into the heart of
Argyle’s country, spoiled his tenants, carrying
away a considerable booty from the sides of Lochow,
which at that time gave a title to the chief of
the clan.

.pm fn-start // A
Donald the Hammerer.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // B
Cailen Uaine was killed at the water of Lion, swimming
over after having been defeated by ‘Donul nan Ord,’
by one of Donald’s men. One of Colin’s men who got
safe to the other side said, that that was clean blood he
gave to the salmon of Lion, seeing the arrow quivering
in his breast. Upon which one of Donald’s men remarked,
that he gave cleaner blood to the crabs of Island
Stalker, without a cause.
.pm fn-end
There is still handed down a little roundlet,
which narrates this transaction—

.pm verse-start
“Donal nan Ord, dalt a gothain
 Alleagan nan luarach leabhair,
 Thog thu creach o’ thaogh Locho,
 Nach dean Mhac Callen a thoghadh,
 Na Mhac, na Earo na Otha.”[#]
.pm verse-end

.pm fn-start // C
Donald the Hammerer, the smith’s step-son. The
darling of the mail coats. You lifted a hership from
Lochow side that Argyle cannot redeem, nor his son,
nor his grandson, nor his great-grandson.
.pm fn-end
Argyle, much enraged at the affront offered him
by Donald, began to think of serious revenge, by
raising his whole clan and followers to destroy
him; but wisely seeing that this could not be
done without some noise, and aware that Donald
// 006.png
.pn +1
might be supported by his mother’s powerful
friends, and also by the Camerons, set on foot a
negotiation with the Laird of Appin, to get Donald
to make restitution and be peaceful. The
result was, that Appin, and his other friends, insisted
with Donald that he should come to terms
with Argyle, threatening, if he did not comply, to
leave him to his fate. Donald, unwilling to split
with his friends, and thinking that he had done
enough in revenging his father’s death, complied,
and actually went to Inverary with a single attendant,
to hold a conference with Argyle, at his
own place, and among his numerous friends. Argyle,
who was a man of the world, conceived that,
from Donald’s rusticity, he could easily, by persuasion,
get him into a scrape that might prove
fatal to him. But Donald, though he agreed all
at once to the terms proposed, got himself easily
extricated. Upon Donald’s reaching Inverary, he
met Argyle in the fields, and is said to have accosted
him thus—

.pm verse-start
“A Mhic Callen griomach ghlais,
 Is beag an hachd a thagad dhiom,
 Is nar a Phillis mi air mais
 Mas a mo a thaghain dhiot.”[#]
.pm verse-end

In the course of conversation, it would appear that
Donald not unfrequently indulged in a loud hoarse
laugh—a habit which some of his descendants
were noted for, as far down as the eighth generation.
To rally Donald a little upon this, Argyle
desired him to look at a rock in a hill above Ardkinglass,
then in their view, which resembles a
man’s face reclined backwards, the mouth being
considerably expanded. He asked if he knew the
name that rock went by. Donald answered in the
negative. Argyle then told him it was <i>Gaire
Granda</i>.[#] Donald perceiving the allusion, and,
with his other qualifications, being no mean poet,
replied off hand—

.pm fn-start // A
Grey, withered Argyle, you care little about me, and
when I return, as little I’ll care about you.
.pm fn-end

.pm fn-start // B
Dirty Laugh.
.pm fn-end

.pm verse-start
“Gaire Granda as ainm don Chreig,
 Is fanaidh i mar sin a ghna;
 Gheabh a leitheid agad fein,
 Nan sealadh tu nan eadan do mhna.”[#]
.pm verse-end

.pm fn-start // C
Dirty laugh they call the rock, and always that way
remains; you will the same get with yourself, if your
wife’s face you would compare.
.pm fn-end

When at length they came to talk of business,
the terms upon which Argyle offered peace were,
that Donald should raise a hership in Moidart,
and another in Athole, thinking probably that
he would be cut off in these attempts; or if
successful against such powerful people, that his
disgrace would be less in what was done to his
own lands. Donald readily agreed to the terms.
He set out openly for Moidart, discovered to his
uncle the engagement he had come under, and
asked his advice. His uncle told him that the
people of certain farms in that neighbourhood having
offended him, to go and spoil them; that he, to
save appearance, when it came to his knowledge,
should pursue him to retake the spoil; but should
not be in such haste that Donald ran any risk of
being overtaken. Donald did so; carried off his
spoil; set fire to two or three farms, and got safe
off. The affair made a great noise, and reached
// 007.png
.pn +1
Argyle’s ears, who was astonished at Donald’s
rashness. He went next to Athole, and played
the same card with equal success; came back to
Argyle, and a peace was concluded, though not
with much cordiality upon either side.

There is a well-known anecdote, which we cannot
pass over in silence. Donald was, on a time,
returning from an expedition into Stirlingshire,
and, passing through Monteith, called at a tenant’s
house, where they were preparing a wedding dinner.
The Earl of Monteith was at the marriage,
and was to partake of the dinner. Donald and
his men were hungry, and asked for a supply of
meat, which being refused, they were so unpolite
as step in and eat up the whole dinner. Upon
the Earl’s arrival with the marriage people, they
were enraged at the affront put upon them. They
pursued Donald, and soon came up with him.
They called to him to halt, which he did, and
one of the Earl’s men cried out ironically to
Donald and his men, alluding, no doubt, to the
quantity of broth they had consumed—

.pm verse-start
“Stuarticdh bhuidh nan tapan,
 A bheiradh glag air a chal.”[#]
.pm verse-end

.pm fn-start // A
Yellow Stewarts of the locks, that would seize on
the kail.
.pm fn-end
One of Donald’s men, with great coolness, drawing
an arrow out of his quiver, replies—

.pm verse-start
“Ma tha’n tapan again mar dhuchas,
 Is du dhuin gun tarin sin tarsid.”[#]
.pm verse-end

.pm fn-start // B
If we have the locks from ancestry, we have what
will draw an arrow.
.pm fn-end
And with this took his aim at the Monteith man,
and shot him through the heart. An engagement
ensued betwixt the parties, in which the Earl was
killed, and a number of his followers.

Donald was twice married; first to M. Stewart,
daughter of John Stewart of Bun Rannock, <i>alias</i>
Jan MacRoibeart. By her he had four sons,
1. Alexander, who had the misfortune at an early
period to be afflicted with the stone. Breadalbane
took a particular concern in the young man. He
carried him to Taymouth, and got the most able
medical assistance for him. The operation of
lithotomy was performed upon him, but he did
not long survive it. 2. Duncan, who succeeded
him. 3. Allan, of whom the present Laird of
Ballechelish. 4. John, commonly called John
Du MacDhonuil. He had the lands of Littershuna.
He had a daughter, who was married to
Archibald Campbell, <i>alias</i> Gillesbuegdie, of whom
the present Achaladair is descended. Donald
married, secondly, —— Campbell, second daughter
of John Gorm of Lochnell, and widow of James
nan Gleann. By her, he had a daughter who
was married to Macdonnell of Achatriachatan, of
whom the present Laird of Achatriachatan is descended.
During Donald’s life the feud that
subsisted between him and the family of Dunstaffnage
did not entirely subside. It gave much
trouble and uneasiness to the friends of both parties.
It was very prudently concluded, in order
to put a final end to it, that Duncan should
pay his addresses to a daughter of Dunstaffnage,
which he did with success. This was carried on
unknown to Donald, and when the marriage took
place, he was in very bad blood with his son. It
// 008.png
.pn +1
cost the friends a great deal of work to get him
reconciled to him. It was brought about so far,
that he gave him the farm of Inverfolla to live in
with his wife. Duncan had the misfortune soon
afterwards to incur his father’s displeasure, by
what <i>Donald nan Ord</i> looked upon as a greater
crime than even marrying Miss Campbell. It
was this: Duncan being a good, honest, domestic
man, and the world around him being in peace
and quietness, thought fit to amuse himself with
husbandry, which accorded not with the warlike
spirit of Donald. He thought it much beneath
the dignity of a gentleman, and frequently expressed
his disgust. One day as he was walking
upon the green of Invernahyle, he looked across
the river, and saw a number of his followers with
spades preparing a piece of ground for sowing
seed. He thought to himself that he was wont
to give a different sort of employment to his adherents,
and that Duncan had no spirit. Meanwhile,
Duncan came up to his men—took a spade
in his hand, and began to work along with them.
This was too much for the old gentleman to bear,
and he marched in wrath across to Inverfolla.
Though many years had impaired his strength,
yet rage gave vigour to his steps. He was observed
approaching. The fury of his looks struck
terror around him. Duncan was advised to fly
from the impending storm. The incensed hero
looked for his degenerate son. Where is he?
He is gone towards the house. Towards the
house marched Donald, inquired and searched,
but could not find the object of his wrath. At
length he thought he found him under the bedclothes,
in his own bed. He could contain himself
no longer. He drew his hanger, and made a
deadly stroke at the supposed Duncan. Though
the arm was old, it had not wholly lost its strength.
He cut through all the bed-clothes, and made a
large gash—in the bolster! His rage by degrees
abated, and he returned home in calmness.

Donald’s mother was left a widow when young.
She married Maclean of Inverscadale, of whom
the present Inverscadale.

<sc>Duncan</sc>, the third Invernahyle, married —— Campbell,
daughter of Campbell of Dunstaffnage,
by whom he had three sons: 1. Alexander, who
succeeded him; 2. Dugald; 3. Allan.

<sc>Alexander</sc>, the fourth Invernahyle, married —— Stewart,
only daughter of Duncan Stewart,
fifth Laird of Appin, and had issue twelve sons,
who all came to the age of men, and went all one
Sabbath to the church, along with their father, in
kilted plaids and armed. Their names, so far as
can be recollected, were in the following order:
Donald, James, John Dhu, John More, George,
Dugald, William, Alexander, Duncan and Allan.

<sc>Donald</sc>, the fifth Invernahyle, was married to
Margaret Campbell, daughter to the Laird of
Lochnell, and had issue four sons and two daughters:
1. Alexander, who succeeded him; 2. Duncan,
of whom Strathgarry; 3. Donald, married
to Margaret Stewart, daughter to Alexander
Stewart of Acharn, issue, sons; 4. Allan, married
to Margaret Campbell, daughter to John Campbell
of Achaoran, issue, sons. His oldest daughter,
Margaret, married Donald Campbell of Greenyards,
Secretary to the Bank of Scotland. The
// 009.png
.pn +1
second daughter, Anne, married Maccalman of
Arivian, and had issue.

<sc>Alexander</sc>, the sixth Invernahyle, married
Mary Macdonnell, daughter to Macdonnell of
Fersid, by whom he had issue, Duncan, who
succeeded him, and a daughter, Catharine, who
was married to James Stewart in Ardnamurchan.
But Alexander was first married to Isabel Campbell,
daughter of John Campbell of Kirktown, in
Mucharn, by whom he had two daughters: 1.
Anne, married to Dugald Stewart of Achnacon,
of whom the present Achnacon; 2. Margaret,
married to Duncan Stewart, son to Innishchaorach.

<sc>Duncan</sc>, the seventh Invernahyle, was bred to
the law in Edinburgh, where he had an opportunity
of cultivating a fine natural taste for music,
to the enjoyment of which he very much
devoted himself in his latter days. He married,
when young, Mary Campbell, daughter of
Alexander Campbell of Barcaldine, and by her
had a numerous offspring, of whom there came
to maturity—1. Alexander, the present Invernahyle,
who is married to Catharine Stewart, daughter
to Robert Stewart of Appin, and has issue;
2. John, who died while at his education, and was
buried at the church of Kilmadock, in Perthshire;
3. Dugald was bred to the Church, but preferred
going abroad, to push his fortune, and after being
successful for some time in Jamaica was robbed
by a partner. He went to America, and died
there; 4. Robert, who was bred a wine merchant
in Leith, died abroad; 5. Allan, who has all
along followed the army, is now on half-pay, a
Lieut.-Colonel; 6. James, who was educated for
the Church, and also as a physician, made choice
of the occupation of a farmer and merchant. He
is married to Robina Edmondstoune, daughter to
John Edmondstoune of Cambus-Wallace, and has
issue: 1. Margaret, married to Campbell of Achraran,
issue, sons; 2. Mary, married to Macnicol
of Sonoch, and has issue; 3. Anne, married to
the Rev. John Connochar, and has issue.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
DESCENDANTS OF INVERNAHYLE.
.sp 2
.h3
<i>Ballechelish.</i>

Allan, the first Ballechelish, third son to Donul
nan Ord, married —— Macdonnell, daughter to
Macdonell of Coillickonid, by whom he had issue:
1. Alexander, who succeeded him; 2. Donald;
3. Allan.

Alexander, the second Ballechelish, married his
cousin, a daughter of John du MacDhonuil, and
had issue; 1. John, who succeeded; 2. Alexander,
<i>alias</i> Alisdair More, who was wadsetter of
Achalader, and married a daughter of Campbell
of Barcaldine, by whom he had issue.

John, the third Ballechelish, married a daughter
of Stewart of Ardsheils, and had issue. He
was succeeded by his nephew, Alexander, son to
Alisdair More.

Alexander, the fourth Ballechelish, was first
married to a daughter of Stewart of Ardsheils,
issue, sons. He married after her, Isabel Stewart,
daughter to Alexander Stewart of Annat, in
Perthshire, and had issue: 1. John, the present
Ballechelish; 2. Alexander, who was killed at
Falkirk in 1746; and one daughter, Isabel, married
to Donald Stewart, nephew to Alexander
// 010.png
.pn +1
Stewart, fourth Ballechelish, and son to Donald
Mac Alisdair Mhoir.
.sp 2
.h3
<i>Littershuna.</i>

John du MacDhonuil, fourth son to Donald nan
Ord. He married a daughter of James Stewart
of Glens, commonly called <i>Ni Mhic Sheumais</i>.
By her he had one son and seven daughters. His
son, along with another youth, a son of Sir Donald
Campbell of Ardnamurchan, during the rage
for suppressing Popery, went to Craig, a place
sacred to Saint Curulames, carried away the
images, and burnt them in the castle of Island
Stalker, offering impious scoffs and insults to the
images as they were burning. They both died
when young. One of the daughters was married
to Stewart of Ardsheil; another to Cameron of
Collard; another to Stewart of Fasnacloich;
another to Campbell of Clannamacrie, of whom
Combie and Edorline; another to Campbell of
Stonefield, of whom the present Lord Stonefield,
and of whom is also descended the present Earl
of Breadalbane; another was married to Macdougall,
Baron Dunach, and another to Stewart of
Ballechelish.
.sp 2
.h3
<i>Innishchaorach.</i>

Dugald, second son to Duncan the third Invernahyle,
purchased from Campbell of Lawers the
lands of Innishchaorach, Duaireachan, and Innishdainh,
in Glenlochy, Breadalbane. He married
and had issue: 1. Allan, who succeeded; 2. Neil,
who married a daughter of Stewart of Druimcharrie,
in Perthshire, and had issue.

Allan, second Innishchaorach, married —— Burdin,
daughter of Burdin of Fidals, and had issue;
1. James, who succeeded; 2. Duncan, who married
a daughter of Invernahyle; 3. Dugald, married
to a daughter of Alexander Stewart of Acharn;
4. Alexander, who married —— Macgregor,
daughter of Alexander Macgregor, <i>alias</i> Alisdair
Saoileach, and had issue; 5. John, married —— Farquharson.

James, the third Innishchaorach, married —— Stewart,
daughter to Stewart of Annat, and had
issue, Alexander and Neil, who died unmarried.

Neil, second son of Dugald, the first Innishchaorach,
was the male heir to Innishchaorach. He
was wadsetter to Ledcharrie and Edarramhionoich,
in Glendochart, and had issue, John, Charles,
and Neil. Charles succeeded to the wadset,
which was paid up to him, and with the money
he bought the lands of Bohalic, in Athole, of
which he died possessed. He left them to his
daughter, having no male issue.

James, second son to Alexander, the fourth Invernahyle,
was wadsetter of Inverkinglass, in
Glenkinglass. He was married, and had a son,
Allan, who settled in Ardnamurchan. Allan
married a daughter of Mr Maccalman, minister
of Appin, by whom he had four sons—James,
John, Allan and Dugald. Dugald had an estate
in Jamaica, called Mounstewart. It was sold and
divided among his relations. Allan had a son
called Andrew, who settled in Perth, and left a
son, a glover. Andrew has two sons, Peter, a glover,
and Thomas, a shipmaster and an heritor.
.sp 2
.h3
<i>Strathgarry.</i>

Duncan, second son to Donald the fifth Invernahyle,
// 011.png
.pn +1
 was bred a clergyman, and settled first at
Kilmun, in Cowal; but, upon the abolition of
Prelacy, removed to Blair, in Athole, where he
continued to preach as an Episcopal clergyman
all his days. He first purchased the lands of
Strathgarry, and afterwards those of Inverchaddan.
Mr Duncan married, first, —— Maclean,
daughter of Angus Maclean, who was son to
Bishop Maclean of the Isles. By her he had
issue: 1. Alexander, who succeeded as Strathgarry;
 2. Donald, who married —— Stewart,
daughter of Urchalbeg, and had issue, three
daughters: 1. Jean, who was married to Donald
Maccalman, son of the Minister of Appin; 2.
Margaret, who was married to a brother of Urchalbeg;
3. Mary, married to Alexander Robertson,
had no issue; and again to a brother of
Glenlyon, and had issue. Mr Duncan married,
secondly, Janet Maccalman, by whom he had issue:
1. John, who died unmarried; 2. Allan,
to whom he gave the lands of Inverchaddan: 1.
Margaret, married to Stewart of Dunbealeach;
2. ——, married to Alexander Campbell, second
son to Glenlyon; 3. Elizabeth, married to Donald
Maclaren of Invernenty; 4. Robina, married to
<i>Rab a Pheti</i>.

Alexander, second Strathgarry, married ——
Robertson, daughter of Robertson of Kincraig.
He had two sons, Alexander, who succeeded
him, and lived in Ruhip, a purchase by his father,
and Allan, minister of Killespendy, and several
daughters.

Alexander, third Strathgarry, was minister of
Blair, in Athole. He married Isabel Robertson,
daughter of Mr Patrick Robertson, brother of
Lude, and left issue, the present Strathgarry, Mr
Duncan Stewart, minister of Balquhidder, Mr
Alexander, minister of Mullien, and three daughters.
.sp 2
.h3
<i>Inverchaddan.</i>

Allan, first son by the second marriage of Mr
Duncan Stewart, son to Donald, the fifth Invernahyle.
He married Christian Macnab, daughter
to the Laird of Macnab, and left two sons, Duncan,
the present Inverchaddan, and Allan.
.sp 2
The sword, made by the smith, and given to
<i>Donald nan Ord</i>, is still in the possession of
Captain Dugald Stewart, the present heir of Invernahyle,
together with his steel-cap and <i>luireach</i>,
or coat of mail; also the hammers used by him
when in the smith’s family.

.pm letter-start
[We are indebted for the foregoing interesting
paper to Mr Train, Castle Douglas, who copied it
from a manuscript in the possession of Dr Thomson
of Appin. Part of the MS. was communicated
by Mr Train to the late Sir Walter Scott,
who supplied from it the story of “Donald the
Hammerer,” printed in the Introduction to Jamieson’s
edition of Burt’s  “Letters from a Gentleman
in the North of Scotland to his Friend in London,”
published in 1822. Sir Walter made various alterations
on the MS., in the narrative as well as in
the style; but, the object of our <i>Journal</i> being the
// 012.png
.pn +1
preservation of what is original, rare, or curious,
rather than the cultivation of fine writing, we
have preferred adhering to the copy, which is
more complete than when in the hands of the
<i>Author of Waverley</i>, several additions having
been made to it by Mr Stewart, Excise Officer,
Kirkcudbright, who claims kindred with the
Stewarts of Appin. It will be interesting to the
reader to compare our pages with the story as related
by the “Great Magician.”]
.pm letter-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
HOLY ISLAND PRIORY.
.nf c
BY HENRY CLARKE, M.D.[#]
.nf-
I have been induced to draw up the following
sketch of the Priory of Holy Island, from its being
the most beautiful fragment of antiquity in the
district to which our researches are confined, as
well as from its presenting one of the most remarkable
architectural remains of the period to
which it belongs in the kingdom.

It need scarcely be mentioned that, in the earlier
periods of Christian history, the choice of so
unattractive a site was in obedience to the idea
which indicated the remote and scarcely accessible
island, and the lone and unfrequented desert, as
spots peculiarly fitted for that contemplative life,
and withdrawal from the world, in which the perfection
of religion was supposed to consist.

When the monastic system was introduced
into the West, this was its leading and characteristic
feature, and the same spirit which had selected
the inhospitable island of Iona, induced the
monk who issued thence for the conversion of
Northumberland, to prefer the bleak sands of
Lindesfarne to the present valleys of the adjacent
continent.

It would be needless also to dwell upon the advantages
derived from monastic establishments
during the darker periods of history—their preservation
of literature and religion—the solace
they afforded to the way-farer and the pilgrim—the
asylum they furnished to the poor, the sick,
the impotent, and the aged—the influence which
they exerted in alleviating, where they could not
prevent, the various evils incident to a barbarous
age—the peaceful arts which they cultivated, and
especially that which enabled them to raise those
august and sumptuous edifices, which still remain
the grandest examples of architectural skill, and
defy all approaches of the moderns to a parity of
excellence.

The exercise of these and kindred virtues ought
to redeem the monastic institution, when reviewed
in a candid and equitable spirit, from the unmeasured
obloquy and censure which the license and
misrule of some of its branches in later times
have drawn down upon it.

There is no doubt, however, that the very virtues,
which originally inspired awe and attracted
esteem, tended, by a natural process, frequently
renewed, and always with similar results, to the
gradual corruption and final overthrow of the monastic
system.

.pm fn-start // A
Transactions of the Berwickshire Naturalists’ Club.
.pm fn-end
// 013.png
.pn +1

Long before the Reformation the elements of
discontent had been at work, and the clamour
against the monasteries had been gradually acquiring
force and fixedness, when in the person
of

.pm verse-start
      “the majestic lord
Who broke the bonds of Rome,”
.pm verse-end
.ni
was found a fitting instrument for the expression
of the popular will.
.pi
In the year 1536, the lesser monasteries were
doomed to destruction by the execrable tyrant who
wielded the sceptre of England, and the Priory of
Holy Island was included in the general wreck.

From that hour it dates its gradual decay and
present state of irretrievable ruin. Sir Walter
Scott has thus described it in “Marmion:”

.pm verse-start
“In Saxon strength that abbey frown’d,
 With massive arches broad and round
 That rose alternate row on row,
 On ponderous columns short and low,
      Built ere the art was known,
 By pointed aisle and shafted stalk,
 The arcades of an alley’d walk,
      To emulate in stone.”
.pm verse-end

The latter part of the stanza is a complimentary
allusion to the fanciful theory of Sir James Hall
concerning the origin of the pointed arch. The
application of the term <i>Saxon</i>, it would be impossible
to verify or substantiate.

There are no buildings in this country with the
characteristic forms of this church, or the distribution
into nave and aisles, that belong to so early
a period. A few rude structures there certainly
are which may have been erected by Saxon architects,
one of which occurs in our own district—the
tower of Whittingham Church, Northumberland—characterised
by a peculiar sort of quoining—consisting
of long and short stones, placed alternately
over each other—small round-headed apertures
divided by a rude balastre, and the absence
of buttresses. The term Norman may be safely
used, if it be understood simply to designate a
style which appeared in this country at the conquest,
and prevailed for 125 years, during the
Norman rule; but it is in reality Roman, and was
derived from the imperial city by the architects
who diffused it over Europe, with the religion to
which these structures were consecrated. It flourished
during the first thousand years of the Christian
era, with long interruptions during the dark
ages, but its rudiments maybe discerned at this
day in the Temple of Peace at Rome, erected during
the first century, and in the Halls of the Baths—those
colossal structures in which the grandeur
of thought and magnificent aims of the Roman
people are most conspicuously combined. In these
edifices we perceive the general arrangement of
our Norman and Gothic churches—a wide central
space arched over at top, with the vaults resting
on pillars corresponding to our nave; between
these pillars lofty arches open into as many vaulted
apartments on either side intercommunicating by
similar archways and constituting side-aisles.
The roof of the side-aisles being considerably
lower than that of the central vault, admits the
insertion of lights in the main wall looking into
the cave, which correspond with our clerestory
windows.
// 014.png
.pn +1

The general character of Holy Island Priory is
Norman, or to speak more correctly, Romanesque.
The West front is almost perfect—remarkably so
when we consider that, in buildings of that period,
this part has generally undergone a change, by the
insertion of windows of a later style, leaving only
the Norman door below to point to the real date
of the structure. Here, we have a door of great
depth and richness of effect from the number and
boldness of the ornaments. On either side are
plain semicircular blank arches—but not intersecting—and
the whole were flanked by towers,
one of which still exists. Of the nave, the southern
portion as well as the south aisle, is entirely
gone, but that on the north is tolerably complete.
The piers, with their capitals, which bore up the
arches, are of various patterns, channelled, lozenged,
shafted, and shewing in their sculptured
surfaces, and the various fretwork of the arches,
that is, in the only decoration which the style admitted—the
germ of that inexhaustible variety
and multiplicity of ornament which was in the
sequel to characterize the Gothic.

The nave, as well as aisles, has been vaulted in
stone, as is evidenced from the vaulting shafts,
and commencing springers still seen at the junction
of the nave and transepts, and from the curve
of the vault itself, yet traceable at the west end,
but denuded of its ribs. This is a remarkable
and almost singular instance of the centre aisle of
a Norman building receiving a vault of stone.
Both in England and on the Continent, the nave
was covered simply by a flat boarded roof, to
which were in a great degree owing the frequent
and destructive fires of our early churches.

There are six arches in the nave, but the last is
of smaller dimensions than the rest. This peculiarity
is not unfrequent in Norman and Gothic
churches, as if the architect had not previously
calculated the space to be occupied by his arcade.
The effect here has been to produce a horse-shoe
instead of a semicircular arch, from its being of
the same height, but lesser span, than the others.
This arch is very rare, even in Norman buildings.

Above the pier-arches there has existed a triforium,
of which the only remains are a single
shaft at either end of the nave, the beginning and
termination of the arcade. The Norman triforium
is in England simply a row of openings or
pannels in the wall, to fill up, ornamentally, what
would otherwise have been a blank space. In
Germany it is a real gallery, and appropriated to
the young men, and called the Männer-chor.

Of the vaulting of the north aisle one arch still
remains, but flattened at top, and only retained
in its position by the wedge-form of the stones
which compose it. This will soon fall, and yet
might be easily preserved. The vaulting was
quadripartite—the piers, with their cushioned capitals,
and transverse ribs, are yet seen. In one or
two places, the vaulting from pier to pier yet remains,
though the ribs which would have appeared
to support it are gone. This is a proof that the
ribs used in vaulting were introduced merely to
satisfy the mind by <i>appearing</i> to support the
arches above, and that the eye, which had been
accustomed to strong lines in every other part of
// 015.png
.pn +1
the building, should not here rest in a blank surface.

We now reach the intersection of the nave and
transepts. Here in the strong and massive piers,
we have slender circular shafts set in square recesses—a
style of transition from the short and
heavy Norman to the loftiness and exility of the
Gothic, by which the weights above being distributed
to different and independent props, an air
of lightness and grace is produced without any
diminution of security or strength.

Above, arose the tower which crowned the whole
structure, but of its existence the only remaining
evidence is the most singular and beautiful feature
of the ruin. It is the great cross rib traversing
the vault diagonally from N.W. to S.E., and spanning
the mid-air free and unconnected with the
building but at its spring. Had this been a pointed
arch, it would have fallen with its superstructure,
but the pressure of the round arch being only at
the sides, it is likely to endure as long as the parts
which buttress it up.

The chancel beyond the transepts had originally
a semicircular termination, as is still discernible
on the floor—a feature retained in all the Norman
churches abroad. In this part of the edifice,
it is to be regretted, is a departure from the unity
of style which pervades the rest of the fabric—the
circular apse has given place to a rectangular,
lighted by pointed windows, in compliance with
the fashion of the day, and in violation of the
grave simplicity of the rest of the structure.

Buttresses of slight projection run all round the
building. They were scarcely needed by the Norman
architects, from the enormous thickness of
their walls, and their inferior height; but in them
we may trace the rudiments of what became, in
the hands of the Gothic builders, so beautiful and
necessary a member, shooting up into airy pinnacles
and spires, and impressing a lofty and majestic
character upon the whole.

Of the conventual buildings the traces are few
and indistinct. The most important to their
comforts—the vast kitchen chimney yet remains
in all its original strength and completeness. The
large walled space adjoining was probably the
Refectory, with which the kitchen would communicate
by the buttery-hatch.

The building is now secured from violence and
wanton dilapidation, and as it has only to contend
against the silent erosion of lichen and wallflower,
we may hope that it will long continue to adorn
our district—a monument of a far distant age and
far different state of society, and a beautiful and
affecting link between the past and the present.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
CENTENARY OF THE “ABERDEEN JOURNAL.”

<sc>On</sc> Wednesday evening, January 5, 1848, the
gentlemen connected with the city and county of
Aberdeen gave a splendid entertainment to Mr
David Chalmers, the present proprietor of the
“Aberdeen Journal,” in celebration of the centenary
of that newspaper, it being exactly one
hundred years that day since its first number was
published.

The art of printing was introduced into Aberdeen
// 016.png
.pn +1
in the year 1622, by Edward Raban, the
“Laird of Letters,” as he styled himself, who
printed the first Aberdeen Almanack, “long the
only work of its kind in Scotland, and, as such,
acquiring a sort of proverbial celebrity. The password
of pious Mr Turnbull, in the novel of <i>Red
Gauntlet</i>—‘a plague on all Aberdeen Almanacks’—will
readily occur to the reader.”

Raban commenced business in Aberdeen under
the auspices of the magistracy and University,
and one of his successors in trade and patronage
was Mr James Chalmers, son of the then Professor
of Divinity in Marischal College, the projector
of the “Aberdeen Journal,” and grandfather of
its present proprietor. “Early in life,” said Mr
David Chalmers, at the centenary celebration above
alluded to, “my grandfather commenced business,
as Printer to the City of Aberdeen, and
was but a young man when our country became
convulsed by the bold and chivalrous attempt of
the last of the Stuarts to regain the throne of his
ancestors. My grandfather, himself a Protestant,
warmly embraced the cause of the House of Hanover,
and through his press and his pen, gave wide
circulation to principles of attachment to the reigning
sovereign. This made him rather a marked
man; so that his life was sometimes in danger;
and he had on one occasion to fly from his own
house, and seek refuge in that of a friend in Old
Aberdeen, a Professor in King’s College. In the
memorable spring of ’46, the town of Aberdeen
had a visit from the royal army, on its way to the
field of Culloden. My grandfather joined the king’s
standard, and took part in this battle, which forever
crushed the hopes of Prince Charles and his
gallant and devoted followers. The services of
my ancestors were for a time rewarded by an official
appointment, namely, that of receivers of
the rents of some of the forfeited estates in this
county; but these were soon after restored; and
are now happily in the hands of their rightful
owners. At this period, there were in Edinburgh
but two papers, the ‘Evening Courant’ and the
‘Caledonian Mercury’: and one in Glasgow, which
has long ceased to exist. It is known that, at this
period, the Government of the day had much to
do in order to efface the painful recollections, and
to appease the angry feelings of the people, justly
irritated and incensed by the needless cruelties
which followed that fatal fight. They, therefore,
felt anxious to see the principles of loyalty and
good order widely diffused among the population
of the North. My grandfather, impressed with
the same views, engaged in the undertaking which
has given birth to the present meeting. During
the progress of, and subsequent to, the rebellion
of ’45, he had published occasional reports, or what
would be now called bulletins, of the state of public
affairs; but it was not until the beginning of
1748 that the ‘Aberdeen Journal’ took the form
of a regular newspaper. From that period, it was
published by him, with varying success, until the
year 1764, when he died, and was succeeded by
my venerated and respected father, who conducted
it until his death, in 1810. It then fell into my
unworthy hands; but with this consoling reflection,
that during the last twelve years of his life,
I had had the privilege and the happiness of aiding
// 017.png
.pn +1
and assisting him in the laborious duties and distracting
cares of an Editor. Such has been the
birth and parentage of the ‘Aberdeen Journal,’
whose life now presents the somewhat singular
feature of having reached its hundredth year during
the lives of three successive generations of the
same family.

The few following extracts from No. 1. of
the ‘Journal’ will give some idea of newspaper
writing one hundred years ago, and also indicate
the state of public feeling at that day
towards our Gallic neighbours:

“As the publick may be alarmed with the report
that ran so currently yesterday upon the Exchange,
that a contract is negociating for the
delivery of 400,000 quarters of wheat to our mortal
enemy the French, we hope every Englishman
will judge so tenderly of his neighbour, as
not to believe it possible any merchant can entertain
so pernicious a thought, or be such a traitor
to his country, at a time when our allies the
Dutch have totally prohibited all commerce
with that perfidious nation under the severest
penalties.”

“However the report yesterday might arise, of
a particular contract for sending 400,000 quarters
of wheat to France, it is certain that an article
from Bourdeaux, in a late Dutch Mail, mentions
that a large number of English ships, laden with
corn, had put in there, and caused a sudden plenty
in the midst of scarcity; adding, that these ships
had sailed under a pretence of being bound for the
Mediterranean. If these were private traders only,
who ventured thus to risk their fortunes, in contempt
of their duty and allegiance, the affair deserves
to be particularly enquired into, that the
delinquents, if taken, may be punished. But if
their voyage was in virtue of a contract, that is a
<i>jobb</i>; the business is the more iniquitous, as it
must be a transaction among persons of no small
distinction. We shall not pretend to guess who
the jobbers may be; but it was very imprudent
of the French who were to be essentially served,
to blab a secret that may prevent their friends
here from making a little more profit of our present
plenty.

“We hear that it having been affirmed, in a
certain H—— Assembly, that a practice of sm——g
would never have arisen to its late pitch but for
the encouragement of some R—— H—— persons,
one, who seemed to be severely wrung, exclaimed
loudly on the occasion, and affected to clear himself
and friends, by calling for such proof as he
knew it was impossible at that time to adduce.”

While the initials and dashes in the last quotation
form a striking contrast to the out-spoken
manner of the press now-a-days, the following
<i>jeu d’esprit</i> denotes the unchangeable and everlasting
grumble against taxation:
.nf c
“<sc>No more Gambols.</sc>
.nf-
.pm verse-start
’Twas merry at Christmas, when money was plenty,
And taxes took off not above five in twenty:
But how is it possible mirth should arise?
Now all that can make it is under Excise.
When light is not free in the worst of dull weather;
Wheels pay, if we ride; if we foot it, shoe-leather.”
.pm verse-end

Such was the “Aberdeen’s Journal” a hundred
years ago. Its first number contained 39,560 separate
// 018.png
.pn +1
pieces of type; its 5217th No. extends to
above 750,000, or in other words 3 of the 48 columns
of the present paper contains an entire reprint
of the first No.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
CHARTER,
.in 2
.ti -2
Granted in the Reign of Malcolm the III., King
of Scotch, at Fordie,[#] 5th October 1051, to the
Masons in Glasgow.
.in 0
.pm fn-start // A
This document was produced in a process depending
before the Sheriff of Glasgow, as a ‘genuine’ copy of an
‘original’ charter!
.pm fn-end

Malcom the III., by the Grace of God, King
of Scots, wishes health and safety to the Bishops,
Princes, Earls, Barons, Ministers, and Administrators
of our Law, and all good men of the nation,
both Clergy, Laicks, or Common people, and
to all whom these presents shall come, greeting.
Whereas our trusty and well-beloved friends, the
Operative Masons in the City of Glasgow, Hath,
by their Petition, humbly represented to us, that
the inhabitants of this City has been imposed upon
by a number of unskilled and unsufficient
workmen, that has come to work at our Cathedral,
and other parts of the City; and, also, has
erected lodges, contrary to the rules of Masonry:
And being desirous of putting a stop to such unskilled
and irregular Brothers, most humbly prays
us to grant them our Royal Licence and protection
for stopping such unregular disorders: And we
being willing to give all due encouragement to so
reasonable a Petition, are graciously pleased to
condescend to their request: And we do, by these
presents, ordain and grant to our Petitioners to
Incorporate themselves together in an Incorporation:
And we strictly discharge any Mason within
the foresaid City, to work in it until he serve
his time as an apprentice, for the space of Seven
years, or be married to a freeman’s daughter:
And he or they shall be Examined anent their
Skill and Knowledge of the Mason Craft by three
of the Ablest of the Mason trade; and if he or
they be found of cunning and knowledge to be
received into the Incorporation, each shall pay
Twenty Pounds Scots to the common funds, and
three pounds to the Altar, and clerk’s and officer’s
dues, which the foresaid Incorporation shall always
be allowed to be judges of that and other
laws made for the behoof of the foresaid Incorporation.
<i>Item</i>, that the free Incorporate Masons
of Glasgow shall have a lodge forever at the City
of Glasgow; none in my dominions shall erect a
lodge until they make application to the St John’s
Lodge, Glasgow: And they considering their Petition,
and examining their character and behaviour,
grant them a charter conform to their regulations.
<i>Item</i>, that all the members of said
Incorporation shall have liberty to quarry stone,
lime, sand, and other materials from the ground
of persons, for paying the damages of what they
occupy, or damage, for building of the foresaid
Cathedral. But if the owners of the said Lands
and the foresaid workmen do not agree, each
party is to chuse an honest man to value the expence
of the foresaid damages. <i>Item</i>, and that
any having power from me, maintain my peace
// 019.png
.pn +1
firm and stable against all other pretenders and
usurpers, who encroach on me or my subjects to
disturb our peace. <i>Item</i>, and that you and all
my subjects in this obey the Magistrates in all
things relating to my peace and the good of the
City. <i>Item</i>, and that you instruct and teach apprentices;
and that none take, or employ, any
man’s apprentice when their time of apprenticeship
is not completed, under the pain of paying
Twenty Pounds, the one-half to the Incorporation,
one-fourth to the Lodge, and one-fourth to Saint
Thomas’s Altar, to say mass to their Soul. <i>Item</i>,
and I strictly charge and command, that none
take in hand any way to disturb the free operative
masons from being incorporated freemen, or
to have a free lodge, to take away their good
name or possession, or harrass or do any injury
to my free masons and Petitioners, under the peril
of my highest displeasure. And we order that
notice be taken, that due obedience may be rendered
to our pleasure herein declared. Given at
our Court at Fordie, the 5th day of October 1051[#]
years, before these Witnesses, Earl David, my Brother,
Earl Duncan, Earl Gilbert of Monteith,[#]
Sir Robert of Velen, Adam of Stenhouse, and
Andrew Hamilton,[#] Bishop of Glasgow.[#]

Extracted from the Records.[#]

.pm fn-start // A
According to Balfour, Malcolm the Third, surnamed
Canmore, the successful opponent of Macbeth, “was
crouned at Scone” in anno 1057. This present important
document shows that, whether crowned or uncrowned,
he was King of Scots in 1051.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // B
This illustrious Earl is not mentioned in any of our
peerage writings, and was unknown until this interesting
historical document turned up. Hitherto, the first known
Earl of Monteith was Murdoch, who flourished in the
reign of David I.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // C
Andrew Hamilton, Bishop of Glasgow in the reign
of Malcolm the Third, has been brought to light by means
of this charter. No doubt he ‘must’ have been of the
family subsequently enobled, and now holding the premier
Dukedom of Scotland. The Hamiltons may therefore
be supposed to have preceded Queen Margaret, who
brought so many English “Pock-puddings,” as Andro’
Fairservice styles them, into Scotland, and to have comfortably
placed one of their name in the Episcopal chair
nineteen years before the espousals of their Majesties.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // D
Mr Innes, in his edition of the ‘Chartulary of Glasgow,’
founding upon what he supposed an “authentic
instrument,” dated in 1116, fixes the revival, or rather
erection, of the Bishoprick in the reign of King David I.
This grant to the masons, however, shows decisively that
the learned antiquary was quite wrong.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // E
What Records?
.pm fn-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
ORIGIN OF THE GUIDE-BOOKS OF SCOTLAND.

<sc>The</sc> following letter to the Editor of the <i>Weekly
Magazine</i>, in 1772, may be regarded as originating
the idea of the <i>Guide-Books</i> to Scottish
Scenery, now so numerous. It is interesting to look
back upon the writer’s notions of “a New Tour,”
as he calls the contemplated work, and his implied
admiration of the Highlands. Sir Walter
Scott had not then imparted that charm which
his genius has now thrown around so many localities
of his native land, still, as the writer informs
us, it had become, even then, “fashionable among
the English to make a tour into Scotland.”

// 020.png
.pn +1
.pm letter-start

.rj
Jan. 27, 1772.
Sir—It is now become fashionable among the
English to make a tour into Scotland for some
few weeks or months; and there is a moral certainty
of the fashion increasing, as the foolish prejudices
against the country and its inhabitants
daily decrease. But it is to be regretted, that an
intelligent curious traveller from England has no
proper helps to assist him; so that it often happens,
that many return without having seen one
third of what is most curious in the country, although,
perhaps, they have passed within some
few hours ride, or rather some few yards, of such
articles of importance; owing to the want of proper
information, or too great hurry in making the
survey.

To remedy this, it is proposed, that a new tour
through Scotland be published, in two pocket-volumes,
divided into a number of little circuits of
some few days ride, which may be laid down from
the map. This work, if properly executed, will be
useful to the country in general, to the traveller
in particular, and advantageous to its author.

Nothing sets off a work of this kind more than
proper plates. As they take time to contract and
engrave, these may be going on, while a ride is
performing in May from Edinburgh to Berwick,
up to Kelso, Melrose, Jedburgh, Hawick, Langholm,
Moffat; back to Edinburgh. At Moffat,
that grand fall of water, the <i>Gray Mare’s Tail</i>,
and the curious loch it issues from, are worth notice.
The latter is called <i>Loch-Skeen</i>, and is of a
pretty large extent; in the midst of which is an
island, where a pair of eagles nestle every year.
This loch is clear on one side, where trouts, beautifully
speckled, are to be had, and muddy on the
other, where black trouts take up their abode.

Then a ride in the end of June, or beginning
of July, to Dumfries, Drumlanrig, Kirkcudbright,
Air, Saltcoats, Irvine, Greenock, Paisley, Glasgow,
Hamilton, Linlithgow; back to Edinburgh.

In the end of August, or beginning of September,
to Hopeton, Borrowstounness, Falkirk, Carron,
the Canal, Stirling, Alloa, Dunfermline, Inverkeithing,
Dunybristle, Kinghorn; back to Edinburgh.

Next year, in May, to Kinghorn, coast-side to
St Andrew’s, Cupar, Falkland, Abernethie, Perth,
Scoon, Carse of Gowrie, Dundee, coast-side to Inverness,
making little excursions from the coast
into the country, to remark what is curious, as
Forfar, Glammis, Brechin, &c.

Then let the curious traveller take a proper time
to journey into Rosshire, Sutherland, and Caithness,
to John o’ Groat’s House. If he thinks fit
to stretch his tour into Orkney and Zetland, he
will find many particulars worthy of observation.
In returning, let him visit the Weem, Blair of
Athol, Dunkeld, Taymouth, Inverary, Loch-Lomond,
&c.

The traveller will find his curiosity particularly
gratified in traversing the Highlands of Scotland.
Icolmkill, though visited by many, and though
there are some accounts of it, with drawings, both
in manuscript and in print, ought not to be omitted.—Roslin
and Hawthornden should by no
means be overlooked.

Plates may be copied from Sletzer’s <i>Theatrum</i>
// 021.png
.pn +1
<i>Scotiæ</i>, Gordon’s <i>Itinerarium Septentrionale</i>, and
the Master of Elphinston’s plates of Edinburgh.
Keith’s Map of the Frith of Forth, and Bryce’s
Map of the north coast of Britain, from Row Stoir
of Assynt to Wick in Caithness, &c., may prove
very useful; as may Straloch’s Maps, though not
easily to be had.

But there are many noble find landscapes,
which I have not seen any draught of, as from
Drummond Castle, the top of the hill of Myat,
one of the <i>Montes Ocelli</i>, from Stirling-castle,
from Arthur-seat, Hopeton-house, Inveresk, &c.
If the author has a knowledge in drawing, these
may be easily done.

A map of Scotland prefixed to this work, with
a preliminary discourse, giving a concise, geographical
description of the country, of its monarchy,
the changes made, first, by the union of the two
crowns, usurpation of Cromwell, then by the restoration,
revolution, and union of the two kingdoms,
could not fail to be acceptable to the inquisitive
and candid reader.

But the greatest care should be taken to stand
clear of all party-work, either in religion or politics,
because such peculiarities will disgust some
readers, and thereby effectually condemn the work,
be its merit otherwise ever so great.

Many helps may be had to compile such an useful
and entertaining performance: such as Maitland’s
History of Scotland; his History of Edinburgh;
Guthrie’s History of Scotland; Gordon’s
Itinerarium Septentrionale; Chamberlain’s Present
State; The Tour through Britain, vol. 4;
Martin’s History of the Isles; Macaulay’s ditto of
St Kilda; Sacheverell’s Voyage to Icolmkill; History
of Orkney, now to be published by Coke;
Sibbald’s History of Fife; Sir John Dalrymple’s
Late Memoirs; Moyes’s Tour; Pennant’s Tour,
&c.

One that has made some trips into the Highlands of
Scotland, depictures them in the following manner:

“Let others think and rove as they please; for
my own part, I look upon the Highlands of Scotland
as the most delightful country in the world
during the summer-season: where one cannot fail
to be seized with a kind of religious veneration,
when viewing, with an heedful eye, the high hills
and lofty mountains, whose summits are in the
clouds, and their sides covered over with the verdant
grass, the flowery heath in its purple glow,
or the tall trees, particularly the towering firs,
waving their tops in the heavens; the awful
rocks hanging over the heads of the travellers, and
threatening, as it were, to tumble down upon
them; the fine natural falls of water here and
there, cascading with a mighty, noisy, and resounding
rush; the large extended lakes, enriched with
innumerable finny tribes of different kinds, and
their grassy banks forming beautifully-spangled
lawns; and sometimes the curling waves, or the
roaring billows, of the majestic and far sounding-ocean.

“What a delightful jaunt is it to move, for some
miles together, through a wood of the fragrant
birch, bending down its leaves to regale the nose
of the traveller. The beauties of a country-seat,
wood and water, are here in the greatest abundance.
But if we pass from the inanimate to the
// 022.png
.pn +1
animate part of the creation, exhibited here in a
luxuriant valley, the sylvan scene is completed.

“The gentleman can beat up all kinds of game;
the deer and the roe bounding up and down; the
partridge, the tarmachan, the muir-fowl, the
wood-cock, the black-cock, and the heath-hen,
and many others I cannot name, whirling through
the air, or whidding up and down upon the
ground; the wild-goose, gagling, and the wild-duck
quack-quaking, in their watery regions, or in
their soaring flights.

“The feathered choir vie with one another to regale
the ear of the listening traveller, hopping
from leafy spray to trembling twig, swelling their
throats, and warbling out their lays in a wild variety
of harmonious notes.

“The primitive simplicity and the open hospitality
of the natives, are past all description, though
set off, either in the flowers of the orator, or in the
flash of the poet, enough to make the citizen, the
court-bred gentleman, and the delicate lady, stand
amazed, and even to furnish them with a new lesson
in life. Common decency and natural good
manners are daily to be seen amongst the vulgar
in the Highlands of Scotland; and their conduct
is marked with a penetrating sagacity. Their apparent
devotion at public worship is extremely
remarkable and affecting, so as to draw tears of
joy and admiration from the eyes of a stranger!”
.pm letter-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
THE REVEREND PATRICK GALLOWAY TO KING JAMES VI.
.nf c
7th <sc>April</sc>, 1607.
.nf-
.ni
Pleas your Gratious Maiestye,
.pi
This prasent is to giwe your maiestye most
hartelye thanks for all your maiestyes fauors touards
me, speciallye for the constant continuance
of your maiestyes loue with me, as it vas vount,
assuring your maiestye you haue the man vho
neuer vas nor shall, Godwilling, be found alterable
in his duetifull affection to serue your
maiestye, as becomes him. If it fall out that I
suspend my judgment in something is proponed to
me affhand, till I got fuller resolution both to
speak and to stand honestlye to that vhiche I
speak assuredlye, it arryses of no vnsound and altered
affection touard your maiestyes seruice,
bot onlye off laik of foreinforming, vhiche geues
light and curage to men to doe; and for the clearing
of this point I referre my self to my Lord of
Dunbars testification, who can and will giue iust
information to your maiestye of it. I heare that
your maiestye is ressolued to haue the ministree
of Edinburgh plainted, the estate vhereof is more
miserable and desolat nor ony toune or kirk in
Scotland; and, whiche is vorse, the pulpittis ar
sometymes possessed with yong people and persones
vnmeete for that place, vhiche bringis the Gosple
and ministree into a contempt and will ouerturne
all in end if it be not remeadit. The planting
of it will doe great good to all the countrey,
and help to amend mony thinges amisse, and procure
great forderance of your maiestyes seruice
and quyat of this kirk, provyding the persones be
good teachers, peaceably disposed, and weyll affected.
I heare also that your maiestye is somequhat
moued to haue me placed there; bot, Ser,
// 023.png
.pn +1
beleefe me, in truth I am not for it, in respect
of mony thinges in thame, and more in me vhiche
can not concurre weyll to make vp so good manage
betuix vs. I need not to vse mony vordes with
your maiestye who knoues vs both alsueyll as our
selfis doe. I mynd, Godwilling, to teache euery
Sabboth, where euer I be, so long as I may, and
to be readye in most duetifull maner to concurre
in your maiestyes seruice, as I salbe employed,
bot to take on the charge of a particular flock,
and such are flock, my heart cannot yeeld, and I
hope your maiestye sall not burden me with it.
The bearer hereof, Mr Peter Heuat,[#] is ane honest
man, and your maiestye may reiose in the
planting of him, being ane of your maiestyes owne
plantation there, and ansuring to your maiestyes
expectation of him in all pointis, and can truely
and sufficiently informe your maiestye of all particulars
here; bot he is not, as he deserues, and
as your maiestye appointed for his encuragement,
ansured of his small pension assigned to him,
vhiche is pitie, and wald be helped to put difference
betuix those that are your maiesties owne
men and others. If Mr Jhone Hall,[#] ane honest
man, and ane of your maiestyes owne planting also,
and he war remoued, I wat not vhat suld become
of Edinburgh, your maiestyes cheefe toune
her. Bot leafing those particulars, appardone me,
Ser, to speak one word of the common cause. Ser,
at Ligbqubo, my Lord of Dunbar did good seruice
to your maiestye, and by God blissing his vyse
and canny forme of doing, he prevailed so as I
neuer sawe ane more peaceable and ordourlye assembly
in my tyme, bothe in the progress and end,
as it was, and therefore was admired and praised
in all the publique sermones and privat speaches.
The hope of taking order with Papists and quyating
of distraction among ourselves be constant
moderation led all menn joyfullie to your maiestys
vay, and if that course selected there be prosequute
your maiestey may assure yourself of peace here
during our dayes, that is, if Papistis can be keeped
under be your maiestys auctorite soundly used
here, and the kirk censures be suffered to have
their awne place against thame, our pace will grow,
ill tongues wilbe silenced, and all things will go
calmely to your maiestys contentment. Your
maiestys glory hath bene, and is the professing
// 024.png
.pn +1
and manteaning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ,
and all the vorld sees your maiestys multiplyed
preferments and preservations to aryse of the presence
of Jesus, the Lord of the Gosple with you,
and to tend to the preservatioun and advancement
of it by your maiestys preservation and advancement,
tuo thinges inseparably united sense your
maiesty hade being. Lat thame therefor be computed
your enemyes that will not conforme thame
selfis to it, and God sall continue his blessing with
your maiesty, and croune you with an incorruptible
croune of Glory in the end. So, most humblye
taking my leefe I commend your maiestys persone,
familye, kingdome and affaris to the blessing of
God. From Edinburgh this 7 of Aprle 1607.

.pm fn-start // A
Author of a treatise entitled “Three excellent Points
of Christian Doctrine.” Edinburgh, 1621. He demitted
the ministry about the year 1615.
.pm fn-end

.pm fn-start // B
Mr John Hall continued in the ministry until 1619,
when he craved to be “dismissed with the King’s favour,
in respect of his age and infirmitie of bodie, which he
granted; yet he was not infirm but he might have continued
teaching; for there was no sensible decay found
in his gifts. The truth is, he would not offend the King
by not conforming for fear of loosing of his pension; and,
on the other side, would have the Godly believe that he
was averse from the latest inovation. But they interpreted
this forsaking of his station, after he had helped
to set the house on fire, to proceed only from love of ease,
lasiness, and fear to lose some part of his reputation,
when his gifts should begin to fail. So he left his ministry
of Edinburgh without the people’s consent, resting
only upon the King’s demission.” Calderwood, 1678, folio,
p. 723. These reasons, coming from an opponent, are not
entitled to much weight. The plea of age is overlooked,
and infirmity partially admitted. There certainly were
sufficient reasons for Mr Hall’s relinquishing his clerical
duties.
.pm fn-end

.ti +8
Your maiestys awn & most humble
.ti +10
& affectionate Servitour
.ti +12
Mr <sc>P. Gallowey</sc>.

.pm letter-start
[The Rev, Patrick Galloway died one of the ministers
of Edinburgh in 1624. He wrote a history
of his own times, the MS. of which was in possession
of Dr Urquhart of Aberdeen in the beginning
of last century. It unfortunately cannot now be
traced.  He was father of the first Lord Dunkeld.]
.pm letter-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
MINUTES OF IRVINE PRESBYTERY.
.nf c
<s>[Concluded from our last.]</s>
.nf-
A visitation of the kirk of Kilmaurs, 24th Aug.,
1649.—The Laird of Craig an elder complains
that they had not gotten the communion 3 years
bygone, and generally complains of the inefficiency
of their minister, Mr Wm. Crooks—other
elders agree as to this, and Mr William offers to
allow the Presbytery “to disposit in the matter
of stipend” in order to obtain a colleague. The
Elders approve of this, and it is recommended to
proceed therewith. A Presbyterial visitation of
Cumbraes ordered, the minister being often absent
from meetings, and no references from that island,
and that it should take place as soon as the men
came home from the fishing.

24th Sep., 1649.—The Presbytery propose that
so long as Mr Jas. Clandening remained at Largs,
he shall receive 1,000 merks per annum, and a
person appointed to uplift the stipend for that
purpose. The Presbytery refer the case to the
Synod for their judgement, viz., what should be
done with those that make a mock of their repentance
daily and never amend.

19th Oct., 1649.—Mr James Ferguson did produce
a letter from the committee of estates, wherein
it was earnestly recommended to the Presbytery
that they would put in execution with all possible
diligence the act of Parliament concerning the
poor, and restraining of vagabonds and sturdy beggars
within the bounds of the Presbytery; because
many of the bretheren are absent it is referred to
next meeting.

1st Nov., 1649.—The Presbytery direct a list of
the poor in every parish to be lifted. That all
sturdy beggars and vagrants remove to their own
parishes and particular places where they were
born, betwixt and the 15th Nov., and if they fail
they will be put into the hands of the civil magistrate,
<i>and the resetters</i> to pay 5 Lib toties quoties.
// 025.png
.pn +1
The Presbytery approve of the overture of setting
up of manufactories within the burghs of the
shyre, and does recommend it to Mr Alex. Nisbet
and Mr Wm. Caldwell to speak to the town of
Irvine for setting up ane among them.—The Presbytery
likewise approves the overture of said Committee
of keeping the poor of every parish within
themselves, until the time that the way of
their maintenance be agreed upon according to
the act of Parliament.

10th Nov., 1649.—Compeared Craig, younger,
a Bailie of the town of Irvine, and Robert Brown,
clerk to the town, shews they are willing to nominate
Mr Alex. Nisbet to the stipend that Mr
Hew M‘Kale had, in so far as concerned the titular.
The Presbytery having enquired of them
whether or no they had a purpose to detract any
thing off the 900 merks that were in use of payment
to give to the colleague, and of the four
score pounds that Mr Hugh M‘Kaile had by and
attour the six chalder victual and ane half. They
answered that they could not answer the Presbytery
in these particulars, whereupon they were appointed
to bring a peremptory answer next day
with the particulars. It is further appointed that
the overture agreed upon by the Presbytery shall
be offered to my Lord Eglinton, and to my Lord
Montgomerie, concerning change and alteration to
be made in these parishes, that they have interest
in, that if they do assent thereto they give in their
answer this day fifteen days, and if they dissent
that they give reasons thereof, that the Presbytery
may cognosce upon them, and after the hearing
of the reasons, the Presbytery will go on to conclude
and determine as <i>they think equitable and
fit</i>.

18th Dec, 1649.—Lord Eglinton and other heritors
of parishes proposed to be disjoined, objected
to it on various grounds, but Lord Eglinton “agreed
to annex Perseton to Irvine, because as his
Lordship did allege it <i>was annexed</i> of old.” Lord
Eglinton does further dissent, That any of his
lands within the barony of Eglinton, for the present
in Kilwinning, be annexed to Irvine, because
they did not pay tythes in the time of popery.

25th Dec, 1649.—The report of the brethren
who were appointed to speak to the several titulars
and heritors for competence. Lord Eglinton
had answered, He “had gotten no other answer
except this:—These kirks are already in a tolerable
condition for maintenance, and that he had bought
his tythes dear, and so could not be bound to give
any more.”

Compeared the Provost and Bailie of Irvine,
who promised, if Dreghorn was annexed to Irvine,
they would do their utmost for a competence to
the colleague, &c. Lord Eglinton declared, That
if the Presbytery would condescend to the annexation
of Perston to Irvine, he would be content to
give the 24 bolls of victual that now he pays to Perston
to make up the competence to Irvine, and if
this was not agreed to, he would make no offer
at all.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
PROCEEDINGS IN THE CASE OF ORDINARY DELINQUENTS.

9th Dec, 1646.—John Armour, <i>suspect</i> of adultery,
having got his first admonition for his contumacy,
having compeared, the Presbytery having
dealt with him a long time to bring him to remorse
// 026.png
.pn +1
and confession, stood still to his denial that
he ever had carnal dealings with Isobel Auld, who
fathered her child upon him. The Presbytery
finding that he was hardening his heart, did, notwithstanding
his denial, ordain for these reasons:
1st, Because he had carried himself scandalously
with the said Isobel Auld, after they had been inhibit
by the session of Dreghorn. 2dly, Because
of his insolence to the session. 3dly, Because of
his disobedience to the Presbytery: That he should
stand the three following Lord’s days in sackcloth,
and in case he were disobedient to go on with the
public admonition.

7th April, 1647.—Charles Hall in Newmills,
suspect of adultery with ane Isobell Moore, the
scandal being pregnant and flagrant through the
whole parish, &c., which he denied, ordains that
the said Charles should purge himself solemnly by
oath before the congregation.

15th June, 1647.—The brethren of the Presbytery
having heard the relation of Mr Wm. Russel,
that ane of his parishioners, called John Bryden,
that he had confessed in the session that he had
called his minister’s doctrine dust and grey mould,
appoints him to be brought before the Presbytery
next day.

29th June, 1647.—Mr James Ferguson being
asked anent the satisfaction of Isobel Allen, he
answered that she continues still in her wickedness,
and that they were dealing with the Erle of
Eglinton to banish her the parish.

John Bryden in Kilbirnie, being summoned for
calling his minister’s doctrine dust and grey mould
appeared, and ingeniously confessed his fault.
The Presbytery considering how prejudicial such
speeches were to the whole ministry, after mature
deliberation, does ordain that first upon his knees
he make a confession of his fault before the Presbytery,
and after he go to his own congregation,
and there in the public place of repentance make
are acknowledgment of his fault likewise, and Mr
Hugh M‘Kaile to go to Kilbirnie and receive him.

29th June, 1647.—James Wallace in the parish
of the new kirk, for over nights drinking, is appointed
to be cited <i>pro secundo</i>.

27th July. 1647.—Thomas Stevenstone in Dunlop,
for making ane promise of marriage to ane
Marion Moore, as she alleged, being summoned
denied that ever he made any promise of marriage
to the said Marion, and because the said Thomas
was upon terms of marriage with another, he is
ordained to purge himself by oath upon the day of
his marriage.

17th August, 1647.—Robert Fulton and Margt.
Storie, in Kilwinning, upon apparent grounds and
presumption of adultery sic as this (among many
others) confessed by themselves in the session of
Kilwinning, that he and she would be in his
barn together themselves alone, and the door being
closed on them, being summoned, compeared the
said Robert. Being accused of adultery, he granted
his scandalous carriage with the said Margaret.
Being required further to confess, after long dealing
of some of the brethren that were sent out to
confer with him, he would neither grant nor deny.
The Presbytery seeing that his conscience was
stirring within him, they threaten to take his oath.
The said Robert being unwilling to give his oath,
// 027.png
.pn +1
he desired time to advise and think upon it, and
withal desired the Presbytery to pray for him
that he might get mastery over his corruption,
and in the meantime appoints Mr James Fergusson
to deal with him.

7th Dec, 1647.—Katherine Miller and David
Logan, Stevenston, charged with adultery, ordered
to satisfy, and because they could not be kept
from each other’s company, Cuninghame head to be
spoken to that he may separit them, and remove!
them out of the parish.

The Presbytery taking to their consideration
the condition of John Armour in Dreghorn, who
remains still obstinate in the denial of the fact of
adultery, notwithstanding that the woman had
fathered the child upon him, does find that it was
to no purpose to deal any longer with him, and
therefore it is appointed that the said John Armour,
partly for his disobedience to the Presbytery,
and partly for his scandalous carriage which
he acknowledged, should stand three Lord’s days
in sackcloth, and that upon the last day he purge
himself solemnly before the congregation.

28th Dec, 1647.—Mr John Bell reports that
Cuninghamehead has undertaken to banish David
Logan the parish, in case he does not abstain from
the woman’s company with whom he has fallen.

23d March, 1648.—The Laird of Shewalton appeared
before the Presbytery charged with adultery,
which he denied—remitted to the session of
Irvine to whom he had formerly been disobedient,
and had offered violence to the kirk officer.

2d May, 1648.—Euphemia Maxwell in Dalry,
having brought forth a child to a trooper, whose
name as she affirmed she knew not—

.pm verse-start
Note—“One of a troop of dragoons was my daddy,
        No wonder I’m fond of a soger laddy”—
.pm verse-end
.ni
the Presbytery conceiving that it was but a subterfuge
to cloak the sin of adultery, does refer the
said Euphemia to her own session, to try to the
utmost that business, and whether there was any
scandal between her and any other man.
.pi
3d July, 1648.—The Presbytery hearing that
the Laird of Shewalton had received some wounds
in a fight, upon this ground has delayed the going
on with his process till his wounds be cured.

25th July, 1648.—The confession of Marion
Miller, that she had broken the Lords’ day by
flyting and washing a piece of cloth, being produced,
if she heartily submit to the session of
Kilmaurs, they would accept, if she gave signs of
repentance.

9th March, 1650.—Compeared Thomas Blair in
Kilwinning, who was at the point of excommunication
and in sackloth, upon his knees did confess
double adultery with ane Bessie Moore in Kilwinning,
another with Euphame Maxwell in Dalry.
The Presbytery having heard his confession, and
considering the atrocity of his crimes, does recommend
to the Provost of Irvine to apprehend him,
and put him in ward till he be sent to the Justice
General, the other parishes to bear burden with
the town of Irvine in paying the expense,

7th May, 1650.—Compeared Isobel Miller in
Kilmaurs, and charged with having sought a drink
to destroy a birth in the womb. She denied it.
The Presbytery finding that there were some
// 028.png
.pn +1
grounds and probability of the same, appoints the
said Isobel to appear in the public place of repentance,
in the kirk of Kilmaurs in sackcloth till next
Presbytery day, and then the minister to charge
her with the presumption, and to specify to the
people the cause of her appearing there, and in
the meantime she is to appear before the Presbytery
next day, that she may hear more of the
Presbytery’s mind.

2d July, 1650.—Thomas Blair in Kilwinning
having broken ward when he was to be sent to the
Justice General for his double adultery, and now
fugitive, appointed to have ane public admonition
before he be excommunicated.

N. B.—The last minute of Presbytery in the
volume from which the above extracts are taken,
is the above. The following volumes are lost till
the one commencing 17th August, 1687.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
THE EARL OF SUFFOLK TO JOHN MURRAY, AFTERWARDS EARL OF ANNANDALE.

<sc>Sir</sc>,—I have bene with my lord Chaunceler even
now to confer with hym concerning the kyngs
maiesties busynes in hande. The Aturney was
ther, whereby speach yt fell into consederation
what company of Lords and counsellors wolde be
ther. My Lord Admyrall desyers to be excused;
my Lord Touch wyll not be heer; my Lord Stanhop
dare not this weather be so long in so cold a
place; Mr Secretary Harbert can not, for the
Stranguery afflycts hym so; my Lord of Shrewsbery
hath bene so yll both of goute and sharpnes
of water, as he hath never yet come to this end of
the toune; and in truth my lord Chancelor hym
selfe is in no case to be at such a busines on fryday.
The last day of the tearme may happyly geve
more health to some of thes. My lord Chauncelor
wyll not have the stay to be for hym yf he dye
for yt; therfore I thought fytt to sygnifye thus much.
The Lords that are able are all apoynted to assemble
at my Lord Chauncelors house to morrowe,
wher no dowbt the day wylbe put of vntyll the end
of the tearm at the soonest; therfore, Mr Murray,
I pray you acquaynt his maiestie with thus much,
to the end that my Lords who are apoynted to
come away from thence to morrow may stay vntyll
the next advertysment, which shalbe presently
after ther meeting to morrow at my Lord Chauncelors,
wher the dyspatch shalbe made. In hast,
from Northampton Howse, Twesday the I of
February,

.rj 2
Your loving frend,
<sc>T. Suffolk</sc>.
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
LETTER FROM JAMES VI. TO SIR THOMAS HAMILTON, HIS ADVOCATE,
.nf c
AFTERWARDS LORD BINING AND EARL OF HADDINGTON,
<i>Containing his Majesty’s Opinions on a curious point of Criminal Law.</i>
.nf-

<sc>Aducate</sc> housoone the assyse is admittid remember
to exhorte and admonishe thame according to
my former information writtin with my auin
hande and adde thair to hou farre it is against all
// 029.png
.pn +1

lau to admitt a mannis denyall againis his auin
preceiding confession in sa farr as he deponis
contra suum caput allanerlie speciallie his deposition
being freelie geuin without torture and not
to the exemaris onlie bot being uillinglie repetit
be him self to the erl of marr and sindrie other
noble gentlemen be uaye of discourse besydis his
causing aprehend and with his auin mouth accusing
the deid doer and his brekking uarde thairefter
and that ioined uith are other murther and
uillfull remaining at the home sensyne and of lait
his offers be the bishop of brichen and sindrie
others to my self of tua thousande crounis to me
and tenn thousande markis to the pairtie and to
be baneist the cuntrey during the pairteis will
and last nou quhat he lies confest sen his aprehension
baith to the bailleis and ministeris of this
toune lett thaime selfis beare recorde according to
thaire consciences as to my earnistness in this
turne as godd sall iudge me it is onlie in respect
of the odiousnes of the deid and the infamie that
uill redounde to oure haill nation thairthrouch
gif sa abominabill a cryme be not als notoriouslie
punished.[#]

.pm fn-start // A
Haddington Papers.
.pm fn-end
.nf r
JAMES R.
His Maties. direction xi Martij
writtin with his maiesties
awin hand.
.nf-
.ni
Indorsed by Lord Binning.
.pi
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
TAM GIFFEN.

<sc>About</sc> the middle of the last century, Thomas, or
as he was popularly called,  “Tam Giffen,” resided,
or I may rather say wandered, in the parishes of
Kilbirnie, Beith, and Dunlop, as a mendicant.
He is reported to have been a stout-built man, of
something more than middle age, of a sourish turn
of mind; and was in the habit of giving laconic,
mysterious answers to those who dared to ask
him questions. Much superstition abounded in
the country at that time; and “Tam’s” aspect,
which was remarkably forbidding, together with
his strange disposition, soon attracted the awe-stricken
attention of the simple peasantry, who
went so far as to call him a <i>Warlock</i>. Tam, with
the shrewdness of a crafty mind, made use of this
folly and superstitious fear for his own aggrandisement;
and few, after a time, dared refuse him an
alms, from his “uncanny” notoriety. Of the many
strange and unaccountable stories still related of
him. I will narrate the following:—

“One day when the water of Lugton, which separates
the parishes of Beith and Dunlop, was
rolling  “from bank to brae,” and the holms were
in a flooded state, Tam was observed on the opposite
bank by some people. Happening to lose
sight of him for a few minutes, what was their
astonishment to find Tam standing beside them,
high and dry! The water, which was full and
over-flowing, was more than thirty feet in width,
and no bridge nearer than two miles. To the
hurried question, how he got across, he quickly replied—”Hoo,
I didna come across ata, I was in a
hurry, and just came through below it.”

At another time, a remarkably pious man, in
// 030.png
.pn +1
the parish of Dunlop, during a high gale of wind,
ascended to the roof of his house, which, according
to the custom of the time, was of thatch; laid a
number of stones and sticks on the roof, to prevent
the wind from blowing the thatch away; and
while on the roof, according to his own account,
a tremendous whirlwind swept round and nearly
overthrew him. He mentally ejaculated, “God
save me,” and held on by the rigging. His bonnet
and wig were blown away—where, he could
not tell. Next day, after the storm was abated,
he went again on the roof of the house, to mend
the damage which had been done. Looking
down, he perceived “Tam” standing at the foot
of the ladder, and surveying him with a most
sinister gaze. “Ye held on weel yesterday,” exclaimed
Tam; “gin ye hadna whispered ‘God save
me’, we wud ha blawn ye doun, but we took awa
your wig and bonnet: gae awa doun tae the well
in the meadow, and ye’ll get them lying there,
aside the sauch bush.” The man accordingly
went, and, in the exact spot, found his wig and
bonnet.

An honest blacksmith, one evening, going to
weld two pieces of iron together, called on his
apprentice, who was reported to be a <i>heedless</i> youth,
to come and assist him in beating the iron. After
calling once or twice, and receiving no answer, he
angrily exclaimed, “I may just as weel cry on Tam
Giffen.” “What do ye want,” whispered a voice
behind him, which was no other than Tam’s:
“I was just fleeing through the air wi’ a wheen
o’ them that’s gaun awa to dance in Kilbride
kirk-yard the nicht, and I thocht I wad come in
an’ see what ye wanted wi’ me.” “Did ye come
in at the door,” exclaimed the astonished blacksmith.
“No, I just drapped doun the lum—but
I maun awa’, or they’ll miss me:” so saying, he instantly
disappeared.

At last “Tam” was discovered lying dead on
the banks of the Garnock water, near Garrit Linn,
in a wild and solitary glen, in the parish of Kilbirnie.
According to tradition, he was murdered
by the fairies for disclosing some of their secrets.
He was buried in Kilbirnie churchyard; and his
grave is still pointed out to the curious.
.sp 2
.nf c
TAM GIFFEN.
.nf-
.pm verse-start
Aul’ grannie sat carding her woo by the fire
On a caul winter eve; and, as midnicht drew nigher,
The bairns gathered roun’ her and quitted their glee
To list to a tale: mony aul’ tales had she
O’ brownies, an’ spunkies, and wee merry men,
That dance in green jackets a’ nicht in the glen,
O’ ghosts an’ wild spectres, in aul’ castles grey,
That haud their wild revelries till break o’ day.

In a circle aroun her the wee bairnies drew,
An’ eerie they leuked at the fire burning blue,
Nae whispering was heard when aul’ grannie began
Tae tell o’ “Tam Giffen,” the wild warlock man:
Lang, lang in the warld won’d warlock Tam,
Nae ane could tell frae what kintra he cam,
He seemed like a stranger on earth left forlorn,
And some said he ne’er in the warld was born.

He wandered the kintra, east, north, south, and west,
And gaed aye to ca’ on them wha used him best!
Alane in some glen he at morn micht be seen,
But nae ane kent whar he micht be or ’twas e’en:
Pale, pale was his lank cheek, but dark lowered his brow,
An’ his black e’e seemed glancing wi’ unearthly lowe,
// 031.png
.pn +1
He lauched at the sorrows that made ithers weep,
An’ never was he kent to slumber or sleep.

In through the key hole, or doun through the lum,
When the doors were a’ barred, he at midnicht wad come—
Or afar in some glen wi’ the bogles wad be,
A’ the dead o’ the nicht, haudin’ unholy glee—
Or dancing wi’ fairies far ben in the wud,
Or sailing in cockle-shells far o’er the flud,
Or fleeing wi’ witches awa’ through the air,
Or doing dark deeds that I daurna declare.

Wi’ a sly noiseless step butt the house he wud come,
And set himsel’ doun by the side o’ the lum,
An’ mutter dark words wi’ a strange eldrich soun’,
An’ leuk as if something was steerin’ aroun’
Whilk naebody ever could see but himsel’—
An’ then to the folk he wud strange stories tell
O’ witches and spectres, and grim goblins near,
That, flitting in corners, to him did appear.

When a tempest was brewing afar in the sky,
There aye was a wildness in Tam Giffen’s eye,
An’ awa’ out o’ sicht he wad soon disappear,
Crying wark’s to be dune and I daurna bide here;
An’ aften wad gude folk in terror declare
He rade in the black storm on high in the air,
Leading whirlwinds onward o’er valley an’ hill,
Working mischief an’ ruin to gude and to ill.

When Tam saw a priest he grew wild as a stirk,
And never wad enter the door o’ a kirk:
If ony are near him attempted to pray,
In a moment Tam Giffen wad vanish away;
If ony by chance ever mentioned his name,
Soon, soon to their terror and wonder he came,
An’ speired what they wanted by calling him there,
When he had got business to do in the air.

Ae nicht when a revel o’ goblins had been,
Far doun in the glen on the mune-lichted green,
Tam shared in their glee, and next morning telt a’
The wonderful things that he heard and he saw;
Then the fairies an’ goblins an’ witches did meet
By Garrit’s deep linn—a wild, lonely, retreat—
An’ wailings were heard on the dread midnicht air,
An’ Tam Giffen, next morning, was found lifeless there.
.pm verse-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
GOOD COUNSEL.

.pm letter-start
[The following “Good Counsel” by Chaucer, freely
modernised, is said to have been composed in his last
agonies. In a MS. in the Cotton Library the verses
are entitled, “a Ballade made by Giffrey Chaucyer upon
his dethe bedde, lying in grete anguysse.”]
.pm letter-end

.pm verse-start
Fly from the crowd, and be to virtue true,
  Content with what thou hast, though it be small;
To hoard brings hate; nor lofty things pursue;
  He who climbs high endangers many a fall.
Envy’s a shade that ever waits on fame,
  And oft the sun that raises it will hide:
Trace not in life a vast expensive scheme,
  But be thy wishes to thy state ally’d.
Be mild to others, to thyself severe,
So truth shall shield thee or from hurt or fear.

Think not of binding all things to thy will,
  Nor vainly hope that fortune shall befriend;
Inconstant she, but be thou constant still,
  Whate’er betide, into an honest end.
Yet needless dangers never madly brave;
  Kick not thy naked foot against a nail;
Or from experience the solution crave,
  If wall and pitcher strive which shall prevail.
Be in thy cause, as in thy neighbour’s, clear,
So truth shall shield thee or from hurt or fear.

Whatever happens, happy in thy mind
  Be thou, nor at thy lot in life repine;
He ’scapes all ill whoso bosom is resign’d;
  Nor way, nor weather will be always fine:
// 032.png
.pn +1
Besides, thy home’s not here—a journey this,
  A pilgrim thou—then hie thee on thy way;
Look up to God—intent on heavenly bliss,
  Take what the road affords and praises pay:
Shun brutal lusts, and seek thy soul’s high sphere,
So truth shall shield thee or from hurt or fear.
.pm verse-end
.hr 40%
.sp 4
.h2
<i>Varieties</i>.

.pm verse-start
Man to the plough,
Wife to the sow,
Son to the flail,
Daughter to the pail,
And your rents will be netted;

But, man tally ho,
Daughter piano,
Son Greek and Latin,
Wife silk and satin,
And you’ll soon be gazetted.
.pm verse-end

<sc>A Scene in a Scotch Court of Justice in 1757.</sc>—The
Dean of Faculty at that time was Mr Lockhart,
afterwards Lord Covington, a man of learning, but of a
demeanour harsh and overbearing. It had ever been considered
the duty of the chief of the body of advocates,
freely elected to preside over them, to be particularly
kind and protecting to beginners; but Lockhart treated
all who came in contact with him in a manner equally
offensive, although he had been engaged in a personal
altercation with a gentleman out of court, who threatened
to inflict personal chastisement upon him; and there
were some circumstances in his domestic life supposed to
render his reputation vulnerable. At last, four junior
advocates, of whom Wedderburn, afterwards Lord Chancellor
Loughborough, was one, entered into a mutual engagement
that he among them who first had the opportunity
should resent the arrogance of the Dean, and publicly
insult him. It was by mere accident that the opportunity
occurred to Wedderburn, who certainly made a
good use of it. In the very end of July, or beginning of
August, 1757, (the exact day I have not been able to
ascertain), Wedderburn was opposed in the Inner House as
counsel to Lockhart, and was called by him “a presumptuous
boy,” experiencing from him even more than his wonted
rudeness and superciliciousness. When the presumptuous
boy came to reply, he delivered such a personal
invective as never was before or since heard at the Scottish
bar. A lively impression still remains of its character;
but newspaper reporting was then unknown in
Edinburgh, and oral tradition has preserved only one
sentence of that which probably was the meditated part
of the harangue:—“The learned Dean has confined himself
on this occasion to vituperation; I do not say that
he is capable of reasoning, but if tears would have
answered his purpose, I am sure tears would not have
been wanting.” Lockhart here started up and threatened
him with vengeance. Wedderburn—“I care little,
my Lords, for what may be said or done by a man who
has been disgraced in his person and dishonoured in his
bed.” Lord President Craigie, being afterwards asked
why he had not sooner interfered, answered, “because
Wedderburn made all the flesh creep on my bones.” But
at last his Lordship declared in a firm tone, that “this
was language unbecoming an advocate, and unbecoming a
gentleman.” Wedderburn, now in a state of such excitement
as to have lost all sense of decorum and propriety,
exclaimed that “his Lordship had said as a judge what
he could not justify as a gentleman.” The President appealed
to his brethren as to what was fit to be done, who
unanimously resolved that Mr Wedderburn should retract
his words and make an humble apology, on pain of deprivation.
All of a sudden Wedderburn seemed to have
subdued his passion, and put on an air of deliberate coolness;
when, instead of the expected retractation and apology;
he stripped off his gown, and holding it in his hands
before the Judge, he said, “My Lords, I neither retract
nor apologise, but I will save you the trouble of deprivation;
there is my gown, and I will never wear it more;
virtute me involvo.” He then coolly laid his gown upon
the bar, made a low bow to the Judges, and before they
had recovered from their amazement he left the court,
which he never again entered. That very night he set
off to London. I know not whether he had any apprehension
// 033.png
.pn +1
of the steps which the Judges might have taken
to vindicate their dignity, or whether he was ashamed to
meet his friends of the Parliament House, but he had
formed a resolution, which he faithfully kept, to abandon
his native country, and never more to revisit it.—‘Lord
Campbell’s Lives of the Chancellors.’

<sc>Antiquity of the Influenza.</sc>—Of this now universally
prevailing malady we have (says the ‘Glasgow Constitutional’)
the following account, in a letter from Randolph,
the English Ambassador at the Court of Mary,
Queen of Scots, to Cecil (afterwards Lord Burghley,)
dated Edinburgh, 30th November, 1562. “May it please
your Honour. Immediately upon the Queen’s arrival
here she fell acquainted with a new disease that is common
in this town, called the ‘New Acquaintance,’ which
passed also through her whole Court, neither sparing lord,
lady, nor damsel, nor so much as French or English. It
is a pain in their head that have it, and a soreness in their
stomachs, with a great cough; it remaineth with some
longer, with others shorter time, as it findeth apt bodies
for the nature of the disease. The Queen kept her bed
six days; there was no appearance of danger, nor many
that die of the disease except some old folks. My Lord
of Murray is now presently in it, and I am ashamed to
say that I have been free of it, seeing it seeketh acquaintance
at all men’s hands.” The letter is printed pp. 105-7
of the “Selections from Unpublished Manuscripts Illustrating
the reign of Mary Queen of Scotland,” presented
to the Maitland Club, in 1837, by the late Mr Kirkman
Finlay, of Castle Toward. The last freak of the distemper,
according to the ‘Edinburgh Register,’ was the
seizure of the master of the Duddingston Mills, and at
the same time all his millers, and the mill stood still.
To complete the adage that misfortunes never come
single, the millers’ wives were almost all ill, and unable
to nurse their husbands.

<sc>Air</sc>, Oct. 3, 1772.—On the 23d ult. we had one of the
most selemn processions of free masons in this place, that
I presume ever was made in Scotland. The occasion of
it was laying the foundation-stone of the works for improving
the harbour. The Earl of Dumfries, Grand
Master for Scotland, and upwards of 500 of the brethren,
were present. They assembled at the King’s-arms between
ten and eleven o’clock forenoon. From thence
they went in procession to the church, attended by the
Rev. Mess. Dalrymple and M‘Gill, ministers in this place,
decently habited in their gowns, with their aprons under
them, their hats below their arms as the rest of the company,
carrying the Bible open in their hands; violins,
and a variety of other music, playing before them. An
elegant sermon was there delivered them from Psal.
civ. 15. The stone was then presented, when his Lordship
applied to it the plumb-rule and the square, and
gave it three strokes with the mallet. After that ceremony
was performed, it was handed over the quay with
ropes, and his Lordship solemnly poured upon it a handful
of corn, and a cupful of wine and oil; devoutly lifting
up his hands and eyes to heaven, and addressing the
Great Architect of heaven and earth, that the place
might abound in these articles. This gave occasion to
three cheerful huzzas. Then the Rev. Mr M‘Gill, having
addressed himself to the brethren, which likewise was
followed with three cheers as before, he devoutly prayed;
and the whole ceremony was concluded with singing the
masons’ anthem.—‘Weekly Magazine.’

<sc>James VI. when a Boy.</sc>—The celebrated Andrew Melville
and his nephew, James, were introduced to the King
at Stirling Castle, previous to his entering his ninth year.
The following is James Melville’s account of him: “He was
the switest sicht in Europe that day, for strange and extraordinar
gifts of ingyne, judgment, memorie, and
language. I heard him discourse walking up and down
in the auld Lady Marr’s hand, of knowledge and ignorance
to my grait marvell and astonishment.”—
.sp 2
.pb
.sp 4
.h2
Footnotes.
.sp 2
.fm lz=th
\_
.sp 2
.hr 90%
.ti -4
<sc>Edinburgh</sc>: <sc>T. G. Stevenson</sc>, 87, Prince’s Street; and
<sc>John Menzies</sc>, 61, Prince’s Street.
.ti -4
<sc>Glasgow</sc>: <sc>Thomas Murray</sc>, Argyle Street.
.ti -4
<sc>Aberdeen</sc>: <sc>Brown & Co.</sc>
.ti -4
<sc>London</sc>: <sc>Houlston and Stoneman</sc>.
.in 0
.hr 30%
.nf c
Printed by J. and W. <sc>Paterson</sc>, 52, Bristo Street.
.nf-
\_
.sp 2
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