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// 20150228000536tod
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// first edit: 4/28/2018
.dt Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, vol. 3 of 3, by James Tod
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Transcriber’s Note:
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This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical
effects. Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_.
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The text is annotated with numerous footnotes, which were numbered
sequentially on each page. On occasion, a footnote itself is
annotated by a note. In the previous two volumes, these were
referenced using symbols (e.g. *, †), which have been converted
to an alphabetic sequence (e.g., A, B). In this volume, however, the
‘subnotes’ appear in one instance as numerals. For the sake of consistency, the
convention used in the previous volumes has been adopted.
.if t
Since there are over 900 notes in this volume, they have been
gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter,
using a dot notation for chapter and page (e.g. 10.4.2). Notes to the
appendixes are prefaced by 'a' (e.g. a.1.1 for the first note
in Appendix I.)
.if-
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Since there are over 900 notes in this volume, they have been
gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter.
Links are provided to navigate from the reference to the note,
and back.
.if-
The notes are a combination of those of the author, and of the
editor of this edition. The text of the latter are enclosed in
square brackets. The bold-faced phrases that begin each topic
were also added by the editor, and spelling of Hindi or Sanskrit
words may vary between those phrases and the author’s text.
The pagination of the original edition, published in the
1820's, is preserved for ease of reference by including those
page numbers in the text, also enclosed in square brackets.
Crooke’s plan for the renovation of the Tod’s original text, including
a discussion of the transliteration of words other than English, is
given in detail in the #Preface:vol1_Page_ix#.
Several tables spanned multiple pages, with sums totaled before the
page break as “Carried forward”, and repeated on the following page.
These have been removed, given the nature of the current text.
Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Given
the history of the text, it was thought best to leave all orthography
as printed.
Please see the transcriber’s #note:endnote# at the end of this text
for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered
during its preparation.
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A complex genealogical chart appears on p. #1457#, inserted in
mid-paragraph spanning pp. 1456 and 1458. It has been moved to
precede that paragraph.
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A complex genealogical chart appears on p. #1457#, inserted in
mid-paragraph spanning pp. 1456 and 1458. It has been moved to
precede that paragraph. The chart was not conducive to rendering in
this format. It has been approximated in the text, and a link
provided to an image of the original page.
The cover image has been amended to include identifying information,
and is added, as amended, to the public domain.
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original text in a small popup.
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Any corrections are indicated as hyperlinks, which will navigate the
reader to the corresponding entry in the corrections table in the
note at the end of the text.
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.bn 001.png
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.nf c
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
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.bn 003.png
.bn 004.png
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.ca
COLONEL TOD AND HIS JAIN GURU.
(From a painting said to be the work of the Author’s native artist, Ghāsi.)
Frontispiece.
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.bn 005.png
.h1
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES | OF | RAJASTHAN
.nf c
OR THE CENTRAL AND WESTERN
RAJPUT STATES OF INDIA
BY
Lieut.-Col. JAMES TOD
LATE POLITICAL AGENT TO THE WESTERN RAJPUT STATES
EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY
WILLIAM CROOKE, C.I.E.
HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I.
LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
.sp 4
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. III.
.sp 8
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON\ \ \ EDINBURGH\ \ \ GLASGOW\ \ \ NEW YORK
TORONTO\ \ \ MELBOURNE\ \ \ BOMBAY
1920
.nf-
.bn 006.png
.bn 007.png
.pn v
.h2
CONTENTS
.ta h:60 rb:6
| PAGE
BOOK VIII
SKETCH OF THE INDIAN DESERT
CHAPTER 1
General aspect—Boundaries and divisions of the desert—Probable\
etymology of the Greek oasis—Absorption of the Ghaggar\
river—The Luni, or salt-river—The Rann, or Ran—Distinction\
of thal and rui—Thal of the Luni—Jalor—Siwanchi—Machola\
and Morsin—Bhinmal and Sanchor—Bhadrajun—Mewa—Balotra\
and Tilwara—Indhavati—Gugadeo-ka-thal—Thal\
of Tararoi—Thal of Khawar—Mallinath-ka-thal, or\
Barmer—Kherdhar—Juna Chhotan—Nagar Gura | 1257
CHAPTER 2
Chauhan Raj—Antiquity and nobility of the Chauhans of the\
desert—Dimensions and population of the Raj—Nagar—Bakhasar—Tharad—Face\
of the Chauhan Raj—Water—Productions—Inhabitants—Kolis\
and Bhils—Pitals—Thals\
of Dhat and Umrasumra—Depth of wells—Anecdote—City\
of Aror, the ancient capital of Sind—Dynasties of the Sodha,\
the Sumra, and the Samma princes—Their antiquity—Inferred\
to be the opponents of Alexander the Great, and\
Menander—Lieutenant of Walid takes Aror—Umarkot: its\
history—Tribes of Sind and the desert—Diseases—Narua or\
Guinea-worm—Productions, animal and vegetable, of the\
desert—Daudputra—Itinerary | 1275
.bn 008.png
.pn +1
BOOK IX
ANNALS OF AMBER, OR DHUNDHAR
CHAPTER I
Designations given by Europeans to the principalities of Rajputana—Dhundhar\
known by the name of its capitals,\
Amber or Jaipur—The country of the Kachhwahas an aggregate\
of conquests by the race so called—Etymology of\
Dhundhar—Origin of the Kachhwahas—Raja Nal founds\
Narwar—Dhola Rae expelled, and founds Dhundhar—Romantic\
legend of Dhola Rae—His treachery to his benefactor,\
the Mina lord of Khoganw—Marries a daughter of a\
Bargujar chief, and becomes his heir—Augments his territories,\
and transfers his government to Ramgarh—Marries a\
daughter of the prince of Ajmer—Is killed in battle with the\
Minas—His son Kankhal conquers Dhundhar—Medal Rae\
conquers Amber, and other places—Conquests of Hundeo—Of\
Kuntal—Accession of Pajun—Reflections on the aboriginal\
tribes at this period—The Mina race—Pajun marries the\
sister of Prithiraj of Delhi—His military prowess—Is killed\
at the rape of the princess of Kanauj—Malesi succeeds—His\
successors—Prithiraj creates the Barah-kothris, or twelve\
great fiefs of Amber—He is assassinated—Baharmall—The\
first to wait on the Muhammadan power—Bhagwandas the\
first Rajput to give a daughter to the imperial house—His\
daughter marries Jahangir, and gives birth to Khusru—Accession\
to Man Singh—His power, intrigues, and death—Rao\
Bhao—Maha—Mirza Raja Jai Singh, brother of Raja\
Man, succeeds—Repairs the disgraces of his two predecessors,\
and renders immense services to the empire—Is poisoned by\
his son—Ram Singh—Bishan Singh | 1327
CHAPTER 2
Sawai Jai Singh succeeds—Joins the party of Azam Shah—Amber\
sequestrated—Jai Singh expels the imperial garrison—His\
character—His astronomical knowledge—His conduct during\
the troubles of the empire—Anecdote illustrative of the evils\
of polygamy—Limits of the raj of Amber at the accession of\
Jai Singh—The new city of Jaipur—Conquest of Rajor and\
Deoti—Incidents illustrative of Rajput character—Jai Singh’s\
habit of inebriation—The virtues of his character—Contemplates\
the rite of Aswamedha—Dispersion of his valuable\
manuscripts—His death—Some of his wives and concubines\
become Satis on his pyre | 1341
.bn 009.png
.pn +1
CHAPTER 3
The Rajput league—Aggrandizement of Amber—Isari Singh\
succeeds—Intestine troubles produced by polygamy—Madho\
Singh—The Jats—Their Rajas—Violation of the Amber territory\
by the Jats—Battle—Rise of Macheri—Decline of the\
Kachhwaha power after the death of Madho Singh—Prithi\
Singh—Partap Singh—Intrigues at his court—The stratagems\
of Khushhaliram, and the Macheri chief—Death of\
Firoz the Filban, paramour of the Patrani—Broils with the\
Mahrattas—Partap attains majority, and gains the victory\
of Tonga—His difficulties—Exactions of the Mahrattas—Jagat\
Singh—His follies and despicable character—Makes\
Raskapur, his concubine, queen of half Amber—Project to\
depose him prevented by a timely sacrifice—Mohan Singh\
elected his successor | 1356
CHAPTER 4
Jaipur the last of the Rajput States to embrace the proffered\
alliance of the British—Procrastination habitual to the\
Rajputs, as to all Asiatics—Motives and considerations which\
influenced the Jaipur court in declining our alliance—A treaty\
concluded—Death of Jagat Singh—Effects of our interference\
in the intrigues respecting the succession—Law of primogeniture—The\
evils attending an ignorance of Rajput\
customs—Violation of the law of succession in the placing of\
Mohan Singh on the gaddi—Reasons for departing from the\
rule of succession—Conduct of the British authorities—The\
title of Mohan Singh disputed by the legal heir-presumptive—Dilemma\
of the Nazir and his faction—The threatened disorders\
prevented by the unexpected pregnancy of one of the\
queens of Jagat Singh—Birth of a posthumous son | 1366
SHAIKHAWAT FEDERATION
CHAPTER 5
Origin of the Shaikhavati federation—Its constitution—Descent\
of the chiefs from Balaji of Amber—Mokalji—Miraculous\
birth of his son—Shaikhji—Aggrandizes his territory—Raemall—Suja—Raesal—His\
heroism—Obtains grants from\
Akbar—Gets possession of Khandela and Udaipur—His\
exploits and character—Girdharji—Is cut off by assassination—Dwarkadas—His\
extraordinary feat with a lion—Falls\
by Khan Jahan Lodi—Birsinghdeo—His authority usurped\
by his son—Bahadur Singh—Aurangzeb directs the demolition\
of the temple of Khandela—Bahadur deserts his capital—Shujawan\
Singh Raesalot flies to its defence—He is slain,\
.bn 010.png
.pn +1
the temple razed, and the city garrisoned—Kesari—Partition\
of the territory between Kesari and Fateh Singh—Fateh\
Singh assassinated—Kesari resists the regal authority—Is\
deserted in the field and slain—His son Udai Singh taken to\
Ajmer—Khandela retaken, and restored to Udai Singh, who\
is liberated—He resolves to punish the Manoharpur chief—Is\
baffled by that chief’s intrigues—Is besieged by Jai Singh of\
Amber—Khandela becomes tributary to Amber | 1378
CHAPTER 6
Bindrabandas adheres to Madho Singh in the civil wars of Amber—Partition\
of lands annulled—Self-immolation of the\
Brahmans—Consequences to Bindraban, in his contest with\
Indar Singh, the other chief of Khandela—Civil war—Prodigal\
expiatory sacrifice of Bindraban—He abdicates—Govind\
Singh—Is assassinated—Narsinghdas—Rise and\
devastations of the Mahrattas—Siege of Khandela—Terms of\
redemption—Murder of deputies by the Mahrattas—Indar\
Singh perishes in the attempt to avenge them—Partap Singh—Rise\
of the Sikar chief—Transactions between Partap and\
Narsingh, his co-partner—Partap obtains the whole of\
Khandela—Narsingh recovers by stratagem his share of\
Khandela—Domestic broils and feuds—General assembly of\
the Sadhani and Raesalot chiefs, to counteract the encroachments\
of Amber—Treaty between the Shaikhawats and the\
court of Amber—Violated by the latter—The confederacy\
assault the town of the Haldia faction—Narsingh refuses\
tribute to the court, and Khandela is sequestrated—Narsingh\
and Partap treacherously made captive, and conveyed to\
Jaipur—Khandela annexed to the fisc | 1395
CHAPTER 7
Bagh Singh opposes the faithless court of Amber—He is joined by\
the celebrated George Thomas—Desperate action—Bagh\
Singh placed in the fortified palace at Khandela—His garrison,\
with his brother, slain by Hanwant Singh, son of Partap—Bagh\
regains the palace—The lands of Khandela farmed by\
Amber to two Brahmans—They are expelled by the feudatory\
Barwatias, who resist the court—They become a banditti—Sangram\
Singh, cousin to Partap, their leader—He avoids the\
treachery of the court—His death—The confederacy unite\
in the league against Jodhpur—New treaty with the Amber\
court—Liberation of Partap and Narsingh—Grand union of\
the Shaikhawats—Abhai Singh succeeds in Khandela—Treachery\
of the court—Hanwant regains Govindgarh,\
Khandela, etc.—Restoration of Khushhaliram to the ministry\
of Jaipur—New investitures granted to the feudatories of\
Khandela—Abhai and Partap inducted into their ancestral\
abodes—Incident illustrative of the defects of the Rajput\
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feudal system—Khandela assailed by Lachhman Singh, chief\
of Sikar—Gallant defence of Hanwant—His death—Surrender\
of Khandela to Lachhman Singh—The co-heirs\
exiled—Power and influence of Lachhman Singh—Foils the\
designs of the Purohit—Present attitude of Lachhman Singh—Subordinate\
branches of the Shaikhawats—The Sadhanis—Their\
territories wrested from the Kaimkhanis and Rajputs—The\
Khetri branch of the family of Sadhu attains superiority—Bagh\
Singh of Khetri murders his own son—The Larkhanis—Revenues\
of Shaikhavati | 1408
CHAPTER 8
Reflections—Statistics of Amber—Boundaries—Extent—Population—Number\
of townships—Classification of inhabitants—Soil—Husbandry—Products—Revenues—Foreign\
army—The\
feudal levies | 1428
BOOK X
ANNALS OF HARAVATI
BUNDI
CHAPTER 1
Haravati defined—Fabulous origin of the Agnikula races—Mount\
Abu—The Chauhans obtain , Golkonda, and the\
Konkan—Found Ajmer—Ajaipal—Manika Rae—First\
Islamite invasion—Ajmer taken—Sambhar founded; its\
salt lake—Offspring of Manik Rae—Establishments in Rajputana—Contests\
with the Muhammadans—Bilandeo of\
Ajmer; Guga Chauhan of Mahra; both slain by Mahmud—Bisaldeo\
Generalissimo of the Rajput nations; his period\
fixed; his column at Delhi; his alliances—Origin of the\
Hara tribe—Anuraj obtains Asi—Dispossessed—Ishtpal\
obtains Asir—Rao Hamir—Rao Chand slain—Asir, Alau-d-din—Prince\
Rainsi escapes to Chitor; settles at Bhainsror,\
in Mewar—His son Kolan declared lord of the Pathar | 1441
CHAPTER 2
Recapitulation of the Hara princes from the founder Anuraj to\
Rae Dewa—He erects Bundi—Massacre of the Usaras—Dewa\
abdicates—Ceremony of Yugaraj, or abdication—Succeeded\
by Samarsi—Extends his sway east of the Chambal—Massacre\
of the Kotia Bhils—Origin of Kotah—Napuji\
succeeds—Feud with the Solanki of Toda—Assassination of\
Napuji—Singular Sati—Hamu succeeds—The Rana asserts\
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his right over the Patar—Hamu demurs, defies, and attacks\
him—Anecdote—Birsingh—Biru—Rao Banda—Famine—Anecdote—Banda\
expelled by his brothers; converts to\
Muhammadanism—Narayandas puts his uncles to death, and\
recovers his patrimony—Anecdotes of Narayandas—Aids\
the Rana of Chitor—Gains a victory—Espouses the niece of\
Rana Raemall—His passion for opium—Death—Rao Surajmall—Marries\
a princess of Chitor—Fatal result—Aheria or\
Spring-hunt—Assassination of the Rao—His revenge—Two-fold\
sati—Rao Surthan—His cruelty, deposal, and banishment—Rao\
Arjun elected—Romantic death—Rao Surjan\
succeeds | 1466
CHAPTER 3
Rao Surjan obtains Ranthambhor—Is besieged by Akbar—The\
Bundi prince surrenders the castle—Becomes a vassal of the\
empire—Magnanimous sacrifice of Sawant Hara—Akbar\
bestows the title of Rao Raja on the Hara prince—He is sent\
to reduce Gondwana—His success and honours—Rao Bhoj\
succeeds—Akbar reduces Gujarat—Gallant conduct of the\
Haras at Surat and Ahmadnagar—Amazonian band—Disgrace\
of Rao Bhoj—Cause of Akbar’s death—Rao Ratan—Rebellion\
against the emperor Jahangir—The Hara prince\
defeats the rebels—Partition of Haraoti—Madho Singh\
obtains Kotah—Rao Ratan slain—His heir Gopinath killed—Partition\
of fiefs in Haraoti—Rao Chhattarsal succeeds—Appointed\
governor of Agra—Services in the Deccan—Escalades\
Daulatabad—Kalburga—Damauni—Civil war amongst the\
sons of Shah Jahan—Character of Aurangzeb by the Bundi\
prince—Fidelity of the Hara princes—Battles of Ujjain and\
Dholpur—Heroic valour of Chhattarsal—Is slain, with twelve\
princes of Hara blood—Rao Bhao succeeds—Bundi invaded—Imperialists\
defeated—Rao Bhao restored to favour—Appointed\
to Aurangabad—Succeeded by Rao Aniruddh—Appointed\
to Lahore—His death—Rao Budh—Battle of\
Jajau—The Hara princes of Kotah and Bundi opposed to\
each other—Kotah prince slain—Gallantry of Rao Budh—Obtains\
the victory for Bahadur Shah—Fidelity of the Bundi\
prince—Compelled to fly—Feud with the prince of Amber—Its\
cause—Ambitious views of Amber—Its political condition—Treachery\
of Amber—Desperate conflict—Rao Budh\
driven from Bundi—Bundi territory curtailed—Rao Budh\
dies in exile—His sons | 1480
CHAPTER 4
Rao Ummeda defeats the troops of Amber—Conflict at Dablana—Ummeda\
defeated and obliged to fly—Death of Hanja, his\
steed—Takes refuge amidst the ravines of the Chambal—Redeems\
his capital—Is again expelled from it—Interview\
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with the widow of his father; she solicits aid from Holkar to\
reinstate Ummeda—The Amber prince forced to acknowledge\
the claims of Ummeda—He recovers Bundi—Suicide of the\
Amber prince—First alienation of land to the Mahrattas—Madho\
Singh of Amber asserts supremacy over Haraoti—Origin\
of tributary demands thereon—Zalim Singh—Mahratta\
encroachments—Ummeda’s revenge on the chief of Indargarh;\
its cause and consequences—Ummeda abdicates—Ceremony\
of Yugaraj, or abdication—Installation of Ajit—Ummeda\
becomes a pilgrim; his wanderings; cause of their interruption—Ajit\
assassinates the Rana of Mewar—Memorable Sati\
imprecation—Awful death of Ajit—Fulfilment of ancient\
prophecy—Rao Bishan Singh succeeds—Ummeda’s distrust\
of his grandson; their reconciliation—Ummeda’s death—British\
army retreats through Haraoti, aided by Bundi—Alliance\
with the English—Benefits conferred on Bundi—Bishan\
Singh dies of the cholera morbus; forbids the rite of\
Sati—His character; constitutes the Author guardian of his\
son, the Rao Raja Ram Singh | 1499
KOTAH
CHAPTER 5
Separation of Kotah from Bundi—The Kotah Bhils—Madho\
Singh, first prince of Kotah—Its division into fiefs—The\
Madhani—Raja Mukund—Instance of devotion—He is slain\
with four brothers—Jagat Singh—Pem Singh—Is deposed—Kishor\
Singh—Is slain at Arcot—Law of primogeniture set\
aside—Ram Singh—Is slain at Jajau—Bhim Singh—Chakarsen,\
king of the Bhils—His power is annihilated by\
Raja Bhim—Umat tribe—Origin of the claims of Kotah\
thereon—Raja Bhim attacks the Nizamu-l-mulk, and is\
slain—Character of Raja Bhim—His enmity to Bundi—Anecdote—Title\
of Maharao bestowed on Raja Bhim—Rao\
Arjun—Civil contest for succession—Shyam Singh slain—Maharao\
Durjansal—First irruption of the Mahrattas—League\
against Kotah, which is besieged—Defended by\
Himmat Singh Jhala—Zalim Singh born—Siege raised—Kotah\
becomes tributary to the Mahrattas—Death of\
Durjansal—His character—His hunting expeditions—His\
queens—Bravery of the Jhala chief—Order of succession restored—Maharao\
Ajit—Rao Chhattarsal—Madho Singh of\
Amber claims supremacy over the Hara princes, and invades\
Haraoti—Battle of Bhatwara—Zalim Singh Jhala—The\
Haras gain a victory—Flight of the Amber army, and capture\
of the ‘five-coloured banner’—Tributary claims on Kotah\
renounced—Death of Chhattarsal | 1521
CHAPTER 6
Maharao Guman Singh—Zalim Singh—His birth, ancestry, and\
progress to power—Office of Faujdar becomes hereditary in\
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his family—His office and estate resumed by Guman Singh—He\
abandons Kotah—Proceeds to Mewar—Performs services\
to the Rana, and receives the title of Raj Rana, and estates—Serves\
against the Mahrattas—Is wounded and made\
prisoner—Returns to Kotah—Mahratta invasion—Storm of\
Bakhani—Its glorious defence—Sacrifice of a clan—Garrison\
of Sohet destroyed—Zalim Singh employed—His successful\
negotiation—Restoration to power—Rao Guman constitutes\
Zalim guardian of his son Ummed Singh, who is proclaimed—The\
Tika-daur, or ‘raid of accession’—Capture of Kelwara—Difficulties\
of the Protector’s situation—Cabal against his\
power—Destruction of the conspirators—Exile of the nobles—Sequestration\
of estates—Conspiracy of Aton—Predatory\
bands—Aton surrenders—Exile of the Hara nobles—Curtailment\
of the feudal interests—Conspiracy of Mohsen—Plan for\
the destruction of the Regent and family—Mohsen chief takes\
sanctuary in the temple—Is dragged forth and slain—Maharao’s\
brothers implicated in the plot—Their incarceration\
and death—Numerous projects against the life of the regent—Female\
conspiracy—How defeated—The Regent’s precautions | 1534
CHAPTER 7
Zalim regarded as a legislator—His political views on Mewar—Kotah\
sacrificed thereto—His tyranny—His superstition—Makes\
a tour of his dominions—Establishes a permanent\
camp—Trains an army—Adopts European arms and discipline—Revises\
the revenue system of Haraoti—The Patel\
system described—Council of four—Extent of jurisdiction—The\
Bohras described—Their utility in the old farming system\
of India—Patels usurp their influence—Depression of the\
peasantry—Patels circumvented, imprisoned, and fined—Patel\
system destroyed—Return to the old system—Moral\
estimation of the peasant of Rajputana—Modes of realizing\
the land revenue described—Advantages and disadvantages | 1547
CHAPTER 8
Farming system of Zalim Singh—Extent to which it has been\
carried—Its prosperity, fallacious and transitory—Details of\
the system—Soil of Kotah—The Regent introduces foreign\
ploughs—Area cultivated—Net produce—Value—Grain-pits—Prices,\
in plenty and famine—Zalim sells in one year grain\
to the amount of a million sterling—Monopoly—The tithe, or\
new tax on exported grain—The Jagatya, or tax-gatherer—Impolicy\
of this tax—Gross revenue of Kotah—Opium\
monopoly—Tax on widows—On the mendicant—Gourd-tax—Broom-tax—The\
Regent detested by the bards—Province\
of Kotah at this period, and at assumption of the government,\
contrasted—Question as to the moral result of his improvements | 1559
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CHAPTER 9
Political system of the Regent—His foreign policy—His pre-eminent\
influence in Rajwara—His first connexion with the\
English Government—Monson’s retreat—Gallant conduct\
and death of the Hara chief of Koila—Aid given by the\
Regent involves him with Holkar—Holkar comes to Kotah—Preparations\
to attack the capital—Singular interview with\
Zalim—Zalim’s agents at foreign courts—Alliance with Amir\
Khan, and the Pindari chiefs—Characteristic anecdotes—Zalim’s\
offensive policy—His domestic policy—Character of\
Maharao Ummed Singh—Zalim’s conduct towards him—Choice\
of ministers—Bishan Singh Faujdar—Dalil Khan\
Pathan—Circumvallation of Kotah—Foundation of the city\
Jhalrapatan—Mihrab Khan, commander of the forces | 1569
CHAPTER 10
The Rajput States invited to an alliance with the British Government—Zalim\
Singh the first to accept it—Marquess of Hastings\
sends an agent to his court—Confederation against the\
Pindaris—The Regent’s conduct during the war—Approbation\
and reward of his services—Peace throughout India—Death\
of Maharao Ummed Singh—Treaty and supplemental\
articles—Sons of Maharao Ummed Singh—Their characters—Sons\
of the Regent—State of parties—The Regent leaves\
the Chhaoni for Kotah—He proclaims Kishor Singh as successor\
of the late prince—His letter to the British agent, who\
repairs to Kotah—Dangerous illness of the Regent—Plots to\
overturn the order of succession—The Regent’s ignorance\
thereof—Intricate position of the British Government—Arguments\
in defence of the supplemental articles—Recognition\
of all rulers de facto the basis of our treaties—Kishor Singh\
refuses to acknowledge the supplemental articles—Consequences—The\
Regent blockades the Prince, and demands\
the surrender of his son Gordhandas—The Maharao breaks\
through the blockade—The British agent interposes—Surrender\
and exile of Gordhandas—Reconciliation of the\
Maharao and the Regent—Coronation of the Maharao—Mutual\
covenants executed—The Regent prohibits dand\
throughout Kotah—Reflections | 1577
CHAPTER 11
Banishment of Gordhandas, the natural son of the Regent—His\
reappearance in Malwa—Consequent renewal of dissensions\
at Kotah—The troops mutiny and join the Maharao—The\
Regent assaults the castle—Flight of the Maharao and party—Reception\
at Bundi—The Maharao’s second brother joins the\
Regent—Gordhandas’ attempt to join the Maharao frustrated—The\
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Maharao leaves Bundi—General sympathy for him—He\
arrives at Brindaban—Intrigues of Gordhandas and\
superior native officers of the British Government, who\
deceive the Maharao—Returns to Kotah at the head of a\
force—Summons the Haras to his standard—His demands—Supplemental\
article of the treaty considered—Embarrassing\
conduct of the Regent—The Maharao refuses all mediation—His\
ultimatum—British troops march—Junction with the\
Regent—Attack the Maharao—His defeat and flight—Death\
of his brother Pirthi Singh—Singular combat—Amnesty proclaimed—The\
Hara chiefs return to their families—The\
Maharao retires to the temple of Krishna in Mewar—Negotiation\
for his return—Satisfactory termination—Reflections on\
these civil wars—Character and death of Zalim Singh | 1595
BOOK XI
PERSONAL NARRATIVE: UDAIPUR TO KHERODA
CHAPTER 1
Departure from the valley of Udaipur—Lake of Kheroda—Ancient\
temple of Mandeswar—Bhartewar—Its Jain temples—Kheroda—Connected\
with the history of the feuds of\
Mewar—Exploits of Sangram Singh—He obtains Kheroda—Curious\
predicament of Jai Singh, the adopted heir of\
Sangram—Calmness with which political negotiations are\
managed in the East—The agricultural economy of Kheroda—Precarious\
nature of sugar-cultivation—Hinta—Large proportion\
of land alienated as religious grants—Hinta and\
Dundia established on church-lands—Mandhata Raja—Traditions\
of him—Performed the Aswamedha—His grant of\
Mainar to the Rishis—Grant inscribed on a pillar—Exploit\
of Raj Singh against the Mahrattas—Morwan, boundary of\
the Mewar territory—Reflections on that State—The Author’s\
policy during his official residence there | 1621
CHAPTER 2
The chief of Hinta—Difficulty of arranging the separation of\
Hinta from the fisc—Anomalous character of its present chief,\
Man Singh Saktawat—His history—Lalji Rawat of Nethara—Origin\
of the Dudia family—Adventure of Sangram Singh,\
the Rana of Mewar—His son, Chandrabhan, and Rana Raj—Extraordinary\
manner in which he acquired Lawa—Decline\
of the family—Form of deed of conveyance of lands from the\
lord paramount—Address of Man Singh—Atrocious murder\
of a Rathor boy—Its singular sequel | 1635
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CHAPTER 3
Morwan—The solitude of this fine district—Caused by the\
Mahrattas and their mercenaries—Impolicy of our conduct\
towards the Mahrattas—Antiquities of Morwan—Tradition\
of the foundation and destruction of the ancient city—Inscriptions—Jain\
temple—Game—Attack by a tiger—Sudden\
change of the weather—Destructive frost—Legend\
of a temple of Mama-devi—Important inscription—Distress\
of the peasantry—Gratitude of the people to the author—Nikumbh—Oppression\
of the peasants—Marla—Inhabited\
by Charans—Reception of the Author—Curious privilege of\
the Charanis—Its origin—Traditional account of the settlement\
of this colony in Mewar—Imprecation of Satis—The\
tandas, or caravans—Their immunity from plunder and extortion—Nimbahera—Ranikhera—Indignity\
committed by\
a scavenger of Laisrawan—Sentence upon the culprit—Tablet\
to a Silpi—Reception at Nimbahera | 1646
CHAPTER 4
The Patar or Table-land of Central India—View from thence—Project\
of a canal—Its advantages to Mewar—Utility of\
further works to the people—Traces of superstition in the\
Pathar—Temple of Sukhdeo—The Daitya-ka-har, or 'Giant’s\
bone'—The Vira-jhamp, or ‘Warrior’s Leap’—Proprietorship\
of the Patar—Its products—The poppy—Pernicious\
effects of its increased cultivation—Account of the introduction\
and mode of culture of opium—Original spot of its\
cultivation—The manufacture of opium kept pace with the\
depopulation of Mewar—Process of cultivation, and of manufacture—Its\
fluctuation of price—Adulterated opium of\
Kanthal—Evil consequences of the use of opium—Duty of\
the paramount power to restrict the culture—Practicability\
of such a measure—Distribution of crops—Impolicy of our\
Government in respect to the opium monopoly | 1660
CHAPTER 5
Dhareswar—Ratangarh Kheri—Colony of Charans—Little Atoa—Inscription\
at Paragarh—Dungar Singh—Sheo Singh—Law\
of adoption—Kala Megh—Ummedpura and its chief—Singoli—Temple\
of Bhavani—Tablet of Rana Mokal—Traditionary\
tales of the Haras—Alu Hara of Bumbaoda—Dangarmau—Singular\
effects produced by the sun on the\
atmosphere of the Patar | 1672
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CHAPTER 6
Bhainsrorgarh—Cairn of a Rajput—Raghunath Singh of Bhainsror—Castle\
of Bhainsror—Passage forced by the Chambal\
through the Plateau—Origin and etymology of Bhainsror—Charans,\
the carriers of Rajwara—The young chief of\
Mewa becomes the champion of Mewar—Avenges the Rana’s\
feud with Jaisalmer, and obtains Bhainsror—Tragical death\
of his Thakurani, niece of the Rana—He is banished—The\
Pramar chiefs of Bhainsror—Cause of their expulsion—Lal\
Singh Chondawat obtains Bhainsror—Assassinates his friend\
the Rana’s uncle—Man Singh, his son, succeeds—Is taken\
prisoner—Singular escape—Reflections on the policy of the\
British Government towards these people—Antiquities and\
inscriptions at Bhainsror—Dabhi—View from the pass at\
Nasera—Rajput cairns—Tomb of a bard—Sentiments of the\
people on the effects of our interference—Their gratitude—Cairn\
of a Bhatti chief—Karipur—Depopulated state of the\
country—Inscriptions at Sontra—Bhil temple—Ruins—The\
Holi festival—Kotah, its appearance | 1687
CHAPTER 7
Unhealthiness of the season at Kotah—Eventful character of the\
period of the Author’s residence there—The cuckoo—Description\
of the encampment—Cenotaphs of the Haras—Severe\
tax upon the curiosity of travellers in Kotah—General insalubrity\
of Kotah—Wells infected—Productive of fever—Taking\
leave of the Maharao and Regent—The Regent’s\
sorrow—Cross the Chambal—Restive elephant—Kanari—Regent’s\
patrimonial estate—Nanta—Author’s reception by\
Madho Singh—Rajput music—The Panjabi tappa—Scene of\
the early recreations of Zalim Singh—Talera—Nawagaon—Approach\
of the Raja of Bundi—Splendour of the cortège—Bundi—The\
castellated palace, or Bundi ka mahall—Visit to\
the Raja—Illness of our party—Quit Bundi—Cenotaphs in\
the village of Satur—The tutelary deity, Asapurna—Temple\
of Bhavani—Banks of the Mej—Thana—Inscriptions—Jahazpur—Respectable\
suite of the Basai chief | 1704
CHAPTER 8
Extraordinary attack of illness in the Author—Suspicion of poison—Journey\
to Mandalgarh—The Karar—Tranquil state of\
the country—The Minas subsiding into peaceful subjects—Scenery\
in the route—Sasan, or ecclesiastical lands—Castle\
of Amargarh—Kachaura—Its ancient importance—Our true\
policy with regard to the feudatories in these parts—Damnia—Manpura—Signs\
of reviving prosperity—Arrival at Mandalgarh—The\
Dasahra—Sickness of the party left behind—Assembly\
of the Bhumias and Patels—Description of Mandalgarh—Rebuilt\
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by one of the Takshak race—Legend of\
Mandalgarh—Genealogical tablet of stone—Pedigrees of the\
tribes—Mandalgarh granted to the Rathors by Aurangzeb—Recovered\
by the Rana—Taxes imposed—Lavish grants—Baghit—The\
Author rejoins his party——Akola—Desolation\
of the country—Inscriptions—Hamirgarh—Siyana—Superb\
landscape—Mirage—Testimony of gratitude\
from the elders of Pur—Thriving state of Marauli—Rasmi—Antiquities—Curious\
law—Jasma—Waste country—Inscriptions—Copper\
mines—Sanwar—Tribeni, or point of\
junction of three rivers—Temple of Parsvanath—Deserted\
state of the country—Karera—Maoli—Barren country—Hunting\
seat of Nahra-Magra—Heights of Tus and Merta—End\
of second journey | 1716
CHAPTER 9
The Author obliged to take a journey to Bundi—Cause of the\
journey—Sudden death of the Rao Raja, who left his son to\
the Author’s care—The cholera morbus, or mari—Its ravages—Curious\
expedient to exclude it from Kotah and Bundi—Bad\
weather—Death of the Author’s elephant—Pahona—Bhilwara—Gratifying\
reception of the Author—State of the\
town contrasted with its former condition—Projects for its\
further improvement—Reflections on its rise—Jahazpur—Difficulties\
of the road—Arrival at Bundi—The aspect of the\
court—Interview with the young Rao Raja—Attentions paid\
to the Author | 1732
CHAPTER 10
Ceremony of Rajtilak, or inauguration—Personal qualities of the\
Rao Raja and his brothers—The installation—The tilak first\
made by the Author, as representative of the British Government—Ceremonies—Message\
from the queen-mother—Balwant\
Rao, of Gotra—The Bohra, or chief minister—Power\
and disposition of these two officers—Arrangements made by\
the Author—Interview and conversation with the Rani—Literary\
and historical researches of the Author—Revenues of\
Bundi—Its prospects—Departure for Kotah—Condition of\
the junior branches of the Haras—Rauta—Grand hunts in\
Haraoti | 1740
CHAPTER 11
Pass of Mukunddarra—View from the summit of the pass into\
Pachel—Marks set up by the Banjaras—Monastery of Atits,\
or Jogis—Their savage aspect—The author elected a chela—The\
head of the establishment—His legend of the origin of\
the epithet Sesodia—The grand temple of Barolli—Conjecture\
as to its founder—Barolli | 1750
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CHAPTER 12
The Chulis, or whirlpools of the Chambal—Grandeur of the scene—Description\
of the falls and rocks of the Chambal in this part—The\
remarkable narrowness of its bed—The roris, or stones\
found in the whirlpools—Visit to Gangabheva—Its magnificent\
temple and shrines—The details of their architecture—The\
main temple more modern than the shrines around it—Dilapidation\
of these fine specimens of art—Effects of vegetation—The\
gigantic amarvela—Naoli—Takaji-ka-kund,\
or fountain of the snake-king—Fragments of sculpture—Mausoleum\
of Jaswant Rao Holkar—Holkar’s horse—His\
elephant—Bhanpura—Tranquillity and prosperity of these\
parts—Garot—Traces of King Satal Patal, of the era of the\
Pandus—Agates and cornelians—The caves of Dhumnar—Description\
of the caves and temples—Explanation of the\
figures—Jain symbols on one side of the caves, Brahman\
on the other—Statues of the Jain pontiffs—Bhim’s bazar | 1764
CHAPTER 13
Route over the ground of Monson’s retreat—Battle of Pipli—Heroism\
of Amar Singh Hara, chief of Koila—Conduct of\
General Monson—Pachpahar—Kanwara—Thriving aspect\
of the country—Jhalrapatan—Temples—Commercial immunities\
of the city—Judicious measures of the Regent in\
establishing this mart—Public visit of the community of\
Patan—The ancient city—Legends of its foundation—Profusion\
of ancient ruins—Fine sculpture and architecture of\
the temples—Inscriptions—Cross the natural boundary of\
Haraoti and Malwa—The Chhaoni of the Kotah Regent—Chhaoni\
of the Pindaris—Gagraun—Narayanpur—Mukunddarra\
Pass—Inscriptions—Anecdotes of the 'Lords of the\
Pass'—The Chaori of Bhim—Ruins—Ordinances of the\
Hara princes—Return to Kotah—Field sports—Author\
attacked by a bear—Ruins of Ekelgarh | 1777
CHAPTER 14
Visit to Menal—Definition of the servile condition termed basai—Bijolia—Inscriptions—Ancient\
history of Bijolli—Evidence\
that the Chauhans wrested the throne of Delhi from the Tuars—Jain\
temples—Inscriptions—Saiva temples—Prodigious\
extent of ruins—The Bijolli chief—His daughter a Sati—Menal,\
or Mahanal—Its picturesque site—Records of Prithiraj,\
the Chauhan—Inscriptions—Synchronism in an\
enigmatical date—March to Begun—Bumbaoda, the castle\
of Alu Hara—Legends of that chief—Imprecation of the\
virgin Sati—Recollections of the Haras still associated with\
their ancient traditions—Quit Bumbaoda and arrive at Begun | 1796
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CHAPTER 15
Begun—Serious accident to the Author—Affecting testimony of\
the gratitude of the Rawat—Expulsion of the Mahrattas from\
Begun—The estates of the Rawat sequestrated—Restored—Basai—Chitor—‘Akbar’s\
Lamp’—Reflections upon the\
Ruins of Chitor—Description of the city, from the Khuman\
Raesa, and from observation—Tour of the city—Origin of\
the Bagrawat class—Inscriptions—Aged Fakir—Return to\
Udaipur—Conclusion | 1810
APPENDIX | 1828
INDEX | 1837
.ta-
.bn 022.png
.bn 023.png
.pn +2
.sp 4
.h2
ILLUSTRATIONS
.ta l:55 r:15
Colonel Tod and his Jain Guru | Frontispiece
| TO FACE PAGE
Raghubīr Singh, Māhārāo Rāja of Būndi | #1441:i1441#
City of Kotah from the East | #1521:i1521#
Country Seat of the Kotah Prince | #1530:i1530#
Palace and Fortress of Būndi | #1710:i1710#
Fragment from the Ruins of Barolli | #1752:i1752#
Outline of a Temple to Mahadeva at Barolli | #1754:i1754#
Sculptured Niche on the Exterior of the Temple at Barolli | #1756:i1756#
Ceiling of the Portico of Temple at Barolli | #1758:i1758#
Remains of an Ancient Temple at Barolli, near the Chambal |#1760:i1760#
Temples of Ganga Bheva in the Forest of Pachail in Mewar | #1766:i1766#
Smaller Group of Temples of Ganga Bheva | #1768:i1768#
Image of the Snake King at the Fountain of the Amjar | #1770:i1770#
Cave Temples of Dhamnar | #1776:i1776#
Entrance to the Sanctuary of a Temple at Chandravati | #1784:i1784#
Sculptured Foliage in Chandravati Temple | #1786:i1786#
Sculptured Ceilings of Temple at Chandravati | #1788:i1788#
Columns of Chandravati Temples | #1790:i1790#
Entrance to the Sanctuary of a Temple at Chandravati | #1792:i1792#
Ruins of Bhīm’s Chaori in the Mukunddara Pass | #1794:i1794#
Ancient Columns in the Mukunddara Pass | #1796:i1796#
Temples of Menāl in Mewār | #1800:i1800#
Second Group of Temples of Menāl in Mewār | #1802:i1802#
Jaistambha, Pillar of Victory | #1820:i1820#
Columns in the Fortress of Chitor | #1822:i1822#
.ta-
.bn 024.png
.bn 025.png
.pn 1257
.nf c
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
.nf-
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
BOOK VIII | SKETCH OF THE INDIAN DESERT
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 1
.sp 2
Having never penetrated personally farther into the heart of
the desert than Mandor, the ancient capital of all Marusthali, the
old castle of Hissar on its north-eastern frontier, and Abu, Nahrwala,
and Bhuj, to the south, it may be necessary, before entering
upon the details, to deprecate the charge of presumption or incompetency,
by requesting the reader to bear in mind that my
parties of discovery have traversed it in every direction, adding to
their journals of routes living testimonies of their accuracy, and
bringing to me natives of every thal from Bhatner to Umarkot,
and from Abu to Aror.[8.1.1] I wish it, however, to be clearly understood,
that I look upon this as a mere outline, which, by showing
what might be done, may stimulate further research; but in the
existing dearth of information on the subject I have not hesitated
to send it forth, with its almost inevitable errors, as (I trust) a
pioneer to more extended and accurate knowledge.
.fn 8.1.1
The journals of all these routes, with others of Central and Western
India, form eleven moderate-sized folio volumes, from which an itinerary
of these regions might be constructed. It was my intention to have drawn
up a more perfect and detailed map from these, but my health forbids the
attempt. They are now deposited in the archives of the Company, and
may serve, if judiciously used, to fill up the only void in the great map of
India, executed by their commands.
.fn-
After premising thus much, let us commence with details,
which, but for the reasons already stated, should have been
comprised in the geographical portion of the work, and which,
though irrelevant to the historical part, are too important to
.bn 026.png
.pn +1
be \[290] thrown into notes. I may add, that the conclusions
formed, partly from personal observation, but chiefly from the
resources described above, have been confirmed by the picture
drawn by Mr. Elphinstone of his passage through the northern
desert in the embassy to Kabul, which renders perfectly satisfactory
to me the views I before entertained. It may be well, at
this stage, to mention that some slight repetitions must occur as
we proceed, having incidentally noticed many of the characteristic
features of the desert in the Annals of Bikaner, which was unavoidable
from the position of that
Description of the Desert.—The hand of Nature has defined, in
the boldest characters, the limits of the great desert of India, and
we only require to follow minutely the line of demarcation;
though, in order to be distinctly understood, we must repeat the
analysis of the term Marusthali, the emphatic appellation of this
‘region of death.’ The word is compounded of the Sanskrit mri,
‘to die,’ and sthala, ‘arid or dry land,’ which last, in the corrupted
dialect of those countries, becomes thal, the converse of the Greek
oasis, denoting tracts particularly sterile. Each thal has its
distinct denomination, as the ‘thal of Kawa,’ the ‘thal of Guga,’
etc.; and the cultivated spots, compared with these, either as to
number or magnitude, are so scanty, that instead of the ancient
Roman simile, which likened Africa to the leopard’s hide, reckoning
the spots thereon as the oases, I would compare the Indian
desert to that of the tiger, of which the long dark stripes would
indicate the expansive belts of sand, elevated upon a plain
only less sandy, and over whose surface numerous thinly-peopled
towns and hamlets are scattered.
Boundaries of the Desert.—Marusthali is bounded on the north
by the flat skirting the Ghara; on the south by that grand salt-marsh,
the Ran, and Koliwara; on the east by the Aravalli; and
on the west by the valley of Sind. The two last boundaries are
the most conspicuous, especially the Aravalli, but for which impediment
Central India would be submerged in sand; nay, lofty
and continuous as is this chain, extending almost from the sea to
Delhi, wherever there are passages or depressions, these floating
sand-clouds are wafted through or over, and form a little thal even
in the bosom of fertility. Whoever has crossed the Banas near
Tonk, where the sand for some miles resembles waves of the
sea, will comprehend this remark. Its western boundary is alike
.bn 027.png
.pn +1
defined, and will recall to the English traveller, who may be
destined to journey up the valley of Sind, the words of Napoleon
on the Libyan desert: “Nothing so much resembles the sea as
the desert; or a coast, as the valley of the Nile”: for this substitute
‘Indus’ \[291], whence in journeying northward along its
banks from Haidarabad to Uchh, the range of vision will be
bounded to the east by a bulwark of sand, which, rising often to
the height of two hundred feet above the level of the river, leads
one to imagine that the chasm, now forming this rich valley, must
have originated in a sudden melting of all the glaciers of Caucasus,
whose congregated waters made this break in the continuity of
Marusthali, which would otherwise be united with the deserts of
We may here repeat the tradition illustrating the geography
of the desert, i.e. that in remote ages it was ruled by princes of
the Panwar (Pramara) race, which the sloka, or verse of the bard,
recording the names of the nine fortresses (Nau-koti Maru-ki), so
admirably adapted by their position to maintain these regions in
subjection, further corroborates. We shall divest it of its metrical
form, and begin with Pugal, to the north; Mandor, in the centre
of all Maru; Abu, Kheralu, and Parkar, to the south; Chhotan,
Umarkot, Aror, and Lodorva, to the west; the possession of
which assuredly marks the sovereignty of the desert. The
antiquity of this legend is supported by the omission of all modern
cities, the present capital of the Bhattis not being mentioned.
Even Lodorva and Aror, cities for ages in ruins, are names known
only to a few who frequent the desert; and Chhotan and Kheralu,
but for the traditional stanzas which excited our research, might
never have appeared on the map.
Natural Divisions of the Desert.—We purpose to follow the
natural divisions of the country, or those employed by the natives,
who, as stated above, distinguish them as thals; and after
describing these in detail, with a summary notice of the principal
towns whether ruined or existing, and the various tribes, conclude
with the chief lines of route diverging from, or leading to,
Jaisalmer.
The whole of Bikaner, and that part of Shaikhavati north of
the Aravalli, are comprehended in the desert. If the reader will
refer to the map, and look for the town of Kanod,[8.1.2] within the
.bn 028.png
.pn +1
British frontier, he will see what Mr. Elphinstone considered as
the commencement of the desert, in his interesting expedition to
Kabul.[8.1.3] “From Delly to Canound (the Kanorh of my map), a
distance of one hundred miles is through the British dominions,
and need not be described. It is sufficient to say that the country
is sandy, though not ill cultivated. On approaching Canound, we
had the first specimen of the desert, to which we were looking
forward with anxious curiosity. Three miles before reaching
that place we came to sand-hills, which at first were \[292] covered
with bushes, but afterwards were naked piles of loose sand, rising
one after another like the waves of the sea, and marked on the
surface by the wind like drifted snow. There were roads through
them, made solid by the treading of animals; but off the road
our horses sunk into the sand above the knee.” Such was the
opening scene; the route of the embassy was by Singhana,
Jhunjhunu, to Chum, when they entered Bikaner. Of Shaikhavati,
which he had just left, Mr. Elphinstone says: “It seems to
lose its title to be included in the desert, when compared with the
two hundred and eighty miles between its western frontier and
Bahawulpoor, and, even of this, only the last hundred miles is
absolutely destitute of inhabitants, water, or vegetation. Our
journey from Shekhavati to Poogul was over hills and valleys of
loose and heavy sand. The hills were exactly like those which
are sometimes formed by the wind on the seashore, but far
exceeding them in height, which was from twenty to a hundred
feet. They are said to shift their position and alter their shapes
according as they are affected by the wind; and in summer the
passage is rendered dangerous by the clouds of moving sand; but
when I saw the hills (in winter), they seemed to have a great
degree of permanence, for they bore grass, besides phoke, the
babool, and bair or jujube, which altogether give them an appearance
that sometimes amounted to verdure. Amongst the most
dismal hills of sand one occasionally meets with a village, if such
a name can be given to a few round huts of straw, with low walls
and conical roofs, like little stacks of corn.” This description of
the northern portion of the desert, by an author whose great
characteristics are accuracy and simplicity, will enable the reader
to form a more correct notion of what follows.[8.1.4]
.fn 8.1.2
[Kānod Mohindargarh in Patiāla State (IGI, xvii. 385).]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.3
It left Delhi October 13, 1808.
.fn-
.fn 8.1.4
“Our marches,” says Mr. Elphinstone, “were seldom very long. The
longest was twenty-six miles, and the shortest fifteen; but the fatigue
which our people suffered bore no proportion to the distance. Our line,
when in the closest order, was two miles long. The path by which we
travelled wound much, to avoid the sand-hills. It was too narrow to allow
of two camels going abreast; and if an animal stepped to one side, it sunk
in the sand as in snow,” etc. etc.—Account of the Kingdom of Caubul, ed.
1842, vol. i. p. 11.
.fn-
.bn 029.png
.pn +1
With these remarks, and bearing in mind what has already
been said of the physiography of these regions, we proceed to
particularize the various thals and oases in this ‘region of death.’
It will be convenient to disregard the ancient Hindu geographical
division, which makes Mandor the capital of Marusthali, a distinction
both from its character and position better suited to Jaisalmer,
being nearly in the centre of what may be termed entire desert.
It is in fact an oasis, everywhere insulated by immense masses of
thal, some of which are forty miles in breadth, without the trace
of man, or aught that could subsist him. From Jaisalmer we
shall pass to Marwar, and without crossing the Luni, describe
Jalor and Siwanchi; then conduct the \[293] reader into the
almost unknown Raj of Parkar and Virawah,[8.1.5] governed by
princes of the Chauhan race, with the title of Rana. Thence,
skirting the political limits of modern Rajputana, to the regions
of Dhat and Umra-sumra, now within the dominion of Sind, we
shall conclude with a very slight sketch of Daudputra, and the
valley of the Indus. These details will receive further illustration
from the remarks made on every town or hamlet diverging from
the ‘hill of Jaisal’ (Jaisalmer). Could the beholder, looking
westward from this ‘triple-peaked hill,’[8.1.6] across this sandy ocean
to the blue waters (Nilab)[8.1.7] of the Indus, embrace in his vision
its whole course from Haidarabad to Uchh, he would perceive,
amidst these valleys of sand-hills, little colonies of animated
beings, congregated on every spot which water renders habitable.
Throughout this tract, from four hundred to five hundred miles
in longitudinal extent, and from one hundred to two hundred
of diagonal breadth, are little hamlets, consisting of the scattered
huts of the shepherds of the desert, occupied in pasturing their
.bn 030.png
.pn +1
flocks or cultivating these little oases for food. He may discern
a long line of camels (called kitar, a name better known than either
kafila or karwan), anxiously toiling through the often doubtful
path, and the Charan conductor, at each stage, tying a knot on
the end of his turban. He may discover, lying in ambush, a
band of Sahariyas, the Bedouins of our desert (sahra),[8.1.8] either
mounted on camels or horses, on the watch to despoil the caravan,
or engaged in the less hazardous occupation of driving off the
flocks of the Rajar or Mangalia shepherds, peacefully tending
them about the tars or bawas, or hunting for the produce stored
amidst the huts of the ever-green jhal,[8.1.9] which serve at once as
grain-pits and shelter from the sun. A migratory band may be
seen flitting with their flocks from ground which they have
exhausted, in search of fresh pastures:
.pm start_poem
And if the following day they chance to find
A new repast, or an untasted spring,
Will bless their stars, and think it luxury!
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
Or they may be seen preparing the rabri, a mess quite analogous to
the kouskous of their Numidian brethren, or quenching their
thirst from the Wah of their little oasis, of which they maintain
sovereign possession so long as the pasture lasts, or till they come
in conflict with some more powerful community.
.fn 8.1.5
[In Sind, on the N. shore of the Great Rann, about 10 miles from
Nagar-Pārkar.]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.6
Trikuta, the epithet bestowed on the rock on which the castle of
Jaisalmer is erected.
.fn-
.fn 8.1.7
A name often given by Ferishta to the Indus.
.fn-
.fn 8.1.8
[As has been already stated, Sahariya has no connexion with Arabic
Sahra, ‘desert.’]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.9
[Jhāl, of which there are two varieties, large and small, Salvadora
persica and S. oleoides.]
.fn-
Oasis.—We may here pause to consider whether in the bah,
bawa, or wah, of the Indian desert, may not be found the oasis
of the Greeks, corrupted by them from el-wah, or, as written by
Belzoni (in his account of the Libyan desert, while searching for
the \[294] temple of Ammon), Elloah. Of the numerous terms
used to designate water in these arid regions, as par, rar, tar, dah
or daha, bah, bawa, wah, all but the latter are chiefly applicable
to springs or pools of water, while the last (wah), though used
often in a like sense, applies more to a water-course or stream.
El-wah, under whatever term, means—‘the water.’ Again, daha
or dah is a term in general use for a pool, even not unfrequently
in running streams and large rivers, which, ceasing to flow in
.bn 031.png
.pn +1
dry weather, leave large stagnant masses, always called dah.
There are many of the streams of Rajputana, having such pools,
particularized as hathi-dah, or ‘elephant-pool,’ denoting a sufficiency
of water even to drown that animal. Now the word dah
or daha, added to the generic term for water, wah, would make
wadi (pool of water), the Arabian term for a running stream, and
commonly used by recent travellers in Africa for these habitable
spots. If the Greeks took the word wadi from any MS., the
transposition would be easily accounted for: wadi would be
written thus وازي, and by the addition of a point وازي, wazi,
easily metamorphosed, for a euphonous termination, into oasis.[8.1.10]
.fn 8.1.10
When I penned this conjectural etymology, I was not aware that any
speculation had been made upon this word: I find, however, the late
M. Langlés suggested the derivation of oasis (variously written by the Greeks
[Greek: au)/asis], [Greek: i)/asis] and [Greek: ua(/sis], [Greek: o)/asis], [[Greek: au)/asis] is the only other recognized form]) from
the Arabic واح: and Dr. Wait, in a series of interesting etymologies (see
Asiatic Journal, May 1830), suggests वसि, vasi from वस, vas, ‘to inhabit.’
Vasi and [Greek: u(/asis] quasi vasis are almost identical. My friend, Sir W. Ouseley,
gave me nearly the same signification of وادي, Wadi, as appears in Johnson’s
edition of Richardson, namely, a valley, a desert, a channel of a river—a
river; وادي, wadi-al-kabir, ‘the great river,’ corrupted into Guadalquiver,
which example is also given in d’Herbelot (see Vadi Gehennem), and
by Thompson, who traces the word water through all the languages of
Europe—the Saxon waeter, the Greek [Greek: u)/dôr], the Islandic udr, the Slavonic
wod (whence woder and oder, ‘a river’): all appear derivable from the
Arabic wad, ‘a river’—or the Sanskrit wah; and if Dr. W. will refer to
p. #1322# of the Itinerary, he will find a singular confirmation of his etymology
in the word bas (classically vas) applied to one of these habitable spots. The
word basti, also of frequent occurrence therein, is from basna, to inhabit;
vasi, an inhabitant; or vas, a habitation, perhaps derivable from wah,
indispensable to an oasis! [The New English Dict. gives Lat. oasis, Greek
[Greek: o)/asis], apparently of Egyptian origin; cf. Coptic ouahe (whence Egyptian
Arabic wāh), ‘dwelling-place, oasis,’ from ouih, ‘to dwell.’]
.fn-
At the risk of somewhat of repetition, we must here point out
the few grand features which diversify this sea of sand, and after
defining the difference between rui and thal, which will frequently
occur in the itinerary, at once plunge in medias res.
The Lost River of the Desert.—We have elsewhere mentioned
the tradition of the absorption of the Ghaggar river, as one of the
causes of the comparative depopulation of the northern desert.
The couplet recording it I could not recall at the time, nor any
.bn 032.png
.pn +1
record of the Sodha prince Hamir, in whose reign this phenomenon
is said to have happened. But the utility of these ancient
traditional couplets, to which I have frequently drawn the
reader’s attention, has again been happily illustrated, for the
name of Hamir has been incidentally discovered from the trivial
circumstance of an intermarriage related in the Bhatti annals.
His contemporary of Jaisalmer was Dusaj, who succeeded in
S. 1100 or \[295] A.D. 1044, so that we have a precise date assigned,
supposing this to be the Hamir in question. The Ghaggar, which
rises in the Siwalik, passes Hansi Hissar, and flowed under the
walls of Bhatner, at which place they yet have their wells in its
bed. Thence it passed Rangmahall, Balar, and Phulra, and
through the flats of Khadal (of which Derawar is the capital),
emptying itself according to some below Uchh, but according to
Abu-Barakat (whom I sent to explore in 1809, and who crossed
the dry bed of a stream called the Khaggar, near Shahgarh),
between Jaisalmer and Rori-Bakhar. If this could be authenticated,
we should say at once that, united with the branch from
Dara, it gave its name to the Sangra, which unites with the Luni,
enlarging the eastern branch of the Delta of the Indus.[8.1.11]
.fn 8.1.11
[See IGI, xii. 212 f.; E. H. Aitken, Gazetteer of Sind, 4; Calcutta
Review, 1874; JRAS, xxv. 49 ff.]
.fn-
The Lūni River.—The next, and perhaps most remarkable
feature in the desert, is the Luni, or Salt River, which, with its
numerous feeders, has its source in the springs of the Aravalli.
Of Marwar it is a barrier between the fertile lands and the desert;
and as it leaves this country for the thal of the Chauhans, it
divides that community, and forms a geographical demarcation;
the eastern portion being called the Raj of Suigam; and the
western part, Parkar, or beyond the Khar, or Luni.[8.1.12]
.fn 8.1.12
[The derivation of Pārkar is unknown; that suggested in the text is
impossible.]
.fn-
The Rann of Cutch.—We shall hereafter return to the country
of the Chauhans, which is bounded to the south by that singular
feature in the physiognomy of the desert, the Rann, or Ran,
already slightly touched upon in the geographical sketch prefixed
to this work. This immense salt-marsh, upwards of one hundred
and fifty miles in breadth, is formed chiefly by the Luni, which,
like the Rhone, after forming Lake Leman, resumes its name at
its further outlet, and ends as it commences with a sacred character,
.bn 033.png
.pn +1
having the temple of Narayan[8.1.13] at its embouchure, where
it mingles with the ocean, and that of Brahma at its source of
Pushkar. The Rann, or Ran, is a corruption of Aranya, or ‘the
waste’;[8.1.14] nor can anything in nature be more dreary in the dry
weather than this parched desert of salt and mud, the peculiar
abode of the khar-gadha, or wild-ass, whose love of solitude has
been commemorated by an immortal pen.[8.1.15] That this enormous
depository of salt is of no recent formation we are informed by the
Greek writers, whose notice it did not escape, and who have
preserved in Erinos a nearer approximation to the original
Aranya than exists in our Ran or Rann. Although mainly
indebted to the Luni for its salt, whose bed and that of its feeders
are covered with saline deposits, it is also supplied by the overflowings
of the Indus, to which grand stream it may be indebted
for its volume of water. We have here another strong point of
physical resemblance between the valleys of the Indus and the
Nile, which Napoleon \[296] at once referred to the simple operations
of nature; I allude to the origin of Lake Moeris, a design
too vast for man.[8.1.16]
.fn 8.1.13
[Nārāyansar, an important place of pilgrimage, with interesting
temples, is situated at the Kori entrance of the W. Rann (BG, v. 245 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.14
[Or irina, Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 774.]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.15
[Equus hemionus (Blanford, Mammalia of India, 470 f.; Job xxxix.
5 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.16
“The greatest breadth of the valley of the Nile is four leagues, the
least, one”; so that the narrowest portion of the valley of Sind equals the
largest of the Nile. Egypt alone is said to have had eight millions of
inhabitants; what then might Sind maintain! The condition of the
peasantry, as described by Bourrienne, is exactly that of Rajputana; “The
villages are fiefs belonging to any one on whom the prince may bestow
them; the peasantry pay a tax to their superior, and are the actual proprietors
of the soil; amidst all the revolutions and commotions, their
privileges are not infringed.” This right (still obtaining), taken away by
Joseph, was restored by Sesostris.
.fn-
Thal, Rūi.—As the reader will often meet with the words thal
and rui, he should be acquainted with the distinction between
them. The first means an arid and bare desert; the other is
equally expressive of desert, but implies the presence of natural
vegetation; in fact, the jungle of the desert.
Thal of the Luni.—This embraces the tracts on both sides of
the river, forming Jalor and its dependencies. Although the
region south of the stream cannot be included in the thal, yet it
.bn 034.png
.pn +1
is so intimately connected with it, that we shall not forego the
only opportunity we may have of noticing it.
Jālor.—This tract is one of the most important divisions of
Marwar. It is separated from Siwanchi by the Sukri and Khari,[8.1.17]
which, with many smaller streams, flow through them from the
Aravalli and Abu, aiding to fertilize its three hundred and sixty
towns and villages, forming a part of the fiscal domains of Marwar.
Jalor, according to the geographical stanza so often quoted, was
one of the ‘nine castles of Maru,’ when the Pramar held paramount
rule in Marusthali. When it was wrested from them we
have no clue to discover;[8.1.18] but it had long been held by the
Chauhans, whose celebrated defence of their capital against
Alau-d-din, in A.D. 1301, is recorded by Ferishta, as well as in the
chronicles of their bards. This branch of the Chauhan race was
called Mallani, and will be again noticed, both here and in the
annals of Haraoti. It formed that portion of the Chauhan
sovereignty called the Hapa Raj, whose capital was Juna-Chhotan,
connecting the sway of this race in the countries along the Luni
from Ajmer to Parkar, which would appear to have crushed its
Agnikula brother, the Pramar, and possessed all that region
marked by the course of the ‘Salt River’ to Parkar.
.fn 8.1.17
Another salt river.
.fn-
.fn 8.1.18
[The Chauhān Rāo Kīrttipāl took it from the Pramāras towards the
end of the twelfth century, and Kānardeo Chauhān lost it to Alāu-d-dīn
(Erskine iii. A. 199 f.). In Briggs’ translation of Ferishta (i. 370) the place
is called Jalwar, and the King Nāhardeo.]
.fn-
Sonagir, the ‘golden mount,’ is the more ancient name of this
castle, and was adopted by the Chauhans as distinctive of their
tribe, when the older term, Mallani, was dropped for Sonigira.
Here they enshrined their tutelary divinity, Mallinath, ‘god of
the Malli,’ who maintained his position until the sons of Siahji
entered these regions, when the name of Sonagir was exchanged
for that of Jalor, contracted from Jalandharnath, whose shrine
is about a coss west of the castle. Whether Jalandharnath \[297],
the ‘divinity of Jalandhar,’ was imported from the Ganges, or
left as well as the god of the Malli by the ci-devant Mallanis, is
uncertain: but should this prove to be a remnant of the foes of
Alexander, driven by him from Multan,[8.1.19] its probability is increased
.bn 035.png
.pn +1
by the caves of Jalandhar (so celebrated as a Hindu pilgrimage
even in Babur’s time) being in their vicinity. Be this as it may,
the Rathors, like the Roman conquerors, have added these indigenous
divinities to their own pantheon. The descendants of
the expatriated Sonigiras now occupy the lands of Chitalwana,
near the furca of the Luni.
.fn 8.1.19
Multan and Juna (Chhotan, qu. Chauhan-tan?) have the same signification,
‘the ancient abode,’ and both were occupied by the tribe of Malli or
Mallani, said to be of Chauhan race; and it is curious to find at Jalor
(classically Jalandhar) the same divinities as in their haunts in the Panjab,
namely, Mallinath, Jalandharnath, and Balnath. says, “The
cell of Balnath is in the middle of Sindsagar”; and Babur (Elliot-Dowson
ii. 450, iv. 240, 415, v. 114, Āīn, ii. 315) places “Balnath-jogi below the hill
of Jud, five marches east of the Indus,” the very spot claimed by the Yadus,
when led out of India by their deified leader Baldeo, or Balnath.
.fn-
Jalor comprehends the inferior districts of Siwanchi, Bhinmal,
Sanchor, Morsin, all attached to the khalisa or fisc; besides the
great pattayats, or chieftainships, of Bhadrajan, Mewa, Jasola,
and Sindari—a tract of ninety miles in length, and nearly the
same in breadth, with fair soil, water near the surface, and
requiring only good government to make it as productive as any
of its magnitude in these regions, and sufficient to defray the
whole personal expenses of the Rajas of Jodhpur, or about nine
lakhs of rupees; but in consequence of the anarchy of the capital,
the corruption of the managers, and the raids of the Sahariyas
of the desert and the Minas of Abu and the Aravalli, it is deplorably
deteriorated. There are several ridges (on one of which is the
castle) traversing the district, but none uniting with the table-land
of Mewar, though with breaks it may be traced to near Abu. In
one point it shows its affinity to the desert, i.e. in its vegetable
productions, for it has no other timber than the jhal, the babul,
the karil, and other shrubs of the thal.
The important fortress of Jalor, guarding the southern frontier
of Marwar, stands on the extremity of the range extending north
to Siwana. It is from three to four hundred feet in height,
fortified with a wall and bastions, on some of which cannon are
mounted. It has four gates; that from the town is called the
Suraj-pol, and to the north-west is the Bal-pol (‘the gate of Bal,’
the sun-god), where there is a shrine of the Jain pontiff, Parsvanath.
There are many wells, and two considerable baoris, or
reservoirs of good water, and to the north a small lake formed by
damming up the streams from the hills; but the water seldom
lasts above half the year. The town \[298], which contains three
.bn 036.png
.pn +1
thousand and seventeen houses, extends on the north and eastern
side of the fort, having the Sukri flowing about a mile east of it.
It has a circumvallation as well as the castle, having guns for its
defence; and is inhabited by every variety of tribe, though,
strange to say, there are only five families of Rajputs in its motley
population. The following census was made by one of my
parties, in A.D. 1813:
.ta h:38 r:7 w=90% bl=n
| Houses.
Malis, or gardeners | 140
Telis, or oilmen, here called Ghanchi | 100
Kumhars, or potters | 60
Thatheras, or braziers | 30
Chhipis, or printers | 20
Bankers, merchants, and shopkeepers | 1156
Musalman families | 936
Khatiks, or butchers | 20
Nais, or barbers | 16
Kalals, or spirit-distillers | 20
Weavers | 100
Silk weavers | 15
Yatis (Jain priests) | 2
Brahmans | 100
Gujars | 40
Rajputs | 5
Bhojaks[8.1.20] | 20
Minas | 60
Bhils | 15
Sweetmeat shops | 8
Ironsmiths and carpenters (Lohars and Sutars) | 14
Churiwalas, or bracelet-manufacturers | 4
.ta-
.fn 8.1.20
[Bhojak, ‘a feeder,’ a term usually applied to those Brāhmans who are
fed after a death, in order to pass on the food to the spirit.]
.fn-
The general accuracy of this census was confirmed.
Sīwāna.—Siwanchi is the tract between the Luni and Sukri,
of which Siwana, a strong castle placed on the extremity of the
same range with Jalor, is the capital. The country requires no
particular description, being of the same nature as that just
depicted. In former times it constituted, together with Nagor,
the appanage of the heir-apparent of Marwar; but since the
.bn 037.png
.pn +1
setting-up of the pretender, Dhonkal Singh, both have been
attached to the fisc: in fact, there is no heir to Maru! Ferishta
mentions the defence of Siwana against the arms of Alau-d-din.[8.1.21]
.fn 8.1.21
[Ferishta (i. 369) calls the Rāja Sītaldeo; Amīr Khusru (Elliot-Dowson
iii. 78, 550, v. 166) Sutaldeo.]
.fn-
Machola, Morsin.—Machola and Morsin are the two principal
dependencies of Jalor within the Luni, the former having a strong
castle guarding its south-east frontier against the \[299] depredations
of the Minas; the latter, which has also a fort and town of
five hundred houses, is on the western extremity of Jalor.
Bhīnmāl, Sānchor.—Bhinmal and Sanchor are the two principal
subdivisions to the south, and together nearly equal the
remainder of the province, each containing eighty villages. These
towns are on the high-road to Cutch and Gujarat, which has given
them from the most remote times a commercial celebrity. Bhinmal
is said to contain fifteen hundred houses, and Sanchor about
half the number.[8.1.22] Very wealthy Mahajans, or ‘merchants,’ used
to reside here, but insecurity both within and without has much
injured these cities, the first of which has its name, Mal (not Mahl,
as in the map), from its wealth as a mart.[8.1.23] There is a temple of
Baraha (Varaha, the incarnation of the hog), with a great sculptured
boar. Sanchor possesses also a distinct celebrity from being
the cradle of a class of Brahmans called Sanchora, who are the
officiating priests of some of the most celebrated temples in these
regions, as that of Dwarka, Mathura, Pushkar, Nagar-Parkar,
etc.[8.1.24] The name of Sanchor is corrupted from Satipura, Sati, or
Suttee’s town, said to be very ancient.
.fn 8.1.22
[The population of these towns is now respectively 4545 and 2066.]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.23
[The old name was Srīmāl or Bhillamāla, which Erskine (iii. A. 194)
identifies with Pi-lo-mo-lo of Hiuen Tsiang. But Beal (Buddhist Records
of the Western World, ii. 270) transliterates this name as Bālmer or Bārmer.]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.24
[For the Sāchora or Sānchora Brāhmans see BG, ix. Part i. 18; Erskine
iii. A. 84.]
.fn-
Bhadrājan.—A slight notice is due to the principal fiefs of
Jalor, as well as the fiscal towns of this domain. Bhadrajan is a
town of five hundred houses (three-fourths of which are of the
Mina class), situated in the midst of a cluster of hills, having a
small fort. The chief is of the Jodha clan; his fief connects
Jalor with Pali in Godwar.
Mewa.—Mewa is a celebrated little tract on both banks of the
Luni, and one of the first possessions of the Rathors. It is,
.bn 038.png
.pn +1
properly speaking, in Siwanchi, to which it pays a tribute, besides
service when required. The chief of Mewa has the title of Rawal,
and his usual residence is the town of Jasol. Surat Singh is the
present chief; his relative, Surajmall, holds the same title, and
the fief and castle of Sandri, also on the Luni, twenty-two miles
south of Jasol. A feud reigns between them; they claim co-equal
rights, and the consequence is that neither can reside at Mewa,
the capital of the domain. Both chiefs deemed the profession of
robber no disgrace, when this memoir was written (1813); but it
is to be hoped they have seen the danger, if not the error, of their
ways, and will turn to cultivating the fertile tracts along the
‘Salt River,’ which yield wheat, juar, and bajra in abundance.
Bālotra, Tīlwāra.—Balotra, Tilwara, are two celebrated names
in the geography of this region, and have an annual fair, as renowned
in Rajputana as that of Leipsic in Germany. Though
called the Balotra mela (literally, 'an assemblage, or \[300] concourse
of people'), it was held at Tilwara, several miles south,[8.1.25] near an
island of the Luni, which is sanctified by a shrine of Mallinath,
‘the divinity of the Malli,’ who, as already mentioned, is now the
patron god of the Rathors. Tilwara forms the fief of another
relative of the Mewa family, and Balotra, which ought to belong
to the fisc, did and may still belong to Awa, the chief noble of
Marwar. But Balotra and Sandri have other claims to distinction,
having, with the original estate of Dunara, formed the fief of
Durgadas, the first character in the annals of Maru, and whose
descendant yet occupies Sandri. The fief of Mewa, which includes
them all, was rated at fifty thousand rupees annually. The
Pattayats with their vassalage occasionally go to court, but hold
themselves exempt from service except on emergencies. The
call upon them is chiefly for the defence of the frontier, of which
they are the Simiswara, or lord-marchers.
.fn 8.1.25
[Tīlwāra is about 10 miles W. of Bālotra.]
.fn-
Īndhāvati.—This tract, which has its name from the Rajput
tribe of Indha, the chief branch of the Parihars (the ancient
sovereigns of Mandor), extends from Balotra north, and west of
the capital, Jodhpur, and is bounded on the north by the thal of
Guga. The thal of Indhavati embraces a space of about thirty
coss in circumference.
Gūgadeo ka Thal.—The thal of Guga, a name celebrated in the
heroic history of the Chauhans, is immediately north of Indhavati,
.bn 039.png
.pn +1
and one description will suit both. The sand-ridges (thal-ka-tiba)
are very lofty in all this tract; very thinly inhabited; few
villages; water far from the surface, and having considerable
jungles. Tob, Phalsund, and Bimasar are the chief towns in this
rui. They collect rain-water in reservoirs called tanka, which
they are obliged to use sparingly, and often while a mass of
corruption, producing that peculiar disease in the eyes called
rataundha (corrupted by us to rotunda) or night-blindness,[8.1.26] for
with the return of day it passes off.
.fn 8.1.26
It is asserted by the natives to be caused by a small thread-like worm,
which also forms in the eyes of horses. I have seen it in the horse, moving
about with great velocity. They puncture and discharge it with the aqueous
humour.
.fn-
Tararoi.—The thal of Tararoi intervenes between that of
Gugadeo and the present frontier of Jaisalmer, to which it formerly
belonged.[8.1.27] Pokaran is the chief town, not of Tararoi only,
but of all the desert interposed between the two chief capitals of
Marusthali. The southern part of this thal does not differ from
that described, but its northern portion, and more especially for
sixteen to twenty miles around the city of Pokaran, are low
disconnected ridges of loose rock, the continuation of that on
which stands the capital of the Bhattis, which give, as we have
already said, to this oasis the epithet of Mer, or rocky. The name
of Tararoi is derived from tar, which signifies moisture, humidity
\[301] from springs, or the springs themselves, which rise from
this rui. Pokaran, the residence of Salim Singh (into the history
of whose family we have so fully entered in the Annals of Marwar),
is a town of two thousand houses, surrounded by a stone wall,
and having a fort, mounting several guns on its eastern side.
Under the west side of the town, the inhabitants have the unusual
sight in these regions of running water, though only in the rainy
season, for it is soon absorbed by the sands. Some say it comes
from the Sar of Kanod, others from the springs in the ridge; at
all events, they derive a good and plentiful supply of water from
the wells excavated in its bed. The chief of Pokaran, besides its
twenty-four villages, holds lands between the Luni and Bandi
rivers to the amount of a lakh of rupees. Dunara and Manzil,
the fief of the loyal Durgadas, are now in the hands of the traitor
.bn 040.png
.pn +1
Salim. Three coss to the north of Pokaran is the village of
Ramdeora, so named from a shrine to Ramdeo, one of the Paladins
of the desert, and which attracts people from all quarters to the
Mela, or fair, held in the rainy month of Bhadon.[8.1.28] Merchants
from Karachi-bandar, Tatta, Multan, Shikarpur, and Cutch here
exchange the produce of various countries: horses, camels, and
oxen used also to be reared in great numbers, but the famine of
1813, and anarchy ever since Raja Man’s accession, added to
the interminable feuds between the Bhattis and Rathors, have
checked all this desirable intercourse, which occasionally made
the very heart of the desert a scene of joy and activity.
.fn 8.1.27
[The name Tararoi seems to have disappeared from the maps, the
tract being now known as Sānkra.]
.fn-
.fn 8.1.28
[Rāmdeora is 12 miles N. of Pokaran. The saint is commonly called
Rāmdeoji or Rāmsāh Pīr.]
.fn-
Khawar.—This thal, lying between Jaisalmer and Barmer, and
abutting at Girab into the desert of Dhat, is in the most remote
angle of Marwar. Though thinly inhabited, it possesses several
considerable places, entitled to the name of towns, in this ‘abode
of death.’ Of these, Sheo and Kotra are the most considerable,
the first containing three hundred, the latter five hundred houses,
situated upon the ridge of hills, which may be traced from Bhuj
to Jaisalmer. Both these towns belong to chiefs of the Rathor
family, who pay a nominal obedience to the Raja of Jodhpur.
At no distant period, a smart trade used to be carried on between
Anhilwara Patan and this region; but the lawless Sahariyas
plundered so many kafilas, that it is at length destroyed. They
find pasture for numerous flocks of sheep and buffaloes in this
thal.
Mallināth, Bārmer.—The whole of this region was formerly
inhabited by a tribe called Malli or Mallani, who, although
asserted by some to be Rathor in origin, are assuredly Chauhan,
and of the same stock as the ancient lords of Juna Chhotan.
Barmer was reckoned, before the last famine, to contain one
\[302] thousand two hundred houses, inhabited by all classes,
one-fourth of whom were Sanchora Brahmans.[8.1.29] The town is
situated in the same range as Sheo-Kotra, here two to three
hundred feet in height. From Sheo to Barmer there is a good
.bn 041.png
.pn +1
deal of flat intermingled with low tibas of sand, which in favourable
seasons produces enough food for consumption. Padam
Singh, the Barmer chief, is of the same stock as those of Sheo
Kotra and Jasol; from the latter they all issue, and he calculates
thirty-four villages in his feudal domain. Formerly, a dani
(which is, literally rendered, douanier) resided here to collect the
transit duties; but the Sahariyas have rendered this office a
sinecure, and the chief of Barmer takes the little it realizes to
himself. They find it more convenient to be on a tolerably good
footing with the Bhattis, from whom this tract was conquered,
than with their own head, whose officers they very often oppose,
especially when a demand is made upon them for dand; on which
occasion they do not disdain to call in the assistance of their
desert friends, the Sahariyas. Throughout the whole of this
region they rear great numbers of the best camels, which find a
ready market in every part of India.
.fn 8.1.29
[Bārmer, the ancient name of which is said to be Bāhadamer, ‘hill fort
of Bāhada,’ is 130 miles W. of Jodhpur city; its present population is
6064. Mallināth was son of Rāo Salkha, eighth in descent from Siāhji,
founder of Mārwār State.]
.fn-
Kherdhar.—‘The land of Kher’[8.1.30] has often been mentioned in
the annals of these States. It was in this distant nook that the
Rathors first established themselves, expelling the Gohil tribe,
which migrated to the Gulf of Cambay, and are now lords of
Gogha and Bhavnagar; and instead of steering ‘the ship of the
desert’ in their piracies on the kafilas, plied the Great Indian
Ocean, even “to the golden coast of Sofala,” in the yet more
nefarious trade of slaves. It is difficult to learn what latitude
they affixed to the ‘land of Kher,’ which in the time of the
Gohils approximated to the Luni; nor is it necessary to perplex
ourselves with such niceties, as we only use the names for the
purpose of description. In all probability it comprehended the
whole space afterwards occupied by the Mallani or Chauhans, who
founded Juna-Chhotan, etc., which we shall therefore include in
Kherdhar. Kheralu, the chief town, was one of the ‘nine castles
.bn 042.png
.pn +1
of Maru,’ when the Pramar was its sovereign lord. It has now
dwindled into an insignificant village, containing no more than
forty houses, surrounded on all sides by hills “of a black colour,”
part of the same chain from Bhuj.
.fn 8.1.30
Named in all probability, from the superabundant tree of the desert
termed Khair, and dhar, ‘land.’ It is also called Kheralu, but more properly
Kherala, ‘the abode of Khair’; a shrub of great utility in these
regions. Its astringent pods, similar in appearance to those of the laburnum,
they convert into food. Its gum is collected as an article of trade; the
camels browse upon its twigs, and the wood makes their huts. [Kher is a
ruined village, not far from Jasol, at the point where the Lūni River turns
eastward. Kherālu has disappeared from modern maps, if it be not a
mistake for Kerādu, where there are interesting temples (ASR, West Circle,
March 31, 1907, pp. 40-43; Erskine iii. A. 201).]
.fn-
Jūna Chhotan.—Juna Chhotan, or the ‘ancient’ Chhotan,
though always conjoined in name, are two \[303] distinct places,
said to be of very great antiquity, and capitals of the Hapa
sovereignty. But as to what this Hapa Raj was, beyond the bare
fact of its princes being Chauhan, tradition is now mute. Both
still present the vestiges of large cities, more especially Juna,
‘the ancient,’ which is enclosed in a mass of hills, having but one
inlet, on the east side, where there are the ruins of a small castle
which defended the entrance. There are likewise the remains
of two more on the summit of the range. The mouldering
remnants of mandirs (temples), and baoris (reservoirs), now choked
up, all bear testimony to its extent, which is said to have included
twelve thousand habitable dwellings! Now there are not above
two hundred huts on its site, while Chhotan has shrunk into a
poor hamlet. At Dhoriman, which is at the farther extremity of
the range in which are Juna and Chhotan, there is a singular place
of worship, to which the inhabitants flock on the tij, or third day
of Sawan of each year. The patron saint is called Alandeo,
through whose means some grand victory was obtained by the
Mallani. The immediate objects of veneration are a number of
brass images called Aswamukhi, from having the ‘heads of
horses’ ranged on the top of a mountain called Alandeo. Whether
these may further confirm the Scythic ancestry of the Mallani,
as a branch of the Asi, or Aswa race of Central Asia, can at present
be only matter of conjecture.
Nagar Gurha.—Between Barmer and Nagar-Gurha on the
Luni is one immense continuous thal, or rather rui, containing
deep jungles of khair, or kher, khejra, karil, khep, phog,[8.1.31] whose
gums and berries are turned to account by the Bhils and Kolis of
the southern districts. Nagar and Gurha are two large towns on
the Luni (described in the itinerary), on the borders of the Chauhan
raj of Suigam, and formerly part of it.
.fn 8.1.31
[Khair, Acacia catechu; Khejra, Prosopis spicigera; Karīl, Capparis
aphylla; Khep, Crotolaria burhia; Phog, Calligonum polygonoides.]
.fn-
Here terminate our remarks on the thals of western Marwar,
which, sterile as it is by the hand of Nature, had its miseries
.bn 043.png
.pn +1
completed by the famine that raged generally throughout these
regions in S. 1868 (A.D. 1812), and of which this[8.1.32] is the third year.
The disorders which we have depicted as prevailing at the seat of
government for the last thirty years, have left these remote
regions entirely to the mercy of the desert tribes \[304], or their
own scarce less lawless lords: in fact, it only excites our astonishment
how man can vegetate in such a land, which has nothing
but a few sars, or salt-lakes, to yield any profit to the proprietors,
and the excellent camel pastures, more especially in the southern
tracts, which produce the best breed in the desert.
.fn 8.1.32
That is, 1814. I am transcribing from my journals of that day, just
after the return of one of my parties of discovery from these regions, bringing
with them natives of Dhat, who, to use their own simple but expressive
phraseology, “had the measure of the desert in the palm of their hands”;
for they had been employed as kasids, or messengers, for thirty years of
their lives. Two of them afterwards returned and brought away their
families, and remained upwards of five years in my service, and were faithful,
able, and honest in the duties I assigned them, as jamadars of daks, or
superintendents of posts, which were for many years under my charge when
at Sindhia’s court, extending at one time from the Ganges to Bombay,
through the most savage and little-known regions in India. But with such
men as I drilled to aid in these discoveries, I found nothing insurmountable.
[The famine of 1812-13 was the most calamitous of the earlier visitations
(Erskine iii. A. 125).]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 2
.sp 2
The Chauhān Rāj.—This sovereignty (raj) of the Chauhans
occupies the most remote corner of Rajputana, and its existence
is now for the first time noticed. As the quality of greatness as
well as goodness is, in a great measure, relative, the Raj of the
Chauhans may appear an empire to the lesser chieftains of the
desert. Externally, it is environed, on the north and east, by the
tracts of the Marwar State we have just been sketching. To the
south-east it is bounded by Koliwara, to the south hemmed-in
by the Rann, and to the west by the desert of Dhat. Internally,
it is partitioned into two distinct governments, the eastern being
termed Virawah, and the western from its position ‘across the
Luni,’ Parkar;[8.2.1] which appellation, conjoined to Nagar, is also
.bn 044.png
.pn +1
applied to the capital, with the distinction of Srinagar, or
metropolis. This is the Negar-Parker of the distinguished
Rennel, a place visited at a very early stage of our intercourse
with these regions by an enterprising Englishman, named
Whittington.[8.2.2]
.fn 8.2.1
From par, ‘beyond,’ and kar or khar, synonymous with Luni, the
‘salt-river.’ We have several Khari Nadis, or salt-rivulets, in Rajputana,
though only one Luni. The sea is frequently called the Luna-pani, ‘the
salt-water,’ or Khara-pani, metamorphosed into Kala-pani, or ‘the black
water,’ which is by no means insignificant. [The proposed etymology of
Pārkar is impossible, and Khārā, ‘saline,’ has no connexion with Kālā,
‘black.’]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.2
[An account of the travels of Withington or Whithington is given in
Purchas his Pilgrimes, ed. 1625, i. 483. Mr. W. Foster, who is engaged on
a new edition, describes the story as interesting, but muddled in history and
geography.]
.fn-
History of the Chauhāns.—The Chauhans of this desert boast
the great antiquity of their settlement, as well as the nobility of
their blood: they have only to refer to Manik Rae and Bisaldeo of
Ajmer, and to Prithiraj, the last Hindu sovereign of Delhi, to
establish the latter fact; but the first we must leave to conjecture
and their bards, though we may \[305] fearlessly assert that they
were posterior to the Sodhas and other branches of the Pramar
race, who to all appearance were its masters when Alexander
descended the Indus. Neither is it improbable that the Malli or
Mallani, whom he expelled in that corner of the Panjab, wrested
‘the land of Kher’ from the Sodhas. At all events, it is certain
that a chain of Chauhan principalities extended, from the eighth
to the thirteenth century, from Ajmer to the frontiers of Sind,
of which Ajmer, Nadol, Jalor, Sirohi, and Juna-Chhotan were
the capitals; and though all of these in their annals claim to be
independent, it may be assumed that some kind of obedience was
paid to Ajmer. We possess inscriptions which justify this assertion.
Moreover, each of them was conspicuous in Muslim history,
from the time of the conqueror of Ghazni to that of Alau-d-din,
surnamed ‘the second Alexander.’ Mahmud, in his twelfth
expedition, by Multan to Ajmer (whose citadel, Ferishta says,
“he was compelled to leave in the hands of the enemy”),[8.2.3] passed
and sacked Nadol (transliterated Buzule);[8.2.4] and the traditions of
the desert have preserved the recollection of his visit to Juna-Chhotan,
and they yet point out the mines by which its castle
.bn 045.png
.pn +1
on the rock was destroyed. Whether this was after his visitation
and destruction of Nahrvala (Anhilwara Patan), or while on his
journey, we have no means of knowing; but when we recollect
that in this his last invasion, he attempted to return by Sind, and
nearly perished with all his army in the desert, we might fairly
suppose his determination to destroy Juna-Chhotan betrayed him
into this danger: for besides the all-ruling motive of the conversion
or destruction of the ‘infidels,’ in all likelihood the expatriated
princes of Nahrvala had sought refuge with the Chauhans amidst
the sandhills of Kherdhar, and may thus have fallen into his
grasp.
.fn 8.2.3
[Briggs’ trans. i. 69, but compare Elliot-Dowson iv. 180.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.4
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_807.]
.fn-
Although nominally a single principality, the chieftain of
Parkar pays little, if any, submission to his superior of Virawah.
Both of them have the ancient Hindu title of Rana, and are said
at least to possess the quality of hereditary valour, which is
synonymous with Chauhan. It is unnecessary to particularize
the extent in square miles of thal in this raj, or to attempt to
number its population, which is so fluctuating; but we shall
subjoin a brief account of the chief towns, which will aid in
estimating the population of Marusthali. We begin with the
first division.
Chief Towns.—The principal towns in the Chauhan raj are
Suigam, Dharanidhar,[8.2.5] Bakhasar, Tharad, Hotiganv, and Chitalwana.
Rana Narayan Rao resides alternately at Sui and Bah,
both large towns surrounded by an abbatis, chiefly of the babul
and other thorny trees, called in these regions kantha-ka-kot,
which has given these simple, but very \[306] efficient fortifications
the term of kantha-ka-kot, or ‘fort of thorns.’ The resources of
Narayan Rao, derived from this desert domain, are said to be
three lakhs of rupees, of which he pays a triennial tribute of one
lakh to Jodhpur, to which no right exists, and which is rarely
realized without an army. The tracts watered by the Luni yield
good crops of the richer grains; and although, in the dry season,
there is no constant stream, plenty of sweet water is procured by
excavating wells in its bed. But it is asserted that, even when
not continuous, a gentle current is perceptible in those detached
portions or pools, filtrating under the porous sand: a phenomenon
.bn 046.png
.pn +1
remarked in the bed of the Kunwari River (in the district
of Gwalior), where, after a perfectly dry space of several miles,
we have observed in the next portion of water a very perceptible
current.[8.2.6]
.fn 8.2.5
[Dharanīdhar, the Kūrma or tortoise, ‘supporter of the earth,’ the
second incarnation of Vishnu. At Dhema in Tharād a fair is held in honour
of Dharanīdharji (BG, v. 300, 342).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.6
One of my journals mentions that a branch of the Luni passes by Sui,
the capital of Virawah, where it is four hundred and twelve paces in breadth:
an error, I imagine. [Sūigām is on the E. shore of the Rann, and the Lūni
does not pass by it or by Virawāh.]
.fn-
Nagar Pārkar.—Nagar, or Srinagar, the capital of Parkar, is a
town containing fifteen hundred houses, of which, in 1814, one-half
were inhabited. There is a small fort to the south-west of
the town on the ridge, which is said to be about two hundred feet
high. There are wells and beras (reservoirs) in abundance. The
river Luni is called seven coss south of Nagar, from which we
may infer that its bed is distinctly to be traced through the Rann.
The chief of Parkar assumes the title of Rana, as well as his
superior of Virawah whose allegiance he has entirely renounced,
though we are ignorant of the relation in which they ever stood
to each other: all are of the same family, the Hapa-Raj, of which
Juna-Chhotan was the capital.
Bakhasar.—Bakhasar ranks next to Srinagar. It was at no
distant period a large and, for the desert, a flourishing town; but
now (1814) it contains but three hundred and sixty inhabited
dwellings. A son of the Nagar chief resides here, who enjoys, as
well as his father, the title of Rana. We shall make no further
mention of the inferior towns, as they will appear in the itinerary.
Tharād.—Tharad is another subdivision of the Chauhans of
the Luni whose chief town of the same name is but a few coss to
the east of Suigam, and which like Parkar is but nominally
dependent upon it. With this we shall conclude the subject of
Virawah, which, we repeat, may contain many errors.
Face of the Chauhān Rāj.—As the itinerary will point out in
detail the state of the country, it would be superfluous to attempt
a more minute description here. The same sterile ridge, already
described as passing through Chhotan to Jaisalmer, is to be \[307]
traced two coss west of Bakhasar, and thence to Nagar, in detached
masses. The tracts on both banks of the Luni yield good
crops of wheat and the richer grains, and Virawah, though
enclosing considerable thal, has a good portion of flat, especially
towards Radhanpur, seventeen coss from Sui. Beyond the
.bn 047.png
.pn +1
Luni, the thal rises into lofty tibas: and indeed from Chhotan to
Bakhasar, all is sterile, and consists of lofty sandhills and broken
ridges often covered by the sands.
Water Production.—Throughout the Chauhan raj, or at least
its most habitable portion, water is obtained at a moderate
distance from the surface, the wells being from ten to twenty
pursas,[8.2.7] or about sixty-five to a hundred and thirty feet in depth;
nothing, when compared with those in Dhat, sometimes near
seven hundred. Besides wheat, on the Luni, the oil-plant (til),
mung, moth, and other pulses, with bajra, are produced in sufficient
quantities for internal consumption; but plunder is the chief
pursuit throughout this land, in which the lordly Chauhan and
the Koli menial vie in dexterity. Wherever the soil is least
calculated for agriculture, there is often abundance of fine pasture,
especially for camels, which browse upon a variety of thorny
shrubs. Sheep and goats are also in great numbers, and bullocks
and horses of a very good description, which find a ready sale at
the Tilwara fair.
.fn 8.2.7
Pursa, the standard measure of the desert, is here from six to seven
feet, or the average height of a man, to the tip of his finger, the hand being
raised vertically over the head. It is derived from purush, ‘man.’
.fn-
Inhabitants.—We must describe the descendants, whether of
the Malli, foe of Alexander, or of the no less heroic Prithiraj, as a
community of thieves, who used to carry their raids into Sind,
Gujarat, and Marwar, to avenge themselves on private property
for the wrongs they suffered from the want of all government, or
the oppression of those (Jodhpur) who asserted supremacy over,
and the right to plunder them. All classes are to be found in the
Chauhan raj: but those predominate, the names of whose tribes
are synonyms for ‘robber,’ as the Sahariya, Khosa, Koli, Bhil.
Although the Chauhan is lord-paramount, a few of whom are to
be found in every village, yet the Koli and Bhil tribe, with another
class called Pital,[8.2.8] are the most numerous: the last named,
though equally low in caste, is the only industrious class in this
region. Besides cultivation, they make a trade of the gums,
which they collect in great quantities from the various trees
whose names have been already mentioned. The Chauhans,
.bn 048.png
.pn +1
like most of these remote Rajput tribes, dispense with the zunnar[8.2.9]
or janeo, the distinctive thread of a ‘twice-born tribe,’ and are
altogether free from \[308] the prejudices of those whom association
with Brahmans has bound down with chains of iron. But
to make amends for this laxity in ceremonials, there is a material
amendment in their moral character, in comparison with the
Chauhans of the purab (east); for here the unnatural law of
infanticide is unknown, in spite of the examples of their neighbours,
the Jarejas, amongst whom it prevails to the most frightful
extent. In eating, they have no prejudices; they make no
chauka, or fireplace; their cooks are generally of the barber (Nai)
tribe, and what is left at one meal, they, contrary to all good
manners, tie up and eat at the next.
.fn 8.2.8
[Pital is another name for the Kalbi farming caste, Kalbi being apparently
the local form of the name Kanbi or Kunbi (Census Report, Mārwār,
1891, ii. 343). The caste does not appear in the 1911 Census Report of
Rājputāna.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.9
[Arabic zunnār, probably Greek [Greek: zôna/rion] The Hindi janeo is Skt.
yajnopavīta, the investiture of youths with the sacred thread, and later the
thread itself.]
.fn-
Kolis and Bhils.—The first is the most numerous class in these
regions, and may be ranked with the most degraded portion of the
human species. Although they puja all the symbols of Hindu
worship, and chiefly the terrific Mata, they scoff at all laws,
human or divine, and are little superior to the brutes of their own
forests. To them every thing edible is lawful food; cows,
buffaloes, the camel, deer, hog; nor do they even object to such
as have died a natural death. Like the other debased tribes,
they affect to have Rajput blood, and call themselves Chauhan
Koli, Rathor Koli, Parihar Koli, etc., which only tends to prove
their illegitimate descent from the aboriginal Koli stock. Almost
all the cloth-weavers throughout India are of the Koli class,
though they endeavour to conceal their origin under the term
Julaha, which ought only to distinguish the Muslim weaver.[8.2.10]
The Bhils partake of all the vices of the Kolis, and perhaps
descend one step lower in the scale of humanity; for they will
feed on vermin of any kind, foxes, jackals, rats, guanas,[8.2.11] and
snakes; and although they make an exception of the camel
and the pea-fowl, the latter being sacred to Mata, the goddess
they propitiate, yet in moral degradation their fellowship is complete.
The Kolis and Bhils have no matrimonial intercourse, nor
will they even eat with each other—such is caste! The bow
.bn 049.png
.pn +1
and arrow form their arms, occasionally swords, but rarely the
matchlock.
.fn 8.2.10
[For a full account of the Kolis see BG, ix. Part i. 237 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.11
[Iguanas (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. ]
.fn-
Pital is the chief husbandman of this region, and, with the
Bania, the only respectable class. They possess flocks, and are
also cultivators, and are said to be almost as numerous as either
the Bhils or Kolis. The Pital is reputed synonymous with the
Kurmi of Hindustan and the Kulambi of Malwa and the Deccan.
There are other tribes, such as the Rabari, or rearer of camels,
who will be described with the classes appertaining to the whole
desert.
Dhāt and Umrasūmra.—We now take leave of Rajputana, as it
is, for the desert depending upon Sind, or that space between the
frontier of Rajputana to the valley \[309] of the Indus, on the
west, and from Daudputra north, to Baliari on the Rann.[8.2.12] This
space measures about two hundred and twenty miles of longitude,
and its greatest breadth is eighty; it is one entire thal, having
but few villages, though there are many hamlets of shepherds
sprinkled over it, too ephemeral to have a place in the map. A
few of these puras and vas, as they are termed, where the springs
are perennial, have a name assigned to them, but to multiply
them would only mislead, as they exist no longer than the vegetation.
The whole of this tract may be characterized as essentially
desert, having spaces of fifty miles without a drop of water, and
without great precaution, impassable. The sandhills rise into
little mountains, and the wells are so deep, that with a large
kafila, many might die before the thirst of all could be slaked.
The enumeration of a few of these will put the reader in possession
of one of the difficulties of a journey through Maru; they range
from eleven to seventy-five pursa, or seventy to five hundred feet
in depth. One at Jaisinghdesar, fifty pursa; Dhot-ki-basti,
sixty; Girab, sixty; Hamirdeora, seventy; Jinjiniali, seventy-five;
Chailak, seventy-five to eighty.
.fn 8.2.12
[That is to say, from Bahāwalpur on the N. to Baliāri on the N. shore
of the Rann of Cutch, a distance, as the crow flies, of some 380 miles.]
.fn-
The Horrors of Humāyūn’s March.—In what vivid colours
does the historian Ferishta describe the miseries of the fugitive
emperor, Humayun, and his faithful followers, at one of these
wells! “The country through which they fled being an entire
desert of sand, the Moguls were in the utmost distress for water:
some ran mad; others fell down dead. For three whole days
.bn 050.png
.pn +1
there was no water; on the fourth day they came to a well, which
was so deep that a drum was beaten, to give notice to the man
driving the bullocks, that the bucket had reached the top; but
the unhappy followers were so impatient for drink, that, so soon
as the first bucket appeared, several threw themselves upon it,
before it had quite reached the surface, and fell in. The next
day, they arrived at a brook, and the camels, which had not
tasted water for several days, were allowed to quench their thirst;
but, having drunk to excess, several of them died. The king,
after enduring unheard-of miseries, at length reached Omurkote
with only a few attendants. The Raja, who has the title of
Rana, took compassion on his misfortunes, and spared nothing
that could alleviate his sufferings, or console him in his distress.”—Briggs’
Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 93.[8.2.13]
.fn 8.2.13
[The original is condensed. “The lands of the Rāthor, who rules
nine districts, are for the most part all sand; they have little or no water.
The wells in some places are so deep that the water is drawn with the help
of oxen. When water is to be drawn, those who set the animals to work
beat a drum as a warning that the pot is at the mouth of the well, and they
are about to draw water” (Manucci ii. 432).]
.fn-
We are now in the very region where Humayun suffered these
miseries, and in its chief town, Umarkot, Akbar, the greatest
monarch India ever knew, first saw the light. Let us throw aside
the veil which conceals the history of the race of Humayun’s
protector, and notwithstanding he is now but nominal sovereign
of Umarkot, and lord \[310] of the village of Chor,[8.2.14] give him “a
local habitation and a name,” even in the days of the Macedonian
invader of India.
.fn 8.2.14
[About 15 miles N. of Umarkot. See Elliot-Dowson i. 532.]
.fn-
Dhāt.—Dhat,[8.2.15] of which Umarkot is the capital, was one of the
divisions of Marusthali, which from time immemorial was subject
to the Pramar. Amongst the thirty-five tribes of this the most
numerous of the races called Agnikula, were the Sodha, the
Umar, and the Sumra;[8.2.16] and the conjunction of the two last has
given a distinctive appellation to the more northern thal, still
known as Umarsumra, though many centuries have fled since
they possessed any power.
.fn 8.2.15
[The name Dhāt has disappeared from modern maps, and is not to be
found in the IGI.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.16
See table of tribes, and sketch of the Pramaras, Vol. I. pp. vol1_98 and vol1_107.
.fn-
Aror, Umarsūmra.—Aror, of which we have already narrated
.bn 051.png
.pn +1
the discovery, and which is laid down in the map about six miles
east of Bakhar on the Indus, was in the region styled Umarsumra,
which may once have had a much wider acceptation, when a
dynasty of thirty-six princes of the Sumra tribe ruled all these
countries during five hundred years.[8.2.17] On the extinction of its
power, and the restoration of their ancient rivals, the Sind-Samma
princes, who in their turn gave way to the Bhattis, this tract
obtained the epithet of Bhattipoh; but the ancient and more
legitimate name, Umarsumra, is yet recognized, and many
hamlets of shepherds, both of Umars and Sumras, are still existing
amidst its sandhills. To them we shall return, after discussing
their elder brethren, the Sodhas. We can trace the colonization
of the Bhattis, the Chawaras, and the Solankis, the Guhilots, and
the Rathors, throughout all these countries, both of central and
western Rajputana; and wherever we go, whatever new capital
is founded, it is always on the site of a Pramar establishment.
Pirthi tain na Pramar ka, or ‘the world is the Pramars,’[8.2.18] I may
here repeat, is hardly hyperbolical when applied to the Rajput
world.
.fn 8.2.17
Ferishta [iv. 411], Abu-l Fazl [Āīn, ii. 337, 340 ff.].
.fn-
.fn 8.2.18
[A better version runs:
.pm start_poem
“Pirthī barā Panwār, Pirthi Panwārān tāni;
Ek Ujjaini Dhār, dūjē Ābū baithno.”
.pm end_poem
“The Panwār the greatest on earth, and the world belongs to the Panwārs.
Their early seats were Ujjain, Dhār, and Mount Ābū” (Census Report,
Mārwār, 1891, ii. 29).]
.fn-
Aror.—Aror, or Alor as written by Abu-l Fazl, and described by
that celebrated geographer, Ibn-Haukal, as “rivalling Multan in
greatness,” was one of the ‘nine divisions of Maru’ governed by
the Pramar, of which we must repeat, one of the chief branches was
the Sodha. The islandic Bakhar, or Mansura (so named by the
lieutenant of the Khalif Al-Mansur), a few miles west of Aror, is
considered as the capital of the Sogdoi, when Alexander sailed
down the Indus,[8.2.19] and if we couple the similarity of name to the
well-authenticated fact of immemorial sovereignty over this
region, it might not be drawing too largely on credulity to suggest
that the Sogdoi and Soda are one and \[311] the same.[8.2.20] The Sodha
.bn 052.png
.pn +1
princes were the patriarchs of the desert when the Bhattis immigrated
thither from the north: but whether they deprived them
of Aror as well as Lodorva, the chronicle does not intimate. It is
by no means unlikely that the Umars and Sumras, instead of being
coequal or coeval branches with the Sodha, may be merely subdivisions
of them.
.fn 8.2.19
[St. Martin fixes the capital of the Sogdoi at Alor or Aror, but Cunningham
would place it higher up stream, about midway between Alor and
Uchh, at the village of Sirwahi (McCrindle, Alexander, 354).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.20
To convince the reader I do not build upon nominal resemblance, when
localities do not bear me out, he is requested to call to mind, that we have
elsewhere assigned to the Yadus of the Panjab the honour of furnishing the
well-known king named Porus; although the Puar, the usual pronunciation
of Pramar, would afford a more ready solution. [This is doubtful (Smith,
EHI, 40 note).]
.fn-
We may follow Abu-l Fazl and Ferishta in their summaries of
the history of ancient Sind, and these races. The former says:
“In former times, there lived a Rāja named Siharas, whose capital
was Alor. His sway extended eastward, as far as Kashmīr and
towards the sea to Mekrān, while the sea confined it on the south
and the mountains to the north. An invading army entered the
country from Persia, in opposing which the Rāja lost his life.
The invaders, contenting themselves with devastating part of the
territory, returned. Rāē Sahi,[8.2.21] the Rāja’s son, succeeded his
.bn 053.png
.pn +1
father, by whose enlightened wisdom and the aid of his intelligent
minister Rām, justice was universally administered and the repose
of the country secured.... In the caliphate of Walīd bin Abdu’l
Malik, when Hajjāj was governor of Irāk, he dispatched on his
own authority Muhammad Kāsim, his cousin and son-in-law, to
Sind, who fought Dāhir in several engagements.... After
Muhammad Kāsim’s death, the sovereignty of this country devolved
on the descendants of the Banu Tamīm Ansāri. They
were succeeded by the Sūmrah race, who established their rule, and
were followed by the Sammas, who asserted their descent from
Jamshīd, and each of them assumed the name of Jām.”[8.2.22]
.fn 8.2.21
Colonel Briggs, in his translation [iv. 406], writes it Hully Sa, and in
this very place remarks on the “mutilation of Hindu names by the early
Mahomedan writers, which are frequently not to be recognized”; or, we
might have learned that the adjunct Sa to Hully (qu. Heri), the son of
Sehris, was the badge of his tribe, Soda. The Roy-sahy, or Rae-sa of
Abulfazil, means ‘Prince Sa’ or ‘Prince of the Sodas.’ Of the same family
was Dahir, whose capital, in A.H. 99, was (says Abu-l fazil) “Alore or Debeil,”
in which this historian makes a geographical mistake: Alore or Arore being
the capital of Upper Sinde, and Debeil (correctly Dewul, the temple), or
Tatta, the capital of Lower Sinde. In all probability Dahir held both. We
have already dilated, in the Annals of Mewar, on a foreign prince named
“Dahir Despati,” or the sovereign prince, Dahir, being amongst her defenders,
on the first Mooslem invasion, which we conjectured must have
been that of Mahomed Kasim, after he had subdued Sinde. Bappa, the
lord of Cheetore, was nephew of Raja Maun Mori, shewing a double motive
in the exiled son of Dahir to support Cheetore against his own enemy Kasim.
The Moris and Sodas were alike branches of the Pramar (see Vol. I. p. vol1_111).
It is also worth while to draw attention to the remark elsewhere made
(p. 286) on the stir made by Hejauje of Khorasan (who sent Kasim to Sinde)
amongst the Hindu princes of Zabulist’han: dislocated facts, all demonstrating
one of great importance, namely, the wide dominion of the Rajpoot
race, previous to the appearance of Mahomed. Oriental literature sustained
a loss which can scarcely be repaired, by the destruction of the valuable
MSS. amassed by Colonel Briggs, during many years, for the purpose of a
general history of the early transactions of the Mahomedans. [This note
has been reprinted as it stands in the original text. Many statements must
be received with caution. See Elliot-Dowson i. 120 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.22
Of the latter stock he gives us a list of seventeen princes. Gladwin’s
translation of Ayeen Akberi, vol. ii. p. 122. [This has been replaced by that
of Jarrett, Āīn, ii. 343 ff.]
.fn-
Ferishta gives a similar version. “On the death of Mahomed
Kasim, a tribe who trace their origin from the Ansarias established
a government in Sind; after which the zamindars [lords of the
soil or indigenous chiefs], denominated in their country Soomura,
usurped the power, and held independent rule over the kingdom
of Sinde for the space of five hundred years. These \[312], the
Soomuras, subverted the country of another dynasty called
Soomuna [the Samma of Abu-l Fazl], whose chief assumed the
title of Jam.”[8.2.23]
.fn 8.2.23
See Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. iv. pp. 411 and 422.
.fn-
The difficulty of establishing the identity of these tribes from
the cacography of both the Greek and Persian writers, is well
exemplified in another portion of Ferishta, treating of the same
race, called by him Soomuna, and Samma by Abu-l Fazl. “The
tribe of Sahna appears to be of obscure origin, and originally to
have occupied the tract lying between Bekher and Tatta in Sinde,
and pretend to trace their origin from Jemshid.” We can pardon
his spelling for his exact location of the tribe, which, whether
written Soomuna, Sehna, or Seemeh, is the Summa or Samma
tribe of the great Yadu race, whose capital was Summa-ka-kot, or
Sammanagari, converted into Minnagara, and its princes into
Sambas, by the Greeks.[8.2.24] Thus the Sodhas appear to have ruled
.bn 054.png
.pn +1
at Aror and Bakhar, or Upper Sind, and the Sammas in the lower,[8.2.25]
when Alexander passed through this region. The Jarejas and
Jams of Navanagar in Saurashtra claim descent from the Sammas,
hence called elsewhere by Abu-l Fazl “the Sind-Samma dynasty”;
but having been, from their amalgamation with the ‘faithful,’
put out of the pale of Hinduism, they desired to conceal their
Samma-Yadu descent, which they abandoned for Jamshid, and
Samma was converted into Jam.[8.2.26]
.fn 8.2.24
[For Minnagara see Vol. I. p. vol1_255.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.25
The four races called Agnikula (of which the Pramar was the most
numerous), at every step of ancient Hindu history are seen displacing the
dynasty of Yadu. Here the struggle between them is corroborated by the
two best Muhammadan historians, both borrowing from the same source,
the more ancient histories, few of which have reached us. It must be
borne in mind that the Sodhas, the Umars, the Sumras, were Pramars
(vulg. Puar); while the Sammas were Yadus, for whose origin see Annals
of Jaisalmer, p. #vol2_1185# above.
.fn-
.fn 8.2.26
[This is very doubtful. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 447.]
.fn-
We may, therefore, assume that a prince of the Sodha tribe held
that division of the great Puar sovereignty, of which Aror, or the
insular Bakhar, was the capital, when Alexander passed down the
Indus: nor is it improbable that the army, styled Persian by
Abu-l Fazl, which invaded Aror, and slew Raja Siharas, was a
Graeco-Bactrian army led by Apollodotus, or Menander, who traversed
this region, “ruled by Sigertides” (qu. Raja Siharas?) even
to “the country of the [Greek: Sô~ra],” or Saurashtra,[8.2.27] where, according to
their historian, their medals were existent when he wrote in the
second century.[8.2.28] The histories so largely quoted give us decided
proof that Dahir, and his son \[313] Raesa, the victims of the first
Islamite invasion led by Kasim, were of the same lineage as Raja
.bn 055.png
.pn +1
Siharas; and the Bhatti annals prove to demonstration, that at
this, the very period of their settling in the desert, the Sodha tribe
was paramount (see p. vol2_1185); which, together with the strong
analogies in names of places and princes, affords a very reasonable
ground for the conclusion we have come to, that the Sodha tribe
of Puar race was in possession of Upper Sind, when the Macedonian
passed down the stream; and that, amidst all the vicissitudes of
fortune, it has continued (contesting possession with its ancient
Yadu antagonist, the Samma) to maintain some portion of its
ancient sovereignty unto these days. Of this portion we shall now
instruct the reader, after hazarding a passing remark on the almost
miraculous tenacity which has preserved this race in its desert
abode during a period of at least two thousand two hundred
years,[8.2.29] bidding defiance to foreign foes, whether Greek, Bactrian,
or Muhammadan, and even to those visitations of nature, famines,
pestilence, and earthquakes, which have periodically swept over
the land, and at length rendered it the scene of desolation it now
presents; for in this desert, as in that of Egypt, tradition records
that its increase has been and still is progressive, as well in the
valley of the Indus as towards the Jumna.
.fn 8.2.27
[Sora is supposed to represent the Chola Kingdom in S. India (McCrindle,
Ptolemy, 64 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.28
Of these, the author was so fortunate as to obtain one of Menander
and three of Apollodotus, whose existence had heretofore been questioned:
the first of the latter from the wreck of Suryapura, the capital of the Surasenakas
of Manu [Laws, ii. 19, vii. 193] and Arrian; another from the
ancient Avanti, or Ujjain, whose monarch, according to Justin, held a
correspondence with Augustus; and the third, in company with a whole
jar of Hindu-Scythic and Bactrian medals, at Agra, which was dug up
several years since in excavating the site of the more ancient city. This, I
have elsewhere surmised, might have been the abode of Aggrames, Agra-gram-eswar,
the “lord of the city of Agra,” mentioned by Arrian as the
most potent monarch in the north of India, who, after the death of Porus,
was ready to oppose the further progress of Alexander. Let us hope that
the Panjab may yet afford us another peep into the past. For an account of
these medals, see Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 313.
[Aggrames, King of the Gangaridae and Prasii, also known as Xandrames,
probably the Hindu Chandra, belonged to the Nanda dynasty (Smith,
EHI, 40; McCrindle, Ancient India in Classical Literature, 43).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.29
Captain, now Colonel, Pottinger, in his interesting work on Sind and
Baluchistan, in extracting from the Persian work Mu’jamu-l Waridat,
calls the ancient capital of Sind, Ulaor, and mentions the overthrow of the
dynasty of ‘Sahir’ (the Siharas of Abu-l Fazl), whose ancestors had
governed Sind for two thousand years.
.fn-
Umarkot.—This stronghold (kot) of the Umars, until a very
few years back, was the capital of the Sodha Raj, which extended,
two centuries ago, into the valley of Sind, and east to the Luni;
but the Rathors of Marwar, and the family at present ruling Sind,
have together reduced the sovereignty of the Sodhas to a very
confined spot, and thrust out of Umarkot (the last of the nine
castles of Maru) the descendant of Siharas, who, from Aror, held
dominions extending from Kashmir to the ocean. Umarkot has
sadly fallen from its ancient grandeur, and instead of the five
thousand houses it contained during the opulence of the Sodha
princes, it hardly reckons two hundred and fifty houses, or rather
huts.[8.2.30] The old castle is to the north-west of the town. It is
.bn 056.png
.pn +1
built of brick, and the bastions, said to be eighteen in number, are
of stone. It has an inner citadel, or rather a fortified palace.
There is an old canal to the north of the fort, in which water still
lodges part of the year. When Raja Man \[314] had possession
of Umarkot, he founded several villages thereunto, to keep up the
communication. The Talpuris then found it to their interest, so
long as they had any alarms from their own lord paramount of
Kandahar, to court the Rathor prince; but when civil war
appeared in that region, as well as in Marwar, the cessation of all
fears from the one, banished the desire of paying court to the
other, and Umarkot was unhappily placed between the Kalhoras
of Sind and the Rathors, each of whom looked upon this frontier
post as the proper limit of his sway, and contended for its
possession. We shall therefore give an account of a feud between
these rivals, which finally sealed the fate of the Sodha prince, and
which may contribute something to the history of the ruling
family of Sind, still imperfectly known.
.fn 8.2.30
[The present population is 4924.]
.fn-
The Fate of the Sodha Tribe. Assassination of Mīr Bijar.—When
Bijai Singh ruled Marwar, Miyan Nur Muhammad, Kalhora,
governed Sind; but being expelled by an army from Kandahar,
he fled to Jaisalmer, where he died. The eldest son, Antar Khan,
and his brothers, found refuge with Bahadur Khan Khairani;
while a natural brother, named Ghulam Shah, born of a common
prostitute, found means to establish himself on the masnad at
Haidarabad. The chiefs of Daudputra espoused the cause of
Antar Khan, and prepared to expel the usurper. Bahadur Khan,
Sabzal Khan, Ali Murad, Muhammad Khan, Kaim Khan, Ali
Khan, chiefs of the Khairani tribe, united, and marched with
Antar Khan to Haidarabad. Ghulam Shah advanced to meet
him, and the brothers encountered at Ubaura[8.2.31] (see #map:MAP#); but
legitimacy failed: the Khairani chiefs almost all perished, and
Antar Khan was made prisoner, and confined for life in Gaja-ka-kot,
an island in the Indus, seven coss south of Haidarabad.
Ghulam Shah transmitted his masnad to his son Sarfaraz, who,
dying soon after, was succeeded by Abdul Nabi. At the town of
Abhaipura, seven coss east of Sheodadpur (a town in Lohri Sind),
resided a chieftain of the Talpuri tribe, a branch of the Baloch,
named Goram, who had two sons, named Bijar and Sobhdan.
Sarfaraz demanded Goram’s daughter to wife; he was refused,
.bn 057.png
.pn +1
and the whole family was destroyed. Bijar Khan, who alone
escaped the massacre, raised his clan to avenge him, deposed the
tyrant, and placed himself upon the masnad of Haidarabad. The
Kalhoras dispersed; but Bijar, who was of a violent and imperious
temperament, became involved in hostilities with the Rathors
regarding the possession of Umarkot. It is asserted that he not
only demanded tribute from Marwar, but a daughter of the
Rathor prince, to wife, setting forth as a precedent his grandfather
Ajit, who bestowed a wife on Farrukhsiyar. This insult led to a
pitched battle, fought at Dugara, five coss from Dharnidhar, in
which the Baloch \[315] army was fairly beaten from the field by the
Rathor; but Bijai Singh, not content with his victory, determined
to be rid of this thorn in his side. A Bhatti and Chondawat
offered their services, and lands being settled on their families,
they set out on this perilous enterprise in the garb of ambassadors.
When introduced to Bijar, he arrogantly demanded if the Raja
had thought better of his demand, when the Chondawat referred
him to his credentials. As Bijar rapidly ran his eye over it,
muttering “no mention of the dola (bride),” the dagger of the
Chondawat was buried in his heart. “This for the dola,” he
exclaimed; and “this for the tribute,” said his comrade, as he
struck another blow. Bijar fell lifeless on his cushion of state,
and the assassins, who knew escape was hopeless, plied their
daggers on all around; the Chondawat slaying twenty-one, and
the Bhatti five, before they were hacked to pieces.[8.2.32] The nephew
of Bijar Khan, by name Fateh Ali, son of Sobhdan, was chosen
his successor, and the old family of Kalhora was dispersed to
Bhuj, and Rajputana, while its representative repaired to Kandahar.
There the Shah put him at the head of an army of twenty-five
thousand men, with which he reconquered Sind, and commenced
a career of unexampled cruelty. Fateh Ali, who had
fled to Bhuj, reassembled his adherents, attacked the army of the
Shah, which he defeated and pursued with great slaughter beyond
Shikarpur, of which he took possession, and returned in triumph
to Haidarabad. The cruel and now humbled Kalhora once more
appeared before the Shah, who, exasperated at the inglorious
result of his arms, drove him from his presence; and after wandering
.bn 058.png
.pn +1
about, he passed from Multan to Jaisalmer, settling at length
at Pokaran, where he died. The Pokaran chief made himself his
heir, and it is from the great wealth (chiefly in jewels) of the ex-prince
of Sind that its chiefs have been enabled to take the lead
in Marwar. The tomb of the exile is on the north side of the
town \[316].[8.2.33]
.fn 8.2.31
[In Shikārpur, Sind, near the frontier of Bahāwalpur.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.32
[By another story, Abdu-n-nabi Khān, brother of Ghulām Nabi Khān,
prince of Sind, assassinated his too successful general, Mīr Bijar, in A.D. 1781
(IGI, xxii. 399).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.33
The memoir adds: Fateh Ali was succeeded by his brother, the present
Ghulam Ali, and he by his son, Karam Ali. The general correctness of this
outline is proved by a very interesting work (which has only fallen into my
hands in time to make this note), entitled Narrative of a Visit to the Court
of Sinde, by Dr. Burnes. Bijar Khan was minister to the Kalhora rulers of
Sind, whose cruelties at length gave the government to the family of the
minister. As it is scarcely to be supposed that Raja Bijai Singh would
furnish assassins to the Kalhora, who could have little difficulty in finding
them in Sind, the insult which caused the fate of Bijar may have proceeded
from his master, though he may have been made the scapegoat. It is much
to be regretted that the author of the Visit to Sinde did not accompany the
Amirs to Sehwan (of which I shall venture an account obtained nearly
twenty years ago). With the above memoir and map (by his brother,
Lieut. Burnes) of the Rann, a new light has been thrown on the history and
geography of this most interesting and important portion of India. It is
to be desired that to a gentleman so well prepared may be entrusted the
examination of this still little-known region. I had long entertained the
hope of passing through the desert, by Jaisalmer to Uchh, and thence,
sailing down to Mansura, visiting Aror, Sehwan, Sammanagari, and Bamanwasa.
The rupture with Sind in 1820 gave me great expectations of accomplishing
this object, and I drew up and transmitted to Lord Hastings a plan
of marching a force through the desert, and planting the cross on the insular
capital of the Sogdoi; but peace was the order of the day. I was then in
communication with Mir Sohrab, governor of Upper Sind, who, I have
little doubt, would have come over to our views.
.fn-
This episode, which properly belongs to the history of Marwar,
or to Sind, is introduced for the purpose of showing the influence
of the latter on the destinies of the Sodha princes. It was by
Bijar, who fell by the emissaries of Bijai Singh, that the Sodha
Raja was driven from Umarkot, the possession of which brought
the Sindis into immediate collision with the Bhattis and Rathors.
But on his assassination and the defeat of the Sind army on the
Rann, Bijai Singh reinducted the Sodha prince to his gaddi of
Umarkot; not, however, long to retain it, for on the invasion from
Kandahar, this poor country underwent a general massacre and
pillage by the Afghans, and Umarkot was assaulted and taken.
When Fateh Ali made head against the army of Kandahar, which
he was enabled to defeat, partly by the aid of the Rathors, he
.bn 059.png
.pn +1
relinquished, as the price of this aid, the claims of Sind upon
Umarkot, of which Bijai Singh took possession, and on whose
battlements the flag of the Rathors waved until the last civil war,
when the Sindis expelled them. Had Raja Man known how to
profit by the general desire of his chiefs to redeem this distant
possession, he might have got rid of some of the unquiet spirits
by other means than those which have brought infamy on his
name.
Chor.—Since Umarkot has been wrested from the Sodhas, the
expelled prince, who still preserves his title of Rana, resides at the
town of Chor, fifteen miles north-east of his former capital. The
descendant of the princes who probably opposed Alexander,
Menander, and Kasim, the lieutenant of Walid, and who sheltered
Humayun when driven from the throne of India, now subsists on
the eleemosynary gifts of those with whom he is connected by
marriage, or the few patches of land of his own desert domain left
him by the rulers of Sind. He has eight brothers, who are hardly
pushed for a subsistence, and can only obtain it by the supplement
to all the finances of these States, plunder.
The Sodha, and the Jareja, are the connecting links between
the Hindu and the Muslim; for although the farther west we go
the greater is the laxity of Rajput prejudice, yet to something
more than mere locality must be attributed the denationalized
sentiment which allows the Sodha to intermarry with a Sindi:
this cause is hunger; and there are few zealots who will deny that
its influence is more potent than the laws of Manu. Every third
year brings famine, and those who have not stored up against it
fly to their neighbours, and chiefly to the valley of the Indus.
The \[317] connexions they then form often end in the union of
their daughters with their protectors; but they still so far adhere
to ancient usage as never to receive back into the family caste a
female so allied.[8.2.34] The present Rana of the Sodhas has set the
example, by giving daughters to Mir Ghulam Ali and Mir Sohrab,
and even to the Khosa chief of Dadar; and in consequence, his
brother princes of Jaisalmer, Bah and Parkar, though they will
.bn 060.png
.pn +1
accept a Sodha princess to wife (because they can depend on the
purity of her blood), yet will not bestow a daughter on the Rana,
whose offspring might perhaps grace the harem of a Baloch. But
the Rathors of Marwar will neither give to nor receive daughters
of Dhat. The females of this desert region, being reputed very
handsome, have become almost an article of matrimonial traffic;
and it is asserted, that if a Sindi hears of the beauty of a Dhatiani,
he sends to her father as much grain as he deems an equivalent,
and is seldom refused her hand. We shall not here further touch
on the manners or other peculiarities of the Sodha tribe, though
we may revert to them in the general outline of the tribes, with
which we shall conclude the sketch of the Indian desert.
.fn 8.2.34
[The chief connexion of the Sodhas with Cutch is through the marriage
of their daughters with leading Jāreja and Musalmān families. Their
women are of great natural ability, but ambitious and intriguing, not
scrupling to make away with their husbands in order that their sons may
obtain the estate (BG, v. 67).]
.fn-
Tribes.—The various tribes inhabiting the desert and valley of
the Indus would alone form an ample subject of investigation,
which would, in all probability, elicit some important truths.
Amongst the converts to Islam the inquirer into the pedigree of
nations would discover names, once illustrious, but which, now
hidden under the mantle of a new faith, might little aid his researches
into the history of their origin. He would find the Sodha,
the Kathi, the Mallani, affording in history, position, and nominal
resemblance grounds for inferring that they are the descendants
of the Sogdoi, Kathi, and Malloi, who opposed the Macedonian in
his passage down the Indus; besides swarms of Getae or Yuti,
many of whom have assumed the general title of Baloch, or retain
the ancient specific name of Numri; while others, in that of
Zj’at [Jat], preserve almost the primitive appellation. We have
also the remains of those interesting races the Johyas and Dahyas,
of which much has been said in the Annals of Jaisalmer, and elsewhere;
who, as well as the Getae or Jats, and Huns, hold places
amongst the “Thirty-six Royal Races” of ancient India.[8.2.35] These,
with the Barahas and the Lohanas, tribes who swarmed a few
centuries ago in the Panjab, will now only be discerned in small
numbers in “the region of death,” which has even preserved the
illustrious name of Kaurava, Krishna’s foe in the Bharat. The
Sahariya, or great robber of our western desert, would alone afford
a text for discussion on his habits \[318] and his raids, as the
enemy of all society. But we shall begin with those who yet
retain any pretensions to the name of Hindu (distinguishing them
from the proselytes to Islam), and afterwards descant upon their
.bn 061.png
.pn +1
peculiarities. Bhatti, Rathor, Jodha, Chauhan, Mallani, Kaurava,
Johya, Sultana, Lohana, Arora, Khumra, Sindhal, Maisuri,
Vaishnavi, Jakhar, Asaich, Punia.
.fn 8.2.35
See sketch of the tribes, Vol. I. p. vol1_98.
.fn-
Of the Muhammadan there are but two, Kalhora and Sahariya,
concerning whose origin any doubt exists, and all those we are
about to specify are Nayyads,[8.2.36] or proselytes chiefly from Rajput
or other Hindu tribes:
Zjat; Rajar; Umra; Sumra; Mair, or Mer; Mor, or Mohor;
Baloch; Lumria, or Luka; Samaicha; Mangalia; Bagria;
Dahya; Johya; Kairui; Jangaria; Undar; Berawi; Bawari;
Tawari; Charandia; Khosa; Sadani; Lohanas.
.fn 8.2.36
Nayyad is the noviciate, literally new (naya), or original converts, I
suppose. [In other parts of India they are known as Naumuslim.]
.fn-
The Nayyāds.—Before we remark upon the habits of these
tribes, we may state one prominent trait which characterizes the
Nayyad, or convert to Islam, who, on parting with his original
faith, divested himself of its chief moral attribute, toleration, and
imbibed a double portion of the bigotry of the creed he adopted.
Whether it is to the intrinsic quality of the Muhammadan faith
that we are to trace this moral metamorphosis, or to a sense of
degradation (which we can hardly suppose) consequent on his
apostasy, there is not a more ferocious or intolerant being on the
earth than the Rajput convert to Islam. In Sind, and the desert,
we find the same tribes, bearing the same name, one still Hindu,
the other Muhammadan; the first retaining his primitive manners,
while the convert is cruel, intolerant, cowardly, and inhospitable.
Escape, with life at least, perhaps a portion of property, is possible
from the hands of the Maldot, the Larkhani, the Bhatti, or even
the Tawaris, distinctively called “the sons of the devil”; but
from the Khosas, the Sahariyas, or Bhattis, there would be no
hope of salvation. Such are their ignorance and brutality, that
should a stranger make use of the words rassa, or rasta (rope, and
road), he will be fortunate if he escape with bastinado from these
beings, who discover therein an analogy to rasul, or ‘the prophet’:
he must for the former use the words kilbar, randori, and for the
latter, dagra, or dag.[8.2.37] It will not fail to strike those who have
.bn 062.png
.pn +1
perused the heart-thrilling adventures of Park, Denham, and
Clapperton—names which will live for ever in the annals of discovery—how
completely the inoffensive, kind, and hospitable
negro resembles in these qualities the Rajput, who is transformed
into a wild beast the moment he can repeat, “Ashhadu an lā
ilāha illa allāh! \[319] Ashhadu anna Muhammad rasūlu-llāh,”
“there is but one God, and Muhammad is the prophet of God”:
while a remarkable change has taken place amongst the Tatar
tribes, since the anti-destructive doctrines of Buddha (or Hinduism
purified of polytheism) have been introduced into the regions of
Central Asia.
.fn 8.2.37
Dagra is very common in Rajputana for a ‘path-way’; but the
substitute here used for rassa, a rope, I am not acquainted with. [For a
large collection of similar taboo names for persons, animals, and things see
Sir J. Frazer, The Golden Bough, “Taboo and Perils of the Soul,” 318 ff.]
.fn-
On the Bhattis, the Rathors, the Chauhans, and their offset
the Mallani, we have sufficiently expatiated, and likewise on the
Sodha; but a few peculiarities of this latter tribe remain to be
noticed.
The Sodha Tribe.—The Sodha, who has retained the name of
Hindu, has yet so far discarded ancient prejudice, that he will
drink from the same vessel and smoke out of the same hukka
with a Musalman, laying aside only the tube that touches the
mouth. With his poverty, the Sodha has lost his reputation
for courage, retaining only the merit of being a dexterous thief,
and joining the hordes of Sahariyas and Khosas who prowl from
Daudputra to Gujarat. The arms of the Sodhas are chiefly the
sword and shield, with a long knife in the girdle, which serves
either as a stiletto or a carver for his meat: few have matchlocks,
but the primitive sling is a general weapon of offence, and they
are very expert in its use. Their dress partakes of the Bhatti
and Muhammadan costume, but the turban is peculiar to themselves,
and by it a Sodha may always be recognized. The
Sodha is to be found scattered over the desert, but there are
offsets of his tribe, now more numerous than the parent stock,
of which the Samecha is the most conspicuous, whether of those
who are still Hindu, or who have become converts to Islam.
The Kaurava Tribe.—This singular tribe of Rajputs, whose
habits, even in the midst of pillage, are entirely nomadic, is to be
found chiefly in the thal of Dhat, though in no great numbers.[8.2.38]
They have no fixed habitations, but move about with their flocks,
and encamp wherever they find a spring or pasture for their
cattle; and there construct temporary huts of the wide-spreading
.bn 063.png
.pn +1
pilu,[8.2.39] by interlacing its living branches, covering the top with
leaves, and coating the inside with clay: in so skilful a manner
do they thus shelter themselves that no sign of human habitation
is observable from without. Still the roaming Sahariya is always
on the look-out for these sylvan retreats, in which the shepherds
deposit their little hoards of grain, raised from the scanty patches
around them. The restless disposition of the Kauravas, who
even among their ever-roaming brethren enjoy a species of fame
in this respect, is attributed (said my Dhati) to a curse entailed
upon them from remote ages. They rear camels, cows, buffaloes,
and goats, which they sell to the Charans and other merchants.
They are altogether a singularly peaceable race; and like all their
Rajput brethren, can at will \[320] people the desert with palaces
of their own creation, by the delightful amal-pani, the universal
panacea for ills both moral and physical.
.fn 8.2.38
[The name cannot be traced in recent Census Reports.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.39
[Salvadora oleoides or persica (Watt, Econ. Dict. vi. Part ii. 447 ff.).]
.fn-
The Dhāti Tribe.—Dhat, or Dhati, is another Rajput, inhabiting
Dhat, and in no greater numbers than the Kauravas, whom
they resemble in their habits, being entirely pastoral, cultivating
a few patches of land, and trusting to the heavens alone to bring
it forward. They barter the ghi or clarified butter, made from
the produce of their flocks, for grain and other necessaries of life.
Rabri and chhachh, or ‘porridge and buttermilk,’ form the grand
fare of the desert. A couple of sers of flour of bajra, juar, and
khejra is mixed with some sers of chhachh, and exposed to the
fire, but not boiled, and this mess will suffice for a large family.
The cows of the desert are much larger than those of the plains
of India, and give from eight to ten sers (eight or ten quarts) of
milk daily. The produce of four cows will amply subsist a family
of ten persons from the sale of ghi; and their prices vary with
their productive powers, from ten to fifteen rupees each. The
rabri, so analogous to the kouskous of the African desert, is often
made with camel’s milk, from which ghi cannot be extracted,
and which soon becomes a living mass when put aside. Dried
fish, from the valley of Sind, is conveyed into the desert on horses
or camels, and finds a ready sale amongst all classes, even as far
east as Barmer. It is sold at two dukras (coppers) a ser. The
puras, or temporary hamlets of the Dhatis, consisting at most of
ten huts in each, resemble those of the Kauravas.
The Lohāna Tribe.—This tribe is numerous both in Dhat and
.bn 064.png
.pn +1
Talpura: formerly they were Rajputs, but betaking themselves
to commerce, have fallen into the third class. They are scribes
and shopkeepers, and object to no occupation that will bring a
subsistence; and as to food, to use the expressive idiom of this
region, where hunger spurns at law, “excepting their cats and
their cows, they will eat anything.”[8.2.40]
.fn 8.2.40
[In Cutch they claim to be Rāthors from Multān, and are said to have
been driven by the Muhammadans from the Panjāb into Cutch. In Gujarāt
they are Vaishnavas, and are particular about their food and drink, but in
Sind they are more lax (BG, v. 54 ff., ix. Part i. 122; Burton, Sindh, 314).]
.fn-
The Arora Tribe.—This class, like the former, apply themselves
to every pursuit, trade, and agriculture, and fill many of the
inferior offices of government in Sind, being shrewd, industrious,
and intelligent. With the thrifty Arora and many other classes,
flour steeped in cold water suffices to appease hunger. Whether
this class has its name from being an inhabitant of Aror, we
know not.[8.2.41]
.fn 8.2.41
[They are numerous in S.W. Panjāb, where Rose (Glossary, ii. 16 ff.)
gives a full account of them.]
.fn-
The Bhātia Tribe.—Bhatia is also one of the equestrian order
converted into the commercial, and the exchange has been to his
advantage. His habits are like those of the Arora, next to whom
he ranks as to activity and wealth. The Aroras and Bhatias
have commercial houses at Shikarpur, Haidarabad, and even at
Surat and Jaipur \[321].[8.2.42]
.fn 8.2.42
[On their connexion with the Bhatti Rājputs see Crooke, Tribes and
Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, ii. 37; Russell, Tribes and Castes Central Provinces,
i. 380; BG, v. 37 f.]
.fn-
Brāhmans.—Bishnoi is the most common sect of Brahmans
in the desert and Sind. The doctrines of Manu with them go for
as much as they are worth in the desert, where “they are a law
unto themselves.” They wear the janeo, or badge of their tribe,
but it here ceases to be a mark of clerical distinction, as no drones
are respected; they cultivate, tend cattle, and barter their superfluous
ghi for other necessaries. They are most numerous in
Dhat, having one hundred of their order in Chor, the residence of
the Sodha Rana, and several houses in Umarkot, Dharnas, and
Mitti.[8.2.43] They do not touch fish or smoke tobacco, but will eat
food dressed by the hands of a Mali (gardener), or even a Nai
(barber caste); nor do they use the chauka, or fireplace, reckoned
.bn 065.png
.pn +1
indispensable in more civilized regions. Indeed, all classes of
Hindus throughout Sind will partake of food dressed in the sarai,
or inn, by the hands of the Bhathiyarin. They use indiscriminately
each other’s vessels, without any process of purification
but a little sand and water. They do not even burn their dead,
but bury them near the threshold; and those who can afford it,
raise small chabutras, or altars, on which they place an image of
Siva, and a ghara, or jar of water. The janeo, or thread which
marks the sacerdotal character in Hindustan, is common in these
regions to all classes, with the exception of Kolis and Lohanas.
This practice originated with their governors, in order to discriminate
them from those who have to perform the most servile
duties.[8.2.44]
.fn 8.2.43
[About 45 miles S. of Umarkot.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.44
[These desert Brāhmans, whose laxity of custom is notorious, have no
connexion with other orthodox Brāhmans, and are probably priests or
medicine-men who now claim that rank.]
.fn-
The Rabāri Tribe.—This term is known throughout Hindustan
only as denoting persons employed in rearing and tending camels,
who are there always Muslims. Here they are a distinct tribe,
and Hindus, employed entirely in rearing camels, or in stealing
them, in which they evince a peculiar dexterity, uniting with the
Bhattis in the practice as far as Daudputra. When they come
upon a herd grazing, the boldest and most experienced strikes
his lance into the first he reaches, then dips a cloth in the blood,
which at the end of his lance he thrusts close to the nose of the
next, and wheeling about, sets off at speed, followed by the whole
herd, lured by the scent of blood and the example of their leader.[8.2.45]
.fn 8.2.45
[Census Report, Bombay, 1911, i. 298.]
.fn-
Jat Tribes.—Jakhar, Asaich, Punia are all denominations of
the Jat race, a few of whom preserve under these ancient subdivisions
their old customs and religion; but the greater part
are among the converts to Islam, and retain the generic name,
pronounced Zjat. Those enumerated are harmless and industrious,
and are found both in the desert and valley. There
are besides these a few scattered families of ancient tribes \[322],
as the Sultana[8.2.46] and Khumra, of whose history we are ignorant,
.bn 066.png
.pn +1
Johyas, Sindhals, and others, whose origin has already been
noticed in the Annals of Marusthali.
.fn 8.2.46
Abu-l Fazl, in describing the province of Bajaur, inhabited by the
Yusufzais, says: “The whole of the tract [Swāt] of hill and plain is the
domain of the Yūsufzai clan. In the time of Mīrza Ulugh Beg of Kābul,
they migrated from Kābul to this territory and wrested it from the Sultāns
who affected to be descendants of Alexander Bicornutus” (Āīn, ii. 392 f.).
Mr. Elphinstone inquired in vain for this offspring of Alexander the Great.
.fn-
We shall now leave this general account of the Hindu tribes,
who throughout Sind are subservient to the will of the Muhammadan,
who is remarkable, as before observed, for intolerance.
The Hindu is always second: at the well, he must wait patiently
until his tyrant has filled his vessel; or if, in cooking his dinner,
a Muslim should require fire, it must be given forthwith, or the
shoe would be applied to the Hindu’s head.
The Sahariya Tribe.—The Sahariya is the most numerous of
the Muhammadan tribes of the desert, said to be Hindu in origin,
and descendants of the ancient dynasty of Aror; but whether
his descent is derived from the dynasty of Siharas (written Sahir
by Pottinger), or from the Arabic word sahra, ‘a desert,’ of
which he is the terror, is of very little moment.[8.2.47]
.fn 8.2.47
[These derivations are impossible; the name is possibly connected
with that of the Savara tribe.]
.fn-
The Khosa Tribe.—The Kosas or Khosas, etc., are branches
of the Sahariya, and their habits are the same. They have
reduced their mode of rapine to a system, and established kuri,
or blackmail, consisting of one rupee and five daris of grain for
every plough, exacted even from the hamlets of the shepherds
throughout the thal. Their bands are chiefly mounted on camels,
though some are on horseback; their arms are the sel or sang
(lances of bamboo or iron), the sword and shield, and but few
firearms. Their depredations used to be extended a hundred
coss around, even into Jodhpur and Daudputra, but they eschew
coming in contact with the Rajput, who says of a Sahariya,
“he is sure to be asleep when the battle nakkara beats.” Their
chief abode is in the southern portion of the desert; and about
Nawakot, Mitti, as far as Baliari.[8.2.48] Many of them used to find
service at Udaipur, Jodhpur, and Suigam, but they are cowardly
and faithless.
.fn 8.2.48
[Nawakot and Mitti in the interior of Thar-Pārkar; Baliāri on the
shore of the Great Rann.]
.fn-
The Samaicha Tribe.—Samaicha is one of the nayyad, or
proselytes to Islam from the Sodha race, and numerous both in
the thal and the valley, where they have many puras or hamlets.
They resemble the Dhatis in their habits, but many of them
associate with the Sahariyas, and plunder their brethren. They
.bn 067.png
.pn +1
never shave or touch the hair of their heads, and consequently
look more like brutes than human beings. They allow no animal
to die of disease, but kill it when they think there are no hopes of
recovery. The Samaicha women have the reputation of being
great scolds, and never veil their faces \[323].
The Rājar Tribe.—They are said to be of Bhatti descent, and
confine their haunts to the desert, or the borders of Jaisalmer,
as at Ramgarh, Kiala, Jarela, etc.; and the thal between Jaisalmer
and Upper Sind: they are cultivators, shepherds, and thieves,
and are esteemed amongst the very worst of the converts to
Muhammadanism.[8.2.49]
.fn 8.2.49
[The Rājar are recorded as a section of the Saman, an aboriginal tribe
in Sind (Census Report, Bombay, 1911, i. 233).]
.fn-
The Umar Sūmra Tribe.—Umars and Sumras are from the
Pramar or Puar race, and are now chiefly in the ranks of the
faithful, though a few are to be found in Jaisalmer and in
the thal called after them; of whom we have already said
enough.[8.2.50]
.fn 8.2.50
[See Elliot-Dowson i. 489.]
.fn-
The Kalhora, Tālpuri Tribes.—Kalhora and Talpuri are tribes
of celebrity in Sind, the first having furnished the late, and the
other its present, dynasty of rulers; and though the one has dared
to deduce its origin from the Abbasides of Persia, and the other
has even advanced pretensions to descent from the Prophet, it is
asserted that both are alike Baloch, who are said to be essentially
Jat or Gete in origin. The Talpuris, who have their name from
the town (pura) of palms (tal or tar), are said to amount to one-fourth
of the population of Lori or Little Sind, which misnomer
they affix to the dominion of Haidarabad. There are none in
the thal.
Nūmri, Lūmri, or Lūka Tribe.—This is also a grand subdivision
of the Baloch race, and is mentioned by Abu-l Fazl as ranking
next to the Kulmani, and being able to bring into the field three
hundred cavalry and seven thousand infantry. Gladwin has
rendered the name Nomurdy, and is followed by Rennel.[8.2.51] The
Numris, or Lumris, also styled Luka, a still more familiar term
for fox,[8.2.52] are likewise affirmed to be Jat in origin. What is the
etymology of the generic term Baloch, which they have assumed,
.bn 068.png
.pn +1
or whether they took it from, or gave it to, Baluchistan, some
future inquirer into these subjects may discover.[8.2.53]
.fn 8.2.51
[The true reading is Nohmardi (Āīn, ii. 337).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.52
[Cf. Hindi lokri or lokhri.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.53
[Max Müller derived Baloch from Skt. mlechchha, ‘a barbarian,’ but
this is doubtful.]
.fn-
The Zott[8.2.54] or Jat Tribe.—This very original race, far more
numerous than perhaps all the Rajput tribes put together, still
retains its ancient appellation throughout the whole of Sind,
from the sea to Daudputra, but there are few or none in the thal.
Their habits differ little from those who surround them. They
are amongst the oldest converts to Islam.
.fn 8.2.54
[Zott is the Arabic form of Jat or Jāt (Sykes, Hist. of Persia, ii. 79).]
.fn-
The Mer, Mair Tribe.—We should scarcely have expected to
find a mountaineer (mera) in the valley of Sind, but their Bhatti
origin sufficiently accounts for the term, as Jaisalmer is termed
Mer.[8.2.55]
.fn 8.2.55
[The ascription of Bhatti origin to the Mers is obviously intended to
correspond with the assertion that they are a branch of the Mīna or Maina
tribe (Elliot-Dowson i. 523 f.).]
.fn-
The Mor, Mohor Tribe.—Said to be also Bhatti in origin.[8.2.56]
.fn 8.2.56
[In the Panjāb Mor is the name of a Jāt sept which worship the peacock
(mor) because it is said to have saved their ancestor from a snake (Rose,
Glossary, iii. 129). There was a settlement of this tribe at Sārangpur on the
Kāli Sind River (ASR, ii. 228).]
.fn-
The Tāwari, Thori, or Tori Tribe.—These engross the distinctive
epithet of bhut, or ‘evil spirits,’ and the yet more emphatic title
of ‘sons of the devil.’ Their origin is doubtful, but \[324] they
rank with the Bawariyas, Khengars, and other professional thieves
scattered over Rajputana, who will bring you either your enemy’s
head or the turban from it. They are found in the thals of
Daudputra, Bijnot, Nok, Nawakot, and Udar. They are proprietors
of camels, which they hire out, and also find employment
as convoys to caravans.
Johya, Dahya, Mangalia Tribes.—Once found amongst the
Rajput tribes, now proselytes to Islam, but few in number either
in the valley or the desert. There are also Bairawis, a class of
Baloch, Khairawis, Jangrias, Undars, Bagrias, descended from
the Pramar and Sankhla Rajputs, but not possessing, either in
respect to numbers or other distinctive marks, any claims on our
attention.
Dāūdputra, Bahāwalpur State.—This petty State, though
beyond the pale of Hinduism, yet being but a recent formation
.bn 069.png
.pn +1
out of the Bhatti State of Jaisalmer, is strictly within the limits
of Marusthali. Little is known regarding the family who founded
it, and we shall therefore confine ourselves to this point, which
is not adverted to by Mr. Elphinstone, who may be consulted for
the interesting description of its prince, and his capital, Bahawalpur,
during the halt of the embassy to Kabul.[8.2.57]
.fn 8.2.57
[Account of the Kingdom of Caubul, 2nd ed. (1842) i. 22 ff. For a
full account of the Abbāsi Dāūdputras of Bahāwalpur see the State Gazetteer
by Malik Muhammad Din (1908), i. .]
.fn-
Daud Khan, the founder of Daudputra, was a native of
Shikarpur, west of the Indus, where he acquired too much power
for a subject, and consequently drew upon himself the arms of
his sovereign of Kandahar. Unable to cope with them, he
abandoned his native place, passed his family and effects across
the Indus, and followed them into the desert. The royal forces
pursued, and coming up with him at Sutiala, Daud had no alternative
but to surrender, or destroy the families who impeded his
flight or defence. He acted the Rajput, and faced his foes; who,
appalled at this desperate act, deemed it unwise to attack him,
and retreated. Daud Khan, with his adherents, then settled in
the kachhi, or flats of Sind, and gradually extended his authority
into the thal. He was succeeded by Mubarik Khan; he, by his
nephew Bahawal Khan, whose son is Sadik Muhammad Khan,
the present lord of Bahawalpur, or Daudputra, a name applied
both to the country and to its possessors, “the children of David.”[8.2.58]
It was Mubarik who deprived the Bhattis of the district called
Khadal, so often mentioned in the Annals of Jaisalmer, and whose
chief town is Derawar, founded by Rawal Deoraj in the eighth
century; and where the successor of Daud established his abode.
Derawar was at that time inhabited by a branch of the Bhattis,
broken off at a very early period, its chief holding the title of
Rawal, and whose family since their expulsion have resided at
Ghariala, belonging to Bikaner, on \[325] an allowance of five
rupees a day, granted by the conqueror. The capital of the
“sons of David” was removed to the south bank of the Gara
by Bahawal Khan (who gave it his name), to the site of an old
.bn 070.png
.pn +1
Bhatti city, whose name I could not learn. About thirty years
ago[8.2.59] an army from Kandahar invaded Daudputra, invested and
took Derawar, and compelled Bahawal Khan to seek protection
with the Bhattis at Bikampur. A negotiation for its restoration
took place, and he once more pledged his submission to the
Abdali king, and having sent his son Mubarik Khan as a hostage
and guarantee for the liquidation of the imposition, the army
withdrew. Mubarik continued three years at Kabul, and was
at length restored to liberty and made Khan of Bahawalpur, on
attempting which he was imprisoned by his father, and confined
in the fortress of Khangarh, where he remained nearly until
Bahawal Khan’s death. A short time previous to this, the
principal chiefs of Daudputra, namely, Badera Khairani, chief
of Mozgarh, Khudabakhsh of Traihara, Ikhtiyar Khan of Garhi,
and Haji Khan of Uchh, released Mubarik Khan from Khangarh
and they had reached Murara, when tidings arrived of the death
of Bahawal Khan. He continued his route to the capital; but
Nasir Khan, son of Alam Khan, Gurgecha (Baloch), having
formerly injured him and dreading punishment, had him assassinated,
and placed his brother, the present chief, Sadik Muhammad,
on the masnad: who immediately shut up his nephews, the sons
of Mubarik, together with his younger brothers, in the fortress
of Derawar. They escaped, raised a force of Rajputs and Purbias,
and seized upon Derawar; but Sadik escaladed it, the Purbias
made no defence \[326], and both his brothers and one nephew were
slain. The other nephew got over the wall, but was seized by a
neighbouring chief, surrendered, and slain; and it is conjectured
the whole was a plot of Sadik Khan to afford a pretext for their
death. Nasir Khan, by whose instigation he obtained the
masnad, was also put to death, being too powerful for a subject.
But the Khairani lords have always been plotting against their
liege; an instance of which has been given in the Annals of
Bikaner, when Traihara and Mozgarh were confiscated, and the
chiefs sent to the castle of Khangarh, the State prison of Daudputra.
Garhi still belongs to Abdulla, son of Haji Khan, but no
territory is annexed to it. Sadik Muhammad has not the reputation
of his father, whom Bijai Singh, of Marwar, used to style his
brother. The Daudputras are much at variance amongst each
other, and detested by the Bhattis, from whom they have hitherto
.bn 071.png
.pn +1
exacted a tribute to abstain from plunder. The fear of Kandahar
no longer exists at Bahawalpur, whose chief is on good terms
with his neighbour of Upper Sind, though he is often alarmed by
the threats of Ranjit Singh of Lahore, who asserts supremacy
over “the children of David.”
.fn 8.2.58
[The succession runs: Bahāwal Khān II. (A.D. 1772-1809); Sādik
Muhammad Khān (1809-25); Muhammad Bahāwal Khān III. (1825-52);
Sādik Muhammad Khān II. (1853-58); Muhammad Bahāwal Khān IV.
(1858-66); Sādik Muhammad Khān III., a minor, installed in 1879.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.59
This memorandum was written, I think, in 1811 or 1812.
.fn-
Diseases.—Of the numerous diseases to which the inhabitants
of the desert are subjected, from poor and unwholesome diet, and
yet more unwholesome drink, rataundha or night-blindness, the
narua or Guinea-worm, and varicose veins, are the most common.
The first and last are mostly confined to the poorer classes, and
those who are compelled to walk a great deal, when the exertion
necessary to extricate the limbs from deep sand, acting as a
constant drag upon the elasticity of the fibres, occasions them
to become ruptured. Yet such is the force of habit that the
natives of Dhat in my service, who had all their lives been plying
their limbs as kasids, or carriers of dispatches, between all the
cities on the Indus and in Rajputana, complained of the firmer
footing of the Indian plains, as more fatiguing than that of their
native sandhills. But I never was a convert to the Dhati’s
reasoning; with all his simplicity of character, even in this was
there vanity, for his own swelled veins, which could be compared to
nothing but rattans twisted round the calf of his limbs, if they did
not belie his assertion, at least proved that he had paid dearly for
his pedestrianism in the desert \[327]. From the narua, or Guinea-worm,
there is no exemption, from the prince to the peasant, and
happy is the man who can boast of only one trial. The disease is
not confined to the desert and western Rajputana, being far from
uncommon in the central States; but beyond the Aravalli the
question of “How is your narua?” is almost a general form of
greeting, so numerous are the sufferers from this malady. It
generally attacks the limbs and the integuments of the joints,
when it is excruciating almost past endurance. Whether it arises
from animalculae in sand or water, or porous absorption of minute
particles imbued with the latent vital principle, the natives are
not agreed. But the seat of the disease appears immediately
under and adhesive to the skin, on which it at first produces a
small speck, which, gradually increasing and swelling, at length
reaches a state of inflammation that affects the whole system.
The worm then begins to move, and as it attains the degree of
vitality apparently necessary for extricating itself, its motions
.bn 072.png
.pn +1
are unceasing, and night and day it gnaws the unhappy patient,
who only exists in the hope of daily seeing the head of his enemy
pierce the cuticle. This is the moment for action: the skilful
narua-doctor is sent for, who seizes upon the head of the worm,
and winding it round a needle or straw, employs it as a windlass,
which is daily set in motion at a certain hour, when they wind out
as much line as they can without the risk of breaking it. Unhappy
the wretch whom this disaster befalls, when, happening to fall
into a feverish slumber, he kicks the windlass, and snaps the
living thread, which creates tenfold inflammation and suppuration.
On the other hand, if by patience and skill it is extracted entire,
he recovers. I should almost imagine, when the patriarch of
Uz exclaims, “My flesh is clothed with worms: my skin is broken
and become loathsome. When I lie down, I say, when shall I
arise and the night be gone?” that he must have been afflicted
with the narua, than which none of the ills that flesh is heir to
can be more agonizing.[8.2.60]
.fn 8.2.60
My friend Dr. Joseph Duncan (attached to the Residency when I was
Political Agent at Udaipur) was attacked by the narua in a very aggravated
form. It fixed itself in the ankle-joint, and being broken in the attempt to
extricate it, was attended by all the evil results I have described, ending in
lameness, and generally impaired health, which obliged him to visit the
Cape for recovery, where I saw him on my way home eighteen months after,
but he had even then not altogether recovered from the lameness. [Guinea-worm
(Dracontiasis), a disease due to the Filaria medinensis or Dracunculus,
known in Persia as rīshtah, infests the Persian Gulf and many parts of
India. See Curzon, Persia, ii. 234; Fryer, New Account of East India and
Persia, ed. 1912, i. 175; Sleeman, Rambles, 76; Asiatic Researches, vi.
58 ff.; EB, 11th ed. xix. 361. The disease from which Job suffered (Job
ii. 7) is generally believed to be elephantiasis (A. B. Davidson, The Book
of Job, 13).]
.fn-
They have the usual infantine and adult diseases, as in the rest
of India. Of these the sitala, or ‘smallpox,’ and the tijari, or
‘tertian,’ are the most common. For the first, they merely
recommend the little patient to Sitala Mata; and treat the other
with astringents in which infusion of the rind of the pomegranate
is always (when procurable) an ingredient. The rich, as in other
countries, are under the dominion of empirics, who entail worse
diseases by administering mineral poisons, of whose effects they are
ignorant. Enlargement of the spleen under the influence of these
fevers is very common, and its cure is mostly the actual cautery.
Famines.—Famine is, however, the grand natural disease of
.bn 073.png
.pn +1
these regions, whose legendary stanzas teem with records of visitations
of Bhukhi Mata, the ‘famished mother,’ from the remotest
times. That which is best authenticated in the traditions of
several of these States, occurred in the eleventh century, and continued
during twelve years! It is erroneously connected with
the name of Lakha Phulani, who was the personal foe of Siahji,
the first Rathor emigrant from Kanauj, and who slew this Robin
Hood of the desert in S. 1268 (A.D. 1212). Doubtless the desiccation
of the Ghaggar River, in the time of Hamir Sodha, nearly a
century before, must have been the cause of this. Every third
year they calculate upon a partial visitation, and in 1812 one
commenced which lasted three or four years, extending even to
the central States of India, when flocks of poor creatures found
their way to the provinces on the Ganges, selling their infants, or
parting with their own liberty, to sustain existence.[8.2.61]
.fn 8.2.61
[Since this was written Rājputāna has suffered from terrible famines
in 1868-69, 1877-78, 1891-92, and 1899-1900, besides several seasons of
scarcity.]
.fn-
Productions, Animal and Vegetable.—The camel, ‘the ship of
the desert,’ deserves the first mention. There he is indispensable;
he is yoked to the plough, draws water from the well \[328], bears
it for his lordly master in mashaks, or ‘skins,’ in the passage of
the desert, and can dispense with it himself altogether during
several days. This quality, the formation of his hoof, which has
the property of contracting and expanding according to the soil,
and the induration of his mouth, into which he draws by his
tongue the branches of the babul, the khair, and jawas, with their
long thorns, sharp and hard as needles, attest the beneficence of
the Supreme Artist. It is singular that the Arabian patriarch,
who so accurately describes the habits of various animals, domestic
and ferocious, and who was himself lord of three thousand camels,
should not have mentioned the peculiar properties of the camel,
though in alluding to the incapacity of the unicorn (rhinoceros)
for the plough, he seems indirectly to insinuate the use of others
besides the ox for this purpose. The camels of the desert are far
superior to those of the plains, and those bred in the thals of Dhat
and Barmer are the best of all. The Rajas of Jaisalmer and
Bikaner have corps of camels trained for war.[8.2.62] That of the
.bn 074.png
.pn +1
former State is two hundred strong, eighty of which belong to the
prince; the rest are the quotas of his chiefs; but how they are
rated, or in what ratio to the horsemen of the other principalities,
I never thought of inquiring. Two men are mounted on each
camel, one facing the head, the other the rear, and they are
famous in a retreating action: but when compelled to come to
close quarters, they make the camel kneel down, tie his legs, and
retiring behind, make a breastwork of his body, resting the matchlock
over the pack-saddle. There is not a shrub in the desert that
does not serve the camel for fodder.
.fn 8.2.62
[These camel corps have been placed at the service of the Indian
Government, and have done excellent service in several recent campaigns.]
.fn-
The Wild Ass.—Khar-gadha, Gorkhar, or the wild ass,[8.2.63] is an
inhabitant of the desert, but most abounds in the southern part,
about Dhat, and the deep rui which extends from Barmer to
Bankasar and Baliari, along the north bank of the great Rann, or
‘salt desert.’
.fn 8.2.63
[The wild ass (Equus hemionus) seems to have almost entirely disappeared
in Jaisalmer. It is seldom seen in Mārwār, and no specimen has
appeared in Bīkaner for many years (Erskine iii. A. 7, 50, 311; Blanford,
Mammalia of India, 470 f.). Herodotus (vii. 86) says that the Indian
chariots in the army of Xerxes were drawn by horses or wild asses.]
.fn-
Rojh or Nilgae, Lions, etc.—The noble species of the deer, the
nilgae, is to be met with in numerous parts of the desert; and
although it enjoys a kind of immunity from the Rajput of the
plains, who may hunt, but do not eat its flesh, here, both for food
and for its hide, it is of great use.[8.2.64] Of the other wild animals
common to India they have the tiger, fox, jackal, hare, and also
the nobler animal, the lion.
.fn 8.2.64
[Nīlgāē, Boselaphus tragocamelus, is not a deer, but belongs to the order
Bovidae (Blanford, 517 ff.).]
.fn-
Domestic Animals.—Of domestic animals, as horses, oxen, cows,
sheep, goats, asses, there is no want, and even the last mentioned
is made to go in the plough.
Flocks (here termed chang) of goats and sheep are pastured in
vast numbers in the desert. It is asserted that the goat can
subsist without water from the month of Karttik to the middle of
Chait, the autumnal to the spring equinox \[329]—apparently an
impossibility: though it is well known that they can dispense
with it during six weeks when the grasses are abundant. In the
thals of Daudputra and Bhattipo, they remove to the flats of
Sind in the commencement of the hot weather. The shepherds,
.bn 075.png
.pn +1
like their flocks, go without water, but find a substitute in the
chhachh, or buttermilk, after extracting the butter, which is made
into ghi, and exchanged for grain, or other necessaries. Those
who pasture camels also live entirely upon their milk, and the
wild fruits, scarcely ever tasting bread.
Shrubs and Fruits.—We have often had occasion to mention
the khair or karil; the khejra, whose pod converted, when dried,
into flour, is called sangri; the jhal, which serves to hut the
shepherds, and in Jeth and Raisakh affords them fruit; the pilu,
used as food;[8.2.65] the babul, which yields its medicinal gum; the
ber, or jujube, which also has a pleasant fruit; all of which serve
the camel to browse on, and are the most common and most useful
of the shrubs: the jawas, whose expressed juice yields a gum
used in medicine; the phog, with whose twigs they line their
wells; and the alkaline plant, the sajji, which they burn for its
ashes. Of these, the first and last are worthy of a more detailed
notice.
.fn 8.2.65
[The fruits or small red berries of the pilu (Salvadora persica) have a
strong aromatic smell and a pungent taste, like mustard or garden cress,
while the shoots and leaves are eaten as a salad (Watt, Econ. Dict. vi. Part ii.
449; Burnes, Travels into Bokhara, iii. 122).]
.fn-
The karil, or khair (the capparis, or caper-bush), is well known
both in Hindustan and the desert: there they use it as a pickle,
but here it is stored up as a culinary article of importance. The
bush is from ten to fifteen feet in height, spreading very wide;
there are no leaves on its evergreen twig-like branches, which bear
a red flower, and the fruit is about the size of a large black currant.
When gathered, it is steeped for twenty-four hours in water, which
is then poured off, and it undergoes, afterwards, two similar
operations, when the deleterious properties are carried off; they
are then boiled and eaten with a little salt, or by those who can
afford it, dressed in ghi and eaten with bread. Many families
possess a stock of twenty maunds.
The sajji is a low, bushy plant, chiefly produced in the northern
desert, and most abundant in those tracts of Jaisalmer called
Khadal, now subject to Daudputra. From Pugal to Derawar,
and thence by Muridkot, Ikhtyar Khan-ki-garhi, to Khairpur
(Dair Ali), is one extensive thal, or desert, in which there are very
considerable tracts of low, hard flat, termed chittram,[8.2.66] formed by
.bn 076.png
.pn +1
the lodgment of water \[330] after rain, and in these spots only is
the sajji plant produced. The salt, which is a sub-carbonate of
soda, is obtained by incineration, and the process is as follows:
Pits are excavated and filled with the plant, which, when fired,
exudes a liquid substance that falls to the bottom. While burning,
they agitate the mass with long poles, or throw on sand if it
burns too rapidly. When the virtue of the plant is extracted,
the pit is covered with sand, and left for three days to cool; the
alkali is then taken out, and freed from its impurities by some
process. The purer product is sold at a rupee the ser (two pounds
weight); of the other upwards of forty sers are sold for a rupee.
Both Rajputs and Muhammadans pursue this employment, and
pay a duty to the lord paramount of a copper pice on every
rupee’s worth they sell. Charans and others from the towns of
Marwar purchase and transport this salt to the different marts,
whence it is distributed over all parts of India. It is a considerable
article of commerce with Sind, and entire caravans of it are
carried to Bakhar, Tatta, and Cutch. The virtue of the soda is
well understood in culinary purposes, a little sajji added to the
hard water soon softening the mess of pulse and rice preparing for
their meals; and the tobacconists use considerable quantities in
their trade, as it is said to have the power of restoring the lost
virtues of the plant.
.fn 8.2.66
Chittram, the name applied to these flats of hard soil (which Mr. Elphinstone
happily describes, by saying that it rings under the horses’ hoofs in
marching over it), is literally ‘the picture,’ from the circumstance of such
spots almost constantly presenting the mirage, here termed chittram. How
far the soil, so deeply impregnated with alkaline matter, may tend to
heighten, if not to cause this, we have elsewhere noted in a general account
of this optical phenomenon in various parts of northern India.
.fn-
Grasses.—Grasses are numerous, but unless accompanied by
botanical illustration, their description would possess little interest.
There is the gigantic siwan, or siun, classically known as
the kusa, and said to have originated the name of Kusa, the
second son of Rama, and his race the Kachhwaha. It is often
eight feet in height; when young, it serves as provender for
animals, and when more mature, as thatch for the huts, while its
roots supply a fibre, converted by the weavers into brushes indispensable
to their trade. There is likewise the sarkanda, the
dhaman, the duba, and various others; besides the gokhru, the
.bn 077.png
.pn +1
papri, and the bharut, which adhering to their garments, are the
torment of travellers.[8.2.67]
.fn 8.2.67
[Sarkanda, Saccharum sara or arundinaceum; dhāman, Pennisetum
cenchroides; dūb, Cynodon dactylon; gokhru, Tribulus lancigenosus; bharūt,
Cenchrus catharticus.]
.fn-
Melons.—Of the cucurbitaceous genus, indigenous to the desert,
they have various kinds, from the gigantic kharbuza and the
chitra, to the dwarf guar. The tomato, whose Indian name I have
not preserved, is also a native of these regions, and well known in
other parts of India.[8.2.68] We shall trespass no further with these
details, than to add, that the botanical names of all such trees,
shrubs, or grains, as occur in this work, will be given with the
general #Index:INDEX#, to avoid unnecessary repetition \[331].
.fn 8.2.68
[The tomato, introduced in modern times into India, generally called
wilāyati baingan, ‘the foreign egg-plant.’]
.fn-
.hr 25%
.ce
ITINERARY[8.2.69]
.fn 8.2.69
[Many of the places named in this Itinerary are merely temporary
halting-places in the desert, which do not appear in modern maps. Hence,
in several cases, the transliteration is conjectural, and depends on the
method of the Author in the case of well-known localities. A series of
similar routes is given by Lieut. A. H. E. Boileau, Narrative of a Tour
through Rajwara in 1835 (Calcutta, 1837), p. 192 ff.]
.fn-
.ce
Jaisalmer to Sehwan, on the right bank of the Indus, and\
Haidarabad, and return by Umarkot to Jaisalmer
.in 4
.ti -4
Kuldra (5 coss).—A village inhabited by Paliwal Brahmans; two
hundred houses; wells.
.ti -4
Gajia-ki-basti (2 do.).—Sixty houses; chiefly Brahmans; wells.
.ti -4
Khaba (3 do.).—Three hundred houses; chiefly Brahmans; a
small fort of four bastions on low hills, having a garrison of
Jaisalmer.
.in
.if t
.nr nfl 0
.nf l
Kanohi (5 do.).┐—An assemblage of hamlets of four or five huts on one
Sum (5 do.).┘\ \ spot, about a mile distant from each other, conjointly
.nf-
.nr nfl -1
.ti 0
@X@ called Sum, having a burj or tower for defence,
garrisoned from Jaisalmer; several large wells, termed
beria; inhabitants, chiefly Sindis of various tribes, pasture
their flocks, and bring salt and khara (natron) from Deo
Chandeswar, the latter used as a mordant in fixing colours,
exported to all parts. Half-way between Sum and Mulana
is the boundary of Jaisalmer and Sind.
.if-
.if h
.li
Kanohi Sum |
(5 do.). (5 do.). |
} |
.li-
.in 6
.ti -4
—An assemblage of hamlets of four or five huts
on one spot, about a mile distant from each
other, conjointly called Sum, having a burj or tower for defence,
garrisoned from Jaisalmer; several large wells, termed
beria; inhabitants, chiefly Sindis of various tribes, pasture
their flocks, and bring salt and khara (natron) from Deo
Chandeswar, the latter used as a mordant in fixing colours,
exported to all parts. Half-way between Sum and Mulana
is the boundary of Jaisalmer and Sind.
.in
.if-
.bn 078.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Mulana[8.2.70] (24 coss).—A hamlet of ten huts; chiefly Sindis; situated
amidst lofty sandhills. From Sum, the first half of the
journey is over alternate sandhills, rocky ridges (termed
magra), and occasionally plain; for the next three, rocky
ridges and sandhills without any flats, and the remaining nine
coss a succession of lofty tibas. In all this space of twenty-four
coss there are no wells, nor is a drop of water to be had
but after rain, when it collects in some old tanks or reservoirs,
called nadi and taba, situated half-way, where in past times
there was a town.
.in
.fn 8.2.70
There are two routes from Mulana to Sehwan. The Dhati went the
longest on account of water. The other is by Sakrand, as follows:
.ta l:20 r:6 l:18 r:6 r:4 l:12
|Coss. | | Coss. ||
Palri | 5 | Sakrand | 3 |┐|[8.2.70.A]
Padshah-ki-basti | 6 | Nala | 0-½ |│| This
Udani | 5 | Makrand | 4 |│| appears
Mitrao | 10 | Koka-ki-basti| 6 |│| very
Mir-ki-khoi | 6 | The Sind | 10 |│| circuitous.
Supari | 5 | Sehwan | 0-½ |┘|
Kambhar-ka-nala | 9 | | | |
.ta-
.fn-
.fn 8.2.70.A
Town high road from Upper to Lower Sind.
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
It is asserted, that before the Muhammadans conquered
Sind and these regions, the valley and desert belonged to
Rajput princes of the Pramar and Solanki tribes; that the
whole thal (desert) was more or less inhabited, and the remains
of old tanks and temples, notwithstanding the drifting of the
sands, attest the fact. Tradition records a famine of twelve
years’ duration during the time of Lakha Phulani, in the
twelfth century, which depopulated the country, when the
survivors of the thal fled to the kachhi, or flats of the Sind.
There are throughout still many oases or cultivated patches,
designated by the local terms from the \[332] indispensable
element, water, which whether springs or rivulets, are called
wah, bah, beria, rar, tar, prefixed by the tribe of those pasturing,
whether Sodhas, Rajars, or Samaichas. The inhabitants
of one hamlet will go as far as ten miles to cultivate a patch.
.in
.if t
.ta l:16 c:2 l:50
Bhor (2 do.). | ┐ |These are all hamlets of about ten huts, inhabited
Palri (3 do.). | │ |by Rajars, who cultivate patches of
Rajar-ki-basti | │ |land or pasture their flocks of buffaloes,
\ \ \ \ (2 do.).| │ |cows, camels, goats, amidst the thal; at
Hamlet of Rajars| │ |each of these hamlets there are plenty of
\ \ \ \ (2 do.).| ┘ |springs; at Rajar-ki-basti there is a pool
| |called Mahadeo-ka-dah. (See p. #1263# above.)
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Bhor Palri Rajar-ki-basti Hamlet of Rajars |
(2 do.). (3 do.). (2 do.). (2 do.). |
 |
.li-
.in 2
.ti -2
These are all hamlets of about ten huts, inhabited
by Rajars, who cultivate patches of
land or pasture their flocks of buffaloes,
cows, camels, goats, amidst the thal; at
each of these hamlets there are plenty of
springs; at Rajar-ki-basti there is a pool
called Mahadeo-ka-dah. (See p. #1263# above.)
.in
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Deo Chandeswar Mahadeo (2 do.).—When the Sodha princes held
sway in these regions, there was a town here, and a temple to
Mahadeo, the ruins of which still exist, erected over a spring
called Suraj kund, or fountain of the Sun. The Islamite
destroyed the temple, and changed the name of the spring to
.bn 079.png
.pn +1
Dinbawa, or ‘waters of the faith.’ The kund is small, faced
with brick, and has its margin planted with date trees and
pomegranates, and a Mulla, or priest from Sind, resides there
and receives tribute from the faithful. For twelve coss
around this spot there are numerous springs of water, where
the Rajars find pasture for their flocks, and patches to cultivate.
Their huts are conical like the wigwams of the African,
and formed by stakes tied at the apex and covered with grass
and leaves, and often but a large blanket of camel’s hair
stretched on stakes.
.ti -4
Chandia-ki-basti (2 coss).—Hamlet inhabited by Muslims of the
Chandia tribe, mendicants who subsist on the charity of the
traveller.
.in
.if t
.ta l:8 c:8 c:8 c:2 l:40
Rajar-ki-basti ||(2 do.). |┐ |Purwas, or hamlets of shepherds, Samaichas,
Samaicha-ki-do ||(2 do.). |│ |Rajars, and others, who
Rajar | do. |(1 do.). |│ |are all migratory, and shift with their
Do. | do. |(2 do.). |│ |flocks as they consume the pastures.
Do. | do. |(2 do.). |│ |There is plenty of water in this space
Do. | do. |(2 do.). |│ |for all their wants, chiefly springs.
Do. | do. |(2 do.). |│ |
Do. | do. |(2 do.). |┘ |
.ta-
.if-
.ig
Rajar-ki-basti | (2 do.). |
 |
Samaicha-ki-do | (2 do.). |
Rajar | (2 do.). | (1 do.). |
Do. | do. | (2 do.). |
Do. | do. | (2 do.). |
do. | do. | (2 do.). |
do. | do. | (2 do.). |
do. | do. | (2 do.). |
.ig-
.if h
.li
Rajar-ki-basti Samaicha-ki-do |
(2 do.). (2 do.). |
 |
Rajar Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. |
do. do. do. do. do. do. |
(2 do.). (2 do.). (2 do.). (2 do.). (2 do.). (2 do.). |
Purwas, or hamlets of shepherds, Samaichas,
Rajars, and others, who
are all migratory, and shift with their
flocks as they consume the pastures.
There is plenty of water in this space
for all their wants, chiefly springs.
.li-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Udhania (7 do.).—Twelve huts; no water between it and the last
hamlet.
.ti -4
Nala (5 do.).—Descent from the thal or desert, which ceases a mile
east of the nala or stream, said to be the same which issues
from the Indus at Dara, above Rohri-Bakhar; thence it
passes east of Sohrab’s Khairpur, and by Jinar to Bersia-ka-rar,
whence there is a canal cut to Umarkot and Chor.
.ti -4
Mitrao (4 do.).—Village of sixty houses, inhabited by Baloch; a
thana, or post here from Haidarabad; occasional low sandhills.
.ti -4
Mir-ki-kui (6 do.).—Three detached hamlets of ten huts each,
inhabited by Aroras.
.ti -4
Sheopuri (3 do.).—One hundred and twenty houses, chiefly
Aroras: small fort of six bastions to the south-east, garrisoned
from Haidarabad.
.ti -4
Kamera-ka-Nala (6 do.).—This nala issues from the Indus between
Kakar-ki-basti and Sakrand, and passes eastward; probably
the bed of an old canal, with which the country is everywhere
intersected.
.ti -4
Sakrand (2 do.).—One hundred houses, one-third of which are
Hindus; patches of cultivation; numerous watercourses
neglected; everywhere overgrown with jungle, chiefly jhau
and \[333] khejra (tamarisk and acacia). Cotton, indigo, rice,
wheat, barley, peas, grain, and maize grow on the banks of
the watercourses.
.ti -4
Jatui (2 do.).—Sixty houses; a nala between it and Jatui.
.ti -4
Kazi-ka-Shahr (4 do.).—Four hundred houses; two nalas
intervene.
.bn 080.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Makera (4 coss).—Sixty houses; a nala between it and Jatui.
.ti -4
Kakar-ki-basti (6 do.).—Sixteen houses; half-way the remains of
an ancient fortress; three canals or nalas intervening; the
village placed upon a mound four miles from the Indus, whose
waters overflow it during the periodic monsoon.
.ti -4
Pura or Hamlet (1 do.).—A ferry.
.ti -4
The Indus (1 do.).—Took boat and crossed to
.ti -4
Sewan or Sehwan (1½ do.).—A town of twelve hundred houses on
the right bank, belonging to Haidarabad[8.2.71] \[334].
.in
.fn 8.2.71
Sehwan is erected on an elevation within a few hundred yards of the
river, having many clumps of trees, especially to the south. The houses are
built of clay, often three stories high, with wooden pillars supporting the
floors. To the north of the town are the remains of a very ancient and
extensive fortress, sixty of its bastions being still visible; and in the centre
the vestiges of a palace still known as Raja Bhartrihari-ka-Mahall, who is
said to have reigned here when driven from Ujjain by his brother Vikramaditya.
Although centuries have flown since the Hindus had any power in
these regions, their traditions have remained. They relate that Vikrama,
the eldest son of Gandharap Sen, was so devoted to his wife, that he neglected
the affairs of government, which made his brother expostulate with him.
This coming to his wife’s ears, she insisted on the banishment of Vikrama.
Soon after a celebrated ascetic reached his court, and presented to Bhartrihari
the Amarphul, or ‘fruit of immortality,’ the reward of years of austere
devotion at the shrine of Mahadeo. Bhartrihari gave it to his wife, who
bestowed it on an elephant-driver, her paramour; he to a common prostitute,
his mistress; who expecting to be highly rewarded for it, carried it
to the raja. Incensed at such a decided proof of infidelity, Bhartrihari,
presenting himself before his queen, asked for the prize—she had lost it.
Having produced it, she was so overwhelmed with shame that she rushed
from his presence, and precipitating herself from the walls of the palace,
was dashed to pieces. Raja Bhartrihari consoled himself with another
wife, Rani Pingula, to whose charms he in like manner became enslaved;
but experience had taught him suspicion. Having one day gone a-hunting,
his huntsman shot a deer, whose doe coming to the spot, for a short time
contemplated the body, then threw herself on his antlers and died. The
Shikari, or huntsman, who had fallen asleep, was killed by a huge snake.
His wife came to seek him, supposing him still asleep, but at length seeing
he was dead, she collected leaves, dried reeds, and twigs, and having made
a pyre, placed the body under it; after the usual perambulations she set
fire to, and perished with it. The raja, who witnessed these proceedings,
went home and conversed with Pingulani on these extraordinary Satis,
especially the Shikari’s, which he called unparalleled. Pingulani disputed
the point, and said it was the sacrifice of passion, not of love; had it been
the latter, grief would have required no pyre. Some time after, having
again gone a-hunting, Bhartrihari recalled this conversation, and having
slain a deer, he dipped his clothes in the blood, and sent them by a confidential
messenger to report his death in combat with a tiger. Pingulani
heard the details; she wept not, neither did she speak, but prostrating
herself before the sun, ceased to exist. The pyre was raised, and her
remains were consuming outside the city as the raja returned from his
excursion. Hastening to the spot of lamentation, and learning the fatal
issue of his artifice, he threw off the trappings of sovereignty, put on the
pilgrim’s garb, and abandoned Ujjain to Vikrama. The only word which
he uttered, as he wandered to and fro, was the name of his faithful Pingulani!
“Hae Pingula! Hae Pingula!” The royal pilgrim at length fixed his
abode at Sehwan; but although they point out the ruins of a palace still
known even to the Islamite as the Am-khass of Raja Bhartrihari, it is admitted
that the fortress is of more ancient date. There is a mandir, or
shrine, to the south of the town, also called, after him, Bhartri-ka-mandir.
In this the Islamite has deposited the mortal remains of a saint named
Lal Pir Shahbaz, to whom they attribute their victorious possession of
Sind.[8.2.71.A] The cenotaph of this saint, who has the character of a proselyte
Hindu, is in the centre of the mandir, and surrounded by wooden stakes.
It is a curious spectacle to see both Islamite and Hindu paying their devotions
in the same place of worship; and although the first is prohibited
from approaching the sacred enceinte of the Pir, yet both adore a large
salagram, that vermiculated fossil sacred to Vishnu, placed in a niche in
the tomb. The fact is a curious one, and although these Islamite adorers
are the scions of conversion, it perhaps shows in the strongest manner that
this conversion was of the sword, for, generally speaking, the converted
Hindu makes the most bigoted and intolerant Musalman. My faithful and
intelligent emissaries, Madari Lal and the Dhati, brought me a brick from
the ruins of this fortress of Sehwan. It was about a cubit in length, and of
symmetrical breadth and thickness, uncommonly well burnt, and rang like
a bell. They also brought me some charred wheat, from pits where it had
been burned. The grains were entire and reduced to a pure carbon. Tradition
is again at work, and asserts its having lain there for some thousand
years. There is very little doubt that this is the site of one of the antagonists
of the Macedonian conqueror, perhaps Mousikanos,[8.2.71.B] or Mukh-Sehwan, the
chief of Sehwan. The passage of the Grecian down the Indus was marked
by excesses not inferior to those of the Ghaznavede king in later times, and
doubtless they fired all they could not plunder to carry to the fleet. There
is also a Nanak-bara, or place of worship sacred to Nanak, the great apostle of
the Sikhs, placed between the fortress and the river. Sehwan is inhabited
by Hindus and Islamites in equal proportions: of the former, the mercantile
tribe of Mahesri from Jaisalmer, is the most numerous, and have been fixed
here for generations. There are also many Brahmans of the Pokharna[8.2.71.C]
caste, Sunars or goldsmiths, and other Hindu artisans; of the Muslims the
Sayyid is said to be the most numerous class. The Hindus are the monied
men. Cotton and indigo, and great quantities of rice in the husk (paddy),
grown in the vicinage of Sehwan, are exported to the ports of Tatta and
Karachi Bandar by boats of considerable burthen, manned entirely by
Muhammadans. The Hakim of Sehwan is sent from Haidarabad. The
range of mountains which stretch from Tatta nearly parallel with the Indus,
approaches within three miles of Sehwan, and there turns off to the north-west.
All these hills are inhabited as far as the shrine of Hinglaj Mata[8.2.71.D]
on the coast of Mekran (placed in the same range) by the Lumri, or Numri
tribe, who though styling themselves Baloch, are Jats in origin.[8.2.71.E]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.71.A
[The reference is to Lāl Shāhbāz, Qalandar, head of the Jalāli order,
who died at Sehwān, A.D. 1274. For a full account see R. F. Burton,
Sindh, 211 f.]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.71.B
[Mousikanos was the stiff-necked king of Alor or Aror who opposed
Alexander, was captured and executed (Smith, EHI, 100 f.; McCrindle,
Alexander, 395).]
.fn-
.fn 8.2.71.C
See Annals of Jaisalmer, Vol. II. p. vol2_1256.
.fn-
.fn 8.2.71.D
This famous shrine of the Hindu Cybele, yet frequented by numerous
votaries, is nine days’ journey from Tatta by Karachi Bandar, and about
nine miles from the seashore.
.fn-
.fn 8.2.71.E
These are the Nomurdies of Rennel. [See p. #1299# above.]
.fn-
.bn 081.png
.pn +1
.ce
Sehwan to Haidarabad
.in 4
.ti -4
Jat-ki-basti (2 coss).—The word jāt or jat is here pronounced Zjat.
This hamlet ‘basti,’ is of thirty huts, half a mile from the
Indus: hills close to the village.
.bn 082.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Samaicha-ki-basti (2½ coss).—Small village.
.ti -4
Lakhi (2½ do.).—Sixty houses; one mile and a half from the
river: canal on the north side of the village; banks well
cultivated. In the hills, two miles west, is a spot sacred
to Parbati and Mahadeo, where are several springs, three
of which are hot.[8.2.72]
.in
.fn 8.2.72
These springs are frequented, despite the difficulties and dangers of
the route from the savage Numri, by numerous Hindu pilgrims. Two of
them are hot, and named Suryakund and Chandrakund, or fountains of
the sun and moon, and imbued with especial virtues; but before the pilgrim
can reap any advantage by purification in their waters, he must undergo
the rite of confession to the attendant priests, who, through intercession
with Mahadeo, have the power of granting absolution. Should a sinner be
so hardened as to plunge in without undergoing this preparatory ordeal, he
comes out covered with boils!!! This is a curious confirmation that the
confessional rite is one of very ancient usage amongst the Hindus, even in
the days of Rama of Kosala.—See Vol. I. p. vol1_94.
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
Umri (2 do.).—Twenty-five houses, half a mile from River; the
hills not lofty, a coss west.
.ti -4
Sumri (3 do.).—Fifty houses, on the River hills; one and a half
coss west.
.ti -4
Sindu or San (4 do.).—Two hundred houses and a bazar, two
hundred yards from the River; hills one and a half coss west.
.ti -4
Manjhand (4½ do.).—On the River two hundred and fifty houses,
considerable trade; hills two coss west.
.ti -4
Umar-ki-basti (3 do.).—A few huts, near the river.
.ti -4
Sayyid-ki-basti (3 do.).
.ti -4
Shikarpur (4 do.).—On the river; crossed to the east side.
.in
.bn 083.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Haidarabad (3 coss).—One and a half coss from the river Indus.
Haidarabad to Nasarpur, nine coss; to Sheodadpur, eleven
do.; to Sheopuri, seventeen do.; to Rohri-Bakhar, six
do.—total forty-three coss.
.in
.ce
Haidarabad via Umarkot, to Jaisalmer
.in 4
.ti -4
Sindu Khan ki-basti (3 do.).—West bank of Phuleli river.
.ti -4
Tajpur (3 do.).—Large town, north-east of Haidarabad \[335].
.ti -4
Katrel (1½ do.).—A hundred houses.
.ti -4
Nasarpur (1½ do.).—East of Tajpur, large town.
.ti -4
Alahyar-ka-Tanda (4 do.).—A considerable town built by Alahyar
Khan, brother of the late Ghulam Ali, and lying south-east
of Nasarpur. Two coss north of the town is the Sangra Nala
or Bawa,[8.2.73] said to issue from the Indus between Hala and
Sakrand and passing Jandila.
.in
.fn 8.2.73
This is the Sankra of Nadir Shah’s treaty with Muhammad Shah of
India, which the conqueror made the boundary between India and Persia,
by which he obtained the whole of that fertile portion of the valley of Sind,
east of that stream. Others say it issues from Dara, above Rohri Bakhar.
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
Mirbah (5 do.).—Forty houses; Bah, Tanda, Got, Purwa, are all
synonymous terms for habitations of various degrees.
.ti -4
Sunaria (7 do.).—Forty houses.
.ti -4
Dangana (4 do.).—To this hamlet extend the flats of Sind.
Sandhills five and six miles distant to the north. A small
river runs under Dangana.
.ti -4
Karsana (7 do.).—A hundred houses. Two coss east of Karsana
are the remains of an ancient city; brick buildings still
remaining, with well and reservoirs. Sandhills two to three
coss to the northward.
.ti -4
Umarkot (8 do.).—There is one continued plain from Haidarabad
to Umarkot, which is built on the low ground at the very
extremity of the thal or sand-hills of the desert, here commencing.
In all this space, estimated at forty-four kachha
coss, or almost seventy miles of horizontal distance, as far
as Sunaria the soil is excellent, and plentifully irrigated by
bawahs, or canals from the Indus. Around the villages
there is considerable cultivation; but notwithstanding the
natural fertility, there is a vast quantity of jungle, chiefly
babul (Mimosa arabica), the evergreen thal, and thal or
tamarisk. From Sunaria to Umarkot is one continued
jungle, in which there are a few cultivated patches dependent
on the heavens for irrigation; the soil is not so good as the
first portion of the route.
.ti -4
Katar (4 do.).—A mile east of Umarkot commences the thal or
sandhills, the ascent a hundred and fifty to two hundred
feet. A few huts of Samaichas who pasture; two wells.
.ti -4
Dhat-ki-basti (4 do.).—A few huts; one well; Dhats, Sodhas,
and Sindis cultivate and pasture.
.in
.bn 084.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Dharnas (8 coss).—A hundred houses, chiefly Pokharna Brahmans
and Banias, who purchase up the thal from the pastoral
tribes, which they export to Bhuj and the valley. It is also
an entrepôt for trade; caravans from the east exchange
their goods for the thal, here very cheap, from the vast flocks
pastured in the Rui.
.ti -4
Kherlu-ka-Par (3 do.).—Numerous springs (thal) and hamlets
scattered throughout this tract.
.ti -4
Lanela (1½ do.).—A hundred houses; water brackish; conveyed
by camels from Kherlu.
.ti -4
Bhoj-ka-Par (3 do.).—Huts; wells; patches of cultivation.
.ti -4
Bhu (6 do.).—Huts.
.ti -4
Garara (10 do.).—A small town of three hundred houses, belonging
to Sawai Singh Sodha, with several thal or hamlets
attached to it. This is the boundary between Dhat or the
Sodha raj and Jaisalmer. Dhat is now entirely incorporated
in Sind. A thal, or collector of the transit duties, resides
here.
.ti -4
Harsani (10 do.).—Three hundred houses, chiefly Bhattis. It
belongs to a Rajput of this tribe, now dependent on Marwar
\[336].
.ti -4
Jinjiniali (10 do.).—Three hundred houses. This is the fief of
the chief noble of Jaisalmer; his name Ketsi,[8.2.74] Bhatti. It
is the border town of Jaisalmer. There is a small mud
fortress, and several talaos, or sheets of water, which contain
water often during three-fourths of the year; and considerable
cultivation in the little valleys formed by the
thal, or sand-ridges. About two miles north of Jinjiniali
there is a village of Charans.
.in
.fn 8.2.74
See Annals of Jaisalmer for an account of the murder of this chieftain,
Vol. II. p. vol2_1233.
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
Gaj Singh-ki-basti (2 do.).—Thirty-five houses. Water scarce,
brought on camels from the Charan village.
.ti -4
Hamirdeora (5 do.).—Two hundred houses. There are several
thal or pools, about a mile north, whither water is brought
on camels, that in the village being saline. The ridge of
rocks from Jaisalmer here terminates.
.ti -4
Chelak (5 do.).—Eighty houses; wells; Chelak on the ridge.
.ti -4
Bhopa (7 do.).—Forty houses; wells; small thal or pool.
.ti -4
Bhao (2 do.).—Two hundred houses; pool to the west; small
wells.
.ti -4
Jaisalmer (5 do.).—Eighty-five and a half coss from Umarkot
to Jaisalmer by this route, which is circuitous. That by
Jinjiniali 26 coss, Girab 7, Nilwa 12, Umarkot 25—in all 70
pakka coss, or about 150 miles. Caravans or kitars of
camels pass in four days, kasids or messengers in three and
a half, travelling night and day. The last 25 coss, or 50
miles, is entire desert: add to this 44 short coss from Haidarabad
to Umarkot, making a total of 129½ coss. The most
.bn 085.png
.pn +1
direct road is estimated at 105 pakka coss, which, allowing
for sinuosities, is equal to about 195 English miles.
.ti +4
Total of this route, 85½ coss.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer to Haidarabad, by Baisnau
.in 4
.ti -4
Kuldar (5 coss).
.ti -4
Khaba (5 do.).
.ti -4
Lakha-ka-ganw (30 do.).—Desert the whole way; no hamlets
or water.
.ti -4
Baisnau (8 do.).
.ti -4
Bersia-ka-Rar (16 do.).—Wells.
.ti -4
Thipra (3 do.).
.ti -4
Mata-ka-dher (7 do.).—Umarkot distant 20 coss.
.ti -4
Jandila (8 do.).
.ti -4
(10 do.).—Sankra, or Sangra thal.
.in
.if t
.ta l:23 c:1 l:45
|┌| In the former route the distance from
Tajpur (4 do.). |│| \ Alahyar-ka-Tanda, by the town of
Jam-ka-Tanda (2 do.).|│| \ Nasarpur, is called 13 coss, or two
Haidarabad (5 do.). |│| \ more than this. There are five nalas
|└| \ or canals in the last five coss.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Tajpur (4 do.). Jam-ka-Tanda (2 do.). Haidarabad (5 do.). |
 |
In the former route the distance from\
Alahyar-ka-Tanda, by the town of\
Nasarpur, is called 13 coss, or two\
more than this. There are five nalas\
or canals in the last five coss. |
.li-
.if-
.in 6
Total of this route, 103 coss.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer, by Shahgarh, to Khairpur of Mir Sohrab
.in 4
.ti -4
Anasagar (2 do.).
.ti -4
Chonda (2 do.).
.ti -4
Pani-ka-tar (3 do.).—Tar or Tir, springs \[337].
.ti -4
Pani-ki-kuchri (7 do.).—No village.
.ti -4
Kuriala (4 do.).
.ti -4
Shahgarh (20 do.[8.2.75]).—Rui or waste all this distance. Shahgarh
is the boundary; it has a small castle of six bastions, a
post of Mir Sohrab, governor of Upper Sind.
.in
.fn 8.2.75
Shaikh Abu-l-barakat makes the distance only nine coss from Shahgarh
to Kuriala, and states the important fact of crossing the dry bed of the
Ghaggar, five coss west of Kuriala; water found plentifully by digging in
the bed. Numerous thal, to which the shepherds drive their flocks.
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
Garsia (6 do.).
.ti -4
Garhar (28 do.).—Rui or desert the whole way; not a drop of
water. There are two routes branching off from Garhar,
one to Khairpur, the other to Ranipur.
.if t
.ta l:28 lm:1 lm:38
Baloch-ki-basti (5 do.). |┐|Hamlets of Baloch and Samaichas.
Samaicha-ki-basti (5 do.). |┘|
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Baloch-ki-basti (5 do.). Samaicha-ki-basti (5 do.). |
 |
Hamlets of Baloch and Samaichas. |
.li-
.if-
.ti -4
Nala (2 do.).—The same stream which flows from Dara, and
through the ancient city of Alor; it marks the boundary of
the desert.
.bn 086.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Khairpur[8.2.76] (18 coss).—Mir Sohrab, governor of Upper Sind, and
brother of the prince of Haidarabad, resides here. He has
erected a stone fortress of twelve bastions, called Nawakot
or New-castle. The 18 coss from the thal to Khairpur is
flat, and marks the breadth of the valley here. The following
towns are of consequence.
.ti -4
Khairpur to Larkhana.—Twenty coss west of the Indus, held by
Karam Ali, son of the prince of Haidarabad.
.ti -4
Khairpur to Lakhi.—Fifteen coss, and five from Shikarpur.
.ti -4
Khairpur to Shikarpur (20 do.).
.in
.fn 8.2.76
[IGI, xv. 215 f.]
.fn-
.sp 2
.ce
Garhar to Ranipur
.sp 2
.in 4
.ti -4
Pharara (10 do.).—A village of fifty houses, inhabited by Sindis
and Karars; several hamlets around. A dani, or collector
of transit dues, resides here on the part of Mir Sohrab, the
route being travelled by kitars or caravans of camels. The
nala from Dara passes two coss east of Pharara, which is on
the extremity of the desert. Commencement of the ridge
called Takar, five coss west of Pharara, extending to Rohri
Bakhar, sixteen coss distant from Pharara. From Pharara
to the Indus, eighteen coss, or thirty miles breadth of the
valley here.
.ti -4
Ranipur[8.2.77] (18 do.).
.in
.fn 8.2.77
Considerable town on the high road from Upper to Lower Sind. See
subsequent route.
.fn-
.ce
Jaisalmer to Rohri Bakhar
.in 4
.ti -4
Kuriala (18 do.).—See last route.
.ti -4
Banda (4 do.).—A tribe of Muslims, called Undar, dwell here.
.ti -4
Gotru (16 do.).—Boundary of Jaisalmer and Upper Sind. A
small castle and garrison of Mir Sohrab’s; two wells, one
inside; and a hamlet of thirty huts of Samaichas and Undars;
thal heavy.
.ti -4
Udat (32 do.).—Thirty huts of shepherds; a small mud fortress.
Rui, a deep and entire desert, throughout all this space;
no water \[338].
.ti -4
Sankram or Sangram (16 do.).—Half the distance sand-hills, the
rest numerous temporary hamlets constructed of the thal,
or maize stalks; several water-courses.
.ti -4
Nala-Sangra (½ do.).—This nala or stream is from Dara, on the
Sind, two coss and a half north of Rohri Bakhar; much
cultivation; extremity of the sand-hills.
.ti -4
Targatia (½ do.).—A large town; Bankers and Banias, here
termed Karar and Samaichas.
.ti -4
Low ridge of hills, called Takar (4 do.).—This little chain of
.bn 087.png
.pn +1
silicious rocks runs north and south; Nawakot, the Newcastle
of Sohrab, is at the foot of them; they extend beyond
Pharara, which is sixteen coss from Rohri Bakhar. Gumat is
six coss from Nawakot.
.in
.if t
//.ta l:15 l:55
.nr nfl 0
.nf l
Rohri (4 coss). ┐ On the ridge, on the left bank of the Indus. Crossed
Bakhar (½ do.). ├ over to Bakhar; breadth of the river near a mile.
Sakhar (½ do.). ┘ Bakhar is an island, and the other branch to Sakhar
.nf-
.nr nfl -1
@X@is almost a mile
over also. This insulated rock is of silex, specimens of which
I possess. There are the remains of the ancient fortress of
Mansura, named in honour of the Caliph Al-Mansur, whose
lieutenants made it the capital of Sind on the opening of
their conquests. It is yet more famed as the capital of the
Sogdoi of Alexander; in all probability a corruption of
Sodha, the name of the tribe which has ruled from immemorial
ages, and who till very lately held Umarkot.
.if-
.if h
.li
Rohri (4 coss). Bakhar (½ do.). Sakhar (½ do.). |
 |
.li-
On the ridge, on the left bank of the Indus.
Crossed over to Bakhar; breadth of the
river near a mile. Bakhar is an island, and
the other branch to Sakhar is almost a mile
over also. This insulated rock is of silex, specimens of which
I possess. There are the remains of the ancient fortress of
Mansura, named in honour of the Caliph Al-Mansur, whose
lieutenants made it the capital of Sind on the opening of
their conquests. It is yet more famed as the capital of the
Sogdoi of Alexander; in all probability a corruption of
Sodha, the name of the tribe which has ruled from immemorial
ages, and who till very lately held Umarkot.
.if-
.in 6
.ti -2
N.B.—Kasids or messengers engage to carry despatches
from Jaisalmer to Rohri Bakhar in four days and a half;
a distance of one hundred and twelve coss.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Bakhar to Shikarpur
.in 4
.ti -4
Lakhi, also called Lakhisar (12 do.).
.ti -4
Sindu Nala (3½ do.).
.ti -4
Shikarpur (½ do.).
.ti +2
Total of this route, 16 do.
.ti -4
Bakhar to Larkhana (28 do.).
.ti -4
Shikarpur to Larkhana (20 do.).
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer to Dahir Ali Khairpur
.in 4
.ti -4
Kuriala (18 do.).
.ti -4
Khara (20 do.).—Rui or desert all the way. This is the thal,
or mutual boundary of Upper Sind and Jaisalmer, and there
is a small thal or mud fort, jointly held by the
respective troops; twenty huts and one well.
.ti -4
Sutiala (20 do.).—Rui all the way. A thal for the collection of
duties; six wells.
.ti -4
Khairpur (Dahir Ali) (20 do.).—Rui, and deep jungle of the evergreens
called thal and thal, from Sutiala to Khairpur.
.ti +4
Total of this route, 78 do.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Khairpur (Dahir Ali) to Ahmadpur
.in 4
.ti -4
Ubaura (6 do.).—Considerable town; Indus four coss west.
.ti -4
Sabzal-ka-kot (8 do.).—Boundary of Upper Sind and Daudputra.
This frontier castle, often disputed, was lately taken by Mir
Sohrab from Bahawal Khan. Numerous hamlets and watercourses
\[339].
.bn 088.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Ahmadpur (8 coss).—Considerable garrison town of Daudputra;
two battalions and sixteen guns.
.ti +4
Total of this route, 22 coss.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Khairpur (Dahir Ali) to Haidarabad
.in 4
.ti -4
Mirpur (8 do.).—Four coss from the Indus.
.ti -4
Matela (5 do.).—Four coss from the Indus.
.ti -4
Gotki (7 do.).—Two coss from the Indus.
.ti -4
Dadla (8 do.).—Two coss from the Indus.
.ti -4
Rohri Bakhar (20 do.).—Numerous hamlets and temporary
villages, with many water-courses for cultivation in all this
space.
.in
.if t
.ta l:17 c:1 c:3 c:1 l:47 bl=n
| |Coss.| |
Khairpur |┐| 8 |┐| Six coss from the Indus.
\ (Sohrab-ka-) |┘| |│|
Gumat | | 8 |│|
Ranipur | | 2 |│|
\ (See route to| | |│| The coss in this distance seems a medium
\ it from Garhar). | | |│|\ between the pakka of two coss and the
Hingor | | 5 |│|\ kachha of one and a half. The medium of
Bhiranapur | | 5 |├|\ one and three quarter miles to each coss,
Haliani | | 1 |│|\ deducting a tenth for windings, appears,
Kanjara | | 3 |│|\ after numerous comparisons, to be just.
Naushahra | | 8 |│|\ This is alike applicable to all Upper Sind.
Mora | | 7 |│|
Shahpura | | 3 |│|
Daulatpur | | 3 |┘|
Mirpur | | 3 |┌|On the Indus. Here Madari crossed to
| | |└|\ Sehwan, and returned to Mirpur.
Kazi-ka-Got | | 9 |┐|
Sakrand | |11 |│|
Hala | | 7 |├|The coss about two miles each; which, deducting
Khardao | | 4 |│|\ one in ten for windings of the road,
Matari | | 4 |│|\ may be protracted.
Haidarabad | | 6 |┘|
| |——| |
Total| |145| coss.|
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Khairpur (Sohrab-ka-) |
 |
8 |
 |
Six coss from the Indus. |
Gumat |
8 |
The coss in this distance seems a medium between the pakka of two coss and the
kachha of one and a half. The medium of
one and three quarter miles to each coss,
deducting a tenth for windings, appears,
after numerous comparisons, to be just.
This is alike applicable to all Upper Sind. |
Ranipur |
2 |
(See route to it from Garhar). |
|
Hingor |
5 |
Bhiranapur |
5 |
Haliani |
1 |
Kanjara |
3 |
Naushahra |
8 |
Mora |
7 |
Shahpura |
3 |
Daulatpur |
3 |
Mirpur |
3 |
 |
On the Indus. Here Madari crossed to Sehwan, and returned to Mirpur. |
Kazi-ka-Got |
9 |
 |
The coss about two miles each; which, deducting
one in ten for windings of the road,
may be protracted. |
Sakrand |
11 |
Hala |
7 |
Khardao |
4 |
Matari |
4 |
Haidarabad |
6 |
Total |
145 |
coss |
.li-
.if-
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer to Ikhtyar Khan-ki-Garhi
.if t
.ta l:20 c:1 l:48
|┌|These villages are all inhabited by Paliwal
Brahmsar (4 coss) |│|\ Brahmans, and are in the tract termed
Mordesar (3 \ do.)|┤|\ Kandal or Khadal, of which Katori, eight
Gugadeo (3 \ do.) |│|\ coss north of Jaisalmer, is the chief town of
Kaimsar (5 \ do.) |│|\ about forty villages.—N.B. All towns with
|└|\ the affix of thal have pools of water.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:20 cm:1 hm:48
Brahmsar (4 coss)
Mordesar (3 \ do.)
Gugadeo (3 \ do.)
Kaimsar (5 \ do.)|\
|\
These villages are all inhabited by Paliwal\
Brahmans, and are in the tract termed\
Kandal or Khadal, of which Katori, eight\
coss north of Jaisalmer, is the chief town of\
about forty villages.—N.B. All towns with\
the affix of thal have pools of water.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Nohar-ki-Garhi (25 do.).—thal or desert throughout this space.
The castle of Nohar is of brick, and now belongs to Daudputra,
who captured it from the Bhattis of Jaisalmer. About
.bn 089.png
.pn +1
forty huts and little cultivation. It is a place of toll for the
kitars or caravans; two rupees for each \[340] camel-load of
ghi, and four for one with sugar; half a rupee for each camel,
and a third for an ox laden with grain.
.ti -4
Murid Kot (24 coss).—thal or desert. Rangarh is four coss east
of this.
.ti -4
Ikhtyar-ki-Garhi (15 do.).—thal until the last four coss, or eight
miles. Thence the descent from the thal or sand-hills to the
valley of the Indus.
.in
.ta l:30 c:8 c:2 l:10 l:8
Total of this route, 79 coss.|Ikhtyar| to| Ahmadpur |18 coss
| | ” | Khanpur |\ 5\ ”
| | ” | Sultanpur|\ 8\ ”
.ta-
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer to Sheo-Kotra, Kheralu, Chhotan, Nagar-Parkar,\
Mitti, and return to Jaisalmer.
.in 4
.ti -4
Dabla (3 do.).—Thirty houses, Pokharna Brahmans.
.ti -4
Akali (2 do.).—Thirty houses, Chauhans, well and small talao.
.ti -4
Chor (5 do.).—Sixty houses, mixed classes.
.ti -4
Devikot (2 do.).—A small town of two hundred houses; belongs
to the Jaisalmer fisc or khalisa. There is a little fort and
garrison. A talao or pool excavated by the Paliwals, in
which water remains throughout the year after much rain.
.ti -4
Sangar (6 do.).—N.B. This route is to the east of that (following)
by Chincha, the most direct road to Balotra, and the one
usually travelled; but the villages are now deserted.
.ti -4
Biasar (2 do.).—Forty houses, and talao. Bhikarae 2 coss
distant.
.ti -4
Mandai (frontier) (2½ do.).—Two hundred and fifty houses.
Sahib Khan Sahariya with a hundred horse is stationed
here; the town is khalisa and the last of Jaisalmer. The
ridge from Jaisalmer is close to all the places on this route
to Mandi.
.ti -4
Gunga (4½ do.).—thal, or post of Jodhpur.
.ti -4
Sheo (2 do.).—A large town of three hundred houses, but many
deserted, some through famine. Chief of a district. A
Hakim resides here from Jodhpur; collects the transit dues,
and protects the country from the depredations of the
Sahariyas.
.ti -4
Kotra (3 do.).—Town of five hundred houses, of which only two
hundred are now inhabited. On the north-west side is a
fort on the ridge. A Rathor chief resides here. The district
of Sheo Kotra was taken from the Bhattis of Jaisalmer by
the Rathors of Jodhpur.
.ti -4
Vesala (6 do.).—In ancient times a considerable place; now
only fifty houses. A fort on the ridge to the south-west,
near two hundred feet high; connected with the Jaisalmer
ridge, but often covered by the lofty thal of sand.
.bn 090.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Kheralu (7 coss).—Capital of Kherdhar, one of the ancient divisions
of Marusthali. Two coss south of Vesala crossed a
pass over the hills.
.ti -4
Chhotan (10 do.).—An ancient city, now in ruins, having at
present only about eighty houses, inhabited by the Sahariyas
\[341].
.ti -4
Bankasar (11 do.). Formerly a large city, now only about
three hundred and sixty houses.
.in
.if t
.ta l:25 c:1 l:44
Bhil-ki-basti (5 do.) |┐| Few huts in each.
Chauhan-ka-pura (6 do.) |┘|
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:25 cm:1 lm:44
Bhil-ki-basti (5 do.)
Chauhan-ka-pura (6 do.) |\
|\
Few huts in each.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Nagar (3 do.).—A large town, capital of Parkar, containing one
thousand five hundred houses, of which one-half are inhabited.
.ti -4
Kaim Khan Sahariya-ki-basti (18 do.).—Thirty houses in the
thal; wells, with water near the surface; three coss to the
east the boundary of Sind and the Chauhan Raj.
.ti -4
Dhat-ka-pura (15 do.).—A hamlet; Rajputs, Bhils, and Sahariyas.
.ti -4
Mitti or Mittri-ka-kot (3 do.).—A town of six hundred houses in
Dhat, or the division of Umarkot belonging to Haidarabad;
a relative of whose prince, with the title of Nawab, resides
here; a place of great commerce, and also of transit for the
caravans; a fortified mahall to the south-west. When the
Shah of Kabul used to invade Sind, the Haidarabad prince
always took refuge here with his family and valuables. The
sand-hills are immensely high and formidable.
.ti -4
Chailasar (10 do.).—Four hundred houses, inhabited by Sahariyas,
Brahmans, Bijaranis, and Banias; a place of great importance
to the transit trade.
.ti -4
Samaicha-ki-basti (10 do.).—thal from Chailasar.
.ti -4
Nur Ali, Pani-ka-Tar (9 do.).—Sixty houses of Charans, Sultana
Rajputs and Kauravas (qu. the ancient Kauravas?) water
(thal) plenty in the thal.
.ti -4
Rual (5 do.).—Twelve hamlets termed thal, scattered round a
tract of several coss, inhabited by different tribes, after
whom they are named, as Sodha, Sahariya, Kaurava, Brahman,
Bania and Sutar, as Sodha-ka-bas, Sahariya-ka-bas, or
habitations of the Sodhas; of the Sahariyas, etc. etc. (see
p. #1263#).
.ti -4
Deli (7 do.).—One hundred houses; a thal, or collector of
duties, resides here.
.ti -4
Garara (10 do.).—Described in route from Umarkot to Jaisalmer.
.ti -4
Raedana (11 do.).—Forty houses; a lake formed by damming up
the water. thal, or salt-pans.
.ti -4
Kotra (9 do.).
.ti -4
Sheo (3 do.).—The whole space from Nagar to Sheo-Kotra is a
continuous mass of lofty sand-hills (thal), scattered
with hamlets (thal), in many parts affording abundant
pasture for flocks of sheep, goats, buffaloes, and camels;
.bn 091.png
.pn +1
the thal extends south to Nawakot and Balwar, about ten
coss south of the former and two of the latter. To the left
of Nawakot are the flats of Talpura, or Lower Sind.
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Jaisalmer to Sheo Kotra, Barmer, Nagar-Gura and Suigam.
.in 4
.ti -4
Dhana (5 coss).—Two hundred houses of Paliwals; pool and
wells; ridge two to three hundred feet high, cultivation
between the ridges.
.ti -4
Chincha (7 do.).—Small hamlet; Sara, half a coss east; ridge,
low thal, cultivation.
.ti -4
Jasrana (2 do.).—Thirty houses of Paliwals, as before; Kita
to the right half a coss.
.ti -4
Unda (1 do.).—Fifty houses of Paliwals and Jain Rajputs; wells
and pools; country as before \[342].
.ti -4
Sangar (2 do.).—Sixty houses; only fifteen inhabited, the rest
fled to Sind during the famine of 1813; Charans. Grand
thal commences.
.ti -4
Sangar-ka-talao (½ do.).—Water remains generally eight months
in the talao or pool, sometimes the whole year.
.if t
.ta lm:18 cm:1 l:50
|┌|Between is the thal or boundary of Jaisalmer
Bhikarae (1½ do.)|│|and Jodhpur. Bhikarae has one
Kharel (4 do.) |│|hundred and twenty houses of Paliwals;
|└|wells and pools at both places.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:18 cm:1 h:50
Bhikarae (1½ do.)
Kharel (4 do.)|\
|\
Between is the thal or boundary of Jaisalmer\
and Jodhpur. Bhikarae has one\
hundred and twenty houses of Paliwals;\
wells and pools at both places.
.ta-
.if-
.ti -4
Rajarel (1 do.).—Seventy houses; most deserted since famine.
.ti -4
Gonga (4 do.).—Hamlet of twenty huts; thal, or small wells and
pools; to this the ridge and thal intermingle.
.ti -4
Sheo (2 do.).—Capital of the district.
.ti -4
Nimla (4 do.).—Forty houses; deserted.
.ti -4
Bhadka (2 do.).—Four hundred houses; deserted. This is “the
third year of famine!”
.ti -4
Kapulri (3 do.).—Thirty huts, deserted; wells.
.ti -4
Jalepa (3 do.).—Twenty huts; deserted.
.ti -4
Nagar (Gurha) (20 do.).—This is a large town on the west bank
of the Luni River, of four to five hundred houses, but many
deserted since the famine, which has almost depopulated
this region. In 1813 the inhabitants were flying as far as
the Ganges, and selling themselves and offspring into slavery
to save life.
.ti -4
Barmer (6 do.).—A town of twelve hundred houses.
.ti -4
Guru (2 do.).—West side of the Luni; town of seven hundred
houses; the chief is styled Rana, and of the Chauhan tribe.
.ti -4
Bata (3 do.).—West side of river.
.in
.if t
.nr nfl 0
.nf l
Patarna (1 do.) ┐West side of river.
Gadla (1 do.) ┘
.nf-
.nr nfl -1
.if-
.if h
.ta l:16 cm:1 lm:52
Patarna (1 do.)
Gadla (1 do.)|\
|\
West side of river.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Ranas (3 do.).—East side of river.
.ti -4
Charani (2 do.).—Seventy houses; east side.
.ti -4
Chitalwana (2 do.).—Town of three hundred houses; east side
.bn 092.png
.pn +1
of river; belonging to a Chauhan chief, styled Rana. Sanchor
seven coss to the south.
.ti -4
Ratra (2 coss).—East side of river; deserted.
.ti -4
Hotiganw (2 do.).—South side of river; temple to Phulmukheswar
Mahadeo.
.in
.if t
.nr nfl 0
.nf l
Dhuta (2 do.) ┌ North side. On the west side the thal is very
Tapi (2 do.) └ heavy; east side is plain; both sides well cultivated.
.nf-
.nr nfl -1
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:15 lm:1 l:55
Dhuta (2 do.)
Tapi (2 do.)|\
|\
North side. On the west side the thal is very\
heavy; east side is plain; both sides well\
cultivated.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Lalpura (2 do.).—West side.
.ti -4
Surpura (1 do.).—Crossed river.
.ti -4
Sanloti (2 do.).—Eighty houses, east side of river.
.ti -4
Butera (2 do.).—East side; relation of the Rana resides here.
.ti -4
Narke (4 do.).—South side river; Bhils and Sonigiras.
.ti -4
Karoi (4 do.).—Sahariyas \[343].
.ti -4
Pitlana (2 do.).—Large village; Kolis and Pitals.
.ti -4
Dharanidhar (3 do.).—Seven or eight hundred houses, nearly
deserted, belonging to Suigam.
.ti -4
Bah (4 do.).—Capital of Rana Narayan Rao, Chauhan prince of
Virawah.
.ti -4
Luna (5 do.).—One hundred houses.
.ti -4
Sui (7 do.).—Residence of Chauhan chief.
.in
.ce
Balotra on the Luni River to Pokaran and Jaisalmer.
.in 4
.ti -4
Panchbhadra (3 do.).—Balotra fair on the 11th Magh—continues
ten days. Balotra has four to five hundred houses in the
tract called Siwanchi; the ridge unites with Jalor and
Siwana. Panchbhadra has two hundred houses, almost all
deserted since the famine. Here is the celebrated Agar, or
salt-lake, yielding considerable revenue to the government.
.ti -4
Gopti (2 coss).—Forty houses; deserted; one coss north of this
the deep thal commences.
.ti -4
Patod (4 do.).—A considerable commercial mart; four hundred
houses; cotton produced in great quantities.
.ti -4
Sivai (4 do.).—Two hundred houses, almost deserted.
.ti -4
Serara (1 do.).—Sixty houses. To Patod the tract is termed
Siwanchi; from thence Indhavati, from the ancient lords
of the Indha tribe.
.in
.if t
.ta l:20 c:1 l:49
|┌|Bungara has seventy houses, Solankitala four
|│|\ hundred, and Pongali sixty. Throughout
Bungara (3 do.) |│|\ sand-hills. This tract is called Thalecha,
Solankitala (4 do.)|┤|\ and the Rathors who inhabit it, Thalecha
Pongali (5 do.) |│|\ Rathors. There are many of the Jat or
|│|\ Jāt tribe as cultivators. Pongali a Charan
|└|\ community.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:20 cm:1 lm:49
Bungara (3 do.)
Solankitala (4 do.)
Pongali (5 do.)|\
|\
%j%Bungara has seventy houses, Solankitala four\
hundred, and Pongali sixty. Throughout\
sand-hills. This tract is called Thalecha,\
and the Rathors who inhabit it, Thalecha\
Rathors. There are many of the Jat or\
Jāt tribe as cultivators. Pongali a Charan\
community.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Bakri (5 do.).—One hundred houses; inhabited by Charans.
.ti -4
Dholsar (4 do.).—Sixty houses, inhabited by Paliwal Brahmans.
.ti -4
Pokaran (4 do.).—From Bakri commences the Pokaran district;
all flat, and though sandy, no thal or hills.
.bn 093.png
.pn +1
.ti -4
Udhania (6 coss).—Fifty houses; a pool the south side.
.ti -4
Lahti (7 do.).—Three hundred houses; Paliwal Brahmans.
.in
.if t
.ta l:16 c:1 l:50
Sodhakur (2 do.) |┌| Sodhakur has thirty houses and Chandan fifty;
Channda (4 do.) |┤| \ Paliwals. Dry thal at the latter; water
|└| \ obtained by digging in its bed.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:16 cm:1 lm:50
Sodhakur (2 do.)
Channda (4 do.)|\
|\
%j%Sodhakur has thirty houses and Chandan fifty;\
Paliwals. Dry thal at the latter; water\
obtained by digging in its bed.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Bhojka (3 do.).—One coss to the left is the direct road to Basanki,
seven coss from Chandan.
.ti -4
Basanki-talao (5 do.).—One hundred houses; Paliwals.
.ti -4
Moklet (1½ do.).—Twelve houses; Pokharna Brahmans.
.ti -4
Jaisalmer (4 do.).—From Pokaran to Udhania, the road is over a
low ridge of rocks; thence to Lahti is a well-cultivated plain,
the ridge being on the left. A small thal intervenes at
Sodhakur, thence to Chandan, plain. From Chandan to
Basanki the road again traverses the low ridge, increasing
in height, and with occasional cultivation, to Jaisalmer \[344].
.in
.sp 2
.ce
Bikaner to Ikhtyar Khan-ki Garhi, on the Indus.
.if t
.ta l:20 c:1 lm:50
Nai-ki-basti (4 do.) |┐|
Gajner (5 do.) |│|Sandy plains; water at all these villages.
Gurha (5 do.) |├|From Girajsar, the Jaisalmer frontier, the
Bitnok (5 do.) |│|thal, or sand-hills commence, and continue
Girajsar (8 do.) |│|moderate to Bikampur.
Narai (4 do.) |┘|
Bikampur (9 do.) |┌|Bikampur to Mohangarh, thal or desert all
Mohangarh (16 do.) |│|the way, having considerable sand-hills
|└|and jungle.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta lm:20 cm:1 lm:50
Nai-ki-basti (4 do.)
\
Gajner (5 do.)
\
Gurha (5 do.)
\
Bitnok (5 do.)
\
Girajsar (8 do.)
\
Narai (4 do.)|\
|\
%j%Sandy plains; water at all these villages.\
From Girajsar, the Jaisalmer frontier, the\
thal, or sand-hills commence, and continue\
moderate to Bikampur.
Bikampur (9 do.)
Mohangarh (16 do.)|\
|\
%j%Bikampur to Mohangarh, thal or desert all\
the way, having considerable sand-hills\
and jungle.
.ta-
.if-
.in 4
.ti -4
Nachna (16 do.).—thal, or sand-hills throughout this space.
.ti -4
Narai (9 do.).—A Brahman village.
.ti -4
Nohar-ki-Garhi (24 do.).—Deep thal or desert; the frontier
garrison of Sind; the garhi, or castle, held by Haji Khan.
.ti -4
Murid Kot (24 coss).—thal, high sand-hills.
.ti -4
Garhi Ikhtyar Khan-ki (18 do.)—The best portion of this through
the Kachhi, or flats of the valley. Garhi on the Indus.
.in
.in 6
.ti -2
Total 147 coss, equal to 220½ miles, the coss being about a
mile and a half each; 200 English miles of horizontal
distance to be protracted \[345].
.in
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 094.png
.bn 095.pngb
.pn +2
.sp 4
.h2
BOOK IX|ANNALS OF AMBER,[9.1.1] OR DHŪNDHĀR
.fn 9.1.1
This account of the Amber or Jaipur State is nearly what I communicated
to the Marquess of Hastings in 1814-15. Amidst the multiplicity of
objects which subsequently engaged my attention, I had deemed myself
absolved from the necessity of enlarging upon it, trusting that a more
competent pen would have superseded this essay, there having been several
political authorities at that court since it was written. Being, however,
unaware that anything has been done to develop its historical resources,
which are more abundant than those of any other court of India, I think it
right not to suppress this sketch, however imperfect.
.fn-
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 1
.sp 2
By some conventional process, Europeans in India have
adopted the habit of designating the principalities of Rajputana
by the names of their respective capitals, instead of those of
the countries. Thus Marwar and Mewar are recognized under
the titles of their chief cities, Jodhpur and Udaipur; Kotah and
Bundi are denominations indiscriminately applied to Haravati,
the general term of the region, which is rarely mentioned; and
Dhundhar is hardly known by that denomination to Europeans,
who refer to the State only by the names of its capitals, Amber
or Jaipur, the last of which is now universally used to designate
the region inhabited by the Kachhwahas \[346].
Boundaries of Jaipur State.—The map defines the existing
boundaries of this principality, to which I shall indiscriminately
apply the terms (as is the practice of the natives) of Dhundhar,
Amber, and Jaipur.
Etymology of Dhūndhār.—Like all the other Rajput States,
the country of the Kachhwahas is an assemblage of communities,
.bn 096.png
.pn +1
the territories of which have been wrested from the aboriginal
tribes, or from independent chieftains, at various periods; and
therefore the term Dhundhar, which was only one of their earliest
acquisitions, had scarcely a title to impose its name upon the
aggregate. The etymology of Dhundhar is from a once celebrated
sacrificial mount (thal) on the western frontier, near
Kalakh Jobner.[9.1.2]
.fn 9.1.2
The traditional history of the Chauhans asserts, that this mount was
the place of penance (thal) of their famed king Bisaldeo of Ajmer, who,
for his oppression of his subjects, was transformed into a Rakshasa, or
Demon, in which condition he continued the evil work of his former existence,
“devouring his subjects” (as literally expressed), until a grandchild offered
himself as a victim to appease his insatiable appetite. The language of
innocent affection made its way to the heart of the Rakshasa, who recognized
his offspring, and winged his flight to the Jumna. It might be worth while
to excavate the dhundh of the transformed Chauhan king, which I have
some notion will prove to be his sepulchre. [According to Cunningham
(ASR, ii. 251) there is no mound of this kind at Jobner. He derives the
name of the territory from the river Dhūndhu—Dhūndhwār, or Dhūndhār,
meaning the land by the river Dhūndhu—the river having obtained its
name from the demon-king Dhūndhu (see IGI, xiii. 385).]
.fn-
The Kachhwāha Tribe.—The Kachhwaha or Kachhwa race
claims descent from Kusa, the second son of Rama, King of
Kosala, whose capital was Ayodhya, the modern Oudh. Kusa,
or some of his immediate offspring, is said to have migrated from
the parental abode, and erected the celebrated castle of Rohtas,
or Rohitas,[9.1.3] on the Son, whence, in the lapse of several generations,
another distinguished scion, Raja Nal, migrated westward,
and in S. 351, or A.D. 295, founded the kingdom and city of Narwar,
or classically, Naishadha.[9.1.4] Some of the traditional chronicles
.bn 097.png
.pn +1
record intermediate places of domicile prior to the erection of
this famed city: first, the town of Lahar, in the heart of a tract
yet named Kachhwahagar, or region (thal) of the Kachhwahas;[9.1.5]
and secondly, that of Gwalior. Be this as it may, the descendants
of Raja Nal adopted the affix of Pal (which appears to be the distinguishing
epithet of all the early Rajput tribes), until Sora Singh
(thirty-third in descent from Nal), whose son, Dhola Rae, was
expelled the paternal abode, and in S. 1023, A.D. 967, laid the
foundation of the State of Dhundhar \[347].
.fn 9.1.3
Were this celebrated abode searched for inscriptions, they might throw
light on the history of the descendants of Rama. [For Rohtāsgarh in
Shāhābād District, Bengal, see IGI, xxi. 322 f.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.4
Prefixed to a descriptive sketch of the city of Narwar (which I may
append), the year S. 351 is given for its foundation by Raja Nal, but whether
obtained from an inscription or historical legend, I know not. It, however,
corroborates in a remarkable manner the number of descents from Nal to
Dhola Rae, namely, thirty-three, which, calculated according to the best
data (see Vol. I. p. vol1_64), at twenty-two years to a reign, will make 726 years,
which subtracted from 1023, the era of Dhola Rae’s migration, leaves 297,
a difference of only fifty-four years between the computed and settled eras;
and if we allowed only twenty-one years to a reign, instead of twenty-two,
as proposed in all long lines above twenty-five generations, the difference
would be trifling. [The story is legendary. The eighth in descent from
Vajradāman, the first historical chief of Gwalior, who captured that fortress
from Vijayapāla of Kanauj (c. A.D. 955-90) was Tej Karan, otherwise
known as Dulha Rāē, the Dhola Rāē of the text, who left Gwalior about
A.D. 1128 (Smith, EHI, 381; IGI, xiii. 384).]
We may thus, without hesitation, adopt the date 351, or A.D. 295, for the
period of Raja Nal, whose history is one of the grand sources of delight to
the bards of Rajputana. The poem rehearsing his adventures under the
title of Nala and Damayanti (fam. Nal-Daman) was translated into Persian
at Akbar’s command, by Faizi, brother of Abu-l Fazl, and has since been
made known to the admirers of Sanskrit literature by Professor Bopp of
Berlin [Āīn, i. 106; Macdonell, Hist. Sanskrit Literature, 296 ff.].
.fn-
.fn 9.1.5
[Kachhwāhagār or Kachhwāhagarh, the former meaning the ‘water-soaked
land,’ the latter the ‘fort,’ of the Kachhwāhas, is a tract between
the Sind and Pahuj Rivers, ceded to the British by the Gwalior State in
payment of a British contingent (Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, 237, 283,
note).]
.fn-
A family, which traces its lineage from Rama of Kosala, Nala
of Naishadha, and Dhola the lover of Maroni, may be allowed
‘the boast of heraldry’; and in remembrance of this descent,
the Kachhwahas of India celebrate with great solemnity ‘the
annual feast of the sun,’ on which occasion a stately car, called
the chariot of the sun (thal), drawn by eight horses, is
brought from the temple, and the descendant of Rama, ascending
therein, perambulates his capital.
Origin of Jaipur State. Dhola Rāē.—A case of simple usurpation
originated the Kachhwaha State of Amber; but it would
be contrary to precedent if this event were untinged with romance.
As the episode, while it does not violate probability, illustrates
the condition of the aboriginal tribes, we do not exclude the
tradition. On the death of Sora Singh, prince of Narwar, his
brother usurped the government, depriving the infant, Dhola
Rae, of his inheritance. His mother, clothing herself in mean
apparel, put the infant in a basket, which she placed on her head,
and travelled westward until she reached the town of Khoganw
.bn 098.png
.pn +1
(within five miles of the modern Jaipur), then inhabited by the
Minas. Distressed with hunger and fatigue, she had placed her
precious burden on the ground, and was plucking some wild
berries, when she observed a hooded serpent rearing its form
over the basket.[9.1.6] She uttered a shriek, which attracted an
itinerant Brahman, who told her to be under no alarm, but rather
to rejoice at this certain indication of future greatness in the
boy. But the emaciated parent of the founder of Amber replied,
“What may be in futurity I heed not, while I am sinking with
hunger”; on which the Brahman put her in the way of Khoganw,
where he said her necessities would be relieved. Taking up the
basket, she reached the town, which is encircled by hills, and
accosting a female, who happened to be a slave of the Mina
chieftain, begged any menial employment for food. By direction
of the Mina Rani, she was entertained with the slaves. One
day she was ordered to prepare dinner, of which Ralansi, the
Mina Raja, partook, and found it so superior to his usual fare,
that he sent for the cook, who related her story.[9.1.7] As soon as
the Mina chief discovered the rank of the illustrious fugitive, he
adopted her as his sister, and Dhola Rae as his nephew. When
the boy had attained the age of Rajput manhood (fourteen), he
was sent to Delhi,[9.1.8] with the tribute of Khoganw, to attend instead
of the Mina. The young Kachhwaha remained there five
years, when he conceived the idea of usurping his benefactor’s
authority. Having consulted the Mina Dharhi,[9.1.9] or bard, as to
the best means of executing his plan, he recommended \[348] him
to take advantage of the festival of the Diwali, when it is
customary to perform the ablutions en masse, in a tank. Having
brought a few of his Rajput brethren from Delhi, he accomplished
his object, filling the reservoirs in which the Minas bathed
with their dead bodies. The treacherous bard did not escape;
Dhola Rae put him to death with his own hands, observing,
“He who had proved unfaithful to one master could not be
.bn 099.png
.pn +1
trusted by another.” He then took possession of Khoganw.
Soon after he repaired to Dausa,[9.1.10] a castle and district ruled
by an independent chief of the Bargujar tribe of Rajputs, whose
daughter he demanded in marriage. “How can this be,” said
the Bargujar, “when we are both Suryavansi, and one hundred
generations have not yet separated us?”[9.1.11] But being convinced
that the necessary number of descents had intervened,
the nuptials took place, and as the Bargujar had no male issue,
he resigned his power to his son-in-law. With the additional
means thus at his disposal, Dhola determined to subjugate the
Sira[9.1.12] tribe of Minas, whose chief, Rao Nata, dwelt at Machh.
Again he was victorious, and deeming his new conquest better
adapted for a residence than Khoganw, he transferred his infant
government thither, changing the name of Machh, in honour of
his great ancestor, to Ramgarh.
.fn 9.1.6
[For the tale of a serpent identifying the heir see Vol. I. p. vol1_342.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.7
[The hero in folk-tales often wins recognition by his skill in the kitchen,
as in the story of Shams-al-Dīn in the Arabian Nights; see Tawney, Kathāsarit-sāgara,
i. 567.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.8
The Tuar tribe were then supreme lords of India.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.9
Dhārhi, Dholi, Dom, Jāga are all terms for the bards or minstrels of the
Mina tribes.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.10
See Map for Dausa (written Daunsa), on the Banganga River, about
thirty miles east of Jaipur.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.11
The Bargujar tribe claims descent from Lava or Lao, the elder son of
Rama. As they trace fifty-six descents from Rama to Vikrama, and thirty-three
from Raja Nala to Dhola Rae, we have only to calculate the number
of generations between Vikrama and Nal, to ascertain whether Dhola’s
genealogist went on good grounds. It was in S. 351 that Raja Nal erected
Narwar, which, at twenty-two years to a reign, gives sixteen to be added
to fifty-six, and this added to thirty-three is equal to one hundred and
five generations from Rama to Dhola Rae. [The traditional dates are
worthless.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.12
[See Rose, Glossary, iii. 103.]
.fn-
Dhola subsequently married the daughter of the prince of
Ajmer, whose name was Maroni.[9.1.13] Returning on one occasion
with her from visiting the shrine of Jamwahi Mata,[9.1.14] the whole
force of the Minas of that region assembled, to the number of
eleven thousand, to oppose his passage through their country.
Dhola gave them battle: but after slaying vast numbers of
his foes, he was himself killed, and his followers fled. Maroni
escaped, and bore a posthumous child, who was named Kankhal,
and who conquered the country of Dhundhar. His son, Maidal
.bn 100.png
.pn +1
Rao, made a conquest of Amber from the Susawat Minas, the
residence of their chief, named Bhato, who had the title of Rao,
and was head of the Mina confederation. He also subdued the
Nandla Minas, and added the district of Gatur-Ghati to his
territory.
.fn 9.1.13
[The tale of the love of Dulha or Dhola Rāē for Mārwan, the Maroni of
the text, daughter of Rāja Pingal of Pingalgarh in Sinhaladwīpa, or Ceylon,
as sung by the Panjab bards, is told in Temple, Legends of the Panjāb, ii.
276 ff., iii. 97.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.14
[The family deity of the Kachhwāha tribe, whose shrine is in the gorge
of the river Bānganga, in Jaipur State (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 28;
Rajputana Gazetteer, 1880, iii. 212).]
.fn-
Hūndeo, Kuntal.—Hundeo succeeded, and, like his predecessors,
continued the warfare against the Minas. He was succeeded
by Kuntal, whose sway extended over all the hill-tribes round
his capital. Having determined to proceed to Bhatwar, where
a Chauhan prince resided, in order to marry his daughter, his
Mina subjects, remembering the \[349] former fatality, collected
from all quarters, demanding that, if he went beyond the borders,
he should leave the standards and nakkaras of sovereignty in
their custody. Kuntal refusing to submit, a battle ensued, in
which the Minas were defeated with great slaughter, which
secured his rule throughout Dhundhar.
Pajūn.—Kuntal was succeeded by Pajun, a name well known
to the chivalrous Rajput, and immortalized by Chand, in the
poetic history (Raesa) of the emperor Prithiraj. Before, however,
we proceed further, it may be convenient to give a sketch
of the power and numbers of the indigenous tribes at this period.
The Mīna Tribe.—We have already had frequent occasion to observe
the tendency of the aboriginal tribes to emerge from bondage
and depression, which has been seen in Mewar, Kotah, and Bundi,
and is now exemplified in the rise of the Kachhwahas in Dhundhar.
The original, pure, unmixed race of Minas, or Mainas, of Dhundhar,
were styled Pachwara, and subdivided into five grand tribes.
Their original home was in the range of mountains called Kalikoh,
extending from Ajmer nearly to the Jumna, where they erected
Amber, consecrated to Amba, the universal mother,[9.1.15] or, as the
Minas style her, Ghata Rani, ‘Queen of the pass.’ In this range
were Khoganw, Machh, and many other large towns, the chief
cities of communities. But even so late as Raja Baharmall
Kachhwaha, the contemporary of Babur and Humayun, the
Minas had retained or regained great power, to the mortification
of their Rajput superiors. One of these independent communities
.bn 101.png
.pn +1
was at the ancient city of Nain, destroyed by Baharmall, no
doubt with the aid of his Mogul connexions. An old historical
distich thus records the power of the Mina princes of Nain:
.pm start_poem
Bāwan kot, chhappan darvāja,
Mīna mard, Nāin kā rājā,
Vado rāj Nāin ko bhago,
Jab bhus-hī men vāmto māgo.
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
That is, 'There were fifty-two strongholds,[9.1.15] and fifty-six gates
belonging to the manly Mina, the Raja of Nain, whose sovereignty
of Nain was extinct, when even of chaff (bhus) he took a share.'
If this is not an exaggeration, it would appear that, during the
distractions of the first Islamite dynasties of Delhi, the Minas
had attained their primitive importance. Certainly from Pajun,
the vassal chieftain of Prithiraj \[350], to Baharmall, the contemporary
of Babur, the Kachhwahas had but little increased
their territory. When this latter prince destroyed the Mina
sovereignty of Nain, he levelled its half hundred gates, and
erected the town of Lohwan (now the residence of the Rajawat
chief) on its ruins.
.fn 9.1.15
Kot is ‘a fortress’; but it may be applied simply to the number of
bastions of Nain, which in the number of its gates might rival Thebes.
Lohwan, built on its ruins, contains three thousand houses, and has eighty-four
townships dependent on it. [In the third line of the verse Major
Luard’s Pandit reads for vado, dūbo, ‘annihilated’; in the fourth for
vāmto, he gives muttha, ‘a handful.’]
.fn-
A distinction is made in the orthography and pronunciation
of the designation of this race: Maina, meaning the asl, or ‘unmixed
class,’ of which there is now but one, the Usara; while
Mina is that applied to the mixed, of which they reckon barah
pal,[9.1.16] or twelve communities, descended from Rajput blood, as
Chauhan, Tuar, Jadon, Parihar, Kachhwaha, Solanki, Sankhla,
Guhilot, etc., and these are subdivided into no less than five
thousand two hundred distinct clans, of which it is the duty of
.bn 102.png
.pn +1
the Jaga, Dholi, or Dom, their genealogists, to keep account.
The unmixed Usara stock is now exceedingly rare, while the
mixed races, spread over all the hilly and intricate regions of
central and western India, boast of their descent at the expense
of ‘legitimacy.’ These facts all tend strongly to prove that
the Rajputs were conquerors, and that the mountaineers, whether
Kolis, Bhils, Minas, Gonds, Savaras or Sarjas, are the indigenous
inhabitants of India. This subject will be fully treated hereafter,
in a separate chapter devoted to the Mina tribes, their
religion, manners, and customs.
.fn 9.1.16
Pal is the term for a community of any of the aboriginal mountain
races; its import is a ‘defile,’ or ‘valley,’ fitted for cultivation and defence.
It is probable that Poligar may be a corruption of Paligar, or the region (gar)
of these Pals. Palita, Bhilita, Philita are terms used by the learned for
the Bhil tribes. Maina, Maira, Mairot all designate mountaineers, from
Mair, or Mer, a hill. [The ‘Palita’ of the note is possibly from a vague
recollection of the Phyllītai or ‘leaf-clad’ applied to some aboriginal tribes
by Ptolemy (vii. 1. 66) (McCrindle, Ptolemy, 159 f.).]
.fn-
Death of Pajūn.—Let us return to Pajun, the sixth in descent
from the exile of Narwar, who was deemed of sufficient consequence
to obtain in marriage the sister of Prithiraj, the Chauhan
emperor of Delhi, an honour perhaps attributable to the splendour
of Pajun’s descent, added to his great personal merit. The
chivalrous Chauhan, who had assembled around him one hundred
and eight chiefs of the highest rank in India, assigned a conspicuous
place to Pajun, who commanded a division of that
monarch’s armies in many of his most important battles. Pajun
twice signalized himself in invasions from the north, in one of
which, when he commanded on the frontier, he defeated Shihabu-d-din
in the Khaibar Pass, and pursued him towards Ghazni.[9.1.17]
His valour mainly contributed to the conquest of Mahoba, the
country of the Chandels, of which he was left governor; and he
was one of the sixty-four chiefs who, with a chosen body of their
retainers, enabled Prithiraj to carry off the princess of Kanauj.
In this service, covering \[351] the retreat of his liege lord, Pajun
lost his life, on the first of the five days’ continuous battle. Pajun
was conjoined with Govind Guhilot, a chief of the Mewar house;—both
fell together. Chand, the bard, thus describes the last
hours of the Kachhwaha prince: “When Govind fell, the foe
danced with joy: then did Pajun thunder on the curtain of
fight: with both hands he plied the khadga (sword) on the heads
of the barbarian. Four hundred rushed upon him; but the
five brothers in arms, Kehari, Pipa, and Boho, with Narsingh
and Kachra, supported him. Spears and daggers are plied—heads
roll on the plain—blood flows in streams. Pajun assailed
.bn 103.png
.pn +1
Itimad; but as his head rolled at his feet, he received the Khan’s
lance in his breast; the Kurma[9.1.18] fell in the field, and the Apsaras
disputed for the hero. Whole lines of the northmen strew the
plain: many a head did Mahadeo add to his chaplet.[9.1.19] When
Pajun and Govind fell, one watch of the day remained. To
rescue his kin came Palhan, like a tiger loosed from his chain.
The array of Kanauj fell back; the cloudlike host of Jaichand
turned its head. The brother of Pajun, with his son, performed
deeds like Karna:[9.1.20] but both fell in the field, and gained the
secret of the sun, whose chariot advanced to conduct them to
his mansion.
.fn 9.1.17
[This is probably a fiction of the bards, based on the defeat of Shihābu-d-dīn
by Bhīmdeo of Nahrwāla in A.D. 1178 (Elliot-Dowson ii. 294; Ferishta
i. 170).]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.18
Kurma, or Kachhua, are synonymous terms, and indiscriminately
applied to the Rajputs of Ajmer; meaning ‘tortoise.’
.fn-
.fn 9.1.19
The chaplet of the god of war is of skulls; his drinking-cup a semi-cranium.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.20
[The hero of the Mahābhārata.]
.fn-
“Ganga shrunk with affright, the moon quivered, the Dikpals[9.1.21]
howled at their posts: checked was the advance of Kanauj, and
in the pause the Kurma performed the last rites to his sire (Pajun),
who broke in pieces the shields of Jaichand. Pajun was a buckler
to his lord, and numerous his gifts of the steel to the heroes of
Kanauj: not even by the bard can his deeds be described. He
placed his feet on the head of Sheshnag,[9.1.22] he made a waste of the
forest of men, nor dared the sons of the mighty approach him.
As Pajun fell, he exclaimed, ‘One hundred years are the limit of
man’s life, of which fifty are lost in night, and half this in childhood;
but the Almighty taught me to wield the brand.’ As
he spoke, even in the arms of Yama, he beheld the arm of his boy
playing on the head of the foeman. His parting soul was satisfied:
seven wounds from the sword had Malasi received, whose steed
was covered with wounds: mighty were the deeds performed
by the son of Pajun.”
.fn 9.1.21
[Ganga, the Ganges; Dikpāls, regents of the four quarters of the
heavens.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.22
[The serpent which supports the world.]
.fn-
Mālasi.—This Malasi, in whose praise the bard of Prithiraj
is so lavish, succeeded (according to the chronicle) his father
Pajun in the Raj of Amber. There is little said of him in the
transcript in my possession. There are, however, abundance of
traditional couplets to prove that the successors of Pajun were
not wanting in the chief duties of the Rajput \[352], the exercise
.bn 104.png
.pn +1
of his sword. One of these mentions his having gained a victory
at Rutrahi over the prince of Mandu.[9.1.23]
.fn 9.1.23
I give this chiefly for the concluding couplet, to see how the Rajputs
applied the word Khotan to the lands beyond Kabul, where the great Raja
Man commanded as Akbar’s lieutenant:
.pm start_poem
“Pālan, Pajūn jītē,
Mahoba, Kanauj larē,
Māndu Mālasi jītē,
Rār Rutrāhi kā;
Rāj Bhagwāndās jītē,
Mavāsī lar.
Rājā Mān Singh jītē,
Khotan phauj dabāī.”
.pm end_poem
.pm start_poem
“Palan and Pajun were victorious;
Fought at Mahoba and Kanauj;
Malasi conquered Mandu;
In the battle of Rutrahi,
Raja Bhagwandas vanquished.
In the Mawasi (fastnesses, probably, of Mewat),
Raja Man Singh was victorious;
Subjugating the army of Khotan.”
.pm end_poem
.fn-
We shall pass over the intermediate princes from Malasi to
Prithiraj, the eleventh in descent, with a bare enumeration of
their names: namely, Malasi, Bijal, Rajdeo, Kilan, Kuntal,
Junsi, Udaikaran, Narsingh, Banbir, Udharan, Chandrasen,
Prithiraj.
Prithirāj.—Prithiraj had seventeen sons, twelve of whom
reached man’s estate. To them and their successors in perpetuity
he assigned appanages, styled the Barah Kothri, or ‘twelve
chambers’ of the Kachhwaha house. The portion of each was
necessarily very limited; some of the descendants of this hereditary
aristocracy now hold estates equal in magnitude to the
principality itself at that period. Previous, however, to this
perpetual settlement of Kachhwaha fiefs, and indeed intermediately
between Malasi and Prithiraj, a disjunction of the
junior branches of the royal family took place, which led to the
foundation of a power for a long time exceeding in magnitude
the parent State. This was in the time of Udaikaran, whose
son Baloji left his father’s house, and obtained the town and
small district of Amritsar, which in time devolved on his grandson
Shaikhji, and became the nucleus of an extensive and singular
confederation, known by the name of the founder, Shaikhavati,
.bn 105.png
.pn +1
at this day covering an area of nearly ten thousand square miles.
As this subject will be discussed in its proper place, we shall no
longer dwell on it, but proceed with the posterity of Prithiraj,
amongst the few incidents of whose life is mentioned his meritorious
pilgrimage to Dewal,[9.1.24] near the mouth of the Indus. But
\[353] even this could not save him from foul assassination, and
the assassin was his own son, Bhim, “whose countenance (says
the chronicle) was that of a demon.” The record is obscure,
but it would appear that one parricide was punished by another,
and that Askaran, the son of Bhim, was instigated by his brethren
to put their father to death, and “to expiate the crime by pilgrimage.”[9.1.25]
In one list, both these monsters are enumerated
amongst the ‘anointed’ of Amber, but they are generally
omitted in the genealogical chain, doubtless from a feeling of
disgust.
.fn 9.1.24
‘The temple’; the Debal of the Muhammadan tribes: the Rajput
seat of power of the Rajas of Sind, when attacked by the caliphs of Bagdad
[Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 320.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.25
The chronicle says of this Askaran, that on his return, the king (Babur
or Humayun) gave him the title of Raja of Narwar. These States have
continued occasionally to furnish representatives, on the extinction of the
line of either. A very conspicuous instance of this occurred on the death
of Raja Jagat Singh, the last prince of Amber, who dying without issue, an
intrigue was set on foot, and a son of the ex-prince of Narwar was placed
on the gaddi of Amber.
.fn-
Bahār or Bihāri Mall, c. A.D. 1548-75.—Baharmall was the
first prince of Amber who paid homage to the Muhammadan
power. He attended the fortunes of Babur, and received from
Humayun (previous to the Pathan usurpation), the mansab of
five thousand as Raja of Amber.[9.1.26]
.fn 9.1.26
[This is the first mention of the grading of Mansabdārs (Smith, Akbar,
the Great Moghul, 362). For Rāja Bihārimall and his son Bhagwāndās, see
Āīn, i. 328, 333; Akbarnāma, trans. Beveridge ii. 244.]
.fn-
Bhagwāndās, c. A.D. 1575-92.—Bhagwandas, son of Baharmall,
became still more intimately allied with the Mogul dynasty.
He was the friend of Akbar, who saw the full value of attaching
such men to his throne. By what arts or influence he overcame
the scruples of the Kachhwaha Rajput we know not, unless by
appealing to his avarice or ambition; but the name of Bhagwandas
is execrated as the first who sullied Rajput purity by
matrimonial alliance with the Islamite.[9.1.27] His daughter espoused
.bn 106.png
.pn +1
Prince Salim, afterwards Jahangir, and the fruit of the marriage
was the unfortunate Khusru.[9.1.28]
.fn 9.1.27
[Akbar had married the daughter of Bahārmall.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.28
It is pleasing to find almost all these outlines of Rajput history confirmed
by Muhammadan writers. It was in A.H. 993 (A.D. 1586) that this
marriage took place. Three generations of Kachhwahas, namely, Bhagwandas,
his adopted son Raja Man, and grandson, were all serving in the
imperial army with great distinction at this time. Raja Man, though styled
Kunwar, or heir-apparent, is made the most conspicuous. He quelled a
rebellion headed by the emperor’s brother, and while Bhagwandas commanded
under a prince of the blood against Kashmir, Man Singh overcame
an insurrection of the Afghans at Khaibar; and his son was made viceroy
of Kabul.—See Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 258 et seq.
.fn-
Mān Singh, c. A.D. 1592-1614.—Man Singh, nephew[9.1.29] and
successor of Bhagwandas, was the most brilliant character of
Akbar’s court. As the emperor’s lieutenant, he was entrusted
with the most arduous duties, and added conquests to the empire
from Khotan to the ocean. Orissa was subjugated by him,[9.1.30]
Assam humbled and made tributary, and Kabul maintained in
her allegiance. He held in succession the governments of Bengal
and Behar,[9.1.31] the \[354] Deccan and Kabul. Raja Man soon proved
to Akbar that his policy of strengthening his throne by Rajput
alliances was not without hazard; these alliances introducing
a direct influence in the State, which frequently thwarted the
views of the sovereign. So powerful was it, that even Akbar,
in the zenith of his power, saw no other method of diminishing
its force, than the execrable but common expedient of Asiatic
despots—poison: it has been already related how the emperor’s
attempt recoiled upon him to his destruction.[9.1.32]
.fn 9.1.29
Bhagwandas had three brothers, Surat Singh, Madho Singh, and Jagat
Singh; Man Singh was son of the last.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.30
Ferishta confirms this, saying he sent one hundred and twenty elephants
to the king on this occasion.—Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 268.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.31
Ferishta confirms this likewise. According to this historian, it was
while Man was yet only Kunwar, or heir-apparent, that he was invested with
the governments of “Behar, Hajipoor, and Patna,” the same year (A.D.
1589) that his uncle Bhagwandas died, and that following the birth of Prince
Khusru by the daughter of the Kachhwaha prince, an event celebrated (says
Ferishta) with great rejoicings. See Briggs’ Ferishta, vol. ii. p. 261. Col.
Briggs has allowed the similarity of the names Khusru and Khurram to
betray him into a slight error, in a note on the former prince. It was not
Khusru, but Khurram, who succeeded his father Jahangir, and was father
to the monster Aurangzeb (note, p. 261). Khusru was put to death by
Khurram, afterwards Shah Jahan.
.fn-
.fn 9.1.32
Annals of Rajasthan, Vol. I. p. vol1_408.
.fn-
.bn 107.png
.pn +1
Akbar was on his death-bed when Raja Man commenced an
intrigue to alter the succession in favour of his nephew, Prince
Khusru, and it was probably in this predicament that the monarch
had recourse to the only safe policy, that of seeing the crown fixed
on the head of Salim, afterwards Jahangir. The conspiracy for
the time was quashed, and Raja Man was sent to the government
of Bengal; but it broke out again, and ended in the perpetual
imprisonment of Khusru,[9.1.33] and a dreadful death to his adherents.
Raja Man was too wise to identify himself with the rebellion,
though he stimulated his nephew, and he was too powerful to be
openly punished, being at the head of twenty thousand Rajputs;
but the native chronicle mentions that he was amerced by Jahangir
in the incredible sum of ten crores, or millions sterling.
According to the Muhammadan historian, Raja Man died in
Bengal,[9.1.34] A.H. 1024 (A.D. 1615); while the chronicle says he was
slain in an expedition against the Khilji tribe in the north two
years later.[9.1.35]
.fn 9.1.33
He was afterwards assassinated by order of Shah Jahan [“under the
walls of Azere” (Asīrgarh)]. See Dow’s Ferishta, ed. 1812, vol. iii. p. 56.
[Elphinstone (p. 563) calls his death suspicious, but refuses to believe that
Shāh Jahān procured his death. He died from colic in the Deccan on
January 16, 1622.]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.34
Dow, ed. 1812, vol. iii. p. 42; the chronicle says in S. 1699, or A.D. 1613.
[He died a natural death in July 1614, while he was on service in the Deccan,
and sixty of his fifteen hundred women are said to have burned themselves
on his pyre (Āīn, i. 341; Memoirs of Jahāngīr, trans. Rogers-Beveridge
266).]
.fn-
.fn 9.1.35
An account of the life of Raja Man would fill a volume; there are
ample materials at Jaipur.
.fn-
Bhāo Singh, c. A.D. 1615-21.—Rao Bhao Singh succeeded his
father, and was invested by the emperor with the Panjhazari, or
dignity of a legionary chief of five thousand. He was of weak
intellect, and ruled a few years without distinction. He died in
A.H. 1030 of excessive drinking.
Mahā Singh, c. A.D. 1621-25.—Maha succeeded, and in like
manner died from dissipated habits. These unworthy successors
of Raja Man allowed the princes of Jodhpur to take the lead at
the imperial court. At the instigation of the celebrated Jodha Bai
(daughter of Rae Singh of Bikaner), the Rajputni wife of Jahangir,
Jai Singh, grandson of Jagat Singh (brother of Man), was raised to
the throne of Amber, to the no small jealousy, says \[355] the
chronicle, of the favourite queen, Nur Jahan. It relates that the
.bn 108.png
.pn +1
succession was settled by the emperor and the Rajputni in a conference
at the balcony of the seraglio, where the emperor saluted
the youth below as Raja of Amber, and commanded him to make
his salaam to Jodha Bai, as the source of this honour. But the
customs of Rajwara could not be broken: it was contrary to
etiquette for a Rajput chief to salaam, and he replied: “I will do
this to any lady of your majesty’s family, but not to Jodha
Bai”; upon which she good-naturedly laughed, and called out,
“It matters not; I give you the raj of Amber.”
Jai Singh, Mīrza Rājā, c. A.D. 1625-67.—Jai Singh, the Mirza
Raja, the title by which he is best known, restored by his conduct
the renown of the Kachhwaha name, which had been tarnished by
the two unworthy successors of Raja Man. He performed great
services to the empire during the reign of Aurangzeb, who bestowed
upon him the mansab of six thousand. He made prisoner
the celebrated Sivaji, whom he conveyed to court, and afterwards,
on finding that his pledge of safety was likely to be broken, was
accessary to his liberation. But this instance of magnanimity was
more than counterbalanced by his treachery to Dara, in the war
of succession, which crushed the hopes of that brave prince.
These acts, and their consequences, produced an unconquerable
haughtiness of demeanour, which determined the tyrannical
Aurangzeb to destroy him. The chronicle says he had twenty-two
thousand Rajput cavalry at his disposal, and twenty-two
great vassal chiefs, who commanded under him; that he would
sit with them in darbar, holding two glasses, one of which he
called Delhi, the other Satara, and dashing one to the ground,
would exclaim, “There goes Satara; the fate of Delhi is in my
right hand, and this with like facility I can cast away.” These
vaunts reaching the emperor’s ear, he had recourse to the same
diabolical expedient which ruined Marwar, of making a son the
assassin of his father. He promised the succession to the gaddi of
Amber to Kirat Singh, younger son of the Raja, to the prejudice
of his elder brother Ram Singh, if he effected the horrid deed.[9.1.36]
The wretch having perpetrated the crime by mixing poison in his
father’s opium, returned to claim the investiture: but the king
only gave him the district of Kama. From this period, says the
chronicle, Amber declined.
.fn 9.1.36
[Jai Singh died, aged about sixty, at Burhānpur, July 12, 1667 (Manucci
ii. 152).]
.fn-
.bn 109.png
.pn +1
Rām Singh, Bishan Singh.—Ram Singh, who succeeded, had
the mansab of four thousand conferred upon him, and was sent
against the Assamese.[9.1.37] Upon his death, Bishan Singh, whose
mansab was further reduced to the grade of three thousand, succeeded;
but he enjoyed the dignity only a short period \[356].
.fn 9.1.37
[According to Manucci (ii. 153), Rām Singh, as a piece of revenge for
the flight of Sivaji, was sent to Assam in the hope that, like Mīr Jumla, he
would die there; but on an appeal being made to Aurangzeb, the order was
cancelled, and he was banished beyond the river Indus. The real fact is
that Rām Singh was appointed to the Command in Assam in December
1667, and arrived there in February 1669. After desultory and unsuccessful
fighting he was allowed to leave Bengal, and reached the Imperial Court in
June 1676 (Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, iii. 212 ff.).]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 2
.sp 2
Sawāi Jai Singh, c. A.D. 1693-1743.—Jai II., better known by
the title of Sawai Jai Singh, in contradistinction to the first
prince of this name, entitled the ‘Mirza Raja,’ succeeded in
S. 1755 (A.D. 1699),[9.2.1] in the forty-fourth year of Aurangzeb’s
reign, and within six years of that monarch’s death. He served
with distinction in the Deccan, and in the war of succession
attached himself to the prince Bedar Bakht, son of Azam Shah,
declared successor of Aurangzeb; and with these he fought the
battle of Dholpur, which ended in their death and the elevation
of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah. For this opposition Amber was
sequestrated, and an imperial governor sent to take possession;
but Jai Singh entered his estates, sword in hand, drove out the
king’s garrisons, and formed a league with Ajit Singh of Marwar
for their mutual preservation.
.fn 9.2.1
[The dates of the Rājas of Jaipur are uncertain. Those in the margin
are given on the authority of Beale, Oriental Biographical Dict. .]
.fn-
It would be tedious to pursue this celebrated Rajput through
his desultory military career during the forty-four years he
occupied the gaddi of Amber; enough is already known of it
from its combination with the Annals of Mewar and Bundi, of
which house he was the implacable foe. Although Jai Singh
mixed in all the troubles and warfare of this long period of anarchy,
when the throne of Timur was rapidly crumbling into dust, his
reputation as a soldier would never have handed down his name
.bn 110.png
.pn +1
with honour to posterity; on the contrary, his courage had
none of the fire which is requisite to make a Rajput hero; though
his talents for civil government and court intrigue, in which he was
the Machiavelli of his day, were at that period far more notable
auxiliaries.
The Building of Jaipur: Work in Astronomy.—As a statesman,
legislator, and man of science, the character of Sawai Jai Singh is
worthy of an ample delineation,[9.2.2] which would correct our opinion
of the genius and \[357] capacity of the princes of Rajputana, of
whom we are apt to form too low an estimate. He was the
founder of the new capital, named after him Jaipur or Jainagar,
which became the seat of science and art, and eclipsed the more
ancient Amber, with which the fortifications of the modern city
unite, although the extremity of the one is six miles from the
other. Jaipur is the only city in India built upon a regular
plan, with streets bisecting each other at right angles.[9.2.3] The
merit of the design and execution is assigned to Vidyadhar, a
native of Bengal, one of the most eminent coadjutors of the
prince in all his scientific pursuits, both astronomical and historical.
Almost all the Rajput princes have a smattering of astronomy,
or rather of its spurious relation, astrology; but Jai Singh went
deep, not only into the theory, but the practice of the science, and
was so esteemed for his knowledge, that he was entrusted by the
emperor Muhammad Shah with the reformation of the calendar.
He had erected observatories with instruments of his own invention
at Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Benares, and Mathura, upon a
scale of Asiatic grandeur; and their results were so correct as
to astonish the most learned.[9.2.4] He had previously used such
.bn 111.png
.pn +1
instruments as those of Ulugh Beg (the royal astronomer of Samarkand),
which failed to answer his expectations.[9.2.5] From the
observations of seven years at the various observatories, he constructed
a set of tables. While thus engaged, he learned through
a Portuguese missionary, Padre Manuel, the progress which his
favourite pursuit was making in Portugal, and he sent “several
skilful persons along with him”[9.2.6] to the court of Emanuel. The
king of Portugal dispatched Xavier de Silva, who communicated
to the Rajput prince the tables of De la Hire.[9.2.7] “On examining
and comparing the calculations of these tables (says the Rajput
prince) with actual observation, it appeared there was an error in
the former, in assigning the moon’s place, of half a degree;
although the error in the other planets was not so great, yet the
times of solar and lunar eclipses he[9.2.8] found to come out later or
earlier than the truth by the fourth part of a ghari, or fifteen pals
(six minutes of time).” In like manner, as he found fault with
the instruments of brass used by the Turki astronomer, and which
he conjectures must have been such as were used by Hipparchus
and Ptolemy, so he attributes the inaccuracies of De la Hire’s
tables \[358] to instruments of “inferior diameters.” The Rajput
prince might justly boast of his instruments. With that at Delhi,
he, in A.D. 1729, determined the obliquity of the ecliptic to be
23° 28´; within 28´´ of what it was determined to be, the year
following, by Godin. His general accuracy was further put to
the test in A.D. 1793 by our scientific countryman, Dr. W. Hunter,
who compared a series of observations on the latitude of Ujjain
with that established by the Rajput prince. The difference was
.bn 112.png
.pn +1
24″; and Dr. Hunter does not depend on his own observations
within 15″. Jai Singh made the latitude 23° 10´ N.; Dr. Hunter,
23° 10´ 24″ N.
.fn 9.2.2
For such a sketch, the materials of the Amber court are abundant; to
instance only the Kalpadruma, a miscellaneous diary, in which everything
of note was written, and a collection entitled Ek sad nau gun Jai Singh ke,
or ‘the one hundred and nine actions of Jai Singh’ of which I have heard
several narrated and noted. His voluminous correspondence with all the
princes and chiefs of his time would alone repay the trouble of translation,
and would throw a more perfect light on the manners and feelings of his
countrymen than the most laborious lucubrations of any European. I
possess an autograph letter of this prince, on one of the most important
events of Indian history at this period, the deposal of Farrukhsiyar. It was
addressed to the Rana.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.3
[For a graphic account of Jaipur city see Rudyard Kipling, From Sea
to Sea, chap. ii.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.4
[For these observatories see A. ff. Garrett and Pandit Chandradha
Guleri, The Jaipur Observatory and its Builder, Allahabad, 1902; Fanshawe,
Delhi Past and Present, 247 f.; Sherring, The Sacred City of the Hindus,
131 ff. The observatory at Mathura was in the Fort, but it has disappeared;
at Ujjain only scanty remains exist (Growse, Mathura, 3rd ed. 140; IGI,
xviii. 73, xxiv. 113).]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.5
[Ulugh Beg, son of Shāh Rukh and grandson of Amīr Timūr, succeeded
his father A.D. 1447, and was put to death by his son, Mīrza Abdul Latīf, in
1449. His astronomical tables were published in Latin by John Gregory,
Professor of Astronomy at Oxford, and were edited by Thomas Hyde in
1665 (Sykes, Hist. of Persia, ii. 218; EB, 11th ed. xxvii. 573 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.6
It would be worth ascertaining whether the archives of Lisbon refer to
this circumstance.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.7
Second edition, published in A.D. 1702. Jai Singh finished his in
A.D. 1728.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.8
Jai Singh always speaks of himself in the third person.
.fn-
From the results of his varied observations, Jai Singh drew up
a set of tables, which he entitled Zij Muhammadshahi, dedicated
to that monarch; by these, all astronomical computations are
yet made, and almanacks constructed. It would be wrong—while
considering these labours of a prince who caused Euclid’s
Elements, the treatises on plain and spherical trigonometry,
‘Don Juan,’ Napier on the construction and use of logarithms,
to be translated into Sanskrit—to omit noticing the high strain
of devotion with which he views the wonders of the “Supreme
Artificer”; recalling the line of one of our own best poets:[9.2.9]
.pm start_poem
An undevout astronomer is mad.
.pm end_poem
.fn 9.2.9
[Young, Night Thoughts, ix. 771.]
.fn-
The Rajput prince thus opens his preface: “Praise be to God,
such that the minutely discerning genius of the most profound
geometers, in uttering the smallest particle of it, may open the
mouth in confession of inability; and such adoration, that the
study and accuracy of astronomers, who measure the heavens,
may acknowledge their astonishment, and utter insufficiency!
Let us devote ourselves at the altar of the King of Kings, hallowed
be his name! in the book of the register of whose power the lofty
orbs of heaven are only a few leaves; and the stars, and that
heavenly courser the sun, small pieces of money, in the treasury
of the empire of the Most High.
“From inability to comprehend the all-encompassing beneficence
of his power, Hipparchus is an ignorant clown, who wrings
the hands of vexation; and in the contemplation of his exalted
majesty, Ptolemy is a bat, who can never arrive at the sun of
truth: the demonstrations of Euclid are an imperfect sketch of
the forms of his contrivance.
“But since the well-wisher of the works of creation, and the
admiring spectator of the works of infinite wisdom, Sawai Jai
Singh, from the first dawning of reason in his mind, and during
its progress towards maturity, was entirely devoted to the study
\[359] of mathematical science, and the bent of his mind was constantly
directed to the solution of its most difficult problems; by
.bn 113.png
.pn +1
the aid of the Supreme Artificer, he obtained a thorough knowledge
of its principles and rules,” etc.[9.2.10]
.fn 9.2.10
See “Account of the Astronomical Labours of Jya Sing, Raja of
Amber,” by Dr. W. Hunter (Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 177), to whom I
refer the reader for the description of the instruments used by the Raja.
The Author has seen those at Delhi and Mathura. There is also an equinoctial
dial constructed on the terrace of the palace of Udaipur, and various
instruments at Kotah and Bundi, especially an armillary sphere, at the
former, of about five feet diameter, all in brass, got up under the scholars
of Jai Singh. Dr. Hunter gives a most interesting account of a young
pandit, whom he found at Ujjain, the grandson of one of the coadjutors of
Jai Singh, who held the office of Jyotishrae, or Astronomer-Royal, and an
estate of five thousand rupees annual rent, both of which (title and estate)
descended to this young man; but science fled with Jai Singh, and the
barbarian Mahrattas had rendered his estate desolate and unproductive.
He possessed, says Dr. H., a thorough acquaintance with the Hindu astronomical
science contained in the various Siddhantas, and that not confined
to the mechanical practice of rules, but founded on a geometrical knowledge
of their demonstration. This inheritor of the mantle of Jai Singh died at
Jaipur, soon after Dr. Hunter left Ujjain, in A.D. 1793.
.fn-
Besides the construction of these objects of science, he erected,
at his own expense, caravanserais for the free use of travellers in
many of the provinces. How far vanity may have mingled with
benevolence in this act (by no means uncommon in India), it
were uncharitable to inquire: for the Hindu not only prays for
all those “who travel by land or by water,” but aids the traveller
by serais or inns, and wells dug at his own expense, and in most
capitals and cities, under the ancient princes, there were public
charities for necessitous travellers, at which they had their meals,
and then passed on.
Assassination of Farrukhsiyar, May 16, 1719.—When we consider
that Jai Singh carried on his favourite pursuits in the midst
of perpetual wars and court intrigues, from whose debasing
influence he escaped not untainted; when amidst revolution,
the destruction of the empire, and the meteoric rise of the Mahrattas,
he not only steered through the dangers, but elevated
Amber above all the principalities around, we must admit that
he was an extraordinary man. Aware of the approaching downfall
of the Mogul empire, and determined to aggrandize Amber
from the wreck, he was, nevertheless, not unfaithful to his lord-paramount;
for, on the conspiracy which deprived Farrukhsiyar
of empire and of life, Jai Singh was one of the few princes who
retained their fidelity, and would have stood by him to the last,
.bn 114.png
.pn +1
if he had possessed a particle of the valour which belonged to the
descendants of Timur.[9.2.11]
.fn 9.2.11
J. Scott, in his excellent history of the successors of Aurangzeb [ed.
1794, ii. 156 ff.], gives a full account of this tragical event, on which I have
already touched in Vol. I. p. vol1_474 of this work; where I have given a literal
translation of the autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh on the occasion.
.fn-
Enough has been said of his public life, in that portion of the
Annals of Mewar with which he was so closely connected, both by
political and family ties. The Sayyids, who succeeded to power
on the murder of their sovereign Farrukhsiyar, were too wise to
raise enemies unnecessarily; and Jai Singh, when he left the
unhappy monarch to his fate, retired to his hereditary dominions,
devoting himself to his favourite pursuits, astronomy and history.
He appears to have enjoyed three years of uninterrupted quiet,
taking no part in the struggles, which terminated, in A.D. 1721,
with Muhammad Shah’s defeat of his rivals, and the destruction
of the Sayyids \[360]. At this period Jai Singh was called from
his philosophical pursuits, and appointed the king’s lieutenant for
the provinces of Agra and Malwa in succession: and it was during
this interval of comparative repose, that he erected those monuments
which irradiate this dark epoch of the history of India.[9.2.12]
Nor was he blind to the interests of his nation or the honour of
Amber, and his important office was made subservient to obtaining
the repeal of that disgraceful edict, the jizya, and authority
to repress the infant power of the Jats, long a thorn in the side
of Amber. But when, in A.D. 1732, the Raja, once more lieutenant
for Malwa, saw that it was in vain to attempt to check the Mahratta
invasion, or to prevent the partition of the empire, he
deemed himself justified in consulting the welfare of his own house.
We know not what terms Jai Singh entered into with the Mahratta
leader, Bajirao, who by his influence was appointed Subahdar
of Malwa; we may, however, imagine it was from some more
powerful stimulant than the native historian of this period
assigns, namely, “a similarity of religion.” By this conduct,
Jai Singh is said emphatically, by his own countrymen, to have
given the key of Hindustan to the Southron. The influence his
character obtained, however, with the Mahrattas was even useful
.bn 115.png
.pn +1
to his sovereign, for by it he retarded their excesses, which at
length reached the capital. In a few years more (A.D. 1739),
Nadir Shah’s invasion took place, and the Rajputs, wisely alive
to their own interests, remained aloof from a cause which neither
valour nor wisdom could longer serve. They respected the
emperor, but the system of government had long alienated these
gallant supporters of the throne. We may exemplify the trials
to which Rajput fidelity was exposed, by one of “the hundred
and nine deeds of Jai Singh” which will at the same time serve
further to illustrate the position, that half the political and moral
evils which have vexed the royal houses of Rajputana, take their
rise from polygamy.
.fn 9.2.12
The Raja says he finished his tables in A.D. 1728, and that he had occupied
himself seven years previously in the necessary observations; in fact,
the first quiet years of Muhammad Shah’s reign, or indeed that India had
known for centuries.
.fn-
Rebellion of Bijai Singh.—Maharaja Bishan Singh had two
sons, Jai Singh and Bijai Singh. The mother of Bijai Singh,
doubtful of his safety, sent him to her own family in Khichiwara.[9.2.13]
When \[361] he had attained man’s estate, he was sent to court,
and by bribes, chiefly of jewels presented by his mother, he
obtained the patronage of Kamaru-d-din Khan, the wazir.[9.2.14] At
first his ambition was limited to the demand of Baswa,[9.2.15] one of
the most fertile districts of Amber, as an appanage; which being
acceded to by his brother and sovereign, Jai Singh, he was
stimulated by his mother to make still higher demands, and to
offer the sum of five crores of rupees and a contingent of five
thousand horse, if he might supplant his brother on the throne of
Amber. The wazir mentioned it to the emperor, who asked what
security he had for the fulfilment of the contract; the wazir
offered his own guarantee, and the sanads of Amber were actually
preparing, which were thus to unseat Jai Singh, when his pagri
badal bhai, Khandauran Khan,[9.2.16] informed Kirparam, the Jaipur
envoy at court, of what was going on. The intelligence produced
consternation at Amber, since Kamaru-d-din was all-powerful.
Jai Singh’s dejection became manifest on reading the
letter, and he handed it to the confidential Nazir, who remarked
“it was an affair in which force could not be used, in which wealth
.bn 116.png
.pn +1
was useless, and which must be decided by stratagem[9.2.17] alone;
and that the conspiracy could be defeated only through the conspirator.”
At the Nazir’s recommendation he convened his
principal chiefs, Mohan Singh, chief of the Nathawats;[9.2.18] Dip
Singh, Khumbani, of Bansko; Zorawar Singh, Sheobaranpota;
Himmat Singh, Naruka; Kusal Singh of Jhalai; Bhojraj of
Mozabad, and Fateh Singh of Maoli; and thus addressed them on
the difficulties of his position: “You placed me on the gaddi
of Amber; and my brother, who would be satisfied with Baswa,
has Amber forced upon him by the Nawab Kamaru-d-din.” They
advised him to be of good cheer, and they would manage the
affair, provided he was sincere in assigning Baswa to his brother.
He made out the grant at the moment, ratified it with an oath,
and presented it with full powers to the chiefs to act for him.
The Panch (council) of Amber sent their ministers to Bijai Singh
provided with all the necessary arguments; but the prince
replied, he had no confidence in the promises or protestations of
his brother. For themselves, and in the name of the Barah
kothri Amber ki (the twelve great families), they gave their sitaram,[9.2.19]
or security; adding that if Jai Singh swerved \[362] from
his engagements, they were his, and would themselves place him
on the gaddi of Amber.
.fn 9.2.13
[In Mālwa (IGI, xxi. 34).]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.14
[Kamaru-d-dīn, Mīr Muhammad Fāzil, son of Itmādu-d-daula,
Muhammad Amīn Khān Wazīr, was appointed to that office A.D. 1724:
killed at Sarhind, March 11, 1728.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.15
[Forty-five miles N.N.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.16
[‘Brother by exchange of turbans.’ Khāndaurān Khān, Abdu-l-Samad
Khān, governor of Lahore and Multān, died A.D. 1739.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.17
The Nazir is here harping on three of the four predicaments which
(borrowed originally from Manu [Laws, viii. 159, 165, 168], and repeated
by the great Rajput oracle, the bard Chand) govern all human events, sham,
dan, bhed, dand, ‘arguments, gifts, stratagem, force.’
.fn-
.fn 9.2.18
He is the hereditary premier noble of this house (as is Salumbar of
Mewar, and the Awa chief of Marwar), and is familiarly called the ‘Patel
of Amber.’ His residence is Chaumun, which is the place of rendezvous of
the feudality of Amber, whenever they league against the sovereign.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.19
[An appeal to the deities Rāma and his wife Sīta.]
.fn-
He accepted their interposition and the grant, which being
explained to his patron, he was by no means satisfied; nevertheless
he ordered Khandauran and Kirparam to accompany
him, to see him inducted in his new appanage of Baswa. The
chiefs, anxious to reconcile the brothers, obtained Bijai Singh’s
assent to a meeting, and as he declined going to Amber, Chaumun
was proposed and agreed to, but was afterwards changed to the
town of Sanganer, six miles south-west of Jaipur, where Bijai
Singh pitched his tents. As Jai Singh was quitting the darbar
to give his brother the meeting, the Nazir entered with a message
.bn 117.png
.pn +1
from the queen-mother, to know “why her eyes should not be
blessed with witnessing the meeting and reconciliation of the
two Laljis.”[9.2.20] The Raja referred the request to the chiefs, who
said there could be no objection.
.fn 9.2.20
Lalji is an epithet of endearment used by all classes of Hindus towards
their children, from the Sanskrit lal, lad, ‘to sport.’
.fn-
The Nazir prepared the mahadol,[9.2.21] with three hundred chariots
for the females; but instead of the royal litter containing the
queen-mother, it was occupied by Ugar Sen, the Bhatti chief,
and each covered chariot contained two chosen Silahposhians,
or men at arms. Not a soul but the Nazir and his master were
aware of the treachery. The procession left the capital; money
was scattered with profusion by the attendants of the supposed
queen-mother, to the people who thronged the highways, rejoicing
at the approaching conclusion of these fraternal feuds.
.fn 9.2.21
[A state litter, generally used by ladies of the Court.]
.fn-
Bijai Singh entrapped.—A messenger having brought the
intelligence that the queen-mother had arrived at the palace of
Sanganer, the Raja and his chiefs mounted to join her. The
brothers first met and embraced, when Jai Singh presented the
grant of Baswa, saying, with some warmth, that if his brother
preferred ruling at Amber, he would abandon his birthright and
take Baswa. Bijai Singh, overcome with this kindness, replied,
that “all his wants were satisfied.” When the time to separate
had arrived, the Nazir came into the court with a message from
the queen-mother, to say, that if the chiefs would withdraw she
would come and see her children, or that they might come to her
apartment. Jai Singh referred his mother’s wish to the chiefs,
saying he had no will but theirs. Having advised the brothers
to wait on the queen-mother, they proceeded hand in hand to
the interior of the mahall. When arrived at the door, Jai Singh,
taking his dagger from his girdle, delivered it to an eunuch, saying,
“What occasion for this here?” \[363] and Bijai Singh, not to
be outdone in confidence, followed his example. As the Nazir
closed the door, Bijai Singh found himself, not in the embrace
of the queen-mother, but in the iron grip of the gigantic Bhatti,
who instantly bound him hand and foot, and placing him in the
mahadol, the mock female procession with their prisoner returned
to Amber. In an hour, tidings were conveyed to Jai Singh of
the prisoner being safely lodged in the castle, when he rejoined
.bn 118.png
.pn +1
the conclave of his chiefs; who on seeing him enter alone, attended
by some of the ‘men at arms,’ stared at each other, and asked
“What had become of Bijai Singh?”—“Hamare pet men,”
'in my belly'! was the reply. “We are both the sons of Bishan
Singh, and I the eldest. If it is your wish that he should rule,
then slay me and bring him forth. For you I have forfeited my
faith, for should Bijai Singh have introduced, as he assuredly
would, your enemies and mine, you must have perished.” Hearing
this, the chiefs were amazed; but there was no remedy, and
they left the palace in silence. Outside were encamped six
thousand imperial horse, furnished by the wazir as the escort of
Bijai Singh, whose commander demanded what had become of
their trust. Jai Singh replied, “It was no affair of theirs,” and
desired them to be gone, “or he would request their horses of
them.” They had no alternative but to retrace their steps, and
thus was Bijai Singh made prisoner.[9.2.22]
.fn 9.2.22
I have made a verbatim translation of this gun.
.fn-
Whatever opinion the moralist may attach to this specimen
of 'the hundred and nine gun' of the royal astronomer of
Amber, which might rather be styled guna[9.2.23] (vice) than gun
(virtue), no one will deny that it was done in a most masterly
manner, and where chal or stratagem is a necessary expedient,
did honour to the talents of Jai Singh and the Nazir, who alone,
says the narrative, were accessory to the plot. In this instance,
moreover, it was perfectly justifiable; for with the means and
influence of the wazir to support him, Bijai Singh must, sooner or
later, have supplanted his brother. The fate of Bijai Singh is
not stated.
.fn 9.2.23
This is a singular instance of making the privative an affix instead of
prefix; a-gun, ‘without virtue,’ would be the common form. [(?) guna
may mean ‘virtue,’ or the reverse (Monier-Williams, Sanskrit Dict. s.v.;
Brāhmanism and Hinduism, 4th ed. 30).]
.fn-
Services of Jai Singh to Jaipur State.—The Kachhwaha State,
as well as its capital, owes everything to Jai Singh: before his
time, it had little political weight beyond that which it acquired
from the personal character of its princes, and their estimation
at the Mogul court. Yet, notwithstanding the intimate connexion
which existed between the Amber Rajas and the imperial family,
from Babur to Aurangzeb, their patrimonial estates had been very
little enlarged since Pajun, the contemporary of the last Rajput
emperor of Delhi. Nor was it till \[364] the troubles which ensued
.bn 119.png
.pn +1
on the demise of Aurangzeb, when the empire was eventually
partitioned, that Amber was entitled to the name of a raj. During
those troubles, Jai Singh’s power as the king’s lieutenant in
Agra, which embraced his hereditary domains, gave him ample
opportunity to enlarge and consolidate his territory. The manner
in which he possessed himself of the independent districts of
Deoti and Rajor,[9.2.24] affords an additional insight into the national
character, and that of this prince.
.fn 9.2.24
[Both now in Mācheri of the Alwar State.]
.fn-
Limits of Jaipur State.—At the accession of Jai Singh, the raj
of Amber consisted only of three parganas or districts of Amber,
Daosa, and Baswa; the western tracts had been sequestrated,
and added to the royal domains attached to Ajmer. The Shaikhavati
confederation was superior to, and independent of, the
parent State, whose boundaries were as follows. The royal
thana (garrison) of Chatsu,[9.2.25] to the south; those of Sambhar to
the west, and Hastina to the north-west; while to the east,
Daosa and Baswa formed its frontier. The Kothribands, as
they denominate the twelve great feudalities, possessed but
very slender domains, and were held cheap by the great vassals
of Mewar, of whom the Salumbar chief was esteemed, even by
the first Peshwa, as the equal of the prince of the Kachhwahas.
.fn 9.2.25
[Thirty miles E. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Rajor.—Rajor was a city of great antiquity, the capital of a
petty State called Deoti,[9.2.26] ruled by a chief of the Bargujar tribe,
descended, like the Kachhwahas, from Rama, but through Lava,
the elder son. The Bargujars of Rajor had obtained celebrity
amongst the more modern Rajputs, by their invincible repugnance
to matrimonial alliance with the Muhammadans; and
while the Kachhwahas set the degrading example, and by so
doing eventually raised themselves to affluence, the Bargujar
‘conquered renown in the song of the bard,’ by performing the
sakha in defence of his honour. While, therefore, Sawai Jai
Singh ruled as a viceroy over kingdoms, the Bargujar was serving
with his contingent with the Baisi,[9.2.27] and at the period in question,
.bn 120.png
.pn +1
in Anupshahr, on the Ganges. When absent on duty, the safety
of Rajor depended on his younger brother. One day, while preparing
for the chase of the wild boar, he became so impatient for
his dinner, that his sister-in-law remarked, “One would suppose
you were going to throw a lance at Jai Singh, you are in such a
hurry.” This was touching a tender subject, for it will be recollected
that the first territory in the plains obtained by the
Kachhwahas, on their migration from Narwar, was Daosa, a
Bargujar possession. “By Thakurji (the Lord), I shall do so,
ere I eat from your hands again,” was the fierce reply. With ten
horsemen he left Rajor, and took post \[365] under the Dhulkot,
or ‘mud walls,’ of Amber.
.fn 9.2.26
[Now in Mācheri, Alwar State.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.27
[‘The twenty-two,’ a term originally applied to the Mughal army,
because it was supposed to contain twenty-two lakhs of men. The twenty-two
nobles of Jaipur were a later creation.]
.fn-
Attempted Assassination of Jai Singh.—But weeks and months
fled ere he found an opportunity to execute his threat; he gradually
sold all his horses, and was obliged to dismiss his attendants.
Still he lingered, and sold his clothes, and all his arms, except his
spear; he had been three days without food, when he sold half
his turban for a meal. That day Jai Singh left the castle by the
road called mora, a circuitous path to avoid a hill. He was in his
sukhasan;[9.2.28] as he passed, a spear was delivered, which lodged in
the corner of the litter. A hundred swords flew out to slay the
assassin; but the Raja called aloud to take him alive, and carry
him to Amber. When brought before him and asked who he was,
and the cause of such an act, he boldly replied, “I am the Deoti
Bargujar, and threw the spear at you merely from some words
with my Bhabhi;[9.2.29] either kill or release me.” He related how
long he had lain in wait for him, and added that “had he not been
four days without food, the spear would have done its duty.”
Jai Singh, with politic magnanimity, freed him from restraint,
gave him a horse and dress of honour (khilat), and sent him,
escorted by fifty horse, in safety to Rajor. Having told his
adventure to his sister-in law, she replied, “You have wounded
the envenomed snake, and have given water to the State of
Rajor.” She knew that a pretext alone was wanting to Jai Singh
and this was now unhappily given. With the advice of the elders,
the females and children were sent to the Raja at Anupshahr,[9.2.30]
and the castles of Deoti and Rajor were prepared for the storm.
.fn 9.2.28
A litter, literally 'seat (asan) of ease (sukh).'
.fn-
.fn 9.2.29
[Bhābhi, ‘sister-in-law.’]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.30
The descendants of this chieftain still occupy lands at Anupshahr.
.fn-
.bn 121.png
.pn +1
On the third day after the occurrence, Jai Singh, in a full
meeting of his chiefs, related the circumstance, and held out the
bira[9.2.31] against Deoti; but Mohan Singh of Chaumun[9.2.32] warned his
prince of the risk of such an attempt, as the Bargujar chief was
not only estimated at court, but then served with his contingent.
This opinion of the chief noble of Amber alarmed the assembly,
and none were eager to seek the dangerous distinction. A month
passed, and war against Deoti was again proposed; but none of
the Kothribands seeming inclined to oppose the opinion of their
ostensible head, Fateh Singh Banbirpota, the chieftain of one
hundred and fifty vassals, accepted the bira, when five thousand
horse were ordered to assemble under his command. Hearing
that the Bargujar had left Rajor to celebrate the festival of
Ganggor,[9.2.33] he moved towards him, sending on some messengers
with “the compliments of Fateh Singh Banbirpota, and that
he was at hand.” The young Bargujar who, little expecting
\[366] any hostile visitation, was indulging during this festive
season, put the heralds to death, and with his companions, completely
taken by surprise, was in turn cut to pieces by the Jaipur
troops. The Rani of Rajor was the sister of the Kachhwaha chief
of Chaumun: she was about giving a pledge of affection to her
absent lord, when Rajor was surprised and taken. Addressing the
victor, Fateh Singh, she said, “Brother, give me the gift (dan)
of my womb”; but suddenly recollecting that her own unwise
speech had occasioned this loss of her child’s inheritance, exclaiming,
“Why should I preserve life to engender feuds?” she
sheathed a dagger in her bosom and expired. The heads of the
vanquished Bargujars were tied up in handkerchiefs, and suspending
them from their saddle-horses, the victors returned to
their prince, who sent for that of his intended assassin, the
young Bargujar chieftain. As soon as Mohan Singh recognized
the features of his kinsman, the tears poured down his face.
Jai Singh, recollecting the advice of this, the first noble of his
court, which delayed his revenge a whole month, called his
grief treason, and upbraided him, saying, “When the spear
was levelled for my destruction, no tear fell.” He sequestrated
Chaumun, and banished him from Dhundhar: the chief found
refuge with the Rana at Udaipur. “Thus (says the manuscript),
.bn 122.png
.pn +1
did Jai Singh dispossess the Bargujar of Deoti and Rajor, which
were added to his dominions: they embraced all the tract now
called Macheri.”[9.2.34]
.fn 9.2.31
[The betel leaf eaten before battle.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.32
[About 20 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.33
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_665.]
.fn-
.fn 9.2.34
Rajor is esteemed a place of great antiquity, and the chief seat of the
Bargujar tribe for ages, a tribe mentioned with high respect in the works of
the bard Chand, and celebrated in the wars of Prithiraj. I sent a party to
Rajor in 1813.
.fn-
Amongst the foibles of Jai Singh’s character was his partiality
to ‘strong drink.’ What this beverage was, whether the juice
of the madhu (mead), or the essence (arak) of rice, the traditional
chronicles of Amber do not declare, though they mention frequent
appeals from Jai Singh drunk, to Jai Singh sober; one anecdote
has already been related.[9.2.35]
.fn 9.2.35
Annals of Mārwār, Vol. II. p. vol2_1048.
.fn-
In spite of his many defects, Jai Singh’s name is destined to
descend to posterity as one of the most remarkable men of his
age and nation.
Erection of Buildings.—Until Jai Singh’s time, the palace of
Amber, built by the great Raja Man, inferior to many private
houses in the new city, was the chief royal residence. The Mirza
Raja made several additions to it, but these were trifles compared
with the edifice added[9.2.36] by Sawai Jai Singh, which has made the
residence of the Kachhwaha princes \[367] as celebrated as those
of Bundi or Udaipur, or, to borrow a more appropriate comparison,
the Kremlin at Moscow. It was in S. 1784 (A.D. 1728) that he
laid the foundation of Jaipur. Raja Mall was the Musahib,[9.2.37]
Kirparam the stationary wakil at Delhi, and Budh Singh Khumbani,
with the urdu, or royal camp, in the Deccan: all eminent
men. The position he chose for the new capital enabled him to
connect it with the ancient castle of Amber, situated upon a
peak at the apex of the re-entering angle of the range called
Kalikoh; a strong circumvallation enclosed the gorge of the
mountain, and was carried over the crest of the hills, on either
side, to unite with the castle, whilst all the adjoining passes were
strongly fortified.
.fn 9.2.36
The manuscript says, “On the spot where the first Jai Singh erected
the three mahalls, and excavated the tank called the Talkatora, he erected
other edifices.” As Hindu princes never throw down the works of their
predecessors, this means that he added greatly to the old palace.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.37
[Aide-de-camp.]
.fn-
Sumptuary Laws: Tolerance.—The sumptuary laws which he
.bn 123.png
.pn +1
endeavoured to establish throughout Rajputana for the regulation
of marriages, in order to check those lavish expenses that
led to infanticide and satis, will be again called forth when the
time is ripe for the abolition of all such unhallowed acts. For
this end, search should be made for the historical legends called
the ‘hundred and nine acts,’ in the archives of Jaipur, to which
ready access could be obtained, and which should be ransacked
for all the traces of this great man’s mind.[9.2.38] Like all Hindus, he
was tolerant; and a Brahman, a Muhammadan, or a Jain, were
alike certain of patronage. The Jains enjoyed his peculiar estimation,
from the superiority of their knowledge, and he is said to
have been thoroughly conversant both in their doctrines and
their histories. Vidyadhar, one of his chief coadjutors in his
astronomical pursuits, and whose genius planned the city of Jaipur,
was a Jain, and claimed spiritual descent from the celebrated
Hemacharya, of Nahrvala, minister and spiritual guide of his
namesake, the great Siddhraj Jai Singh.[9.2.39]
.fn 9.2.38
By such researches we should in all probability recover those sketches
of ancient history of the various dynasties of Rajputana, which he is said
to have collected with great pains and labour, and the genealogies of the old
races, under the titles of Rajavali and Rajatarangini; besides, the astronomical
works, either original or translations, such as were collected by Jai
Singh, would be a real gift to science.
.fn-
.fn 9.2.39
He ruled from S. 1150 to S. 1201, A.D. 1094-1143. [Hemāchārya, or
Hemachandra, was a famous scholar who flourished in the reigns of Siddharāja
Jayasingha and Kumārapāla. He is said to have been converted to
Islām (BG, i. Part i. 180 f., 182 f., ix. Part ii. 26, ]
.fn-
The Asvamedha.—Amongst the vanities of the founder of
Amber, it is said that he intended to get up the ceremony of the
Asvamedha yajna, or ‘sacrifice of the horse,’ a rite which his research
into the traditions of his nation must have informed him had
entailed destruction on all who had attempted it, from the days
of Janamejaya the Pandu, to Jaichand, the last Rajput monarch
of Kanauj. It was a virtual assumption of universal supremacy;
and although, perhaps, in virtue of his office, as the satrap of
Delhi, the horse dedicated to the sun might have wandered unmolested
on the banks of the Ganges, he would most assuredly
have found his way into a Rathor stable had he roamed in the
direction of the desert: or at the risk both of jiva and gaddi
(life and throne), the Hara \[368] would have seized him, had he
fancied the pastures of the Chambal.[9.2.40] He erected a sacrificial
.bn 124.png
.pn +1
hall of much beauty and splendour, whose columns and ceilings
were covered with plates of silver; nor is it improbable that the
steed, emblematic of Surya, may have been led round the hall,
and afterwards sacrificed to the solar divinity. The Yajnasala
of Jai Singh, one of the great ornaments of the city, was, however,
stripped of its rich decoration by his profligate descendant,
the late Jagat Singh, who had not the grace even of Rehoboam,
to replace them with inferior ornaments; and the noble treasures
of learning which Jai Singh had collected from every quarter, the
accumulated results of his own research and that of his predecessors,
were divided into two portions, and one-half was given
to a common prostitute, the favourite of the day. The most
remarkable MSS. were, till lately, hawking about Jaipur.
.fn 9.2.40
See Vol. I. p. vol1_91, for a description of the rite of Asvamedha.
.fn-
Sawai Jai Singh died in S. 1799 (A.D. 1743), having ruled forty-four
years. Three of his wives and several concubines ascended
his funeral pyre, on which science expired with him.
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 3
.sp 2
The Rājput League.—The league formed at this time by the
three chief powers of Rajputana has already been noticed in the
Annals of Mewar. It was one of self-preservation; and while
the Rathors added to Marwar from Gujarat, the Kachhwahas
consolidated all the districts in their neighbourhood under Amber.
The Shaikhavati federation was compelled to become tributary,
and but for the rise of the Jats, the State of Jaipur would have
extended from the lake of Sambhar to the Jumna \[369].
Īsari Singh, A.D. 1743-60.—Isari Singh succeeded to a well-defined
territory, heaps of treasure, an efficient ministry, and a
good army; but the seeds of destruction lurked in the social
edifice so lately raised, and polygamy was again the immediate
agent. Isari Singh was the successor of Jai Singh, according to
the fixed laws of primogeniture; but Madho Singh, a younger
son, born of a princess of Mewar, possessed conventional rights
which vitiated those of birth. These have already been discussed,
as well as their disastrous issue to the unfortunate Isari Singh,
who was not calculated for the times, being totally deficient in
that nervous energy of character, without which a Rajput prince
can enforce no respect. His conduct on the Abdali invasion
.bn 125.png
.pn +1
admitted the construction of cowardice, though his retreat from
the field of battle, when the commander-in-chief, Kamaru-d-din
Khan, was killed, might have been ascribed to political motives,
were it not recorded that his own wife received him with gibes
and reproaches. There is every appearance of Jai Singh having
repented of his engagement on obtaining the hand of the Sesodia
princess, namely, that her issue should succeed, as he had in his
lifetime given an appanage unusually large to Madho Singh,
namely, the four parganas of Tonk, Rampura, Phaggi, and
Malpura.[9.3.1] The Rana also, who supported his nephew’s claims,
assigned to him the rich fief of Rampura Bhanpura in Mewar,[9.3.2]
which as well as Tonk Rampura, constituting a petty sovereignty,
were, with eighty-four lakhs (£840,000 sterling), eventually made
over to Holkar for supporting his claims to the ‘cushion’ of
Jaipur. The consequence of this barbarous intervention in the
international quarrels of the Rajputs annihilated the certain
prospect they had of national independence, on the breaking up
of the empire, and subjected them to a thraldom still more
degrading, from which a of redemption is now offered to
them.
.fn 9.3.1
[Tonk now in the State of that name; Rāmpura 65 miles E., Phaggi
32 miles E., Mālpura about 50 miles S.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.3.2
[Now lost to Mewār, being included in Indore State.]
.fn-
Mādho Singh, A.D. 1760-78.—Madho Singh, on his accession,
displayed great vigour of mind, and though faithful to his engagements,
he soon showed the Mahrattas he would admit of no protracted
interference in his affairs; and had not the rising power
of the Jats distracted his attention and divided his resources, he
would, had his life been prolonged, in conjunction with the
Rathors, have completely humbled their power. But this near
enemy embarrassed all his plans. Although the history of the
Jats is now well known, it may not be impertinent shortly to
commemorate the rise of a power, which, from a rustic condition,
in little more than half a century was able to baffle the armies
of Britain, led by the most popular commander it ever had in
the East; for till the siege of Bharatpur the name of Lake was
always coupled with victory \[370].
The Jāts of Bharatpur.—The Jats[9.3.3] are a branch of the great
.bn 126.png
.pn +1
Getic race, of which enough has been said in various parts of this
work. Though reduced from the rank they once had amongst the
‘Thirty-six Royal Races,’ they appear never to have renounced
the love of independence, which they contested with Cyrus in
their original haunts in Sogdiana. The name of the Cincinnatus
of the Jats, who abandoned his plough to lead his countrymen
against their tyrants, was Churaman. Taking advantage of the
sanguinary civil wars amongst the successors of Aurangzeb, they
erected petty castles in the villages (whose lands they cultivated)
of Thun and Sansani,[9.3.4] and soon obtained the distinction of
Kazaks, or ‘robbers,’ a title which they were not slow to merit,
by their inroads as far as the royal abode of Farrukhsiyar. The
Sayyids, then in power, commanded Jai Singh of Amber to attack
them in their strongholds, and Thun and Sansani were simultaneously
invested. But the Jats, even in the very infancy of
their power, evinced the same obstinate skill in defending mud
walls, which in later times gained them so much celebrity. The
royal astronomer of Amber was foiled, and after twelve months
of toil, was ingloriously compelled to raise both sieges.
.fn 9.3.3
It has been seen how the Yadu-Bhatti princes, when they fell from their
rank of Rajputs, assumed that of Jats, or Jāts, who are assuredly a mixture
of the Rajput and Yuti, Jat or Gete races. See Vol. I. p. vol1_127. [The Author
possibly refers to the attack of Cyrus on the Massagetae, whose connexion
with the Jāts is not supported by evidence (Herodotus i. 204 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 9.3.4
[Sansani about 10 miles N.W. of Bharatpur city: Thūn 12 miles W. of
Sansani. For the sieges of Thūn by Jai Singh in 1716 and 1722, see Irvine,
Army of the Indian Moghuls, 285 ff.; for Sansani, Manucci ii. 320 f. iv. 242.]
.fn-
Not long after this event, Badan Singh, the younger brother
of Churaman, and a joint proprietor of the land, was for some
misconduct placed in restraint, and had remained so for some
years, when, through the intercession of Jai Singh and the
guarantee of the other Bhumia Jats, he was liberated. His first
act was to fly to Amber, and to bring its prince, at the head of
an army, to invest Thun, which, after a gallant defence of six
months, surrendered and was razed to the ground. Churaman
and his son, Mohkam Singh, effected their escape, and Badan
Singh was proclaimed chief of the Jats, and installed, as Raja,
by Jai Singh in the town of Dig, destined also in after times to
have its share of fame.
Badan Singh had a numerous progeny, and four of his sons
obtained notoriety, namely, Surajmall, Sobharam, Partap Singh,
and Birnarayan. Badan Singh subjected several of the royal
.bn 127.png
.pn +1
districts to his authority. He abdicated his power in favour of
his elder son, Surajmall, having in the first instance assigned the
district of Wer,[9.3.5] on which he had constructed a fort, to his son
Partap.
.fn 9.3.5
[About 28 miles S.W. of Bharatpur city.]
.fn-
Surajmall inherited all the turbulence and energy requisite
to carry on the plans of his predecessors. His first act was to
dispossess a relative, named Kaima, of the castle \[371] of Bharatpur,
afterwards the celebrated capital of the Jats.[9.3.6] In the year
S. 1820 (A.D. 1764), Surajmall carried his audacity so far as to
make an attempt upon the imperial city; but here his career was
cut short by a party of Baloch horse, who slew him while enjoying
the chase. He had five sons, namely, Jawahir Singh, Ratan
Singh, Newal Singh, Nahar Singh, Ranjit Singh, and also an
adopted son, named Hardeo Bakhsh, picked up while hunting.
Of these five sons, the first two were by a wife of the Kurmi[9.3.7]
tribe; the third was by a wife of the Malin, or horticultural class;
while the others were by Jatnis or women of his own race.
.fn 9.3.6
[In 1761 he captured Agra, which the Jāts held till they were ousted
by the Marāthas in 1770 (IGI, v. 83).]
.fn-
.fn 9.3.7
The Kurmi (the Kulumbi of the Deccan) is perhaps the most numerous,
next to the Jats, of all the agricultural classes. [In 1911 there were 7
million Jāts and 3¾ million Kurmis in India.]
.fn-
Jawahir Singh, who succeeded, was the contemporary of Raja
Madho Singh, whose reign in Jaipur we have just reached; and
to the Jat’s determination to measure swords with him were owing,
not only the frustration of his schemes for humbling the Mahratta,
but the dismemberment of the country by the defection of the
chief of Macheri. Jawahir Singh, in A.H. 1182, having in vain
solicited the district of Kamona, manifested his resentment by
instantly marching through the Jaipur territories to the sacred
lake of Pushkar, without any previous intimation. He there
met Raja Bijai Singh of Marwar, who, in spite of his Jat origin,
condescended to ‘exchange turbans,’ the sign of friendship and
fraternal adoption. At this period, Madho Singh’s health was
on the decline, and his counsels were guided by two brothers,
named Harsahai and Gursahai, who represented the insulting
conduct of the Jat and required instructions. They were commanded
to address him a letter warning him not to return through
the territories of Amber, and the chiefs were desired to assemble
.bn 128.png
.pn +1
their retainers in order to punish a repetition of the insult. But
the Jat, who had determined to abide the consequences, paid no
regard to the letter, and returned homewards by the same route.
This was a justifiable ground of quarrel, and the united Kothribands
marched to the encounter, to maintain the pretensions of
their equestrian order against the plebeian Jat. A desperate
conflict ensued, which, though it terminated in favour of the
Kachhwahas and in the flight of the leader of the Jats, proved
destructive to Amber, in the loss of almost every chieftain of
note[9.3.8] \[372].
.fn 9.3.8
Having given a slight sketch of the origin of the Jats, I may here conclude
it. Ratan Singh, the brother of Jawahir, succeeded him. He was
assassinated by a Gosain Brahman from Bindraban, who had undertaken
to teach the Jat prince the transmutation of metals, and had obtained considerable
sums on pretence of preparing the process. Finding the day arrive
on which he was to commence operations, and which would reveal his
imposture, he had no way of escape but by applying the knife to his dupe.
Kesari Singh, an infant, succeeded, under the guardianship of his uncle,
Newal Singh. Ranjit Singh succeeded him, a name renowned for the
defence of Bharatpur against Lord Lake. He died A.D. 1805, and was
succeeded by the eldest of four sons, namely, Randhir Singh, Baldeo Singh,
Hardeo Singh, and Lachhman Singh. The infant son of Randhir succeeded,
under the tutelage of his uncle; to remove whom the British army destroyed
Bharatpur, and plundered it of its wealth, both public and private. [The
son of Randhīr Singh was Balwant Singh, who was cast into prison by his
cousin, Dūrjansāl. He was captured by Lord Combermere when he stormed
Bharatpur in 1826. Balwant Singh was restored, and dying in 1853, was
succeeded by Jaswant Singh, who died in 1893, and was succeeded by his
son Rām Singh, deposed for misconduct in 1900, and succeeded by his son
Kishan Singh, born in 1899 (IGI, viii. 74 ff).]
.fn-
Separation of Mācheri or Alwar State, A.D. 1771-76.—This
battle was the indirect cause of the formation of Macheri into
an independent State, which a few words will explain. Partap
Singh, of the Naruka clan, held the fief of Macheri; for some
fault he was banished the country by Madho Singh, and fled to
Jawahir Singh, from whom he obtained saran (sanctuary), and
lands for his maintenance. The ex-chieftain of Macheri had, as
conductors of his household affairs and his agents at court, two
celebrated men, Khushhaliram[9.3.9] and Nandram, who now shared
his exile amongst the Jats. Though enjoying protection and
hospitality at Bharatpur, they did not the less feel the national
insult, in that the Jat should dare thus unceremoniously to
.bn 129.png
.pn +1
traverse their country. Whether the chief saw in this juncture
an opening for reconciliation with his liege lord, or that a pure
spirit of patriotism alone influenced him, he abandoned the place
of refuge, and ranged himself at his old post, under the standard
of Amber, on the eve of the battle, to the gaining of which he
contributed not a For this opportune act of loyalty his
past errors were forgiven, and Madho Singh, who only survived
that battle four days, restored him to his favour and his fief of
Macheri.
.fn 9.3.9
Father of two men scarcely less celebrated than himself, Chhatarbhuj
and Daula Ram.
.fn-
Madho Singh died of a dysentery, after a rule of seventeen years.
Had he been spared, in all human probability he would have
repaired the injurious effects of the contest which gave him the
gaddi of Amber; but a minority, and its accustomed anarchy,
made his death the point from which the Kachhwaha power
declined. He built several cities, of which that called after him
Madhopur, near the celebrated fortress of Ranthambhor, the
most secure of the commercial cities of Rajwara, is the most remarkable.
He inherited no small portion of his father’s love of
science, which continued to make Jaipur the resort of learned
men, so as to eclipse even the sacred Benares.
Prithi Singh II., A.D. 1778.—Prithi Singh II., a minor, succeeded,
under the guardianship of the mother of his younger brother,
Partap. The queen-regent, a Chondawatni, was of an ambitious
and resolute character, but degraded by her paramour, Firoz,
a Filban, or ‘elephant-driver,’ whom she made member of her
council, which disgusted the chiefs, who alienated themselves
from court and remained at their estates. Determined, however,
to dispense with their aid, she entertained a mercenary army
under the celebrated Ambaji, with which she enforced the collection
of the revenue. Arath Ram was at \[373] this period the
Diwan, or prime minister, and Khushhaliram Bohra, a name afterwards
conspicuous in the politics of this court, was associated in
the ministry. But though these men were of the highest order
of talent, their influence was neutralized by that of the Filban,
who controlled both the regent Rani and the State. Matters
remained in this humiliating posture during nine years, when
Prithi Singh died through a fall from his horse, though not without
suspicions that a dose of poison accelerated the vacancy of the
gaddi, which the Rani desired to see occupied by her own son.
The scandalous chronicle of that day is by no means tender of the
.bn 130.png
.pn +1
reputation of Madho Singh’s widow. Having a direct interest
in the death of Prithi Singh, the laws of common sense were
violated in appointing her guardian, notwithstanding her claims
as Patrani, or chief queen of the deceased. Prithi Singh, though
he never emerged from the trammels of minority and the tutelage
of the Chondawatni, yet contracted two marriages, one with
Bikaner, the other with Kishangarh. By the latter he had a son,
Man Singh. Every court in Rajputana has its pretender, and
young Man was long the bugbear to the court of Amber. He was
removed secretly, on his father’s death, to the maternal roof at
Kishangarh; but as this did not offer sufficient security, he was
sent to Sindhia’s camp, and has ever since lived on the bounty of
the Mahratta chief at Gwalior.[9.3.10]
.fn 9.3.10
Two or three times he had a chance of being placed on the gaddi (vide
letter of Resident with Sindhia to Government, March 27, 1812), which
assuredly ought to be his: once, about 1810, when the nobles of Jaipur
were disgusted with the libertine Jagat Singh; and again, upon the death
of this dissolute prince, in 1820. The last occasion presented a fit occasion
for his accession; but the British Government were then the arbitrators,
and I doubt much if his claims were disclosed to it, or understood by those
who had the decision of the question, which nearly terminated in a civil war.
.fn-
Partāp Singh, A.D. 1778-1803.—Partap Singh[9.3.11] was immediately
placed upon the gaddi by the queen-regent, his mother, and her
council, consisting of the Filban, and Khushhaliram, who had
now received the title of Raja, and the rank of prime minister.
He employed the power thus obtained to supplant his rival Firoz,
and the means he adopted established the independence of his
old master, the chief of Macheri. This chief was the only one of
note who absented himself from the ceremony of the installation
of his sovereign. He was countenanced by the minister, whose
plan to get rid of his rival was to create as much confusion as
possible. In order that distress might reach the court, he gave
private instructions that the zemindars should withhold their
payments; but these minor stratagems would have been unavailing,
had he not associated in his schemes the last remnants of
power about the Mogul throne. Najaf Khan[9.3.12] was at this time
the imperial commander, who, aided by the Mahrattas, proceeded
to expel the \[374] Jats from the city of Agra. He then attacked
.bn 131.png
.pn +1
them in their stronghold of Bharatpur. Nawal Singh was then
the chief of the Jats. The Macheri chief saw in the last act of
expiring vigour of the imperialists an opening for the furtherance
of his views, and he united his troops to those of Najaf Khan.
This timely succour, and his subsequent aid in defeating the Jats,
obtained for him the title of Rao Raja, and a sanad for Macheri,
to hold direct of the crown. Khushhaliram, who, it is said,
chalked out this course, made his old master’s success the basis of
his own operations to supplant the Filban. Affecting the same
zeal that he recommended to the chief of Macheri, he volunteered
to join the imperial standard with all the forces of Amber. The
queen-regent did not oppose the Bohra’s plan, but determined
out of it still higher to exalt her favourite: she put him at the
head of the force, which post the minister had intended for himself.
This exaltation proved his ruin. Firoz, in command of
the Amber army, met the Rao Raja of Macheri on equal terms
in the tent of the imperial commander. Foiled in these schemes
of attaining the sole control of affairs, through the measure
adopted, the Macheri chief, at the instigation of his associate,
resolved to accomplish his objects by less justifiable means. He
sought the friendship of the Filban, and so successfully ingratiated
himself in his confidence as to administer a dose of poison to him,
and in conjunction with the Bohra succeeded to the charge of
the government of Amber. The regent queen soon followed
the Filban, and Raja Partap was yet too young to guide the
state vessel without aid. The Rao Raja and the Bohra, alike
ambitious, soon quarrelled, and a division of the imperialists,
under the celebrated Hamidan Khan, was called in by the Bohra.
Then followed those interminable broils which brought in the
Mahrattas. Leagues were formed with them against the imperialists
one day, and dissolved the next; and this went on
until the majority of Partap, who determined to extricate himself
from bondage, and formed that league, elsewhere mentioned,
which ended in the glorious victory of Tonga, and for a time
the expulsion of all their enemies, whether imperial or Mahrattas.
.fn 9.3.11
[The Author’s dates do not agree with those of Prinsep (Useful Tables,
ed. 1834, p. 112) which are given in the margin.]
.fn-
.fn 9.3.12
[Najaf Khān, Amīru-l-Umara, Zulfikāru-d-daula, died A.D. 1782.]
.fn-
To give a full narrative of the events of this reign, would be
to recount the history of the empire in its expiring moments.
Throughout the twenty-five years’ rule of Partap, he and his
country underwent many vicissitudes. He was a gallant prince,
and not deficient in judgment; but neither gallantry nor
.bn 132.png
.pn +1
prudence could successfully apply the resources of his petty State
against its numerous predatory foes and its internal dissensions.
The defection of Macheri was a serious blow to Jaipur, and the
necessary subsidies soon lightened the hoards accumulated by
his predecessors. Two payments \[375] to the Mahrattas took
away eighty lakhs of rupees (£800,000); yet such was the mass of
treasure, notwithstanding the enormous sums lavished by Madho
Singh for the support of his claims, besides those of the regency,
that Partap expended in charity alone, on the victory of Tonga,
A.D. 1789, the sum of twenty-four lakhs, or a quarter of a million
sterling.
In A.D. 1791, after the subsequent defeats at Patan, and the
disruption of the alliance with the Rathors, Tukaji Holkar invaded
Jaipur, and extorted an annual tribute, which was afterwards
transferred to Amir Khan, and continues a permanent incumbrance
on the resources of Jaipur. From this period to
A.D. 1803, the year of Partap’s death, his country was alternately
desolated by Sindhia’s armies, under De Boigne or Perron, and
the other hordes of robbers, who frequently contested with each
other the possession of the spoils.[9.3.13]
.fn 9.3.13
[For these campaigns see Compton, European Military Adventurers,
145 ff., 237 ff.]
.fn-
Jagat Singh, A.D. 1803-18.—Jagat Singh succeeded in A.D.
1803, and ruled for seventeen [fifteen] years, with the disgraceful
distinction of being the most dissolute prince of his race or
of his age. The events with which his reign is crowded would
fill volumes were they worthy of being recorded. Foreign invasions,
cities besieged, capitulations and war-contributions,
occasional acts of heroism, when the invader forgot the point of
honour, court intrigues, diversified, not unfrequently, by an
appeal to the sword or dagger, even in the precincts of the court.
Sometimes the daily journals (akhbars) disseminated the scandal
of the Rawala (female apartments), the follies of the libertine
prince with his concubine Raskafur, or even less worthy objects,
who excluded from the nuptial couch his lawful mates of the
noble blood of Jodha, or Jaisal, the Rathors and Bhattis of the
desert. We shall not disgrace these annals with the history of
a life which discloses not one redeeming virtue amidst a cluster of
effeminate vices, including the rankest, in the opinion of a Rajput—cowardice.
The black transaction respecting the princess of
.bn 133.png
.pn +1
Udaipur, has already been related (Vol. I. p. vol1_536), which covered
him with disgrace, and inflicted a greater loss, in his
even than that of character—a million sterling. The treasures
of the Jai Mandir were rapidly dissipated, to the grief of those
faithful hereditary guardians, the Minas of Kalikoh, some of
whom committed suicide rather than see these sacred deposits
squandered on their prince’s unworthy pursuits. The lofty walls
which surrounded the beautiful city of Jai Singh were insulted
by every marauder; commerce was interrupted, and agriculture
rapidly declined, partly from insecurity, but still more from the
perpetual exactions of his minions \[376]. One day a tailor[9.3.14]
ruled the councils, the next a Bania, who might be succeeded
by a Brahman, and each had in turn the honour of elevation to
the donjon keep of Nahargarh, the castle where criminals are
confined, overlooking the city. The feodal chiefs held both his
authority and his person in utter contempt, and the pranks he
played with the ‘Essence of Camphor’ (ras-kafur),[9.3.15] at one time
led to serious thoughts of deposing him; which project, when
near maturity, was defeated by transferring “this queen of half
of Amber,” to the prison of Nahargarh. In the height of his
passion for this Islamite concubine, he formally installed her as
queen of half his dominions, and actually conveyed to her in
gift a moiety of the personality of the crown, even to the invaluable
library of the illustrious Jai Singh which was despoiled, and
its treasures distributed amongst her base relations. The Raja
even struck coin in her name, and not only rode with her on the
same elephant, but demanded from his chieftains those forms
of reverence towards her which were paid only to his legitimate
queens. This their pride could not brook, and though the Diwan
or prime minister, Misr Sheonarayan, albeit a Brahman, called her
‘daughter,’ the brave Chand Singh of Duni[9.3.16] indignantly refused
to take part in any ceremony at which she was present. This
contumacy was punished by a mulet of £20,000, nearly four
years’ revenue of the fief of Duni!
.fn 9.3.14
Rorji Khawass was a tailor by birth, and, I believe, had in early life
exercised the trade. He was, however, amongst the Musahibs, or privy
councillors of Jagat Singh, and (I think) one of the ambassadors sent to treat
with Lord Lake.
.fn-
.fn 9.3.15
Ras-Karpūr or Kapūr, I am aware, means ‘corrosive sublimate,’ but
it may also be interpreted ‘essence of camphor’ [Kāfūr].
.fn-
.fn 9.3.16
[About 75 miles S. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.bn 134.png
.pn +1
Death of Jagat Singh.—Manu allows that sovereigns may be
deposed,[9.3.17] and the aristocracy of Amber had ample justification
for such an act. But unfortunately the design became known,
and some judicious friend, as a salvo for the Raja’s dignity, propagated
a report injurious to the fair fame of his Aspasia, which
he affected to believe; a mandate issued for the sequestration
of her property, and her incarceration in the castle allotted to
criminals. There she was lost sight of, and Jagat continued to
dishonour the gaddi of Jai Singh until his death, on a day held
especially sacred by the Rajput, the 21st of December 1818, the
winter solstice, when, to use their own metaphorical language,
“the door of heaven is reopened.”
Raja Jagat Singh left no issue, legitimate or illegitimate, and
no provision had been made for a successor during his life. But
as the laws of Rajputana, political or religious, admit of no
interregnum, and the funereal pyre must be lit by an adopted
child if there be no natural issue, it was necessary at once to
inaugurate a successor \[377]; and the choice fell on Mohan
Singh, son of the ex-prince of Narwar. As this selection, in
opposition to the established rules of succession, would, but for
a posthumous birth, have led to a civil war, it may be proper
to touch briefly upon the subject of heirs-presumptive in
Rajputana, more especially those of Jaipur: the want of exact
knowledge respecting this point, in those to whom its political
relations with us were at that time entrusted, might have had
the most injurious effects on the British character. To set this
in its proper light, we shall explain the principles of the alliance
which rendered Jaipur a tributary of Britain.
.fn 9.3.17
[The reference is possibly to the text: “That king who through folly
rashly oppresses the kingdom will, with his relations, ere long be deprived
of his life and of his kingdom” (Laws, vii. 111).]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 4
.sp 2
The British Alliance, A.D. 1818.—Jaipur was the last of the
principalities of Rajputana to accept the protection tendered
by the government of British India. To the latest moment, she
delayed her sanction to a system which was to banish for ever
the enemies of order. Our overtures and expostulations were
.bn 135.png
.pn +1
rejected, until the predatory powers of India had been, one after
another, laid prostrate at our feet. The Pindaris were annihilated;
the Peshwa was exiled from Poona to the Ganges; the
Bhonsla was humbled; Sindhia palsied by his fears; and Holkar,
who had extensive lands assigned him, besides a regular tribute
from Jaipur, had received a death-blow to his power in the field
of Mahidpur.[9.4.1]
.fn 9.4.1
[Mahīdpur, in the Indore State, 24 miles N. of Ujjain, when Sir John
Malcolm defeated the Marāthas on December 21, 1817.]
.fn-
Procrastination is the favourite expedient of all Asiatics; and
the Rajput, though a fatalist, often, by protracting the irresistible
honhar (destiny), works out his deliverance. Amir Khan, the
lieutenant of Holkar, who held the lands and tribute of Jaipur
in jaedad, or assignment for his troops, was the sole enemy of
social order left to operate on the fears of Jaipur, and to urge
her to take refuge in our alliance; and even he was upon the
point of becoming one of the illustrious allies, who were to enjoy
the “perpetual friendship” of Great Britain. The Khan was
at that very moment \[378] battering Madhorajpura, a town almost
within the sound of cannon-shot of Jaipur, and we were compelled
to make an indirect use of this incident to hasten the decision of
the Kachhwaha prince. The motives of his backwardness will
appear from the following details.
Hesitation to accept the Treaty.—Various considerations combined
to check the ardour with which we naturally expected our
offer of protection would be embraced. The Jaipur court retained
a lively, but no grateful remembrance, of the solemn obligations
we contracted with her in 1803, and the facility with which we
extricated ourselves from them when expediency demanded,
whilst we vainly attempted to throw the blame of violating the
treaty upon our ally. To use the words of one who has been
mixed up with all the political transactions of that eventful
period, with reference to the letter delivered by the envoy at the
Jaipur court from our viceroy in the East, notifying the dissolution
of the alliance: “The justice of these grounds was warmly
disputed by the court, which, under a lively sense of that imminent
danger to which it had become exposed from this measure,
almost forgot for a moment the temper and respect which it owed
to the English nation.” But the native envoy from Jaipur,
attending the camp of the gallant Lake, took a still higher tone,
.bn 136.png
.pn +1
and with a manly indignation observed, that “this was the first
time, since the English government was established in India,
that it had been known to make its faith subservient to its convenience”:
a reproach the more bitter and unpalatable from
its truth.[9.4.2]
.fn 9.4.2
Vide Malcolm’s Political History of India, p. 434.
.fn-
The enlarged and prophetic views of Marquess Wellesley,
which suggested the policy of uniting all these regular governments
in a league against the predatory powers, were counteracted
by the timid, temporizing policy of Lord Cornwallis, who
could discover nothing but weakness in this extension of our
influence.[9.4.3] What misery would not these States have been
spared, had those engagements, executed through the noble
Lake (a name never mentioned in India, by European or native,
without reverence), been maintained; for the fifteen years which
intervened between the two periods produced more mischief to
Rajwara than the preceding half century, and half a century
more will not repair it!
.fn 9.4.3
[The Author, an enthusiastic political officer, ignores the considerations
based on the state of the finances of India and the danger of the political
situation in Europe which suggested a cautious policy in India. See J. Mill,
Hist. of British India, ed. 1817, iii. 702; Seton-Karr, The Marquess Cornwallis,
178 ff.; J. W. Kaye, Life of Lord Metcalfe, i. 326 ff. On the negotiations
with Jaipur see Kaye, op. cit. i. 348 ff.]
.fn-
A circumstance that tended to increase this distrust was our
tearing Wazir Ali from his sanctuary at Jaipur, which has cast
an indelible stain upon the Kachhwaha name.[9.4.4] We have elsewhere[9.4.5]
explained the privileges of saran, or ‘sanctuary,’ which,
when claimed by the unfortunate or criminal, is sacred in the
eye of the Rajput \[379]. This trust we forced the Jaipur State
to violate, though she was then independent of us. It was no
excuse for the act that the fugitive was a foul assassin: we had
no right to demand his surrender.[9.4.6]
.fn 9.4.4
[Wazīr Ali, the deposed Nawāb of Oudh, murdered Mr. Cherry, the
British Resident at Benares, on January 14, 1799. He took refuge in Jaipur,
and the Rāja, having made terms with the British, “treacherously delivered
him up.” He was confined in Fort William, Calcutta, where he died in
1817 (J. Mill, op. cit. iii. 469 ff).]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.5
Vol. II. p. vol2_613.
.fn-
.fn 9.4.6
A better commentary on the opinions held by the natives upon this
subject could not be given than the speech of Holkar’s envoy to the agent
of the Governor-General of India, then with Lord Lake: “Holcar’s vakeel
demanded, with no slight degree of pertinacity, the cession of the Jeipoor
and Boondi tributes; and one of them, speaking of the former, stated, that
he no doubt would continue to enjoy the friendship of the English, as he
had disgraced himself to please that nation, by giving up Vizier Alli (who
had sought his protection) to their vengeance. The vakeel was severely
rebuked by the agent (Colonel, now Sir John Malcolm) for this insolent
reflection on the conduct of an ally of the British Government, who had
delivered up a murderer whom it would have been infamy to shelter”;
though the author of the Political History of India might have added—but
whom it was still greater infamy, according to their code, to surrender.
See Malcolm’s Political History of India, p. 432.
.fn-
.bn 137.png
.pn +1
There were other objections to the proffered treaty of no small
weight. The Jaipur court justly deemed one-fifth (eight lakhs)
of the gross revenues of the crown, a high rate of insurance for
protection; but when we further stipulated for a prospective
increase[9.4.7] of nearly one-third of all surplus revenue beyond forty
lakhs, they saw, instead of the generous Briton, a sordid trafficker
of mercenary protection, whose rapacity transcended that of the
Mahratta.
.fn 9.4.7
See #Article 6:a5.6# of the Treaty,
.fn-
Independent of these state objections, there were abundance
of private and individual motives arrayed in hostility to the
British offer. For example: the ministers dreaded the surveillance
of a resident agent, as obnoxious to their authority and
influence; and the chieftains, whom rank and ancient usage
kept at court as the counsellors of their prince, saw in prospect
the surrender of crown-lands, which fraud, favour, or force had
obtained for them. Such were the principal causes which impeded
the alliance between Amber and the Government-general
of British India; but it would have marred the uniformity of
Lord Hastings’ plan to have left a gap in the general protective
system by the omission of Jaipur. The events rapidly happening
around them—the presence of Amir Khan—the expulsion of
the orange flag of the Mahratta, and the substitution of the
British banner on the battlements of Ajmer—at length produced
a tardy and ungracious assent, and, on the 2nd of April 1818, a
treaty of ten articles was concluded, which made the Kachhwaha
princes the friends and tributaries in perpetuity of Great Britain.
Disputed Succession.—On the 21st of December of the same
year, Jagat Singh died, and the choice of a successor speedily
evinced to the ministers the impracticability of their exercising, as
in days of yore, that “absolute power over their country and
.bn 138.png
.pn +1
dependants,” guaranteed to them by the treaty.[9.4.8] Our office of
arbitrating the differences between the Raja and \[380] his vassals
on the subject of the usurpations from the crown-lands, was easy,
and left no unpleasant feeling; but when we intermeddled with
the intrigues respecting the succession, our ignorance of established
rights and usage rendered the interference offensive, and
made the Jaipur chiefs repent the alliance which temporary policy
had induced their prince to accept.
.fn 9.4.8
See #Article 8:a5.8# of the Treaty.
.fn-
Law of Succession in Rājputāna.—It may be of use in future
negotiations, to explain the usages which govern the different
States of Rajputana in respect to succession. The law of primogeniture
prevails in all Rajput sovereignties; the rare instances
in which it has been set aside, are only exceptions to the rule.
The inconclusive dicta of Manu, on this as on many other points,
are never appealed to by the Rajputs of modern days.[9.4.9] Custom
and precedent fix the right of succession, whether to the gaddi
of the State, or to a fief, in the eldest son, who is styled Rajkumar,
Patkumar, or simply Kumarji, ‘the prince’; while his brothers
have their proper names affixed, as Kumar Jawan Singh, ‘Prince
Jawan.’ Seniority is, in fact, a distinction pervading all ranks
of life, whether in royal families or those of chieftains; all have
their Patkumar, and Patrani, or ‘head child,’ and ‘head queen.’
The privileges of the Patrani are very considerable. In minorities,
she is the guardian, by custom as well as nature, of her child;
and in Mewar (the oldest sovereignty in India), she is publicly
enthroned with the Rana. Seniority in marriage bestows the
title of Patrani, but as soon as an heir is given to the State, the
queen-mother assumes this title, or that of Maji, simply ‘the
mother.’[9.4.10] In the duties of guardian, she is assisted by the chiefs
of certain families, who with certain officers of the household
enjoy this as an established hereditary distinction.
.fn 9.4.9
[Laws, ix. 105 ff. On the general question see Baden-Powell, The
Indian Village Community, 305 f.]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.10
In Mewar, simply Maji; at Jaipur, where they have long used the
language and manners of Delhi, they affix the Persian word Sahibah, or
‘lady mother.’
.fn-
On the demise of a prince without lawful issue of his body, or
that of near kindred, brothers or cousins, there are certain families
in every principality (raj) of Rajwara, in whom is vested the
.bn 139.png
.pn +1
right of presumptive heirship to the gaddi. In order to restrict
the circle of claimants, laws have been established in every State
limiting this right to the issue of a certain family in each principality.
Thus, in Mewar, the elder of the Ranawat clans, styled
Babas, or ‘the infants,’ possesses the latent right of heir-presumptive.
In Marwar, the independent house of Idar, of the
family of Jodha; in Bundi, the house of Dagari,[9.4.11] in Kotah, the
Apjis of Pulaitha[9.4.12]; in Bikaner, the family of \[381] Mahajan[9.4.13];
and in Jaipur, the branch Rajawat (according to seniority) of
the stock of Raja Man. Even in this stock there is a distinction
between those prior, and those posterior, to Raja Madho
Singh; the former are styled simply Rajawat, or occasionally
conjoined, Mansinghgot; the other Madhani. The Rajawats
constitute a numerous frerage, of which the Jhalai house takes
the lead; and in which, provided there are no mental or
physical disabilities, the right of furnishing heirs to the gaddi
of Jaipur is a long-established, incontrovertible, and inalienable
privilege.
.fn 9.4.11
[Dagāri or Dugāri, about 20 miles N. of Būndi city, with a picturesque
palace (Rājputāna Gazetteer, 1879, ]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.12
[A short distance S. of Kotah city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.13
[Mahājan, about 50 miles N.N.W. of Bikaner city.]
.fn-
We have been thus minute, because, notwithstanding the
expressed wish of the government not to prejudge the question,
the first exercise of its authority as lord-paramount was to justify
a proceeding by which these established usages were infringed,
in spite of the eighth article of the treaty: “The Maharaja and
his heirs and successors shall remain absolute rulers of their
country and dependants according to long-established usage,”
etc. “C’est premier pas qui coute”; and this first step, being
a wrong one, has involved an interference never contemplated,
and fully justifying that wariness on the part of Jaipur, which
made her hesitate to link her destiny with ours.
Both the sixth and seventh articles contain the seeds of disunion,
whenever it might suit the chicanery or bad faith of the
protected, or the avarice of the protector. The former has already
been called into operation, and the ‘absolute rulers’ of Jaipur
have been compelled to unfold to the resident Agent the whole
of their financial and territorial arrangements, to prove that the
revenues did not exceed the sum of forty lakhs, as, of the sum
.bn 140.png
.pn +1
in excess (besides the stipulated tributary fifth), our share was
to be three-sixteenths.[9.4.14]
.fn 9.4.14
Mewar was subjected to the same premium on her reviving prosperity.
The Author unsuccessfully endeavoured to have a limit fixed to the demand;
but he has heard with joy that some important modifications have since been
made in these tributary engagements both with Mewar and Amber: they
cannot be made too light. Discontent in Rajputana will not be appeased
by a few lakhs of extra expenditure. I gave my opinions fearlessly when
I had everything at stake; I will not suppress them now, when I have
nothing either to hope or to fear but for the perpetuity of the British power
in these regions, and the revival of the happiness and independence of those
who have sought our protection. He will prove the greatest enemy to his
country, who, in ignorance of the true position of the Rajputs, may aim at
further trenching upon their independence. Read the thirty years’ war
between Aurangzeb and the Rathors! where is the dynasty of their tyrant?
Look at the map: a desert at their back, the Aravalli in front; no enemies
to harass or disturb them! How different would a Rajput foe prove from
a contemptible Mahratta, or the mercenary array of traitorous Nawabs,
whom we have always found easy conquests! Cherish the native army:
conciliate the Rajputs; then, laugh at foes!
.fn-
While, therefore, we deem ourselves justified in interfering
in the two chief branches of government, the succession and
finances, how is it possible to avoid being implicated in the acts
of the government-functionaries, and involved in the party views
and intrigues of a court, stigmatised even by the rest of Rajwara
with the epithet of jhutha darbar, the ‘lying court’? While there
is a resident Agent at Jaipur, whatever \[382] his resolves, he will
find it next to impossible to keep aloof from the vortex of intrigue.
The purest intentions, the highest talents, will scarcely avail to
counteract this systematic vice, and with one party at least, but
eventually with all, the reputation of his government will be
compromised.
This brings us back to the topic which suggested these remarks,
the installation of a youth upon the gaddi of Jaipur. We shall
expose the operation of this transaction by a literal translation
of an authentic document, every word of which was thoroughly
substantiated. As it presents a curious picture of manners, and is
valuable as a precedent, we shall give it entire in the Appendix, and
shall here enter no further into details than is necessary to unravel
the intrigue which violated the established laws of succession.
The Installation of Mohan Singh.—The youth, named Mohan
Singh, who was installed on the gaddi of Jaipur, on the morning
succeeding Jagat Singh’s decease, was the son of Manohar Singh,
.bn 141.png
.pn +1
the ex-Raja of Narwar, who was chased from his throne and
country by Sindhia. We have stated that the Jaipur family
sprung from that of Narwar eight centuries ago; but the parent
State being left without direct lineage, they applied to Amber
and adopted a son of Prithiraj I., from whom the boy now brought
forward was fourteen generations in descent. This course of
proceeding was in direct contravention of usage, which had fixed,
as already stated, the heirs-presumptive, on failure of lineal issue
to the gaddi of Amber, in the descendants of Raja Man, and the
branch Madhani, generally styled Rajawat, of whom the first
claimant was the chief of Jhalai,[9.4.15] and supposing his incompetency,
Kama, and a dozen other houses of the ‘infantas’ of Jaipur.
.fn 9.4.15
[Jhalai, about 42 miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
The causes of departure from the recognized rule, in this
respect, were the following. At the death of Jagat Singh, the
reins of power were, and had been for some time, in the hands
of the chief eunuch of the rawala (seraglio), whose name was
Mohan Nazir,[9.4.16] a man of considerable vigour of understanding,
and not without the reputation of good intention in his administration
of affairs, although the system of chicanery and force,[9.4.17]
by which he attempted to carry his object, savoured more of
self-interest than of loyalty. The youth was but nine years of
age; and a long minority, with the exclusive possession of power,
suggests the true motives of the Nazir. His principal coadjutor,
amongst the great vassals of the State, was Megh Singh of Diggi,[9.4.18]
a chief who \[383] had contrived by fraud and force to double
his hereditary fief by usurpations from the crown-lands, to retain
which he supported the views of the Nazir with all the influence
of his clan (the Khangarot), the most powerful of the twelve
great families of Amber.[9.4.19] The personal servants of the crown,
.bn 142.png
.pn +1
such as the Purohits, Dhabhais (domestic chaplains and foster-brothers),
and all the subordinate officers of the household, considered
the Nazir’s cause as their own: a minority and his favour
guaranteed their places, which might be risked by the election of a
prince who could judge for himself, and had friends to provide for.
.fn 9.4.16
Nazir is the official name, a Muhammadan one, denoting his capacity,
as emasculated guardian of the seraglio. Jaipur and Bundi are the only
two of the Rajput principalities who, adopting the Muslim custom, have contaminated
the palaces of their queens with the presence of these creatures.
.fn-
.fn 9.4.17
See “Summary of Transactions,” Appendix, No. V. [The Author
omitted to print this paper owing to its length.]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.18
[Forty miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.19
The Khangarot clan enumerates twenty-two fiefs, whose united rent-rolls
amount to 402,806 rupees annually, and their united quotas for the service
of the State, six hundred and forty-three horse. Megh Singh, by his turbulence
and intelligence, though only the sixth or seventh in the scale of rank
of this body, had taken the lead, and become the organ of his clan at court.
.fn-
Objections raised by the Government of India.—A reference to
the “Summary of Transactions” (in the Appendix) will show
there was no previous consultation or concert amongst the
military vassals, or the queens; on the contrary, acting entirely
on his own responsibility, the Nazir, on the morning succeeding
the death of his master, placed young Mohan in ‘the car of the
sun,’ to lead the funeral procession, and light the pyre of his
adopted sire. Scarcely were the ablutions and necessary purifications
from this rite concluded, when he received the congratulations
of all present as lord of the Kachhwahas, under the revived name
of Man Singh the Second. The transactions which followed, as
related in the diary, until the final dénouement, distinctly show,
that having committed himself, the Nazir was anxious to obtain
through the resident agents of the chieftains at court, their
acquiescence in the measure under their signs-manual. It will
be seen that the communications were received and replied to in
that cautious, yet courteous manner, which pledged the writer
to nothing, and gained him time for the formation of a deliberate
opinion: the decision was thus suspended; all eyes were directed
to the paramount power; and the Nazir, whose first desire was
to propitiate this, entreated the British functionary at Delhi to
send his confidential Munshi to Jaipur without delay. This
agent reached Jaipur from Delhi six days after the death of Jagat.
He was the bearer of instructions, “requiring a full account of
the reasons for placing the son of the Narwar Raja on the masnad;
of his family, lineage, right of succession, and by whose counsels
the measure was adopted.” On the 11th of January this requisition
was reiterated; and it was further asked, whether the measure
had the assent of the queens and chiefs, and a declaration to this
effect, under their signatures, was required to be forwarded.
Nothing could be more explicit, or more judicious, than the tenor
of these instructions \[384].
The replies of the Nazir and confidential Munshi were such, that
on the 7th of February the receipt of letters of congratulation from
the British Agent, accompanied by one from the supreme authority,
.bn 143.png
.pn +1
was formally announced, which letters being read in full court,
“the naubat (kettledrum) again sounded, and young Man Singh
was conducted to the Partap Mahall, and seated on the masnad.”
On this formal recognition by the British government, the agents
of the chieftains at their sovereign’s court, in reply to the Nazir’s
demand, “to know the opinions of the chiefs,” answered that
“if he called them, they were ready to obey”; but at the same
time they rested their adhesion on that of the chief queen, sister
of the Raja of Jodhpur, who breathed nothing but open defiance
of the Nazir and his junta. Early in March, public discontent
became more manifest: and the Rajawat chief of Jhalai determined
to appeal to arms in support of his rights as heir-presumptive,
and was soon joined by the chiefs of Sarwar and Isarda,[9.4.20]
junior but powerful branches of the same stock.
.fn 9.4.20
[Sarwar, 45 miles S. of Ajmer; Isarda, 60 miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Another party seemed inclined, on this emergency, to revive
the rights of that posthumous son of Prithi Singh, whom we
have already described as living in exile at Gwalior, on the bounty
of Sindhia; and nothing but the unfavourable report of his
intellect and debased habits prevented the elder branch of the
sons of Madho Singh recovering their lost honours.
While the paramount authority was thus deluded, and the
chieftains were wavering amidst so many conflicting opinions,
the queens continued resolute, and the Rajawats were arming—and
the Nazir, in this dilemma, determined as a last resource,
to make Raja Man of Jodhpur the umpire, hoping by this appeal
to his vanity, to obtain his influence over his sister to an acquiescence
in the irremediable step, which had been taken “in
obedience (as he pretended) to the will of the deceased prince.”
Raja Man’s reply is important: “That there could be no occasion
for his or his sister’s signature to the required declaration on the
right of succession to the masnad of Jaipur, which depended upon,
and was vested in, the elders of the twelve tribes of Kachhwahas;
that if they approved and signed the declaration, the queen his
sister, and afterwards himself, would sign it, if requisite.”
The Nazir and his faction, though aided by the interposition
of the Munshi, were now in despair, and in these desperate circumstances,
he attempted to get up a marriage between the
puppet he had enthroned and the granddaughter of the Rana of
.bn 144.png
.pn +1
Mewar. It was well contrived, and not ill received by the Rana;
but there was an influence at his court which at once extinguished
the plot, though supported at \[385] Delhi by the Rana’s most
influential agent. It was proposed that, at the same time, the
Rana should consummate his nuptials with the Jaipur Raja’s
sister, the preliminaries of which had been settled a dozen years
back. Money in abundance was offered, and the Rana’s passion
for pageantry and profusion would have prevented any objection
to his proceeding to the Jaipur capital. To receive the chief of
the universal Hindu race with due honour, the whole nobility
of Amber would have left their estates, which would have been
construed into, and accepted as, a voluntary acquiescence in the
rights of the Nazir’s choice, which the marriage would have completely
cemented. Foiled in this promising design, the knot,
which the precipitate and persevering conduct of the Nazir had
rendered too indissoluble even for his skill to undo, was cut by the
annunciation of the advanced pregnancy of the Bhattiani queen.
Birth of a Posthumous Heir.—This timely interposition of Mata
Janami (the Juno Lucina of Rajwara) might well be regarded as
miraculous; and though the sequel of this event was conducted
with such publicity as almost to choke the voice of slander, it
still found utterance.[9.4.21] It was deemed a sort of prodigy, that an
event, which would have caused a jubilee throughout Dhundhar,
should have been kept secret until three months after the Raja’s
death.[9.4.22] The mysteries of the Rawalas of Rajput princes find
their way to the public out of doors; and in Udaipur, more
especially, are the common topics of conversation. The variety
of character within its walls, the like variety of communicants
without, the conflicting interests, the diversified objects of contention
of these little worlds, render it utterly impossible that
any secret can long be maintained, far less one of such magnitude
as the pregnancy of the queen of a prince without issue. That
this event should be revealed to the Nazir, the superintendent of
.bn 145.png
.pn +1
the queen’s palace, with all the formality of a new discovery,
three months after Jagat Singh’s death, must excite surprise; since
to have been the bearer of such joyful intelligence to his
master, to whom he was much attached, must have riveted his
influence \[386].
.fn 9.4.21
The publicity, on this occasion, is precisely of the same character as
marked the accouchement of the Duchess de Berri, who, it is said, not only
had the usual witnesses to silence the voice of doubt, but absolutely insisted
on the Maréchaux as well as the Maréchales of France being in the room at
the moment of parturition.
.fn-
.fn 9.4.22
Raja Jagat Singh died December 21, 1818, and the announcement of
the Bhattiani being in “the eighth month of her pregnancy,” was on March
24, 1819.
.fn-
At three o’clock on the 1st of April, a council of sixteen queens,
the widows of the late prince, and the wives of all the great vassals
of the State, “assembled to ascertain the fact of pregnancy,”
whilst all the great barons awaited in the antechambers of the
Zanana Deori the important response of this council of matrons.
When it announced that the Bhattiani queen was pregnant beyond
a doubt, they consulted until seven, when they sent in a written
declaration, avowing their unanimous belief of the fact; and
that “should a son be born, they would acknowledge him as
their lord, and to none else pledge allegiance.” A transcript of
this was given to the Nazir, who was recommended to forward
an attested copy to the British Agent at Delhi. From these
deliberations, from which there was no appeal, the Nazir was
excluded by express desire of the Rathor queen. He made an
ineffectual effort to obtain from the chiefs a declaration, that
the adoption of the Narwar youth was in conformity to the desire
of the deceased prince, their master; but this attempt to obtain
indemnity for his illegal acts was defeated immediately on the
ground of its untruth.[9.4.23]
.fn 9.4.23
Deeming a record of these transactions useful, not only as descriptive
of manners, but as a precedent, inasmuch as they show the powers and
position of the different authorities composing a Rajput State in cases of
succession, I have inserted it in the Appendix. [As before stated, the Author
omitted this paper.]
.fn-
By this lawful and energetic exertion of the powers directly
vested in the queen-mother and the great council of the chiefs,
the tongue of faction was rendered mute; but had it been otherwise,
another queen was pronounced to be in the same joyful condition.[9.4.24]
On the morning of the 25th of April, four months and four
days after Jagat Singh’s death, a son was ushered into the world
with the usual demonstrations of joy, and received as the Autocrat
of the Kachhwahas; while the infant interloper was removed
.bn 146.png
.pn +1
from the gaddi, and thrust back to his original obscurity. Thus
terminated an affair which involved all Rajwara in discussion,
and at one time threatened a very serious result. That it was
disposed of in this manner was fortunate for all parties, and not
least for the protecting power.
.fn 9.4.24
No notice, that I am aware of, was ever taken of this second annunciation.
[The posthumous son of Jagat Singh, Jai Singh III., who succeeded,
lived till 1835, during which period the State was a scene of misgovernment
and corruption. He was succeeded by Mahārāja Rām Singh (A.D. 1835-80).
His adopted son, Kāim Singh, succeeded under the title of Sawāi Mādho
Singh II., and has administered the State with conspicuous ability.]
.fn-
Having thus given a connected, though imperfect, sketch of
the history of the Jaipur State, from its foundation to the present
time, before proceeding with any account of its resources, or the
details of its internal administration, we shall delineate the rise,
progress, and existing condition of the Shaikhavati federation,
which has risen out of, and almost to an equality with, the parent
State \[387].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
SHAIKHĀWAT FEDERATION | CHAPTER 5
We proceed to sketch the history of the Shaikhawat confederation,
which, springing from the redundant feodality of Amber,
through the influence of age and circumstances, has attained a
power and consideration almost equalling that of the parent
State; and although it possesses neither written laws, a permanent
congress, nor any visible or recognized head, subsists by a sense
of common interest. It must not be supposed, however, that
no system of policy is to be found in this confederation, because
the springs are not always visible or in action; the moment any
common or individual interest is menaced, the grand council of
the Barons of Shaikhavati assembles at Udaipur[9.5.1] to decide the
course of action to be pursued.
.fn 9.5.1
[This Udaipur must not be confounded with the capital of Mewār: it
is about 60 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
The Origin of the Shaikhāwats.—The Shaikhawat chieftains are
descended from Balaji, the third son of Raja Udaikaran, who
succeeded to the throne of Amber in S. 1445, A.D. 1389. At this
period, if we look back to the political state of society, we find
that nearly the whole of the tracts, which now obey the Shaikhavati
.bn 147.png
.pn +1
federation, were parcelled out amongst numerous chieftains
of the Chauhan or Tuar tribes,[9.5.2] the descendants of the ancient
.bn 148.png
.pn +1
Hindu emperors of Delhi, who evinced no more submission than
the sword and their Islamite successors exacted from them.
.fn 9.5.2
The lovers of antiquity have only to make the search to find an abundant
harvest, throughout all these countries, of ancient capitals and cities, whose
names are hardly known even to the modern inhabitants. Of the ancient
Rajor I have already spoken, and I now draw the attention of my countrymen
to Abhaner, which boasts a very remote antiquity; and from an old
stanza, we might imagine that its princes were connected with the Kaian
dynasty of Persia. I copied it, some twenty years ago, from an itinerant
bard, who had an imperfect knowledge of it himself, and I have doubtless
made it more so, but it is still sufficiently intelligible to point at a remarkable
coincidence:
.pm start_poem
Rājā Chand-kā Ābhāner
Bīahah Sanjog, āyo Girnār.
Dekh Bharat līyo bulāi.
Kiyo bidit, man bikasāi.
Byāo Sanjog, Parmalā barī.
Kos sāth-so man chit dharī;
“Tū betī Kaikum kī,
Nām Parmalā[9.4.2.A] ho.
Lekhā huā Kartār ko.
Yā jāna sabb ko”[9.4.2.A] \[388]
.pm end_poem
[For the above version of the corrupt lines in the original, the Editor is
indebted to Sir G. Grierson, who remarks that the meaning is not clear, and
that in the original more than one dialect is used. He offers the following
tentative translation: “Sanjog [dwelt] in the midst of Ābhāner of Rāja
Chand. He came to Girnār. When Bharat saw him he summoned him.
He [Sanjog] made known [his object], and his [Bharat’s] heart expanded.
Sanjog married, he chose Parmalā for his bride. From a distance of sixty
kos his heart and mind had attracted her. [He said to her] ‘Thou art the
daughter of Kaikum. Thy name is Parmalā [i.e. “fairy garland”]. It was
the writing of the Creator [i.e. “it was so fated”], this every one knew.’”
There is no reason to suppose that the lady was a Persian.]
This is a fragment of a long poem relative to the rivalry of Raja Chand of
Abhaner, and Raja Sursen of Indrapuri, who was betrothed to Parmala,
daughter of Kaikum, and had gone to Girner, or Girnar, to espouse her,
when the Abhaner prince abducted her. Raja Sursen of Indrapuri (Delhi),
if the ancestor of the Suraseni, and founder of Surpuri, existed probably
twelve hundred years before Christ. That sun-worshippers had established
themselves in the peninsula of Saurashtra (whose capital was Junagarh-Girnar),
its appellation, in the days of the Greeks of Bactria, as now, proves
(see Strabo, Justin, etc.), but whether Kaikum, the father of Parmala, is
the Kaiomurs of Firdausi, we shall not stop to inquire. The connexion
between this peninsula and Persia was intimate in later times, so as even to
give rise to the assertion that the Ranas of Mewar were descended from the
Sassanian kings. It was my good fortune to discover Surpuri, on the
Jumna, the residence of the rival of Chand of Abhaner, which city I leave
to some one imbued with similar taste to visit, and merely add, he will find
there an inscription in a kund or fountain dedicated to the Sun. The distance,
however, seven hundred coss (kos sath so), whether from Indrapuri or
Abhaner, to Girnar, even admitting them to be gao coss, would be too much.
I believe this would make it eight hundred miles, and certainly, as the crow
flies, it is not seven hundred. Interwoven with the story there is much
about Raja Chambha, prince of Jajnagar, a city of great antiquity in Orissa,
and containing some of the finest specimens of sculpture I ever saw. There
is also mention of a Raja Saer (qu. Sahir or Siharas of Aror) of Parman. In
1804, I passed through Jajnagar, after the conquest of the province of
Cuttack, with my regiment. At Jajnagar, my earliest friend, the late
Captain Bellet Sealy, employed his pencil for several days with the sculptured
remains. These drawings were sent to the authorities at Calcutta:
perhaps this notice may rescue from oblivion the remains of Jajnagar, and
of my deceased friend’s talent, for Captain Bellet Sealy was an ornament
equally to private life and to his profession. He fell a victim to the fever
contracted in the Nepal war. The ruins of Abhaner are on the Banganga,
three coss east of Lalsont. [The speculations in this note are of no value.
For the town of Jājpur in Cuttack, see a full account by Sir W. Hunter,
Orissa, i. 265 f.; IGI, xiv. 10 f.]
.fn-
.fn 9.4.2.A
Parī-mālā means ‘fairy garland.’
.fn-
Balaji, who was the actual founder of the numerous families
now designated by the more distinguished name of Shaikhji, his
grandson, obtained as an appanage the district of Amritsar,[9.5.3] but
whether by his own prowess or by other means, is not mentioned.
He had three sons: Mokalji, Khemraj, and Kharad. The first
succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar; the second had a numerous
issue styled Balapota, one of whom was adopted into the
twelve chambers (barahkothri) of Kachhwahas. The third had
a son called Kaman, whose descendants were styled Kamawat,
but are now early extinct.
.fn 9.5.3
[About 15 miles N.E. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Shaikhji.—Mokal had a son who was named Shaikhji, in compliment
to a miracle-working Islamite saint, to whose prayers
the childless chief was indebted for a son destined to be the patriarch
of a numerous race, occupying, under the term Shaikhawat,
an important \[389] portion of the surface of Rajputana. Shaikh
Burhan was the name of this saint, whose shrine (still existing)
was about six miles from Achrol, and fourteen from the residence
of Mokal. As the period of time was shortly after Timur’s invasion,
it is not unlikely he was a pious missionary, who remained
behind for the conversion of the warlike but tolerant Rajput,
.bn 149.png
.pn +1
with whom, even if he should fail in his purpose, he was certain
of protection and hospitality. The Shaikh in one of his peregrinations
had reached the confines of Amritsar, and was passing over
an extensive meadow, in which was Mokalji. The Mangta
(mendicant) approached with the usual salutation, “Have you
anything for me?” “Whatever you please to have, Babaji
(sire),” was the courteous reply. The request was limited to a
draught of milk, and if our faith were equal to the Shaikhawat’s,
we should believe that Shaikh Burhan drew a copious stream
from the exhausted udder of a female buffalo. This was sufficient
to convince the old chief that the Shaikh could work other miracles;
and he prayed that, through his means, he might no longer be
childless. In due time he had an heir, who, according to the injunctions
of Burhan, was styled, after his own tribe, Shaikh.
He directed that he should wear the baddhiya,[9.5.4] which, when laid
aside, was to be suspended at the saint’s dargah; and further,
that he should assume the blue tunic and cap, abstain from hog’s
flesh, and eat no meat “in which the blood remained.” He also
ordained that at the birth of every Shaikhawat male infant a goat
should be sacrificed, the Kalima (Islamite creed) read, and the
child sprinkled with the blood. Although four centuries have
passed away since these obligations were contracted by Mokal,
they are still religiously maintained by the little nation of his
descendants, occupying a space of ten thousand square miles.
The wild hog, which, according to immemorial usage, should be
eaten once a year by every Rajput, is rarely even hunted by a
Shaikhawat; and though they have relaxed in that ordinance,
which commanded the suspension of the baddhiyas at the shrine
of Burhan, still each infant wears them, as well as the blue tunic
and cap, for two years after his birth; and a still greater mark
of respect to the memory of the saint is evinced in the blue pennon
which surmounts the yellow banner, or national flag, of the
Shaikhawats. It is even gravely asserted that those who, from
indolence, distance, or less justifiable motives, have neglected
the least important injunction, that of depositing the initiatory
strings or baddhiyas, have never prospered. But a still stronger
proof is furnished of the credulity, the toleration, and yet \[390]
.bn 150.png
.pn +1
immutability of the Rajput character, in the fact, that, although
Amritsar,[9.5.5] and the lands around the dargah, are annexed to
the fisc of Amber, yet the shrine of Shaikh Burhan continues a
saran (sanctuary), while lands are assigned to almost a hundred
families, the descendants of the saint, who reside in the adjacent
town of Tala.
.fn 9.5.4
Strings, or threads, worn crossways by Muhammadan children. [See
Herklots, Qanoon-e-Islam, 156, 158.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.5
The town of Amritsar and forty-five villages are still left to the Manoharpur
branch.
.fn-
Shaikhji, when he attained man’s estate, greatly augmented
the territory left by his father, and had consolidated three hundred
and sixty villages under his sway, by conquest from his neighbours,
when his reputation and power attracted the jealous
notice of the lord paramount of Amber. He was attacked; but
by the aid of the Panni Pathans[9.5.6] he successfully withstood the
reiterated assaults of his suzerain. Up to this period, they had
acknowledged the Amber princes as liege lords, and in token of
alliance paid as tribute all the colts reared on the original estate.[9.5.7]
A dispute on this point was the ostensible cause (though subordinate
to their rapid prosperity), which occasioned a total separation
of the Shaikhawat colonies from the parent State, until the reign
of Sawai Jai Singh who, with his means as lieutenant of the empire,
compelled homage, submission, and pecuniary relief from them.
Shaikhji left a well-established authority to his son, Raemall, of
whom nothing is recorded. Raemall was followed by Suja, who
had three sons, namely, Nunkaran, Raesal, and Gopal. The
elder succeeded to the patrimony of Amritsar and its three
hundred and sixty townships, while to his brothers, the fiefs of
.bn 151.png
.pn +1
Lambi and Jharli[9.5.8] were respectively assigned. With the second
brother, Raesal, the fortunes of the Shaikhawats made a rapid
stride, from an occurrence in which the Rajput appears in the
position we desire to see him occupy.
.fn 9.5.6
The Pannis are a tribe of Duranis, regarding whom Mr. Elphinstone’s
account of Kabul may be consulted. In after times, there was a chieftain of
this tribe so celebrated for his generosity and hospitality, that his name has
become proverbial:
.pm start_poem
Banē, to banē
Nahīn, Dāūd Khān Panni:
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
that is, if they failed elsewhere, there was always Daud Khan in reserve.
His gallant bearing, and death in Farrukhsiyar’s reign, are related in Scott’s
excellent History of the Dekhan. [Ed. 1794, ii. 140 ff. The Panni are a
sept of the Kākar or Ghurghusthi Pathāns; see Rose, Glossary, iii. 198, 223.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.7
This will recall to the reader’s recollection a similar custom in the
ancient Persian empire, where the tribute of the distant Satrapies was of
the same kind. Armenia, according to Herodotus, alone gave an annual
tribute of twenty thousand colts. [The statement is made by Strabo
p. 529.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.8
[Jhārli is about 40 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Nunkaran, the chief of the Shaikhawats, had a minister named
Devidas, of the Bania or mercantile caste, and, like thousands of
that caste, energetic, shrewd, and intelligent. He one day held
an argument with his lord (which the result proves he maintained
with independence), that “genius with good fortune was the
first gift of heaven, and to be far more prized than a man’s mere
inheritance.” Nunkaran warmly disputed the point, which
ended by his telling the minister he might go to Lambi \[391] and
make experiment of the truth of his argument on his brother
Raesal. Devidas lost no time, on this polite dismissal from his
office, in proceeding with his family and property to Lambi. He
was received with the usual hospitality; but soon discovered that
Raesal’s means were too confined to bear an additional burden,
and that the field was too restricted to enable him to demonstrate
the truth of the argument which lost him his place. He made
known his determination to proceed to the imperial city, and
advised Raesal to accompany him, and try his luck at court.
Raesal, who was valiant and not without ambition, could only
equip twenty horse, with which he arrived at Delhi just as an
army was forming to oppose one of those Afghan invasions, so
common at that period. In the action which ensued, Raesal had
the good fortune to distinguish himself by cutting down a leader
of the enemy, in the presence of the imperial general, which had
a decided influence on the event of the day. Inquiries were
made for the brave unknown, who had performed this heroic
deed; but as, for reasons which will be perceived, he kept aloof
from the quarters of his countrymen, the argument of Devidas
would never have been illustrated, had not the imperial commander
determined to seek out and reward merit. He ordered a grand
ziyafat, or ‘entertainment’ to be prepared for the chiefs of every
grade in the army, who were commanded afterwards to pay their
respects to the general. As soon as Raesal appeared, he was
recognized as the individual of whom they were in search. His
name and family being disclosed, his brother, Nunkaran, who
.bn 152.png
.pn +1
was serving with his quota, was called, whose anger was peremptorily
expressed at his presuming to appear at court without
his permission; but this ebullition of jealousy was of little avail.
Raesal was at once introduced to the great Akbar, who bestowed
upon him the title of Raesal Darbari,[9.5.9] and a more substantial
mark of royal favour, in a grant of the districts of Rewasa and
Khasali, then belonging to the Chandela Rajputs. This was but
the opening of Raesal’s career, for scarcely had he settled his
new possessions, when he was recalled to court to take part in
an expedition against Bhatner. Fresh services obtained new
favours, and he received a grant of Khandela and Udaipur, then
belonging to the Nirwan Rajputs, who disdained to pay allegiance
to the empire, and gave themselves up to unlicensed rapine.
.fn 9.5.9
It is always agreeable to find the truth of these simple annals corroborated
in the historical remains of the conquerors of the Rajputs. The name
of Raesal Darbari will be found, in the Ain-i-Akbari, amongst the mansabdars
of twelve hundred and fifty horse; a rank of high importance, being
equivalent to that conferred on the sons of potent Rajas. [In Āīn (i. 419)
he is called Rāē Sāl Darbāri, son of Rāēmall, Shaikhāwat. The Author
represents him to be son of Sūja, and apparently grandson of Rāēmall. He
is mentioned in the Akbarnāma (trans. H. Beveridge ii. 390).]
.fn-
Khandela, the Shaikhawat Capital.—Raesal, finding it would
be a work of difficulty to expel the brave Nirwans from \[392] their
ancient bapota (patrimony), had recourse to stratagem to effect
his object. Previous to the expedition to Bhatner, Raesal had
espoused the daughter of the chief of Khandela, and it is related
that a casual expression, dropped on that occasion, suggested his
desire to obtain it for himself. Being dissatisfied with the dower
(daeja) given with his bride, he, with no commendable taste,
pertinaciously insisted upon an increase; upon which the Nirwan
chief, losing patience, hastily replied, “We have nothing else to
give, unless you take the stones of the hill.” The attendant
Saguni (augur), immediately turning to Raesal, said, in an
undertone, “Tie a knot on the skirt of your garment in remembrance
of this.” An expression like this from a prophetic tongue
gave birth to the wish to be lord of Khandela; while his services
to the king, and the imbecility of its Nirwan possessor, conspired
to fulfil it. Watching his opportunity, he marched against the
place, and being in all probability supported by his liege lord,
it was abandoned without defence, and the inhabitants tendered
their submission to him. Henceforth, Khandela was esteemed
.bn 153.png
.pn +1
the principal city of the Shaikhawat confederation; and the
descendants of Raesal, using his name as a patronymic, are styled
Raesalot, occupying all southern Shaikhavati; while another
branch of later origin, called Sadhani, holds the northern tracts.
Immediately after the occupation of Khandela, Raesal obtained
possession of Udaipur, formerly called Kausambi, also belonging
to the Nirwans.[9.5.10]
.fn 9.5.10
The Nirwan is a sakha, or ramification of the Chauhan race. They had
long held possession of these regions, of which Kes, or Kausambi, now
Udaipur, was the capital, the city where the grand council of the confederation
always meets on great occasions. This may throw light on the Kausambi
mentioned on the triumphal pillar at Delhi; the Nirwan capital is
more likely to be the town alluded to than Kausāmbi on the Ganges.
[The inscription refers to the city in the United Provinces, of which the site
is uncertain (V. A. Smith, JRAS, 1898, p. 503).]
.fn-
Raesal accompanied his proper liege lord, the great Raja Man
of Amber, against the heroic Rana Partap of Mewar. He was
also in the expedition to Kabul, against the Afghans of Kohistan,
in all of which enterprises he obtained fresh distinctions. Regarding
his death, there is no record;[9.5.11] but his history is another
illustration of the Rajput character, whilst it confirms the position
of the Bania, that “genius and good fortune are far superior to
inheritance.”
Raesal, at his death, had a compact and well-managed territory,
out of which he assigned appanages to his seven sons, from whom
are descended the various families, who, with relative distinctive
patronymics, Bhojansi Sadhanis, Larkhanis, Tajkhanis, Parasurampotas,
Harrampotas, are recognized throughout Rajwara by
the generic name of Shaikhawat \[393].
.ta l:16 l:40 w=75%
1. Girdhar | Had Khandela and Rewasa.
2. Larkhan | \ ”\ Kachriawas.
3. Bhojraj | \ ”\ Udaipur.
4. Tirmall Rao | \ ”\ Kasli and eighty-four villages.
5. Parasuram | \ ”\ Bai.
6. Harramji | \ ”\ Mundari.
7. Tajkhan | \ ”\ No appanage.
.ta-
.ti 0
We shall not break the thread of the narrative of the elder
branch of Khandela, “chief of the sons of Shaikhji,” to
treat of the junior line, though the issue of Bhojraj have
.bn 154.png
.pn +1
eclipsed, both in population and property, the senior descendants
of Raesal.
.fn 9.5.11
[He died, at an advanced age, in the Deccan (Āīn, i. 419).]
.fn-
Girdharji Shaikhāwat.—Girdharji succeeded to the prowess,
the energy, and the estates of his father, and for a gallant action
obtained from the emperor the title of Raja of Khandela. At
this period, the empire was in a most disordered state, and the
mountainous region, called Mewat, was inhabited by a daring
and ferocious banditti, called Meos, who pillaged in gangs even
to the gates of the capital. The task of taking, dead or alive,
the leader of this banditti, was assigned to the chief of Khandela,
who performed it with signal gallantry and success. Aware that,
by the display of superior force, his enemy would remain in his
lurking places, Girdhar put himself on terms of equality with his
foe, and with a small but select band hunted the Mewati leader
down, and in the end slew him in single combat. The career of
Girdhar, short as it was brilliant, was terminated by assassination,
while bathing in the Jumna. The anecdote is descriptive
of the difference of manners between the rustic Rajput and the
debauched retainer of the court.
Assassination of Girdharji.—One of the Khandela chief’s men
was waiting, in a blacksmith’s shop, while his sword was repaired
and sharpened. A Muslim, passing by, thought he might have
his jest with the unpolished Rajput, and after asking some
impertinent questions, and laughing at the unintelligible replies
in the Bhakha of Rajwara, slipped a heated cinder in the turban
of the soldier: the insult was borne with great coolness, which
increased the mirth of the Musalman, and at length the turban
took fire. The sword was then ready, and the Thakur, after
feeling the edge, with one blow laid the jester’s head at his feet.
He belonged to one of the chief nobles of the court, who immediately
led his retainers to the Khandela chief’s quarters,
and thence to where he was performing his religious ablutions in
the Jumna, and whilst engaged in which act, unarmed and almost
unattended, basely murdered him. Girdhar left several children
\[394].
Dwārkadās.—Dwarkadas, his eldest son, succeeded, and soon
after his accession nearly fell a victim to the jealousy of the Manoharpur
chief, the representative of the elder branch of the family,
being the lineal descendant of Nunkaran. The emperor had
caught a lion in the toils, and gave out a grand hunt, when the
.bn 155.png
.pn +1
Manoharpur chief observed that his relative, the Raesalot, who
was a votary of Naharsingh,[9.5.12] was the proper person to engage
the king of the forest. Dwarkadas saw through his relative’s
treachery, but cheerfully accepted the proposal. Having bathed
and prayed, to the astonishment of the king and court, he entered
the arena unarmed, with a brazen platter containing the various
articles used in puja (worship), as grains of rice, curds, and sandal
ointment, and going directly up to the monster, made the tilak
on his forehead, put a chaplet round his neck, and prostrated
himself in the usual attitude of adoration before the lion; when,
to the amazement of the spectators, the noble beast came gently
up, and with his tongue repeatedly licked his face, permitting him
to retire without the least indication of anger. The emperor,
who concluded that his subject must “wear a charmed life,”
desired the Khandela chief to make any request, with the
assurance of compliance; when he received a delicate reproof,
in the desire “that his majesty would never place another
person in the same predicament from which he had happily
escaped.”
.fn 9.5.12
[Narasinha, the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu.]
.fn-
Dwarkadas was slain by the greatest hero of the age in which
he lived, the celebrated Khan Jahan Lodi,[9.5.13] who, according to
the legends of the Shaikhawats, also fell by the hand of their
lord; and they throw an air of romance upon the transaction,
which would grace the annals of chivalry in any age or country.
Khan Jahan and the chieftain of Khandela were sworn friends,
and when nothing but the life of the gallant Lodi would satisfy
the king, Dwarka gave timely notice to his friend of the hateful
task imposed upon him, advising either submission or flight.
His fate, which forms one of the most interesting episodes in
Ferishta’s history,[9.5.14] involved that of the Shaikhawat chief.
.fn 9.5.13
[Khān Jahān Lodi, an Afghān, commanded in the Deccan under Prince
Parvez. In 1628, suspected of disloyalty, he took refuge in Bāglān, the headmen
of which place refused to surrender him. But he was obliged to fly
and, with his son, was killed by the royal troops on January 28, 1631 (Beale,
Dict. Oriental Biography, s.v.; BG, i. Part ii. 624 f.; Elliot-Dowson vii.
20 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.14
[Not in Ferishta, but in Dow’s continuation (ed. 1812, iii. 112 ff.).]
.fn-
Bīrsinghdeo.—He was succeeded by his son, Birsinghdeo, who
served with his contingent in the conquest of the Deccan, and
was made governor of Parnala, which he had materially assisted
.bn 156.png
.pn +1
in reducing.[9.5.15] The Khandela annalist is desirous to make it
appear that his service was independent of his liege lord of Amber;
but the probability is that he was under the immediate command
of the Mirza Raja Jai Singh, at that period the most distinguished
general of his nation or of the court.
.fn 9.5.15
[Parnāla or Panhāla in the Kolhapur District, taken in 1701 (Manucci
iii. 257; BG, xxiv. ]
.fn-
Birsinghdeo had seven sons, of whom the heir-apparent,
Bahadur Singh, remained at \[395] Khandela; while estates were
assigned to his brothers, namely, Amar Singh, Shyam Singh,
Jagdeo, Bhopal Singh, Mukri Singh, and Pem Singh, who all
increased the stock of Raesalots. While the Raja was performing
his duties in the Deccan, intelligence reached him that his son at
home had usurped his title and authority; upon which, with
only four horsemen, he left the army for his capital. When
within two coss of Khandela, he alighted at the house of a Jatni,
of whom he requested refreshment, and begged especial care of
his wearied steed, lest he should be stolen; to which she sharply
replied, “Is not Bahadur Singh ruler here? You may leave gold
in the highway, and no one dare touch it.” The old chieftain
was so delighted with this testimony to his son’s discharge of a
prince’s duties, that, without disclosing himself or his suspicions,
he immediately returned to the Deccan, where he died.
Bahādur Singh.—Bahadur Singh succeeded, and on his father’s
death repaired to the armies in the south, commanded by
Aurangzeb in person. Being insulted by a Muslim chief bearing
the same name with himself, and obtaining no redress from the
bigoted prince, he left the army in disgust, upon which his name
was erased from the list of mansabdars. It was at this time the
tyrant issued his mandate for the capitation-tax on all his Hindu
subjects, and for the destruction of their temples.[9.5.16]
.fn 9.5.16
The numerous ruined shrines and mutilated statues in every town and
village, still attest the zeal with which the bigot’s orders were obeyed; nor
is there an image of any antiquity with an entire set of features (except
in spots impervious to his myrmidons), from Lahore to Cape Comorin.
Omkarji, whose temple is on a small island of the Nerbudda, alone, it is said,
supported his dignity in the indiscriminate attack on the deities of Hind.
“If they are gods (said the tyrannical but witty iconoclast), let them evince
their power, and by some miracle resist my commands.” Omkarji received
the first blow on his head, as if imbued with mortal feeling, for the blood
gushed from his nose and mouth, which prevented a repetition of the injury!
This sensibility, though without the power of avenging himself, made
Omkar’s shrine doubly respected, and it continues to be one of the best
frequented and most venerated in these regions. [Numerous accounts of
the destruction of Hindu temples by Aurangzeb have been collected by
Jadunath Sarkar (History of Aurangzib, iii. 319 ff.). The Omkār temple
at Māndhāta in the Nimār District, Central Provinces, is served by a priest
of the Bhīlāla caste, half Bhīl, half Rājput, illustrating the mode by which
aboriginal deities have been imported into Hinduism (IGI, xvii. 152;
Russell, Tribes and Castes Central Provinces, ii. 294).]
.fn-
.bn 157.png
.pn +1
Gallantry of Shujāwan Singh.—To the personal enemy of the
Shaikhawat was intrusted the twofold duty of exacting tribute,
and the demolition of the temple, the ornament of Khandela,
whose chief, degrading the name of Bahadur (warrior), abandoned
his capital; and the royal army had arrived within two coss
without the appearance of opposition. The news spread over
the lands of the confederacy, that Bahadur had fled from Khandela,
and that the Turk was bent on the destruction of its shrines. It
reached the ear of Shujawan Singh, the chieftain of Chapauli, a
descendant of Bhojraj, the second son of Raesal. Imbued with
all the spirit of this hero, the brave Bhojani resolved to devote
himself to the protection of the temple, or perish in its defence.
At the moment the tidings reached him, he was solemnizing
his nuptials on the Marwar frontier. Hastening home with his
bride, he left her with his mother, and bade both a solemn \[396]
farewell. In vain his kindred, collecting round him, dissuaded
him from his design, urging that it was Bahadur Singh’s affair,
not his. “Am not I,” he said, “also of Raesal’s stock, and can
I allow the Turk to destroy the dwelling of the Thakur (lord),
and not attempt to save it? Would this be acting the part of
a Rajput?” As their entreaties were vain, they, to the number
of sixty, resolved to accompany him, and share his fate. They
were joined by a party of Bahadur’s adherents, and succeeded
in entering Khandela. The imperial commander, to whom this
unlooked-for opposition was reported, well aware of what a Rajput
is capable when excited to action, and perhaps moved by a
generous feeling at seeing a handful of men oppose an army,
requested that two of their number might be deputed to his camp
to confer with him. He told them, that notwithstanding it was
the king’s command that he should raze the temple to the ground,
he would be satisfied (if accompanied by proper submission) with
taking off the kalas, or golden ball which surmounted its pinnacle.
They endeavoured to dissuade him; offered money to the utmost
.bn 158.png
.pn +1
possible amount of their means; but the answer was, “The
kalas must come down.” One of these noble delegates, no longer
able to contain himself, exclaimed, “Break down the kalas!”
as with some moist clay at his feet he moulded a ball, which he
placed on a little mound before him: and drawing his sword,
repeated, “Break down the kalas! I dare you even to break this
ball of clay!” The intrepidity of this action gained the applause
even of the foe, and they had safe-conduct to rejoin their
brethren, and prepare them for the worst.
The Siege of Khandela.—At this time, Khandela had no fortifications;
there was, however, a gateway half-way up the hill in
the route of ascent, which led to the place of residence of its
chieftains, adjoining which was the temple. One party was
stationed in the gateway, while Shujawan reserved for himself
the defence of the temple, in which he took post with his kinsmen.
When the mercenaries of the tyrant advanced, the defenders of
the gateway, alter dealing many a distant death, marched upon
them sword in hand, and perished. When they pushed on to
the chief object of attack, the band issued forth in small detached
parties, having first made their obeisances to the image, and
carried destruction along with them. Shujawan was the last
who fell. The temple was levelled to the earth, the idol broken
in pieces, and the fragments thrown into the foundation of a
mosque erected on its ruins. There is hardly a town of note in
Rajwara that has not to relate a similar tale of desperate valour
in the defence of their household gods against the iniquitous and
impolitic Aurangzeb. Khandela received a royal garrison; but
the old officers, both territorial and financial, were retained by
the conqueror \[397].
Bahadur Singh continued to reside in an adjacent township,
and through his Diwan obtained a certain share of the crops and
transit duties, namely, a ser out of every maund of the former,
and one pice in every rupee of the latter. In process of time the
family residence and gardens were given up to him, and when the
Sayyids obtained power he regained his country, though a garrison
of the royal troops was retained, whose expenses he paid. He left
three sons, namely, Kesari Singh, Fateh Singh, and Udai Singh.
Kesari Singh.—Kesari, solicitous to hold his lands on the same
terms as his ancestors, namely, service to the lord-paramount,
assembled his adherents, and with his second brother, Fateh
.bn 159.png
.pn +1
Singh, departed for the imperial camp, to proffer his service.
The Manoharpur chief, the elder branch of the family, was in
the royal camp, and having regained his lost consequence by the
depression of Khandela, was by no means willing again to part
with it. He intrigued with the second brother, Fateh Singh,
to whom he proposed a division of the lands; the latter lent himself
to the intrigue, and the Diwan, seeing that a family quarrel
would involve the destruction of them all, repaired to Khandela,
and through the mother, a Gaur Rajputni, he advocated the partition.
A census was accordingly made of the population, and a
measurement of the lands, of which two portions were assigned
to Fateh Singh, and the three remaining to the Raja. The town
itself was partitioned in the same manner. Henceforth, the
brothers held no intercourse with each other, and Kesari preferred
Khatu[9.5.17] as his residence, though whenever he came to Khandela,
Fateh Singh withdrew. Things remained in this state until the
Diwan prompted his master to get rid of the agreement which
had secured the ascendancy of Manoharpur in the Shaikhawat
federation, by destroying his brother. The Diwan arranged a
friendly meeting at Khatu for the avowed purpose of reconciliation,
when Fateh Singh fell a victim to assassination; but the
instigator to the crime met his proper reward, for a splinter of
the sword which slew Fateh Singh entered his neck, and was the
occasion of his death.
.fn 9.5.17
[This is probably the “Kaotah” of the text.]
.fn-
Kesari Singh, having thus recovered all his lost authority,
from the contentions at court conceived he might refuse the
tribute of Rewasa, hitherto paid to the Ajmer treasury, while
that of Khandela went to Narnol.[9.5.18] Sayyid Abdulla,[9.5.19] then
wazir, found leisure to resent this insult, and sent a force against
Khandela. Every Raesalot in the country assembled to resist
the Turk, and even his foe of Manoharpur sent his quota, led by
the Dhabhai (foster-brother), to aid the national cause. Thus
strengthened, Kesari determined to oppose the royal forces hand
to hand in the plain, and \[398] the rival armies encountered at
the border town of Deoli.[9.5.20] While victory manifested a wish to
.bn 160.png
.pn +1
side with the confederated Shaikhawats, the old jealousies of
Manoharpur revived, and he withdrew his quota from the field,
at the same moment that the Kasli chief, on whom much depended,
was slain. To crown these misfortunes, the Larkhani chief of
Danta, basely deeming this an opportunity to consult his own
interest, abandoned the field, to take possession of Rewasa.
The ‘lion’ of Khandela (Kesari), observing these defections,
when the shout of “Jai! jai!” (victory, victory), already rang
in his ears, could not help exclaiming, in the bitterness of despair,
“Had Fateh Singh been here, he would not have deserted me.”
He disdained, however, to give way, and prepared to meet his
fate like a true Raesalot. Sending to where the battle yet raged
for his youngest brother, Udai Singh, he urged him to save himself;
but the young Rajput scorned obedience to such a behest,
until Kesari made known his determination not to quit the field,
adding that if he also were slain, there would be an end of his
line. Others joined their persuasions, and even attempted to
turn Kesari from his purpose. “No,” replied the chief, “I have
no desire for life; two black deeds press upon me; the murder
of my brother, and the curse of the Charans of Bikaner, whom
I neglected at the distribution of the nuptial gifts. I will not
add a third by dastardly flight.” As Udai Singh reluctantly
obeyed, while the swords rang around him, Kesari made a hasty
sacrifice to Avanimata (mother earth), of which flesh, blood, and
earth are the ingredients. He cut pieces from his own body,
but as scarcely any blood flowed, his own uncle, Mohkam Singh
of Aloda, parted with some of his, for so grand an obligation as
the retention of Khandela. Mixing his own flesh, and his uncle’s
blood, with a portion of his own sandy soil, he formed small balls
in dan (gift), for the maintenance of the land to his posterity.
The Dom (bard), who repeated the incantations, pronounced
the sacrifice accepted, and that seven generations of his line should
rule in Khandela.[9.5.21] The brave Kesari was slain, the town taken,
and Udai Singh carried to Ajmer, where he remained three years
in captivity. At this time, the chiefs of Udaipur and Kasli
determined to cut off the royal garrison in Khandela; but
.bn 161.png
.pn +1
apprehensive of the danger it might occasion to their chief, they
sent a special messenger to Ajmer, to acquaint the viceroy of
their scheme, previous to its execution, to prevent his being
implicated. Khandela was surprised, and Deonath and three
hundred Turks put to the sword. The viceroy \[399], desirous to
recover the place, consulted his prisoner, who offered to reinstate
him if he granted him liberty. The Nawab demanded a hostage,
but the young Rajput said he knew of none but his own mother,
who willingly became the pledge for her son. He fulfilled his
agreement, and the viceroy was so pleased with his frank and
loyal conduct, that on paying a large nazarana, he restored him
to his capital.
.fn 9.5.18
[Now in the Patiāla State, Panjāb.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.19
[Sayyid Abdulla of Bārha became wazīr of Farrukhsīyar in A.D. 1713,
and died in prison in 1723.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.20
[About 70 miles S.W. of Ajmer.]
.fn-
.fn 9.5.21
The fifth, as will be seen hereafter, has been expelled, and authority
usurped by the Kasli branch of the family, and unless some fortunate change
should occur, the devotion of Kesari was useless, and the prophecy must
fall to the ground.
.fn-
Udai Singh.—Udai Singh’s first act was to assemble his brethren,
in order to punish Manoharpur, whose treachery had caused them
so much misery. The foster-brother, who commanded on that
occasion, was again entrusted with the command; but he fled
after a sharp encounter, and Manoharpur was invested. Seeing
he had no chance of salvation, he had again recourse to chal
(stratagem). There were two feudatories of Nunkaran’s line,
joint-holders of Khajroli, who had long been at variance with
Dip Singh of Kasli, the principal adviser of the young Raja of
Khandela. They were gained over to the purpose of the Manoharpur
chief, who sent them with a private message to Dip Singh,
that no sooner should Manoharpur fall than he would be deprived
of Kasli. These treacherous proceedings were but too common
amongst ‘the sons of Shaikhji.’ Dip Singh fell into the snare,
and at break of day, when the trumpets sounded for the assault,
the drums of the Kasli chief were heard in full march to his
estate. Udai Singh, thus deprived of his revenge, followed Dip
Singh who, aware of his inability to cope with his immediate
chief, fled for succour to Jaipur, and Kasli fell a sacrifice to the
artifices which preserved Manoharpur. The great Jai Singh
then ruled Amber; he received the suppliant chief, and promised
him ample redress, on his swearing to become his vassal and
tributary. Dip Singh swore allegiance to the gaddi of Jai Singh,
and signed a tributary engagement of four thousand rupees
annually!
Supremacy of Jaipur in Shaikhawati.—Thus recommenced the
supremacy of Amber over the confederated Shaikhawats, which
had been thrown off ever since the dispute regarding the colts
.bn 162.png
.pn +1
of Amritsar, the ancient mark of homage, when ‘the sons of
Shaikhji’ consisted only of a few hundred armed men. Shortly
after this transaction, Jai Singh proceeded to the Ganges to fulfil
certain rites upon an eclipse, and while performing his ablutions
in the sacred stream, and the gifts for distribution to the priests
being collected on the bank, he inquired “who was present to
receive dan that day?” The Kasli chief, spreading out the
skirt of his garment, replied, he was an applicant. Such dan
(gifts) being only given to mangtas, or mendicants, in which class
they put priests, poets, and \[400] the poor, the Raja asked, laughing,
“What is your desire, Thakur?” To which Dip Singh
replied, that through his intercession the son of Fateh Singh
might obtain his father’s share of Khandela; which request was
complied with.
This occurrence was in A.D. 1716, when the Jats were rising
into power, and when all the minor Rajas served with their contingents
under the great Jai Singh, as lieutenant of the emperor.
Along with the princes of Karauli, Bhadauria, Sheopur, and
many others of the third rank, was Udai Singh of Khandela.
During the siege of Thun, the Shaikhawat chief was reprimanded
for neglect of duty, and although he owed a double allegiance to
Jai Singh, as his natural liege lord and lieutenant of the king, he
would not brook the censure from one of his own race, and indignantly
withdrew from the siege. Churaman the Jat, having
contrived to make his peace with the Sayyid wazir, when Thun
was upon the eve of surrender, and Udai Singh being implicated
in this intrigue, Jai Singh, who was mortified at an occurrence
which prevented the gratification of a long-cherished resentment
against the upstart Jats, determined that the Khandela chief
should suffer for his audacity. Attended by the imperialists
under Bazid Khan, and all his home clans, he laid siege to the
citadel called Udaigarh. Udai Singh held out a month in this
castle he had constructed and called by his own name, when his
resources failing, he fled to Naru[9.5.22] in Marwar, and his son, Sawai
Singh, presented the keys, throwing himself on the clemency of
the conqueror. He was well received, and pardoned, on condition
of becoming tributary to Amber. He followed the example of
the Kasli chief, and signed an engagement to pay annually one
lakh of rupees. From this a deduction of fifteen thousand was
.bn 163.png
.pn +1
subsequently made, and in time being reduced twenty thousand
more, sixty-five thousand continued to be the tribute of Khandela,
until the decay of both the parent State and its scion, when the
weakness of the former, and the merciless outrages of the predatory
powers, Pathan and Mahratta, rendered its amount uncertain
and difficult to realize. Moreover, recalling his promise
to Dip Singh, he restored the division of the lands as existing
prior to the murder of Fateh Singh, namely, three shares to Sawai
Singh, with the title of chief of the Shaikhawats, and two to Dhir
Singh, son of Fateh Singh. The young cousin chieftains, now
joint-holders of Khandela, attended their liege lord with their
contingent; and Udai Singh, taking advantage of their absence,
with the aid of a band of outlawed Larkhanis, surprised and took
Khandela. Attended by the Jaipur troops, the son performed
the dutiful task of expelling his father from his inheritance, who
again fled to Naru, where he resided \[401] upon a pension of five
rupees a day, given by his son, until his death. He, however,
outlived Sawai Singh, who left three sons: Bindraban, who
succeeded to Khandela; Shambhu, who had the appanage of
Ranauli; and Kusal, having that of Piprauli.
.fn 9.5.22
[About 25 miles N.W. of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 6
.sp 2
Bindrabandās.—Bindrabandas steadfastly adhered to Madho
Singh in the civil wars which ensued for the gaddi of Amber,
and the latter, when success attended his cause, wished to reward
the important services of his feudatory. At his request, he
consented that the partition of the lands which had caused so
much bloodshed should be annulled, and that Bindraban should
rule as sole lord of Khandela. Five thousand men were placed
under his command for the expulsion of the minor, Indar Singh,
grandson of Deo Singh, who made a stout resistance for many
months; but at length his little castle was no longer tenable,
and he fled to Parsoli, where he again defended himself, and was
again on the point of surrender, when an unexpected accident
not only saved him from exile, but restored him to his rights.
Brāhmans commit Suicide.—The mercenaries were supported
at the sole charge of Bindraban, and as his ancestors left no
treasury, he was compelled to resort to the contribution called
.bn 164.png
.pn +1
dand from his subjects, not even exempting the hierarchy. Piqued
at this unusual demand, some of the wealthiest Brahmans expostulated
with the Raja on this indignity to the order. But
their appeals were disregarded by their chief, whose existence
depended on supplies. The loss of influence as well as wealth
being the fruit of this \[402] disregard of their remonstrance, they
had recourse to that singular species of revenge termed chandni,
or self-immolation, and poignarded themselves in his presence,
pouring maledictions on his head with their last breath. The
blood of Brahmans now rested on the head of Bindraban; even
amongst his personal friends he laboured under a species of excommunication,
and his liege lord, Madho Singh of Amber, in
order to expiate his indirect share in the guilt, recalled his troops,
and distributed twenty thousand rupees to the Brahmans of
his own capital. Indar Singh had thus time to breathe, and
having collected all his retainers, wisely joined the Jaipur army
assembling under the command of the celebrated Khushhaliram
Bohra to chastise the Rao of Macheri, who was expelled and
obliged to seek refuge with the Jats. In this service Indar Singh
so much distinguished himself, that, on the payment of a nazarana
of fifty thousand rupees, he recovered his lost share of Khandela,
by a regular patta, or grant, of the Raja.
Tribal Feuds.—Perpetual feuds, however, raged between these
two kings of Khandela, each of whom had his castle, or fortified
palace. Each day “there was war even in the gates” of Khandela,
and at the hazard of prolixity we shall state how it was conducted,
challenging the records of any civil war to produce an
instance in which all the ties of blood and kindred were more
disregarded than in this bellum plusquam civile.
Indar Singh had popularity on his side to balance the other’s
superior power, and he was briskly pushing an attack on Udaigarh,
the castle of his opponent, when he was joined by Raghunath
Singh, the younger son of his foeman. This youth, who had the
township of Kuchor in appanage, helped himself to three more,
to retain which he sided with his father’s foe. Bindraban, in
order to create a diversion, sallied out to attack Kuchor; to
oppose which, his son, together with his nephew, Prithi Singh of
Ranoli and his retainers, withdrew from the batteries to defend
it. But the attack on Kuchor had already failed, and Bindraban
was on his retreat to regain Khandela when he was intercepted.
.bn 165.png
.pn +1
The battle took place outside the city, whose gates were shut
against friend and foe, to prevent a pell-mell entry. At the same
time, the siege of Udaigarh was not slackened; it was defended
by Govind Singh, the eldest son of Bindraban, while the batteries
against it were commanded by another near kinsman, Nahar
Singh of Cherana. For several days daily combats ensued, in
which were to be seen father and son, uncles and nephews, and
cousins within every degree of affinity, destroying each other.
At length, both parties were exhausted and a compromise ensued,
in which Indar Singh obtained the rights he had so manfully
vindicated \[403].
Attack by Najaf Kuli Khān.—At this time, a dying and
desultory effort to regain his lost power was made by Najaf Kuli
Khan, at the head of the imperialists, who, conducted by the
traitorous Macheri Rao, led the royal army into the lands of the
confederacy to raise contributions, for which he was cordially
and laudably detested. Nawal Singh of Nawalgarh, Bagh Singh
of Khetri, Surajmall of Baswa,[9.6.1] all chieftains of the Sadhanis,
unable to comply with the requisitions, were carried off, and
retained captive till ransomed for many lakhs of rupees; all
eventually raised upon the impoverished husbandman and
industrious merchant.
.fn 9.6.1
[Nawalgarh, about 30 miles N.W. of Khandela; Khetri, about the
same distance N.E.; Baswa, about 85 miles N.N.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
The din of civil war having ended, the ministers of religion
never ceased pouring into the ears of Bindraban the necessity
of expiation and oblations for the murder of their brethren, and
he was daily sacrificing the birthright of his children, in grants
of the best lands of Khandela, to these drones of society, when
Govind, the heir-apparent, remonstrated, which was followed
by the abdication of Bindraban, who, appropriating five townships
and the impost duties of Khandela for his support, left
the cares of government to his son.[9.6.2]
Abdication of Bindraban: Govind Singh succeeds.—Govind
Singh did not long enjoy the honours of chief of the Raesalots.
The year of his elevation having produced an unfavourable
harvest, at the request of his vassal of Ranoli he proceeded to
inspect the crops preparatory to a reduction in the assessment.
Less superstitious than his father, he persevered in spite of the
.bn 166.png
.pn +1
predictions of the astrologer, who told him, “to beware the
ides (amavas) of Pus,“[9.6.3] and not to go abroad that day. In the
course of the excursion, one of his personal attendants, a Rajput
of Kajroli, had lost some valuable article entrusted to his charge,
and the impetuous chief broadly taxed him with theft. His protestations
of innocence were unavailing, and considering himself
dishonoured by the imputation, which might possibly be followed
by some disgraceful punishment, he determined to anticipate his
chief, and murdered him that night. Govind left five sons,
Narsingh, Surajmall (who had Dodia), Bagh Singh, Jawan Singh,
and Ranjit, all of whom had families.
.fn 9.6.2
His second son, Raghunath, had Kuchor in appanage.
.fn-
.fn 9.6.3
[The Amāvas, or last day of the month, is unlucky for all undertakings,
and is kept as a day of rest by traders, shopkeepers, and craftsmen. If the
last day falls on a Monday, it is specially taboo, and people bathe in a river
or pool and make gifts to Brāhmans (BG, ix. Part i. 397). Pūs falls in
January and February.]
.fn-
Murder of Govind Singh: Narsinghdās succeeds.—Narsinghdas,
his eldest son, succeeded. In spite of internal dissensions,
occasional chastisement, and pecuniary exactions from the
imperial armies, or those of their immediate liege lord of Amber,
the confederated frerage of Shaikhavati had increased their
territory and population. Only the shadow of a name now
remained to the empire of the Great Mogul; and their own lord-paramount,
satisfied with a certain degree of homage, tribute,
and service on emergencies, was little inclined to trench \[404]
further upon their national independence. But a new enemy
had now arisen, and though of their own faith, far more destructive
than even the tolerant Islamite. Happy were the inhabitants
of the desert who had an ocean of sand between them and this
scourge of India, the insatiable Mahratta. After the fatal day
of Merta, where the evil genius of Rajputana enabled De Boigne
to give the last blow to her independence, the desultory hordes
roved in bands through the lands of the confederation, plundering,
murdering, and carrying off captive the principal chiefs or their
children, as hostages for contributions they could not realise.
These were dragged about after their armies, until the hardships
and indignities they underwent made them sell every article of
value, or until the charge of keeping, or the trouble of guarding
them, rendered their prolonged captivity burdensome to the
wandering Southrons.
.bn 167.png
.pn +1
Marātha Inroads.—Let us follow the path of the barbarians,
and trace only one day’s acts of outrage. When the Mahrattas
entered the lands of the federation, soon after the battle of Merta,
they first attacked Bai.[9.6.4] The inhabitants, knowing that they
had no hope of mercy from these marauders, fled, carrying away
all the effects they could to the larger towns, while a garrison
of eighty Rajputs took post in the little castle, to defend the
point of honour against this new assailant. Bai was stormed;
not one Rajput would accept of quarter, and all were put to the
sword. The enemy proceeded to Khandela, the route marked
by similar tracks of blood. When within two coss of the town,
the horde halted at Hodiganw, and a Pandit[9.6.5] was sent to Rao
Indar Singh to settle the contribution, which was fixed at twenty
thousand rupees, besides three thousand in ghus[9.6.6] (bribe), for the
Brahman negotiator. The two chiefs, who negotiated on the
part of the joint Rajas of Khandela, proceeded with the Pandit
to the enemy’s camp; their names were Nawal and Dalil. As
it was out of their power to realise so large a sum, they were
accompanied by the joint revenue officers of Khandela as ol,
or hostage, when to their dismay, the Southron commander
demurred, and said they themselves must remain. One of the
chieftains, with the sang-froid which a Rajput never loses, coolly
replied, that should not be, and taking his hukka from his attendant,
began unceremoniously to smoke, when a rude Deccani
knocked the pipe from his hand \[405]. The Thakur’s sword was
unsheathed in an instant, but ere he had time to use it a pistol-ball
passed through his brain. Dalil Singh’s party, attempting
to avenge their companion, were cut off to a man; and Indar
Singh, who had left Khandela to learn how the negotiations sped,
arrived just in time to see his clansmen butchered. He was advised
to regain Khandela: “No,” replied the intrepid Raesalot;
.bn 168.png
.pn +1
“better that I should fall before the gates of Khandela than enter
them after such disgrace, without avenging my kinsmen.” Dismounting
from his horse, he turned him loose, his adherents
following his example; and sword in hand they rushed on the
host of assassins and met their fate. Indar Singh was stretched
beside his vassals, and, strange to say, Dalil was the only survivor:
though covered with wounds, he was taken up alive, and carried
to the hostile camp.
.fn 9.6.4
[Close to the Jodhpur frontier, about 40 miles N.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 9.6.5
The ministers of religion were the only clerks amongst this race of
depredators, and they were not behind the most illiterate in cupidity, and
to say the truth, courage, when required; and as for skill in negotiation,
a Mahratta Brahman stands alone; keen, skilful, and imperturbable, he
would have baffled Machiavelli himself.
.fn-
.fn 9.6.6
Ghus is literally ‘a bribe’; and no treaty or transaction was ever
carried on without this stipulation. So sacred was the ghus held, from
tyrant usage, that the Peshwa ministers, when they ruled the destinies of
their nation, stipulated that the ghus should go to the privy purse!
.fn-
Such was the opening scene of the lengthened tragedy enacted
in Shaikhavati, when Mahratta actors succeeded to Pathans and
Moguls: heirs to their worst feelings, without one particle of
their magnanimity or courtesy. But the territory of the confederacy
was far too narrow a stage; even the entire plain of
India appeared at one time too restricted for the hydra-headed
banditti, nor is there a principality, district, or even township,
from the Sutlej to the sea, where similar massacres have not been
known, and but for our interposition, such scenes would have
continued to the present hour.
Partāp Singh.—Partap Singh, who succeeded his brave father
in his share of the patrimony, was at this crisis with his mother
at Sikrai, a strong fort in the hills, ten miles from Khandela.
To save the town, the principal men dug up the grain-pits, selling
their property to release their minor chief from further trouble.
Having obtained all they could, the enemy proceeded to the lands
of the Sadhanis. Udaipur was the first assaulted, taken, and
sacked; the walls were knocked down, and the floors dug up in
search of treasure. After four days’ havoc, they left it a ruin,
and marched against the northern chieftains of Singhana, Jhunjhunu,
and Khetri. On the departure of the foe, young Partap
and his kinsman, Narsingh, took up their abode in Khandela;
but scarcely had they recovered from the effects of the Deccani
incursion, before demands were made by their liege lord of Amber
for the tribute. Partap made his peace by assigning a fourth
of the harvest; but Narsingh, in the procrastinating and haughty
spirit of his ancestors, despised an arrangement which, he said
(and with justice), would reduce him to the level of a common
Bhumia landholder.
Devi Singh.—At this period, a remote branch of the Khandela
Shaikhawats began to disclose a spirit that afterwards gained
him distinction. Devi Singh, chieftain of Sikar, a \[406] descendant
.bn 169.png
.pn +1
of Rao Tirmall of Kasli, had added to his patrimony by the
usurpation of no less than twenty-five large townships, as Lohagarha,
Koh, etc.; and he deemed this a good opportunity, his
chief being embroiled with the court, to make an attack on
Rewasa; but death put a stop to the ambitious views of the
Sikar chieftain. Having no issue, he had adopted Lachhman
Singh, son of the Shahpura Thakur; but the Jaipur court, which
had taken great umbrage at these most unjustifiable assaults
of the Sikar chief on his weaker brethren, commanded Nandram
Haldia (brother of the prime minister Daulat Ram), collector of
the Shaikhawat tribute, to attack and humble him. No sooner
were the orders of the court promulgated, than all the Barwatias[9.6.7]
gathered round the standard of the collector, to aid in the redemption
of their patrimonies wrested from them by Sikar. Besides
the Khandela chief in person, there were the Pattawats of Kasli,
Bilara, and others of Tirmall’s stock; and even the Sadhanis,
who little interfered in the affairs of the Raesalots, repaired with
joy with their tribute and their retainers to the camp of the Jaipur
commander, to depress the Sikar chief, who was rapidly rising
over them all. Nearly the whole troops of the confederacy were
thus assembled. Devi Singh, it may be imagined, was no common
character, to have excited such universal hatred; and his first
care had been to make strong friends at court, in order to retain
what he had acquired. He had especially cultivated the minister’s
friendship, which was now turned to account. A deputation,
consisting of a Chondawat chief, the Diwan of Sikar, and that
important character the Dhabhai, repaired to the Haldia, and
implored him in the name of the deceased, not to give up his
infant son to hungry and revengeful Barwatias. The Haldia said
there was but one way by which he could avoid the fulfilment of
his court’s command, which was for them, as he approached the
place, to congregate a force so formidable from its numbers, as
to exonerate him from all suspicion of collusion. With the
treasury of Devi Singh, overflowing from the spoliation of the
Kaimkhani of Fatehpur, it was easy to afford such indemnity
to the Haldia, at whose approach to Sikar ten thousand men
.bn 170.png
.pn +1
appeared to oppose him. Having made a show of investing
Sikar, and expended a good deal of ammunition, he addressed
his court, where his brother was minister, stating he could make
nothing of Sikar without great loss, both of time, men, and
money, and advising an acceptance of the proffered submission.
Without waiting a reply, he took two lakhs as a fine for his \[407]
sovereign, and a present of one for himself. The siege was broken
up, and Sikar was permitted to prosecute his schemes; in which
he was not a little aided by the continued feuds of the co-partner
chiefs of Khandela. Partap took advantage of Narsingh’s non-compliance
with the court’s requisition, and his consequent disgrace,
to settle the feud of their fathers, and unite both shares
in his own person; and stipulated in return to be responsible for
the whole tribute, be ready with his contingent to serve the court,
and pay besides a handsome nazarana or investiture. The
Haldia was about to comply, when Rawal Indar Singh of Samod,[9.6.8]
chief of the Nathawat clan, interceded for Narsingh, and inviting
him on his own responsibility to the camp, acquainted him with
the procedure of his rival, in whose name the patent for Khandela
was actually made out; “but even now,” said this noble chief,
“I will stay it if you comply with the terms of the court.” But
Narsingh either would not, or could not, and the Samod chief
urged his immediate departure; adding that as he came under
his guarantee, he was desirous to see him safe back, for “such
were the crooked ways of the Amber house,” that if he prolonged
his stay, he might be involved in ruin in his desire to protect him.
Accordingly, at dusk, with sixty of his own retainers, he escorted
him to Nawalgarh, and the next morning he was in his castle of
Govindgarh. The precautions of the Samod chief were not vain,
and he was reproached and threatened with the court’s displeasure,
for permitting Narsingh’s departure; but he nobly
replied, “he had performed the duty of a Rajput, and would
abide the consequences.” As the sequel will further exemplify
the corruptions of courts, and the base passions of kindred, under
a system of feudal government, we shall trespass on the reader’s
patience by recording the result.
.fn 9.6.7
Barwatia is ‘one expatriated,’ from 'bar' [bāhir] ‘out of,’ and watan,
‘a country,’ and it means either an exile or an outlaw, according to the
measure of crime which caused his banishment from his country. [See
Vol. II. p. vol2_797.]
.fn-
.fn 9.6.8
[About 20 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Quarrel between Samod and Chaumūn.—Samod and Chaumun
are the chief houses of the Nathawat clan; the elder branch
.bn 171.png
.pn +1
enjoying the title of Rawal, with supremacy over the numerous
vassalage. But these two families had often contested the lead,
and their feuds had caused much bloodshed. On the disgrace of
Indar Singh, as already related, his rival of Chaumun repaired
to court, and offered so large a nazarana as to be invested with
rights of seniority. Avarice and revenge were good advocates:
a warrant was made out and transmitted to Indar Singh (still
serving with the collector of the tribute) for the sequestration
of Samod. Placing, like a dutiful subject, the warrant to his
forehead, he instantly departed for Samod, and commanded
the removal of his family, his goods and chattels, from the seat
of his ancestors, and went into exile in Marwar. In after times,
his Rani had a grant of the village of Piplai, to which the magnanimous,
patriotic \[408], and loyal Indar Singh, when he found
the hand of death upon him, repaired, that he might die in the
hands of the Kachhwahas, and have his ashes buried amongst his
fathers. This man, who was naturally brave, acted upon the
abstract principle of swamidharma, or ‘fealty,’ which is not even
now exploded, in the midst of corruption and demoralization.
Indar Singh would have been fully justified, according to all the
principles which govern these States, in resisting the iniquitous
mandate. Such an act might have been deemed rebellion by
those who look only at the surface of things; but let the present
lords-paramount go deeper, when they have to decide between
a Raja and his feudatories, and look to the origin and condition
of both, and the ties which alone can hold such associations
together.
Partāp Singh secures Possession of Khandela.—To return:
Partap Singh, having thus obtained the whole of Khandela,
commenced the demolition of a fortified gate, whence during the
feuds his antagonist used to play some swivels against his castle.
While the work of destruction was advancing, an omen occurred,
foreboding evil to Partap. An image of Ganesa, the god of
wisdom and protector of the arts (more especially of architecture),
was fixed in the wall of this gate, which an ill-fated and unintentional
blow knocked from its elevated position to the earth,
and being of terra-cotta, his fragments lay dishonoured and
scattered on the pavement. Notwithstanding this, the demolition
was completed, and the long obnoxious gateway levelled
with the earth. Partap, having adjusted affairs in the capital,
.bn 172.png
.pn +1
proceeded against Rewasa, which he reduced, and then laid siege
to Govindgarh,[9.6.9] aided by a detachment of the Haldia. Having
encamped at Gura, two coss from it, and twice that distance from
Ranoli, its chief, who still espoused the cause of his immediate
head, the unfortunate Narsingh, sent his minister to the Haldia,
offering not only to be responsible for all arrears due by Narsingh,
but also a handsome douceur, to restore him to his rights. He
repaired to Khandela, stationed a party in the fortified palace
of Narsingh, and consented that they should be expelled, as if
by force of his adherents, from Govindgarh. Accordingly,
Surajmall and Bagh Singh, the brothers of Narsingh, in the
dead of night, with one hundred and fifty followers, made a
mock attack on the Haldia’s followers, expelled them, and made
good a lodgment in their ancient dwelling. Partap was highly
exasperated; and to render the acquisition useless, he ordered
the possession of a point which commanded the mahall; but
here he was anticipated by his opponent, whose party now
poured into Khandela. He then cut off their supplies of water,
by fortifying the reservoirs and wells, and this brought matters
to a crisis. An action ensued, in which many were killed on each
side, when \[409] the traitorous Haldia interposed the five-coloured
banner, and caused the combat to cease. Narsingh, at this
juncture, joined the combatants in person, from his castle of
Govindgarh, and a treaty was forthwith set on foot, which left
the district of Rewasa to Partap, and restored to Narsingh his
share of Khandela.
.fn 9.6.9
[About 30 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
These domestic broils continued, however, and occasions were
perpetually recurring to bring the rivals in collision. The first
was on the festival of the Ganggor;[9.6.10] the next on the Ranoli chief
placing in durance a vassal of Partap, which produced a general
gathering of the clans: both ended in an appeal to the lord-paramount,
who soon merged the office of arbitrator in that of dictator.
.fn 9.6.10
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_665, for an account of this festival.]
.fn-
The Sadhanis, or chieftains of northern Shaikhavati, began
to feel the bad effects of these feuds of the Raesalots, and to
express dissatisfaction at the progressive advances of the Jaipur
court for the establishment of its supremacy. Until this period
they had escaped any tributary engagements, and only recognized
their connexion with Amber by marks of homage and fealty on
.bn 173.png
.pn +1
lapses, which belonged more to kindred than political superiority.
But as the armies of the court were now perpetually on the
frontiers, and might soon pass over, they deemed it necessary to
take measures for their safety. The township of Tui, appertaining
to Nawalgarh, had already been seized, and Ranoli was
battered for the restoration of the subject of Partap. These
were grievances which affected all the Sadhanis, who, perceiving
they could no longer preserve their neutrality, determined to
abandon their internal dissensions, and form a system of general
defence. Accordingly, a general assembly of the Sadhani lords,
and as many of the Raesalots as chose to attend, was announced
at the ancient place of rendezvous, Udaipur. To increase the
solemnity of the occasion, and to banish all suspicion of treachery,
as well as to extinguish ancient feuds, and reconcile chiefs who
had never met but in hostility, it was unanimously agreed that
the most sacred pledge of good faith, the Nundab,[9.6.11] or dipping
the hand in the salt, should take place.
.fn 9.6.11
Nūn or lūn, ‘salt,’ and dābnā, ‘to dip, bespatter, or sprinkle.’ [Salt,
apparently from its power of checking decay, is used in magical rites, and
is believed to be efficacious for scaring evil spirits.]
.fn-
The entire body of the Sadhani lords, with all their retainers,
met at the appointed time, as did nearly all the Raesalots, excepting
the joint chieftains of Khandela, too deeply tainted with
mutual distrust to take part in this august and national congress
of all ‘the children of Shaikhji.’ It was decided in this grand
council, that all internal strife should cease; and that for the
future, whenever it might occur, there should \[410] be no appeals
to the arbitration of Jaipur; but that on all such occasions, or
where the general interests were endangered, a meeting should
take place at ‘the Pass of Udaipur,’ to deliberate and decide,
but above all to repel by force of arms, if necessary, the further
encroachments of the court. This unusual measure alarmed the
court of Amber, and when oppression had generated determined
resistance, it disapproved and disowned the proceedings of its
lieutenant, who was superseded by Rora Ram, with orders to
secure the person of his predecessor. His flight preserved him
from captivity in the dungeons of Amber, but his estates, as well
as those of the minister his brother, were resumed, and all their
property was confiscated.
Treaty between the Shaikhāwats and Jaipur.—The new commander,
.bn 174.png
.pn +1
who was a tailor by caste, was ordered to follow the
Haldia to the last extremity; for, in these regions, displaced
ministers and rebels are identical. It was expected, if they did
not lose their heads, to see them in opposition to the orders of
their sovereign lord, whose slaves they had so lately proclaimed
themselves: in fact, a rebel minister in Rajwara is like an ex-Tory
or ex-Whig elsewhere, nor does restoration to the councils
of his sovereign, perhaps in a few short months after he carried
arms against him, plundered his subjects, and carried conflagration
in his towns, excite more than transient emotion. The new
commander was eager to obtain the services of the assembled
Shaikhawats against the Haldias, but experience had given them
wisdom; and they not only exacted stipulations befitting their
position, as the price of this aid, but, what was of more consequence,
negotiated the conditions of their future connexion
with the lord-paramount.
The first article was the immediate restoration of the townships
which the Haldia had seized upon, as Tui, Gwala, etc.
The second, that the court should disavow all pretensions to
exact tribute beyond what they had voluntarily stipulated, and
which they would remit to the capital.
Third, that on no account should the armies of the court
enter the lands of the confederation, the consequences of which
had been so strongly marked in the atrocities at Khandela.
Fourth, that the confederacy would furnish a contingent for
the service of the court, which should be paid by the court while
so employed.
The treaty being ratified through the intervention of the new
commander, and having received in advance 10,000 rupees for
their expenses, the chiefs with their retainers repaired to the
capital, and after paying homage to their liege lord, zealously
set to work to execute its orders on the Haldia faction, who were
dispossessed of their \[411] estates. But, as observed in the
annals of the parent State, Jaipur had obtained the distinction
of the jhutha darbar, or ‘lying court,’ of the justness of which
epithet it afforded an illustration in its conduct to the confederated
chieftains, who soon discovered the difference between promises
and performance. They had done their duty, but they obtained
not one of the advantages for which they agreed to serve the
court; and they had the mortification to see they had merely
.bn 175.png
.pn +1
displaced the garrisons of the Haldia for those of Rora Ram.
After a short consultation, they determined to seek themselves
the justice that was denied them; accordingly, they assaulted
in succession the towns occupied by Rora Ram’s myrmidons,
drove them out, and made them over to their original proprietors.
Treacherous Arrest of Narsingh and other Chiefs.—At the same
time, the court having demanded the usual tribute from Narsinghdas,
which was always in arrear, he had the imprudence to stone
the agent, who was a relation of the minister. He hastened to
the Presence, “threw his turban at the Raja’s feet,” saying,
he was dishonoured for ever. A mandate was instantaneously
issued for the sequestration of Khandela and the capture of
Narsingh, who bade his liege lord defiance from his castle of
Govindgarh: but his co-partner, Partap Singh, having no just
cause of apprehension, remained in Khandela, which was environed
by the Jaipur troops under Asaram. His security was
his ruin; but the wily Bania (Asaram), who wished to seize at
once the joint holders of the estate, offered no molestation to
Partap, while he laid a plot for the other. He invited his return,
on the bachan, or ‘pledge of safety,’ of the Manoharpur chief.
Narsingh did not hesitate, for rank as was the character of his
countrymen in these degenerate days, no Rajput had ever
incurred the epithet of Bachanchuk, tenfold more odious than
that of murderer, and which no future action, however brilliant,
could obliterate, even from his descendants to the latest posterity.
On the faith of this bachan, Narsingh came, and a mock negotiation
was carried on for the arrears of tribute, and a time fixed for
payment. Narsingh returned to Khandela, and Asaram broke
up his camp and moved away. The crafty Bania, having thus
successfully thrown him off his guard, on the third day rapidly
retraced his steps, and at midnight surrounded Narsingh in
his abode, who was ordered to proceed forthwith to the camp.
Burning with indignation, he attempted self-destruction, but
was withheld; and accompanied by a few Rajputs who swore
to protect or die with him, he joined Asaram to see the issue.
A simple plan was adopted to secure Partap, and he fearlessly
obeyed the summons. Both parties remained in camp; the one
was amused with a negotiation for \[412] his liberation on the
payment of a fine; the other had higher hopes; and in the
indulgence of both, their vassals relaxed in vigilance. While
.bn 176.png
.pn +1
they were at dinner, a party planted in ambuscade rushed out,
and before they could seize their arms, made captive both the
chiefs. They were pinioned like felons, put into a covered
carriage, despatched under the guard of five hundred men to the
capital, and found apartments ready for them in the state-prison
of Amber. It is an axiom with these people, that the end sanctifies
the means; and the prince and his minister congratulated each
other on the complete success of the scheme. Khandela was
declared khalisa (fiscal), and garrisoned by five hundred men from
the camp, while the inferior feudatories, holding estates detached
from the capital, were received on terms, and even allowed to
hold their fiefs on the promise that they did not disturb the
sequestrated lands.
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 7
.sp 2
Dīnarām Bohra organizes an Attack on the Sadhānis.—Dinaram
Bohra was now (A.D. 1798-9) prime minister of Jaipur, and he
no sooner heard of the success of Asaram, than he proceeded to
join him in person, for the purpose of collecting the tribute due
by the Sadhani chiefs. Having formed a junction with Asaram
at Udaipur, they marched to Parasurampur, a town in the heart
of the Sadhanis, whence they issued commands for the tribute
to be brought; \[413] to expedite which, the ministers sent dhus[9.7.1]
to all the townships of the confederacy. This insulting process
irritated the Sadhanis to such a degree that they wrote to Dinaram
to withdraw his parties instantly, and retrace his steps to Jhunjhunu,
or abide the consequences; declaring, if he did so, that
the collective tribute, of which ten thousand was then ready,
would be forthcoming. All had assented to this arrangement
but Bagh Singh, brother of the captive prince of Khandela, who
was so incensed at the faithless conduct of the court, after the
great services they had so recently performed, that he determined
to oppose by force of arms this infraction of their charter, which
declared the inviolability of the territory of the confederation
.bn 177.png
.pn +1
so long as the tribute was paid. He was joined by five hundred
men of Khetri, with which having levied contributions at
and Fatehpur from the traitorous lord of Sikar, he invited
to their aid the celebrated George Thomas, then carving out his
fortunes amongst these discordant political elements.
.fn 9.7.1
Dhūs is an expedient to hasten the compliance of a demand from a
dependent. A party of horse proceeds to the township, and are commanded
to receive so much per day till the exaction is complied with. If the dhūs
is refused, it is considered tantamount to an appeal to arms. [Dhūsnā
means ‘to butt like an ox,’ hence ‘to coerce.’]
.fn-
Battle of Fatehpur, Defeat of Jaipur Army by George Thomas,
A.D. 1799.—Nearly the whole of the Jaipur mercenary and feudal
army was embodied on this occasion, and although far superior
in numbers to the confederation, yet the presence of Thomas and
his regulars more than counterpoised their numerical inferiority.
The attack of Thomas was irresistible; the Jaipur lines led by
Rora Ram gave way, and lost several pieces of artillery. To
redeem what the cowardice and ill-conduct of the general-in-chief
had lost, the chieftain of Chaumun formed a gol or dense band
of the feudal chivalry, which he led in person against Thomas’s
brigade, charging to the mouths of his guns. His object, the
recovery of the guns, was attained with great slaughter on each
side. The Chaumun chief (Ranjit Singh) was desperately wounded,
and Bahadur Singh, Pahar Singh, chiefs of the Khangarot clans,
with many others, were slain by discharges of grape; the guns
were retrieved, and Thomas and his auxiliaries were deprived of
a victory, and ultimately compelled to retreat.[9.7.2]
.fn 9.7.2
Franklin, in his Life of George Thomas, describes this battle circumstantially;
but makes it appear an affair of the Jaipur court, with Thomas
and the Mahrattas, in which the Shaikhawats are not mentioned. Thomas
gives the Rajput chivalry full praise for their gallant bearing.—Memoir of
George Thomas, p. 109. [The battle was fought early in 1799 at Fatehpur,
about 145 miles N.W. of Jaipur city (Compton, European Military Adventurers,
146 ff.).]
.fn-
The captive chiefs of Khandela deemed this revolt and union
of their countrymen favourable to their emancipation, and
addressed them to this effect. A communication was made to
the discomfited Rora Ram, who promised his influence, provided
an efficient body of Raesalots joined his camp, and by their services
seconded their \[414] requests. Bagh Singh was selected; a
man held in high esteem by both parties, and even the court
manager of Khandela found it necessary to retain his services,
as it was by his influence only over his unruly brethren that he
was enabled to make anything of the new fiscal lands. For this
purpose, and to preserve the point of honour, the manager permitted
Bagh Singh to remain in the fortified palace of Khandela,
.bn 178.png
.pn +1
with a small party of his brethren; but on being selected to lead
the quotas of his countrymen with the court commander, he left
his younger brother, Lachhman Singh, as his deputy.
Hanwant Singh captures Khandela.—No sooner did it reach
the ears of Hanwant Singh of Saledi, son of the captive Partap,
that Bagh Singh had joined the army, than, in the true spirit of
these relentless feuds, he determined to attempt the castle. As
soon as the darkness of night favoured his design, he hastened its
accomplishment, escaladed it, and put the unprepared garrison
to the sword. Intelligence of this event reached Bagh Singh
at Ranoli, who instantly countermarched, and commenced the
assault, into which even the townspeople entered heartily, inspired
as they were with indignation at the atrocious murder of
the young chief. The day was extremely hot; the defendants
fought for their existence, for their leader could not hope for
mercy. The assailants were served with the best food; such
was the enthusiasm, that even the women forgot their fears,
and cheered them on as the ladders were planted against the
last point of defence. Then the white flag was displayed, and
the gate opened, but the murderer had fled.
Manjidas succeeded Dinaram as minister of Jaipur; and Rora
Ram, notwithstanding his disgraceful defeat and the lampoons
of the bards, continued to be collector of the Shaikhawat tribute,
and farmed the fiscal lands of Khandela to a Brahman for twenty
thousand rupees annually. This Brahman, in conjunction with
another speculative brother, had taken a lease of the Mapa
Rahdari, or town and transit duties at Jaipur, which having been
profitable, they now agreed to take on lease the sequestrated lands
of Khandela. Having not only fulfilled their contract the first
year, but put money in their pocket, they renewed it for two
more. Aided by a party of the Silahposhians[9.7.3] of the court,
the minister of religion showed he was no messenger of peace,
and determined to make the most of his ephemeral power, he not
only levied contributions on the yet independent feudatories,
but attacked those who resisted, and carried several of their
castles sword in hand. The brave ‘sons of Raesal’ could not
bear this new mark of contumely and bad faith of the court,—“to
be made the sport of a tailor and a Brahman,”—and having
received intimation from the captive \[415] chiefs that there was
.bn 179.png
.pn +1
no hope of their liberty, they at once threw away the scabbard
and commenced a scene of indiscriminate vengeance, which the
Rajput often has recourse to when urged to despair. They at
once assailed Khandela, and in spite of the resistance of seven
thousand Dadupanthis,[9.7.4] dispossessed the Purohit, and sacked it.
Then advancing within the Jaipur domains, they spread terror
and destruction, pillaging even the estates of the queen. Fresh
troops were sent against them, and after many actions the confederacy
was broken up. The Ranoli chief and others of the
elder branches made their peace, but the younger branches fled
the country, and obtained saran (sanctuary) and subsistence in
Marwar and Bikaner: Sangram Singh of Sujawas (cousin to
Partap) sought the former, Bagh Singh and Suraj Singh the
latter, whose prince gave them lands. There they abode in
tranquillity for a time, looking to that justice from the prince
which tributary collectors knew not; but when apathy and
neglect mistook the motive of this patient suffering, he was
aroused from his indifference to the fate of the brave Barwatias,
by the tramp of their horses’ feet even at the gates of his capital.
.fn 9.7.3
[Men clad in armour (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 164).]
.fn-
.fn 9.7.4
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_863.]
.fn-
Sangram Singh headed the band of exiles, which spread fear
and desolation over a great portion of Dhundhar. In many
districts they established rakhwali;[9.7.5] and wherever they succeeded
in surprising a thana (garrison) of their liege lord, they cut it up
without mercy. They sacked the town of Koh, within a few miles
of the city of Jaipur, from under whose walls they carried off
horses to mount their gang. Animated by successful revenge,
and the excitement of a life so suited to the Rajput, Sangram
became the leader of a band of several hundred horse, bold
enough to attempt anything. Complaints for redress poured in
upon the court from all quarters, to which a deaf ear might have
been turned, had they not been accompanied with applications
for reduction of rent. The court at length, alarmed at this daring
desperado, made overtures to him through Shyam Singh Sadhani,
the chief of Baswa, on whose bachan (pledge) Sangram consented
to appear before his liege lord. As soon as he arrived under the
walls of the city, his cavalcade was surrounded by all classes,
but particularly the Sikh mercenaries, all of whom recognized
.bn 180.png
.pn +1
their property, some a horse, some a camel, others arms, etc.;
but none durst advance a claim to their own, so daring was their
attitude and so guarded their conduct. The object of the minister
was to secure the person of Sangram, regardless of the infamy
which would attach to the chief who, at his desire, had pledged
himself for his safety. But Shyam Singh \[416], who had heard
of the plot, gave Sangram warning. In forty-eight hours, intelligence
reached the court that Sangram was in Tuarvati,[9.7.6]
and that, joined by the Tuars and Larkhanis, he was at the head
of one thousand horse. He now assailed the large fiscal towns
of his prince; contributions were demanded, and if they could
not be complied with, he carried off in ol (hostage) the chief
citizens, who were afterwards ransomed. If a delay occurred
in furnishing either, the place was instantly given over to pillage,
which was placed upon a body of camels. The career of this
determined Barwatia was at length closed. He had surrounded
the town of Madhopur, the estate of one of the queens, when a
ball struck him in the head. His body was carried to Ranoli
and burnt, and he had his cenotaph amongst the Jujhars[9.7.7] (those
slain in battle) of his fathers. The son of Sangram succeeded to
the command and the revenge of his father, and he continued the
same daring course, until the court restored his patrimony of
Sujawas. Such were the tumultuous proceedings in Shaikhavati,
when an event of such magnitude occurred as to prove an epoch
in the history of Rajputana, and which not only was like oil
effused upon their afflictions, but made them prominent to their
own benefit in the transaction.
.fn 9.7.5
The salvamenta, or blackmail of our own feudal system. See Vol. I.
p. vol1_203.
.fn-
.fn 9.7.6
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_876.]
.fn-
.fn 9.7.7
[Such cenotaphs, known as pāliya, are common in Gujarāt (Forbes,
Rās Māla, 691; Tod, Western India, 301).]
.fn-
The War on account of Krishna Kunwāri.—That grand international
war, ostensibly for the hand of the Helen of Rajwara,
was on the point of bursting forth. The opening scene was in
Shaikhavati, and the actors chiefly Sadhanis. It will be recollected,
that though this was but the underplot of a tragedy,
chiefly got up for the deposal of Raja Man of Jodhpur, in favour
of Dhonkal Singh, Racchand was then Diwan, or prime minister,
of Jaipur; and to forward his master’s views for the hand of
Krishna, supported the cause of the pretender.
New Treaty with Jaipur.—The minister sent his nephew,
.bn 181.png
.pn +1
Kirparam, to obtain the aid of the Shaikhawats, who appointed
Kishan Singh as interpreter of their wishes, while the Kher[9.7.8]
assembled at ‘the Pass of Udaipur.’ There a new treaty
was formed, the main article of which was the liberation of their
chieftains, the joint Rajas of Khandela, and the renewal of the
ancient stipulations regarding the non-interference of the court
in their internal arrangements, so long as they paid the regulated
tribute. Kishan Singh, the organ of the confederation, together
with Kirparam, left the assembly for the capital, where they soon
returned with the ratification of their wishes. On these conditions
ten thousand of the sons of Shaikhji were embodied, and
ready to accompany their lord-paramount wherever he might
lead them, receiving peti, or subsistence, while out of their own
lands.
.fn 9.7.8
[Tribal levy.]
.fn-
These preliminaries settled, Shyam Singh Champawat (nephew
of the Pokaran \[417] chief), with Kirparam repaired to Khetri,
whence they conveyed the young pretender, Dhonkal Singh, to
the camp of the confederates. They were met by a deputation
headed by the princess Anandi Kunwar (daughter of the late
Raja Partap, and one of the widows of Raja Bhim of Marwar,
father of the pretender), who received the boy in her arms as the
child of her adoption, and forthwith returned to the capital,
where the army was forming for the invasion of Marwar.
It moved to Khatu, ten coss from Khandela, where they
waited the junction of the Bikaner Raja and other auxiliaries.
The Shaikhawat lords here sent in their imperative demand for
the liberation of the sons of Raesal, “that they might march
under a leader of their own, equal in celebrity to the proudest of
that assembled host.” Evasion was dangerous; and in a few
days their chiefs were formally delivered to them. Even the
self-abdicated Bindraban could not resist this general appeal to
arms. The princes encamped in the midst of their vassals, nor
was there ever such a convocation of ‘the sons of Shaikhji’:
Raesalots, Sadhanis, Bhojanis, Larkhanis, and even the Barwatias,
flocked around the ‘yellow banner of Raesal.’ The
accounts of the expedition are elsewhere narrated,[9.7.9] and we shall
only add that the Shaikhawats participated in all its glory and
all its disgrace, and lost both Rao Narsingh and his father ere
they returned to their own lands.
.fn 9.7.9
[Vol. II. p. vol2_1095.]
.fn-
.bn 182.png
.pn +1
Abhai Singh.—Abhai Singh, the son of Narsingh, succeeded,
and conducted the contingent of his countrymen until the ill-starred
expedition broke up, when they returned to Khandela.
But the faithless court had no intention of restoring the lands of
Khandela. Compelled to look about for a subsistence, with one
hundred and fifty horse, they went to Raja Bakhtawar Singh of
Macheri; but he performed the duties of kindred and hospitality
so meanly, that they only remained a fortnight. In this exigence,
Partap and his son repaired to the Mahratta leader, Bapu Sindhia,
at Dausa,[9.7.10] while Hanwant, in the ancient spirit of his race, determined
to attempt Govindgarh. In disguise, he obtained the
necessary information, assembled sixty of his resolute clansmen,
whom he concealed at dusk in a ravine, whence, as soon as silence
proclaimed the hour was come, he issued, ascended the well-known
path, planted his ladders, and cut down the sentinels ere
the garrison was alarmed. It was soon mastered, several being
killed and the rest turned out. The well-known beat of the
Raesalot nakkaras awoke the Larkhanis, Minas, and all the
Rajputs in the vicinity, who immediately repaired to the castle.
In a few weeks the gallant Hanwant was at the head of two
thousand men, prepared to act offensively against \[418] his
faithless liege lord. Khandela and all the adjacent towns surrendered,
their garrisons flying before the victors, and Khushhal
Daroga, a name of note in all the intrigues of the darbar of that
day, carried to court the tidings of his own disgrace, which, his
enemies took care to proclaim, arose from his cupidity: for
though he drew pay and rations for a garrison of one hundred
men, he only had thirty. Accompanied by Ratan Chand, with
two battalions and guns, and the reproaches of his sovereign, he
was commanded at his peril to recover Khandela. The gallant
Hanwant disdained to await the attack, but advanced outside
the city to meet it, drove Khushhal back, and had he not in the
very moment of victory been wounded, while the Larkhanis hung
behind, would have totally routed them. Hanwant was compelled
to retreat within the walls, where he stood two assaults,
in one of which he slew thirty Silahposh, or men in armour, the
body-guard of the prince; but the only water of the garrison
being from tankhas (reservoirs), he was on the point of surrendering
.bn 183.png
.pn +1
at discretion, when an offer of five townships being made, he
accepted the towns.
.fn 9.7.10
[Twenty-five miles E. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
Another change took place in the ministry of Amber at this
period; and Khushhaliram, at the age of fourscore and four years,
was liberated from the state-prison of Amber, and once more
entrusted with the administration of the government. This
hoary-headed politician, who, during more than half a century,
had alternately met the frowns and the smiles of his prince, at
this the extreme verge of existence, entered with all the alacrity
of youth into the tortuous intrigues of office, after witnessing the
removal of two prime ministers, his rivals, who resigned power and
life together. Khushhaliram had remained incarcerated since the
reign of Raja Partap, who, when dying, left three injunctions;
the first of which was, that ‘the Bohra’ (his caste) should never
be enfranchised; but if in evil hour his successor should be induced
to liberate him “he should be placed uncontrolled at the head of
affairs.”[9.7.11]
.fn 9.7.11
The second injunction was to keep the office of Faujdar, or commander
of the forces, in the family of Shambhu Singh, Gugawat, a tribe always noted
for their fidelity, and like the Mertias of Marwar, even a blind fidelity, to
the gaddi whoever was the occupant. The third injunction is left blank
in my manuscript.
.fn-
When this veteran politician, whose biography would fill a
volume,[9.7.12] succeeded to the helm at Jaipur, a solemn deputation of
the principal Shaikhawat chieftains repaired to the capital, and
begged that through his intercession they might be restored to
the lands of their forefathers. The Bohra, who had always kept
up, as well from \[419] sound principle as from personal feeling, a
good understanding with the feudality, willingly became their
advocate with his sovereign, to whom he represented that the
defence of the State lay in a willing and contented vassalage:
for, notwithstanding their disobedience and turbulence, they
were always ready, when the general weal was threatened, to
support it with all their power. He appealed to the late expedition,
when ten thousand of the children of Shaikhji were embodied
.bn 184.png
.pn +1
in his cause, and what was a better argument, he observed, the
Mahrattas had only been able to prevail since their dissensions
amongst themselves. The Bohra was commanded to follow his
own goodwill and pleasure; and having exacted an engagement,
by which the future tribute of the Raesalots was fixed at sixty
thousand rupees annually, and the immediate payment of a
nazarana of forty thousand, fresh pattas of investiture were made
out for Khandela and its dependencies. There are so many
conflicting interests in all these courts, that it by no means follows
that obedience runs on the heels of command; even though the
orders of the prince were countersigned by the minister, the
Nagas,[9.7.13] who formed the garrison of Khandela, and the inferior
fiefs, showed no disposition to comply. The gallant Hanwant,
justly suspecting the Bohra’s good faith, proposed to the joint
rajas a coup de main, which he volunteered to lead. They had
five hundred retainers amongst them; of these Hanwant selected
twenty of the most intrepid, and repaired to Udaigarh, to which
he gained admission as a messenger from himself; twenty more
were at his heels, who also got in, and the rest rapidly following,
took post at the gateway. Hanwant then disclosed himself, and
presented the fresh patta of Khandela to the Nagas, who still
hesitating to obey, he drew his sword, when seeing that he was
determined to succeed or perish, they reluctantly withdrew, and
Abhai and Partap were once more inducted into the dilapidated
abodes of their ancestors. The adversity they had undergone,
added to their youth and inexperience, made them both yield a
ready acquiescence to the advice of their kinsman, to whose
valour and conduct they owed the restoration of their inheritance,
and the ancient feuds, which were marked on every stone of their
castellated mahalls, were apparently appeased.
.fn 9.7.12
His first act, after his emancipation from the dungeons of Amber, was
the delicate negotiation at Dhani, the castle of Chand Singh, Gugawat. He
died at Baswa, April 22, 1812, on his return from Macheri to Jaipur, where
he had been unsuccessfully attempting a reconciliation between the courts.
It will not be forgotten that the independence of the Naruka chief in Macheri
had been mainly achieved by the Bohra, who was originally the homme
d’affaires of the traitorous Naruka.
.fn-
.fn 9.7.13
[These corps of militant devotees were commonly employed in Indian
Native armies in the eighteenth century (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls,
163; Broughton, Letters from a Mahratta Camp, 96, 106, 123; Russell,
Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, iii. 157).]
.fn-
The Shaikhāwats attack Amīr Khān.—Shortly after this
restoration, the Shāikhawat contingents were called out to serve
against the common enemy of Rajputana, the notorious Amir
Khan, whose general, Muhammad Shah Khan, was closely
blockaded in the fortress of Bhumgarh, near Tonk, by the whole
strength of Jaipur, commanded by Rao Chand Singh of Dhani
.bn 185.png
.pn +1
An incident occurred, while the siege was approaching a successful
conclusion, which \[420] well exemplifies the incorrigible imperfections
of the feudal system, either for offensive or defensive operations.
This incident, trivial as it is in its origin, proved a death-blow
to these unfortunate princes, so long the sport of injustice,
and appears destined to falsify the Dom, who prophesied, on the
acceptance of his self-sacrifice, that seven successive generations
of his issue should occupy the gaddi of Khandela. In the disorderly
proceedings of this feudal array, composed of all the
quotas of Amber, a body of Shaikhawats had sacked one of the
townships of Tonk, in which a Gugawat inhabitant was slain, and
his property plundered, in the indiscriminate pell-mell. The
son of the Gugawat instantly carried his complaints to the besieging
general, Chand Singh, the head of his clan, who gave him
a party of the Silahposh (men in armour) to recover his property.
The Shaikhawats resisted, and reinforced their party; Chand
Singh did the same; the Khandela chiefs repaired in person,
accompanied by the whole confederacy with the exception of
Sikar: and the Gugawat chief, who had not only the ties of
clanship, but the dignity of commander-in-chief, to sustain, sent
every man he could spare from the blockade. Thus nearly the
whole feudal array of Amber was collected round a few hackeries[9.7.14]
(carts), ready to cut each other to pieces for the point of honour:
neither would relinquish the claim, and swords were already
drawn, when the Khangarot chief stepped between them as
peacemaker, and proposed an expedient which saved the honour
of both, namely, that the plundered property should be permitted
to proceed to its destination, the Khandela prince’s quarters,
who should transmit it, “of his own accord,” to the commander-in-chief
of the army. The Shaikhawats assented; the havoc
was prevented; but the pride of Chand Singh was hurt, who
saw in this a concession to the commander of the army, but none
to the leader of the Gugawats.
.fn 9.7.14
[A corruption of Hindi chhakra (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 407 f.).]
.fn-
Lachhman Singh, the chief of Sikar, who, as before stated,
was the only Shaikhawat who kept aloof from the affray, saw the
moment was arrived for the accomplishment of his long-concealed
desire to be lord of Khandela. The siege of Bhumgarh
being broken up, in consequence of these dissensions and the
defection of the confederated Shaikhawats, the Sikar chief no
.bn 186.png
.pn +1
sooner saw them move by the circuitous route of the capital,
than he marched directly for his estates, and throwing aside all
disguise, attacked Sisa, which by an infamous stratagem he
secured, by inveigling the commandant, the son of the late Bohra
minister. Then making overtures to the enemy, against whom
he had just been fighting, for the sum of two lakhs of rupees, he
obtained a brigade of the mercenary Pathans, under their leaders
Manu and Mahtab Khan \[421], the last of whom, but a few days
before, had entered into a solemn engagement with Hanwant, as
manager for the minor princes, to support whose cause, and to
abstain from molesting their estates, he had received fifty thousand
rupees! Such nefarious acts were too common at that period
even to occasion remark, far less reprehension.
Siege of Khandela.—The gallant Hanwant now prepared for
the defence of the lands which his valour had redeemed. His
foeman made a lavish application of the wealth which his selfish
policy had acquired, and Rewasa and other fiefs were soon in his
possession. The town of Khandela, being open, soon followed,
but the castle held out sufficiently long to enable him to strengthen
and provision Kot, which he determined to defend to the last.
Having withstood the attacks of the enemy, during three weeks,
in the almost ruined castle, he sallied out sword in hand, and
gained Kot, where he assembled all those yet faithful to the
family, and determined to stand or fall with the last stronghold
of Khandela. The other chiefs of the confederation beheld with
indignation this unprovoked and avaricious aggression on the
minor princes of Khandela, not only because of its abstract
injustice, but of the undue aggrandizement of this inferior branch
of the Raesalots, and the means employed, namely, the common
enemy of their country. Many leagued for its prevention, but
some were bribed by the offer of a part of the domain, and those
who were too virtuous to be corrupted, found their intentions
defeated by the necessity of defending their own homes against
the detachments of Amir Khan, sent by desire of Sikar to neutralize
their efforts. The court was steeled against all remonstrance,
from the unhappy rupture at Bhumgarh, the blockade of which,
it was represented, was broken by the conduct of the followers of
Khandela.
Death of Hanwant Singh.—Hanwant and some hundreds of
his brave clansmen were thus left to their own resources. During
.bn 187.png
.pn +1
three months they defended themselves in a position outside the
castle, when a general assault was made on his intrenchments.
He was advised to retreat into the castle, but he nobly replied,
“Khandela is gone for ever, if we are reduced to shelter ourselves
behind walls”; and he called upon his brethren to repel the
attack or perish. Hanwant cheered on his kinsmen, who charged
the battalions sword in hand, drove them from their guns, and
completely cleared the intrenchments. But the enemy returned
to the conflict, which lasted from morn until nightfall. Another
sortie was made; again the enemy was ignominiously dislodged,
but the gallant Hanwant, leading his men to the very muzzle of
the guns, received a shot which ended his career. The victory
remained with the besieged, but the death of their leader \[422]
disconcerted his clansmen, who retired within the fort. Five
hundred of the mercenary Pathans and men of Sikar (a number
equal to the whole of the defenders) accompanied to the shades
the last intrepid Raesalot of Khandela.
The next morning an armistice for the removal of the wounded
and obsequies of the dead was agreed to, during which terms
were offered, and refused by the garrison. As soon as the death
of Hanwant was known, the Udaipur chief, who from the first
had upheld the cause of justice, sent additional aid both in men
and supplies; and had the Khetri chief been at his estates, the
cause would have been further supported; but he was at court,
and had left orders with his son to act according to the advice of
the chief of Baswa, who had been gained over to the interests of
Sikar by the bribe of participation in the conquered lands. Nevertheless,
the garrison held out, under every privation, for five
weeks longer, their only sustenance at length being a little Indian
corn introduced by the exertions of individual Minas. At this
extremity, an offer being made of ten townships, they surrendered.
Partap Singh took his share of this remnant of his patrimony, but
his co-heir Abhai Singh inherited too much of Raesal’s spirit to
degrade himself by owing aught to his criminal vassal and kinsman.
It would have been well for Partap had he shown the same
spirit; for Lachhman Singh, now lord of Khandela, felt too
acutely the injustice of his success, to allow the rightful heir to
remain upon his patrimony; and he only allowed sufficient time
to elapse for the consolidation of his acquisition, before he expelled
the young prince. Both the co-heirs, Abhai Singh and Partap,
.bn 188.png
.pn +1
now reside at Jhunjhunu, where each receives five rupees a day,
from a joint purse made for them by the Sadhanis, nor at present[9.7.15]
is there a ray of hope of their restoration to Khandela.
.fn 9.7.15
This was written in 1813-14.
.fn-
In 1814, when Misr Sheonarayan, then minister of Jaipur, was
involved in great pecuniary difficulties, to get rid of the importunities
of Amir Khan, he cast his eyes towards the Sikar
chief, who had long been desirous to have his usurpation sanctioned
by the court; and it was stipulated that on the payment of nine
lakhs of rupees (namely, five from himself, with the authority and
force of Jaipur to raise the rest from the Sadhanis), he should
receive the patta of investiture of Khandela. Amir Khan, the
mutual agent on this occasion, was then at Ranoli, where Lachhman
Singh met him and paid the amount, receiving his receipt,
which was exchanged for the grant under the great seal.
Lachhman Singh gains Influence at Jaipur.—Immediately
after, Lachhman Singh proceeded to court, and upon the further
payment \[423] of one year’s tribute in advance, henceforth fixed
at fifty-seven thousand rupees, he received from the hands of his
liege lord, the Raja Jagat Singh, the khilat of investiture. Thus,
by the ambition of Sikar, the cupidity of the court, and the
jealousies and avarice of the Sadhanis, the birthright of the lineal
heirs of Raesal was alienated.
Lachhman Singh, by his talents and wealth, soon established
his influence at the court of his sovereign; but the jealousy which
this excited in the Purohit minister of the day very nearly lost
him his dearly bought acquisition. It will be recollected that a
Brahman obtained the lease of the lands of Khandela, and that
for his extortions he was expelled with disgrace. He proceeded,
however, in his career of ambition; subverted the influence of
his patron Sheonarayan Misr, forcing him to commit suicide,
ruined the prospects of his son, and by successful and daring
intrigue established himself in the ministerial chair of Amber.
The influence of Lachhman Singh, who was consulted on all
occasions, gave him umbrage, and he determined to get rid of
him. To drive him into opposition to his sovereign was his aim,
and to effect this there was no better method than to sanction
an attack upon Khandela. The Sadhanis, whose avarice and
jealousies made them overlook their true interests, readily united
to the troops of the court, and Khandela was besieged. Lachhman
.bn 189.png
.pn +1
Singh, on this occasion, showed he was no common character.
He tranquilly abided the issue at Jaipur, thus neutralizing the
malignity of the Purohit, while, to ensure the safety of Khandela,
a timely supply of money to the partisan, Jamshid Khan, brought
his battalions to threaten the Purohit in his camp. Completely
foiled by the superior tact of Lachhman Singh, the Brahman was
compelled to abandon the undertaking and to return to the
capital, where his anger made him throw aside the mask, and
attempt to secure the person of his enemy. The Sikar chief had
a narrow escape: he fled with fifty horse, hotly pursued by his
adversary, while his effects, and those of his partisans (amongst
whom was the Samod chief) were confiscated. The Sadhanis,
led by the chiefs of Khetri and Baswa, even after the Purohit
had left them, made a bold attempt to capture Khandela, which
was defeated, and young Abhai Singh, who was made a puppet
on the occasion, witnessed the last defeat of his hopes.
If necessity or expediency could palliate or justify such
nefarious acts, it would be shown in the good consequences that
have resulted from evil. The discord and bloodshed produced
by the partition of authority between the sons of Bahadur \[424]
Singh are now at an end. Lachhman Singh is the sole tyrant in
Khandela, and so long as the system which he has established is
maintained, he may laugh at the efforts, not only of the Sadhanis,
but of the court itself, to supplant him.
Let us, in a few words, trace the family of Lachhman Singh.
It will be recollected that Raesal, the first Raja amongst the sons
of Shaikhji, had seven sons, the fourth of whom, Tirmall (who
obtained the title of Rao), held Kasli and its eighty-four townships
in appanage. His son, Hari Singh, wrested the district of
Bilara, with its one hundred and twenty-five townships, from the
Kaimkhanis of Fatehpur, and shortly after, twenty-five more
from Rewasa. Sheo Singh, the son of Hari, captured Fatehpur
itself, the chief abode of the Kaimkhanis, where he established
himself. His son, Chand Singh, founded Sikar, whose lineal
descendant, Devi Singh, adopted Lachhman Singh, son of his
near kinsman, the Shahpura Thakur. The estates of Sikar were
in admirable order when Lachhman succeeded to his uncle, whose
policy was of the exterminating sort. Lachhman improved upon
it; and long before he acquired Khandela, had demolished all the
castles of his inferior feudatories, not even sparing that of Shahpura,
.bn 190.png
.pn +1
the place of his nativity, as well as Bilara, Bathoti, and
Kasli; and so completely did he allow the ties of adoption to
supersede those of blood, that his own father preferred exile, to
living under a son who, covered with ‘the turban of Sikar,’
forgot the author of his life, and retired to Jodhpur.
Lachhman Singh has now a compact and improving country,
containing five hundred towns and villages, yielding a revenue
of eight lakhs of rupees. Desirous of transmitting his name
to posterity, he erected the castle of Lachhmangarh,[9.7.16] and has
fortified many other strongholds, for the defence of which he has
formed a little army, which, in these regions, merits the title of
regulars, consisting of eight battalions of Aligol,[9.7.17] armed with
matchlocks, with a brigade of guns to each battalion. He has
besides an efficient cavalry, consisting of one thousand horse, half
of which are Bargirs,[9.7.18] or stipendiary; the other half Jagirdars,
having lands assigned for their support. With such means, and
with his ambition, there is very little doubt that, had not the
alliance of his liege lord of Amber with the English Government
put a stop to the predatory system, he would, by means of the
same worthy allies by whose \[425] aid he obtained Khandela,[9.7.19]
before this time have made himself supreme in Shaikhavati.
.fn 9.7.16
Lachhmangarh, or ‘the castle of Lachhman,’ situated upon a lofty
mountain [about 75 miles N.W. of Jaipur city], was erected in S. 1862, or
A.D. 1806, though probably on the ruins of some more ancient fortress. It
commands a most extensive prospect, and is quite a beacon in that country,
studded with hill-castles. The town is built on the model of Jaipur, with
regular streets intersecting each other at right angles, in which there are
many wealthy merchants, who enjoy perfect security.
.fn-
.fn 9.7.17
[The Ālīgol, ‘lofty, exalted troop,’ were irregular infantry in the
Marātha service. Sometimes they were identified with the fanatical
Ghāzis of the Afghān frontier (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 164;
Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 15).]
.fn-
.fn 9.7.18
[Cavalry provided with horses by the State, Vol. II. p. vol2_819.]
.fn-
.fn 9.7.19
Khandela is said to have derived its name from the Khokhar Rajputs [?].
The Khokhar is often mentioned in the Bhatti Annals, whom I have supposed
to be the Ghakkar, who were certainly Indo-Scythic. [The Khokhars and
Ghakkars or Gakkhars are often confounded (Rose, Glossary, ii. 540).]
Khandela has four thousand houses, and eighty villages dependent on it.
.fn-
Having thus brought to a conclusion the history of the princes
of Khandela, we shall give a brief account of the other branches
of the Shaikhawats, especially the most powerful, the Sadhani.
The Sādhāni Shaikhāwats.—The Sadhanis are descended from
Bhojraj, the third son of Raesal, and in the division of fiefs
.bn 191.png
.pn +1
amongst his seven sons, obtained Udaipur and its dependencies.
Bhojraj had a numerous issue, styled Bhojani, who arrogated
their full share of importance in the infancy of the confederacy,
and in process of time, from some circumstance not related,
perhaps the mere advantage of locality, their chief city became
the rendezvous for the great council of the federation, which is
still in the defile of Udaipur.[9.7.20]
.fn 9.7.20
The ancient name of Udaipur is said to be Kais; it contains three
thousand houses, and has forty-five villages attached to it, divided into
four portions.
.fn-
Several generations subsequent to Bhojraj, Jagram succeeded
to the lands of Udaipur. He had six sons, the eldest
of whom, Sadhu, quarrelled with his father, on some ceremonial
connected with the celebration of the military festival, the
Dasahra,[9.7.21] and quitting the paternal roof, sought his fortunes
abroad. At this time, almost all the tract now inhabited by the
Sadhanis was dependent on Fatehpur (Jhunjhunu), the residence
of a Nawab of the Kaimkhani tribe of Afghans,[9.7.22] who held it as
a fief of the empire. To him Sadhu repaired, and was received
with favour, and by his talents and courage rose in consideration,
until he was eventually intrusted with the entire management of
affairs. There are two accounts of the mode of his ulterior
advancement: both may be correct. One is, that the Nawab,
having no children, adopted young Sadhu, and assigned to him
Jhunjhunu and its eighty-four dependencies, which he retained
on the Kaimkhani’s death. The other, and less favourable though
equally probable account, is that, feeling his influence firmly
established, he hinted to his patron, that the township of ——
was prepared for his future residence, where he should enjoy a
sufficient pension, as he intended to retain possession of his
delegated authority. So completely had he supplanted the
Kaimkhani, that he found himself utterly unable to make a party
against the ungrateful Shaikhawat. He therefore fled from
Jhunjhunu to Fatehpur, the other division of his authority, or
at \[426] least one of his own kin, who espoused his cause, and
prepared to expel the traitor from Jhunjhunu. Sadhu, in this
.bn 192.png
.pn +1
emergency, applied to his father, requesting him to call upon his
brethren, as it was a common cause. The old chief, who, in his
son’s success, forgave and forgot the conduct which made him
leave his roof, instantly addressed another son, then serving with
his liege lord, the Mirza Raja Jai Singh, in the imperial army, to
obtain succour for him; and some regular troops with guns were
immediately dispatched to reinforce young Sadhu and maintain
his usurpation, which was accomplished, and moreover Fatehpur
was added to Jhunjhunu. Sadhu bestowed the former with its
dependencies, equal in value to his own share, on his brother, for
his timely aid, and both, according to previous stipulation, agreed
to acknowledge their obligations to the Raja by an annual tribute
and nazarana on all lapses, as lord-paramount. Sadhu soon
after wrested Singhana, containing one hundred and twenty-five
villages, from another branch of the Kaimkhanis; Sultana, with
its Chaurasi, or division of eighty-four townships, from the Gaur
Rajputs; and Khetri and its dependencies from the Tuars, the
descendants of the ancient emperors of Delhi: so that, in process
of time, he possessed himself of a territory comprising more than
one thousand towns and villages. Shortly before his death he
divided the conquered lands amongst his five sons, whose descendants,
adopting his name as the patronymic, are called Sadhani;
namely, Zorawar Singh, Kishan Singh, Nawal Singh, Kesari Singh,
and Pahar Singh.
.fn 9.7.21
[See Vol. II. p. vol2_680.]
.fn-
.fn 9.7.22
[The Kāimkhāni or Qāimkhāni are a sept of Muslim Chauhān Rājputs
found in the Jīnd State and in Jaipur (Rose, Glossary, iii. 257). In the
Rājputāna Census Report of 1911, however, they are classed among
“Miscellaneous” Rājput septs (i. 286).]
.fn-
Zorawar Singh, besides the paternal and original estates, had,
in virtue of primogeniture, the town of Chokri and its twelve
subordinate villages, with all the other emblems of state, as the
elephants, palkis, etc.; and although the cupidity of the Khetri
chief, the descendant of the second son, Kishan, has wrested the
patrimony from the elder branch, who has now only Chokri, yet
the distinctions of birth are never lost in those of fortune, and the
petty chief of Chokri, with its twelve small townships, is looked
upon as the superior of Abhai Singh, though the lord of five
hundred villages.
The descendants of the other four sons, now the most distinguished
of the Sadhanis, are,[9.7.23]
.pm start_poem
Abhai Singh of Khetri;
Shyam Singh of Baswa;
.bn 193.png
.pn +1
Gyan Singh of Nawalgarh;[9.7.24]
Sher Singh of Sultana \[427].
.pm end_poem
.fn 9.7.23
It must be borne in mind that this was written in 1814.
.fn-
.fn 9.7.24
Nawalgarh contains four thousand houses, environed by a shahrpanāh
or rampart. It is on a more ancient site called Rolani, whose old castle in
ruins is to the south-east, and the new one midway between it and the town,
built by Nawal Singh in S. 1802, or A.D. 1746.
.fn-
Besides the patrimonies assigned to the five sons of Sadhu,
he left the districts of Singhana, Jhunjhunu, and Surajgarh (the
ancient Oricha), to be held in joint heirship by the junior members
of his stock. The first, with its one hundred and twenty-five
villages, has been usurped by Abhai Singh of Khetri, but the others
still continue to be frittered away in sub-infeudations among this
numerous and ever-spreading frerage.
Abhai Singh has assumed the same importance amongst the
Sadhanis that Lachhman Singh has amongst the Raesalots, and
both by the same means, crime and usurpation. The Sikar chief
has despoiled his senior branch of Khandela; and the Khetri chief
has not only despoiled the senior, but also the junior, of the five
branches of Sadhu. The transaction which produced the last
result, whereby the descendant of Sher Singh lost Sultana, is so
peculiarly atrocious, that it is worth relating, as a proof to what
lengths the Rajput will go ‘to get land.’
Bāgh Singh seizes Sultāna.—Pahar Singh had an only son,
named Bhopal, who being killed in an attempt on Loharu, he
adopted the younger son of his nephew, Bagh Singh of Khetri.
On the death of his adopted father, the Sultana chief, being too
young to undertake the management of his fief in person, remained
under the paternal roof. It would appear as if this alienation
of political rights could also alienate affection and rupture
all the ties of kindred, for this unnatural father imbrued his
hands in the blood of his own child, and annexed Sultana to
Khetri. But the monster grievously suffered for the deed; he
became the scorn of his kinsmen, “who spit at him and threw
dust on his head,” until he secluded himself from the gaze of
mankind. The wife of his bosom ever after refused to look upon
him; she managed the estates for her surviving son, the present
Abhai Singh. During twelve years that Bagh Singh survived,
he never quitted his apartment in the castle of Khetri, until
carried out to be burned, amidst the execrations and contempt of
his kinsmen.
.bn 194.png
.pn +1
The Lārkhānis.—Having made the reader sufficiently acquainted
with the genealogy of the Sadhanis, as well as of the
Raesalots, we shall conclude with a brief notice of the Larkhanis,
which term, translated ‘the beloved lords,’ ill accords with
their occupation, as the most notorious marauders in Rajputana.
Larla is a common infantine appellation, meaning ‘beloved’;
but whether the adjunct of Khan to this son of Raesal, as well
as to that of his youngest, Tajkhan (the crown of princes), was
out of compliment to some other Muslim saint, we know not.
Larkhan conquered his own \[428] appanage, Danta Ramgarh, on
the frontiers of Marwar, then a dependency of Sambhar. It is
not unlikely that his father’s influence at court secured the
possession to him. Besides this district, they have the tappa of
Nosal, and altogether about eighty townships, including some
held of the Rajas of Marwar, and Bikaner, to secure their abstinence
from plunder within their bounds. The Larkhanis are
a community of robbers; their name, like Pindari and Kazzak,
is held in these regions to be synonymous with ‘freebooter,’ and
as they can muster five hundred horse, their raids are rather
formidable. Sometimes their nominal liege lord calls upon them
for tribute, but being in a difficult country, and Ramgarh being
a place of strength, they pay little regard to the call, unless backed
by some of the mercenary partisans, such as Amir Khan, who
contrived to get payment of arrears of tribute to the amount of
twenty thousand rupees.
Revenues.—We conclude this sketch with a rough statement
of the revenues of Shaikhavati, which might yield in peace and
prosperity, now for the first time beginning to beam upon them,
from twenty-five to thirty lakhs of rupees; but at present they
fall much short of this sum, and full one-half of the lands of the
confederation are held by the chiefs of Sikar and Khetri—
.sp 1
.ta h:60 rb:10 bl=n
| Rupees.
Lachhman Singh, of Sikar, including Khandela | 800,000
Abhai Singh, of Khetri, including Kotputli, given by\
Lord Lake | 600,000
Shyam Singh, of Baswa, including his brother Ranjit’s\
share of 40,000 (whom he killed) | 190,000
Gyan Singh, of Nawalgarh, including Mandao, each\
fifty villages | 70,000
.bn 195.png
.pn +1
Lachhman Singh, Mendsar, the chief sub-infeudation\
of Nawalgarh | 30,000
Tain and its lands, divided amongst the twenty-seven\
great-grandsons of Zorawar Singh, eldest son of\
Sadhu | 100,000
Udaipurvati | 100,000
Manoharpur[9.7.25] | 30,000
Larkhanis | 100,000
Harramjis | 40,000
Girdharpotas | 40,000
.if t
Smaller estates | 200,000
| ————-
| 2,300,000
| —————
.if-
.if h
Smaller estates | 200,000
| 2,300,000
.if-
| \[429.]
.ta-
.sp 1
The tribute established by Jaipur is as follows:—
.ta l:20 r:10 w=40%
| Rupees.
Sadhanis | 200,000
Fatehpur | 64,000
Udaipur and Babhai | 22,000
.if t
Kasli | 4,000
| ————
| 350,000
| ————
.if-
.if h
Kasli | 4,000
| 350,000
.if-
.ta-
.sp 1
Thus, supposing the revenues, as stated, at twenty-three lakhs,
to be near the truth, and the tribute at three and a half, it would
be an assessment of one-seventh of the whole, which is a fair
proportion, and a measure of justice which the British Government
would do well to imitate.
.fn 9.7.25
The Manoharpur chief was put to death by Raja Jagat Singh (vide
Madari Lal’s Journal of A.D. 1814), and his lands were sequestrated and
partitioned amongst the confederacy: the cause, his inciting the Rahtis or
Ratis (an epithet for the proselyte Bhatti plunderers of Bhattiana) to invade
and plunder the country.
.fn-
.bn 196.png
.pn +1
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 8
.sp 2
We have thus developed the origin and progress of the Kachhwaha
tribe, as well as its scions of Shaikhavati and Macheri. To
some, at least, it may be deemed no uninteresting object to trace
in continuity the issue of a fugitive individual, spreading, in the
course of eight hundred years, over a region of fifteen thousand
square miles; and to know that forty thousand of his flesh and
blood have been marshalled in the same field, defending, sword
in hand, their country and their prince. The name of ‘country’
carries with it a magical power in the mind of the Rajput. The
name of his wife or his mistress must never be mentioned at all,
nor that of his country but with respect, or his sword is instantly
unsheathed. Of these facts, numerous instances abound in these
Annals; yet does the ignorant Pardesi (foreigner) venture to say
there are no indigenous terms either for patriotism or gratitude
in this country.
Boundaries and Extent.—The boundaries of Amber and its
dependencies are best seen by an inspection of the map. Its
greatest breadth lies between Sambhar, touching the Marwar
frontier on the west, and the town of Suraut, on the Jat frontier,
east. This line is one hundred and twenty British miles, whilst
its greatest breadth from north to south, including Shaikhavati,
is one hundred and eighty. Its form is \[430] very irregular. We
may, however, estimate the surface of the parent State, Dhundhar
or Jaipur, at nine thousand five hundred square miles, and
Shaikhavati at five thousand four hundred; in all, fourteen
thousand nine hundred square miles.[9.8.1]
.fn 9.8.1
[The area of the Jaipur State, according to the last surveys, is 15,579
square miles.]
.fn-
Population.—It is difficult to determine with exactitude the
amount of the population of this region; but from the best information,
one hundred and fifty souls to the square mile would
not be too great a proportion in Amber, and eighty in Shaikhavati;
giving an average of one hundred and twenty-four to the
united area, which consequently contains 185,670; and when
we consider the very great number of large towns in this region,
it may not be above, but rather below, the truth. Dhundhar,
the parent country, is calculated to contain four thousand townships,
.bn 197.png
.pn +1
exclusive of purwas, or hamlets, and Shaikhavati about
half that number, of which Lachhman Singh of Sikar and Khandela,
and Abhai Singh of Khetri, have each about five hundred,
or the half of the lands of the federation.[9.8.2]
.fn 9.8.2
[According to the census of 1911, the population of Jaipur State was
2,636,647, 169 per square mile.]
.fn-
Classification of Inhabitants.—Of this population, it is still
more difficult to classify its varied parts, although it may be
asserted with confidence that the Rajputs bear but a small ratio
to the rest,[9.8.3] whilst they may equal in number any individual
class, except the aboriginal Minas, who, strange to say, are still
the most numerous. The following are the principal tribes, and
the order in which they follow may be considered as indicative
of their relative numbers. 1. Minas; 2. Rajputs; 3. Brahmans;
4. Banias; 5. Jats; 6. Dhakar, or Kirar (qu. Kirata?); 7. Gujars.[9.8.4]
.fn 9.8.3
[The proportion of Rājputs to the total population was, in 1911, 45
per 1000.]
.fn-
.fn 9.8.4
[The present order, in numbers, of the castes is—Brāhmans, Jāts,
Mīnas, Chamārs, Banias or Mahājans, Gūjars, Rājputs, Mālis. Dhākar
Rājputs are found in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duāb, and in Rohilkhand
(Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, 263). There are now 89,000 Dhākars in
Rājputāna. Kirār is a term generally applied in the Panjāb to traders to
distinguish them from the Banias of Hindustān, and the name has no connexion
with the Kirāta, a forest tribe of E. India (Rose, Glossary, ii. 552;
Russell, Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, iii. 485 ff.).]
.fn-
The Mīna Tribe.—The Minas are subdivided into no less than
thirty-two distinct clans or classes, but it would extend too much
the Annals of this State to distinguish them. Moreover, as they
belong to every State in Rajwara, we shall find a fitter occasion
to give a general account of them. The immunities and privileges
preserved to the Minas best attest the truth of the original induction
of the exiled prince of Narwar to the sovereignty of Amber;
and it is a curious fact, showing that such establishment must
have been owing to adoption, not conquest, that this event was
commemorated on every installation by a Mina of Kalikoh
marking with his blood the tika of sovereignty on the forehead of
the prince. The blood was obtained by incision of the great toe,
and though, like many other antiquated usages, this has fallen
into desuetude here (as has the same mode of inauguration of the
Ranas by the Oghna Bhils), yet both in the one case and in the
other, there cannot be more convincing evidence that these now
outcasts were originally the masters. The Minas still enjoy the
.bn 198.png
.pn +1
most confidential posts about the persons of the princes of Amber,
having charge of the archives \[431] and treasure in Jaigarh; they
guard his person at night, and have that most delicate of all
trusts, the charge of the rawala, or seraglio. In the earlier stages
of Kachhwaha power, these their primitive subjects had the whole
insignia of state, as well as the person of the prince, committed
to their trust; but presuming upon this privilege too far, when
they insisted that, in leaving their bounds, he should leave these
emblems, the nakkaras and standards, with them, their pretensions
were cancelled in their blood. The Minas, Jats, and Kirars
are the principal cultivators, many of them holding large estates.[9.8.5]
.fn 9.8.5
[The Mīnas are a notorious criminal tribe (M. Kennedy, Notes on the
Criminal Tribes in the Bombay Presidency, 207 ff.; C. Hervey, Some Records
of Crime, i. 328 ff.).]
.fn-
Jāts.—The Jats nearly equal the Minas in numbers, as well as
in extent of possessions, and are, as usual, the most industrious
of all husbandmen.
Brāhmans.—Of Brahmans, following secular as well as sacred
employments, there are more in Amber than in any other State
in Rajwara; from which we are not to conclude that her princes
were more religious than their neighbours, but, on the contrary,
that they were greater sinners.
Rājputs.—It is calculated that, even now, on an emergency, if
a national war roused the patriotism of the Kachhwaha feudality,
they could bring into the field thirty thousand of their kin and
clan, or, to repeat their own emphatic phrase, “the sons of one
father,” which includes the Narukas and the chiefs of the Shaikhawat
federation.[9.8.6] Although the Kachhwahas, under their popular
princes, as Pajun, Raja Man, and the Mirza Raja, have performed
exploits as brilliant as any other tribes, yet they do not now enjoy
the same reputation for courage as either the Rathors or Haras.
This may be in part accounted for by the demoralization consequent
upon their proximity to the Mogul court, and their
participation in all enervating vices; but still more from the
degradations they have suffered from the Mahrattas, and to
which their western brethren have been less exposed. Every
feeling, patriotic or domestic, became corrupted wherever their
pernicious influence prevailed.
.fn 9.8.6
[In 1911 there were 96,242 Kachhwāhas in Rājputāna, of whom about
two-thirds are in Jaipur.]
.fn-
Soil, Husbandry, Products.—Dhundhar contains every variety
.bn 199.png
.pn +1
of soil, and the kharif and rabi, or autumnal and spring crops, are
of nearly equal importance. Of the former bajra predominates
over juar, and in the latter barley over wheat. The other grains,
pulses, and vegetables, reared all over Hindustan, are here produced
in abundance, and require not to be specified \[432]. The
sugar-cane used to be cultivated to a very great extent, but partly
from extrinsic causes, and still more from its holding out such an
allurement to the renters, the husbandman has been compelled to
curtail this lucrative branch of agriculture; for although land
fit for ikh (cane) is let at four to six rupees per bigha, sixty have
been exacted before it was allowed to be reaped. Cotton of
excellent quality is produced in considerable quantities in various
districts, as are indigo and other dyes common to India. Neither
do the implements of husbandry or their application differ from
those which have been described in this and various other works
sufficiently well known.[9.8.7]
.fn 9.8.7
[Reference may be made to the artistic industry in brass-work (Hendley,
Jaipur Museum Catalogue; Journal Indian Art, 1886, i. No. 12, 1891, i.
No. 11).]
.fn-
Farming System.—It is the practice in this State to farm its
lands to the highest bidder; and the mode of farming is most
pernicious to the interests of the State and the cultivating classes,
both of whom it must eventually impoverish. The farmers-general
are the wealthy bankers and merchants, who make their
offers for entire districts; these they underlet in tappas, or subdivisions,
the holders of which again subdivide them into single
villages, or even shares of a village. With the profits of all these
persons, the expenses attending collections, quartering of barkandazes,
or armed police, are the poor Bhumias and Ryots saddled.
Could they only know the point where exaction must stop, they
would still have a stimulus to activity; but when the crops are
nearly got in, and all just demands satisfied, they suddenly hear
that a new renter has been installed in the district, having ousted
the holder by some ten or twenty thousand rupees, and at the
precise moment when the last toils of the husbandman were near
completion. The renter has no remedy; he may go and “throw
his turban at the door of the palace, and exclaim dohai, Raja
Sahib!” till he is weary, or marched off to the Kotwal’s chabutra,
and perhaps fined for making a disturbance.[9.8.8] Knowing, however,
.bn 200.png
.pn +1
that there is little benefit to be derived from such a course,
they generally submit, go through the whole accounts, make over
the amount of collections, and with the host of vultures in their
train, who, never unprepared for such changes, have been making
the most of their ephemeral power by battening on the hard
earnings of the peasantry, retire for this fresh band of harpies to
pursue a like course. Nay, it is far from uncommon for three
different renters to come upon the same district in one season,
or even the crop of one season, for five or ten thousand rupees,
annulling the existing engagement, no matter how far advanced.
Such was the condition of this State; and when to these evils
were superadded the exactions called dand, or barar, forced contributions
to pay those armies of robbers who swept the lands,
language cannot exaggerate the extent of misery. The love of
country must be powerful indeed which can enchain man to a
land so misgoverned, so unprotected \[433].
.fn 9.8.8
[Chabūtra, the platform on which the Kotwāl or chief police officer does
business. For the cry dohāi see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 321.]
.fn-
Revenues.—It is always a task of difficulty to obtain any
correct account of the revenues of these States, which are ever
fluctuating. We have now before us several schedules, both of
past and present reigns, all said to be copied from the archives,
in which the name of every district, together with its rent, town
and transit duties, and other sources of income, are stated; but
the details would afford little satisfaction, and doubtless the
resident authorities have access to the fountain-head. The
revenues of Dhundhar, of every description, fiscal, feudal, and
tributary, or impost, are stated, in round numbers, at one crore
of rupees, or about a million of pounds sterling, which, estimating
the difference of the price of labour, may be deemed equivalent
to four times that sum in England.[9.8.9] Since this estimate was
made, there have been great alienations of territory, and no less
than sixteen rich districts have been wrested from Amber by the
Mahrattas, or her own rebel son, the Naruka chief of Macheri.
The following is the schedule of alienations:—
.if t
.ta l:15 l:1 l:10 l:1 l:36 bl=n
1. Kama[9.8.10] |┐|Taken by General Perron, for his master Sindhia;||
2. Khori |│ |\ since rented to the Jats, and retained by them.||
3. Pahari |┘| | |
.bn 201.png
.pn +1
4. Kanti |||┐|
5. Ukrod |||│|
6. Pandapan |||│|
7. Ghazi-ka-thana|||│|Seized by the Macheri Rao
8. Rampara (karda)|||├|\ [now in Alwar State]
9. Ganwnri |||│|
10. Reni |||│|
11. Parbeni |||│|
12. Mozpur Harsana|||┘|
13. Kanod or Kanaund[9.8.11]|| |┌|Taken by De Boigne and given to
14. Narnol | | |│| \ Murtaza Khan, Baraich, confirmed
| | |└| \ in them by Lord Lake.
|┌|Taken in the war of 1803-4, from the Mahrattas,||
15. Kotputli |│|\ and given by Lord Lake to Abhai Singh of||
|└|\ Khetri.||
16. Tonk |┌|Granted to Holkar by Raja Madho Singh; confirmed||
17. Rampura |│|\ in sovereignty to Amir Khan by Lord||
|└|\ Hastings.||
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
1. Kama |
|
Taken by General Perron, for his master Sindhia; since rented to the Jats, and retained by them. |
2. Khori |
3. Pahari1433 |
4. Kanti |
|
Seized by the Macheri Rao [now in Alwar State] |
5. Ukrod |
6. Pandapan |
7. Ghazi-ka-thana |
8. Rampara (karda) |
9. Ganwnri |
10. Reni |
11. Parbeni |
12. Mozpur Harsana |
13. Kanod or Kanaund[11] 14. Narnol |
|
Taken by De Boigne and given to Murtaza Khan, Baraich, confirmed in them by Lord Lake. |
15. Kotputli |
|
Taken in the war of 1803-4, from the Mahrattas, and given by Lord Lake to Abhai Singh of Taken in the war of 1803-4, from the Mahrattas, Khetri. |
16. Tonk 17. Rampura |
|
Granted to Holkar by Raja Madho Singh; confirmed in sovereignty to Amir Khan by Lord\
Hastings. |
.li-
.if-
.fn 9.8.9
[The normal revenue is now believed to be about 65 lakhs of rupees,
roughly speaking, £433,000 (IGI, xiii. 395).]
.fn-
.fn 9.8.10
[This may possibly be Kamban in Bharatpur State.]
.fn-
.fn 9.8.11
Kanod was the fief of Amir Singh, Khangarot, one of the twelve great
lords of Amber.
.fn-
It must, however, be borne in mind, that almost all these
alienated districts had but for a comparatively short period
formed an integral portion of Dhundhar; and that the major
part were portions of the imperial domains, held in jaedad, or
‘assignment,’ by the princes of this country, in their capacity of
lieutenants of the emperor. In Raja Prithi Singh’s reign, about
half a century ago, the rent-roll of Amber and her tributaries was
\[434] seventy-seven lakhs: and in a very minute schedule formed
in S. 1858 (A.D. 1802), the last year of the reign of Raja Partap
Singh, they were estimated at seventy-nine lakhs: an ample
revenue, if well administered, for every object. We shall present
the chief items which form the budget of ways and means of Amber.
.sp 1
.nf c
Schedule of the Revenues of Amber for S. 1858, (A.D. 1802-3),
the year of Raja Jagat Singh’s accession.
Khalisa, or Fiscal Land.
.nf-
.bn 202.png
.pn +2
.if t
.ta h:10 c:1 h:38 r:10 r:10 bl=n
| | | Rupees.|
Managed by the Raja, or rented | || 2,055,000|
Deori taluka, expenses of the queen’s\
household | | | 500,000|
Shagirdpesha, servants of the household || | 300,000 |
Ministers, and civil officers | | | 200,000 |
Jagirs for the Silahposh, or men-at-arms || | 150,000 |
Jagirs to army, namely, ten battalions of\
infantry with cavalry | | | 714,000 |
|| Total Fiscal Land | ———————— | 3,919,000
|| Feudal lands (of Jaipur Proper) | | 1,700,000
|| Udak,[9.8.12] or charity lands, chiefly to Brahmans| | 1,600,000
|| Dan and Mapa, or transit and impost duties of the\
country | | 190,000
|| Kachahri, of the capital, includes town-duties,\
fines, contributions, etc., etc. | | 215,000
|| Mint | | 60,000
|| Hundi-bara, insurance, and dues on bills of\
exchange | | 60,000
|| Faujdari, or commandant of Amber (annual fine) | | 12,000
|| \ \ \ \ Do.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ do.\ \ \ \ \ \ of city Jaipur | | 8,000
|| Bid’at, petty fines from the Kachahri, or hall of\
justice | | 16,000
|| Sabzimandi, vegetable market | | 3,000
|| | | ————————
|| Total Lakhs | | 7,783,000
|┌| Shaikhavati | 350,000|
Tribute |┤|Rajawat and other feudatories of | |
|│| Jaipur[9.8.13] | 30,000 |
|└| Kothris of Haraoti[9.8.14] | 20,000|
| | | ———————|
| | Total Tribute | 400,000|
| | | ———————|
| | Add Tribute| | 400,000
| | | | ————————
| | Grand Total | Rs.| 8,183,000
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
| | | Rupees. | |
Managed by the Raja, or rented |
2,055,000 |
Deori taluka, expenses of the queen’s household | 500,000 | |
Shagirdpesha, servants of the household | 300,000 | |
Ministers, and civil officers | 200,000 | |
Jagirs for the Silahposh, or men-at-arms | 150,000 | |
Jagirs to army, namely, ten battalions of infantry with cavalry |
714,000 | |
Total Fiscal Land |
3,919,000 |
|
Feudal lands (of Jaipur Proper) |
1,700,000 |
|
Udak,[12] or charity lands, chiefly to Brahmans |
1,600,000 |
|
Dan and Mapa, or transit and impost duties of the country |
190,000 |
|
Kachahri, of the capital, includes town-duties,fines, contributions, etc., etc. |
215,000 |
|
Mint |
60,000 |
|
Hundi-bara, insurance, and dues on bills of exchange |
60,000 |
|
Faujdari, or commandant of Amber (annual fine) |
12,000 |
|
\ \ \ \ Do.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ do.\ \ \ \ \ \ of city Jaipur |
8,000 |
|
Bid’at, petty fines from the Kachahri, or hall of justice |
16,000 |
|
Sabzimandi, vegetable market |
3,000 |
|
Total Lakhs |
7,783,000 |
Tribute |
 |
Shaikhavati | 350,000 | |
Rajawat and other feudatories of Jaipur[13] |
30,000 | |
Kothris of Haraoti[14] |
20,000 | |
Total Tribute |
400,000 | |
|
Add Tribute |
400,000 |
Grand Total |
Rs. |
8,183,000 |
.li-
.if-
.rj
\[435].
.fn 9.8.12
[Udaka means the rite of offering water to deceased relations; hence,
assignments of lands to Brāhmans at such rites (H. T. Colebrooke, Essays
on the Religion and Philosophy of the Hindus, ed. 1858, p. 115; Monier-Williams,
Brāhmanism and Hinduism, 4th ed. p. 304).]
.fn-
.fn 9.8.13
Barwara, Khirni, Sawar, Isarda, etc., etc.
.fn-
.fn 9.8.14
Antardah, Balwan, and Indargarh.
.fn-
.bn 203.png
.pn +1
If this statement is correct, and we add thereto the Shaikhawat,
Rajawat, and Hara tributes, the revenues fiscal, feudal,
commercial, and tributary, of Amber, when Jagat Singh came to
the throne, would exceed eighty lakhs of rupees, half of which is
khalisa, or appertaining to the Raja—nearly twice the personal
revenue of any other prince in Rajwara. This sum (forty lakhs)
was the estimated amount liable to tribute when the treaty was
formed with the British Government, and of which the Raja has
to pay eight lakhs annually, and five-sixteenths of all revenue
surplus to this amount. The observant reader will not fail to be
struck with the vast inequality between the estates of the defenders
of the country, and these drones the Brahmans,—a point
on which we have elsewhere treated:[9.8.15] nor can anything more
powerfully mark the utter prostration of intellect of the Kachhwaha
princes, than their thus maintaining an indolent and baneful
hierarchy, to fatten on the revenues which would support four
thousand Kachhwaha cavaliers. With a proper application of
her revenues, and princes like Raja Man to lead a brave vassalage,
they would have foiled all the efforts of the Mahrattas; but their
own follies and vices have been their ruin.
.fn 9.8.15
See Dissertation on the Religious Establishments of Mewār, Vol. II.
p. vol2_590.
.fn-
Foreign Army.—At the period (A.D. 1803) this schedule was
formed of the revenues of Amber, she maintained a foreign army
of thirteen thousand men, consisting of ten battalions of infantry
with guns, a legion of four thousand Nagas, a corps of Aligols[9.8.16]
for police duties, and one of cavalry, seven hundred strong. With
these, the regular contingent of feudal levies, amounting to about
four thousand efficient horse, formed a force adequate to repel
any insult; but when the kher, or levée en masse, was called out,
twenty thousand men, horse and foot, were ready to back the
always embodied force.[9.8.17]
.fn 9.8.16
[See pp. #1416#, #1422#.]
.fn-
.fn 9.8.17
[At present the military forces of the State consist of about 5000
infantry, 5000 Nāgas, 700 cavalry, 860 artillery-men, and 100 mounted
on camels (IGI, xiii. 397).]
.fn-
A detailed schedule of the feudal levies of Amber may diversify
the dry details of these annals, obviate repetition, and present a
perfect picture of a society of clanships. In this list we shall
give precedence to the kothriband, the holders of the twelve great
fiefs (barah-kothri) of Amber—
.bn 204.png
.pn +1
.ce
Schedule of the names and appanages of the twelve sons of Raja Prithiraj, whose descendants\
form the Barah-kothri, or twelve great fiefs of Amber[9.8.18] \[436].
.ta h:16 c:1| lm:14| lm:10| lm:17| rm:8| rm:8 bl=n
_
Sons of Prithiraj.|| Names of Families. | Names of Fiefs. | Present Chiefs. |Revenues.|Personal Quotas.
_
1. Chhattarbhuj ||Chhattarbhujot |Pinar and | | |
|| | Bhagru |Bagh Singh | 18,000 | 28
2. Kalyan ||Kalyanot |Lotwara |Ganga Singh | 25,000 | 47
3. Nathu ||Nathawat |Chaumun |Kishan Singh | 115,000 | 205
4. Balbhadar ||Balbhadarot |Achrol |Kaim Singh | 28,850 | 57
.if t
5. Jagmall his |┐| | | | |
\ \ \ son Khangar|┘|Khangarot |Thodri |Prithi Singh | 25,000 | 40
.if-
.if h
5. Jagmall his son Khangar |}|Khangarot |Thodri |Prithi Singh | 25,000 | 40
.if-
6. Sultan ||Sultanot |Chandsar | — | — | —
7. Pachain ||Pachainot |Sambra |Sali Singh | 17,700 | 32
8. \ \ \ — ||Gugawat |Dhuni |Rao Chand Singh | 70,000 | 88
9. Kaim ||Kumbhani |Banskoh |Padam Singh | 21,535 | 31
10. Kumbha ||Kumbhawat |Mahar |Rawat Sarup Singh| 27,538 | 45
11. Surat ||Sheobaranpota |Nindar |Rawat Hari Singh | 10,000 | 19
12. Banbir ||Banbirpota |Balkoh |Sarup Singh | 19,000 | 35
_
.ta-
.fn 9.8.18
[There have been several changes in this list of fiefs since the Author’s time. A later, but apparently inaccurate,
list is given in Rājputāna Gazetteer, 1879, ii. 139. An earlier list, made in 1790 by W. Hunter, appears in “A
Narrative of a Journey from Agra to Oujein,” Asiatic Researches, vi. 69.]
.fn-
.bn 205.png
.pn +1
It will be remarked that the estates of these, the chief vassals
of Amber, are, with the exception of two, far inferior in value to
those of the sixteen great chiefs of Mewar, or the eight of Marwar;
and a detailed list of all the inferior feudatories of each Kothri,
or clan, would show that many of them have estates greater than
those of their leaders: for instance, Kishan Singh of Chaumun
has upwards of a lakh, while Beri Sal of Samod, the head of the
clan (Nathawat), has only forty thousand; again, the chief of
Balaheri holds an estate of thirty-five thousand, while that of
the head of his clan is but twenty-five thousand. The representative
of the Sheobaranpotas has an estate of only ten thousand,
while the junior branch of Gura has thirty-six thousand. Again,
the chief of the Khangarots has but twenty-five thousand, while
no less than three junior branches hold lands to double that
amount; and the inferior of the Balbhadarots holds upwards
of a lakh, while the superior of Achrol has not a third of this
rental. The favour of the prince, the turbulence or talents of
individuals, have caused these inequalities; but, however disproportioned
the gifts of fortune, the attribute of honour always
remains with the lineal descendant and representative of the
original fief.
We shall further illustrate this subject of the feudalities of
Amber by inserting a general list of all the clans, with the number
of subdivisions, the resources of each, and the quotas they ought
to furnish. At no remote period this was held to be correct, and
will serve to give a good idea of the Kachhwaha aristocracy. It
was my \[437] intention to have given a detailed account of the
subdivisions of each fief, their names, and those of their holders,
but on reflection, though they cost some diligence to obtain, they
would have little interest for the general reader.
.bn 206.png
.pn +1
.ce
Schedule of the Kachhwaha clans; the number of fiefs or estates\
in each; their aggregate value, and quotas of horse for each estate.[9.8.19]
.fn 9.8.19
[A fuller and more correct list will be found in Rājputāna Census Report,
1911, i. 255.]
.fn-
.if t
.ta l:11 c:1| l:22| c:16| r:12| r:10 s='Kachhwaha clans'
_
| | Names of Clans. | Number of Fiefs in each Clanship or Clan. | Aggregate Revenue.| Aggregate Quotas.
_
|┌| Chhattarbhujot | \ 6 | 53,800 | 92
|│| Kalyanot | 19 | 245,196 | 422
|│| Nathawat | 10 | 220,800 | 371
|│| Balbhadarot | \ 2 | 130,850 | 157
|│| Khangarot | 22 | 402,806 | 643
12[9.8.20]|┤| Sultanot | — | — | —
|│| Pachainot | \ 3 | 24,700 | 45
|│| Gugawat | 13 | 167,900 | 273
|│| Kumbhani [or Kumani] | \ 2 | 23,787 | 35
|│| Kumbhawat | \ 6 | 40,738 | 68
|│| Sheobaranpota | \ 3 | 49,500 | 73
|└| Banbirpota | \ 3 | 26,575 | 48
|┌|Rajawat | 16 | 198,137 | 392
4[9.8.21] |┤| Naruka[9.8.21] | \ 6 | 91,069 | 92
|│| Bankawat | \ 4 | 34,600 | 53
|└| Puranmallot | \ 1 | 10,000 | 19
|┌| Bhatti | \ 4 | 104,039 | 205
|│| Chauhan | \ 4 | 30,500 | 61
|│| Bargujar | \ 6 | 32,000 | 58
|│| Chandarawat | \ 1 | 14,000 | 21
10[9.8.22]|┤| Sakarwar | \ 2 | 4,500 | 8
|│| Gujars | \ 3 | 15,300 | 30
|│| Rangras | \ 6 | 291,105 | 549
|│| Khatris | \ 4 | 120,000 | 281
|│| Brahmans | 12 | 312,000 | 606
|└| Musalman | \ 9 | 141,400 | 274
| | | | | \[438].
_
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
|
Names of Clans. |
Number of Fiefs in each Clanship or Clan. |
Aggregate Revenue. |
Aggregate Quotas. |
12 |
|
Chhattarbhujot | 6 | 53,800 | 92 |
Kalyanot | 19 | 245,196 | 422 |
Nathawat | 10 | 220,800 | 371 |
Balbhadarot | 2 | 130,850 | 157 |
Khangarot | 22 | 402,806 | 643 |
Sultanot | — | — | — |
Pachainot | 3 | 24,700 | 45 |
Gugawat | 13 | 167,900 | 278 |
Kumbhani [or Kumani] | 2 | 23,787 | 35 |
Kumbhawat | 6 | 40,738 | 68 |
Sheobaranpota | 3 | 49,500 | 73 |
Banbirpota | 3 | 26,5756 | 48 |
4 |
|
Rajawat | 16 | 198,137 | 392 |
Naruka | 6 | 91,069 | 92 |
Bankawat | 4 | 34,600 | 53 |
Puranmallot | 1 | 34,600 | 19 |
10 |
|
Bhatti | 4 | 104,039 | 205 |
Chauhan | 4 | 30,500 | 61 |
Bargujar | 6 | 32,000 | 58 |
Chandarawat | 1 | 14,000 | 21 |
Sakarwar | 2 | 4,500 | 8 |
Gujars | 3 | 15,300 | 30 |
Rangras | 6 | 291,105 | 549 |
Khatris | 4 | 120,000 | 281 |
Brahmans | 12 | 312,000 | 606 |
Musalman | 9 | 141,400 | 274 |
.li-
.if-
Ancient Towns.—We shall conclude the annals of Amber with
the names of a few of the ancient towns, in which research may
recover something of past days.
.fn 9.8.20
The first twelve are the Barah-kothris, or twelve great fiefs of Amber.
.fn-
.fn 9.8.21
The next four are of the Kachhwaha stock, but not reckoned amongst
the Kothribands.
.fn-
.fn 9.8.22
The last ten are foreign chieftains, of various tribes and classes.
No doubt great changes have taken place since this list was formed,
especially amongst the mercenary Pattayats, or Jagirdars. The quotas are
also irregular, though the qualification of a cavalier in this State is reckoned
at five hundred rupees of income.
.fn-
.bn 207.png
.pn +1
Mora.—Nine coss east of Dausa or Daosa; built by Mordhwaj,
a Chauhan Raja.
Abhaner.—Three coss east of Lalsont; very ancient; capital
of a Chauhan sovereignty.
Bangarh.—Five coss from Tholai; the ruins of an ancient
town and castle in the hills, built by the old princes of Dhundhar,
prior to the Kachhwahas.
Amargarh.—Three coss from Kushalgarh; built by the
Nagvansa.
Bairat.[9.8.23]—Three coss from Basai in Macheri, attributed to the
Pandus.
Patan and Ganipur.—Both erected by the ancient Tuar kings
of Delhi.
Kharar, or Khandar.—Near Ranthambhor.
Utgir.—On the Chambal.
Amber, or Ambikeswara, a title of Siva, whose symbol is in
the centre of a kund or tank in the middle of the old town. The
water covers half the lingam; and a prophecy prevails, that
when it is entirely submerged the State of Amber will perish!
There are inscriptions \[439].
.fn 9.8.23
[Forty-two miles N.N.E. of Jaipur city, the ancient Vairāta (IGI, vi.
217; ASR, ii. 242 ff.).]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 208.png
.bn 209.png
.bn 210.png
.il id=i1441 fn=illo_1441.jpg w=423px ew=70%
.ca
RAGHUBĪR SINGH, MĀHĀRAO RĀJA OF BŪNDI.
To face page 1441.
.ca-
.bn 211.png
.pn +2
.sp 4
.h2
BOOK X | ANNALS OF HĀRAVATI | BUNDI
.sp 4
.h3
CHAPTER 1
.sp 2
Hāravati.—Haravati, or Haraoti, ‘the country of the Haras,’
comprehends two principalities, namely, Kotah and Bundi.
The Chambal intersects the territory of the Hara race, and now
serves as their boundary, although only three centuries have
elapsed since the younger branch separated from and became
independent of Bundi.
The Hara is the most important of the twenty-four Chauhan
sakha, being descended from Anuraj, the son of Manik Rae, king
of Ajmer, who in S. 741 (A.D. 685) sustained the first shock of the
Islamite arms.[10.1.1]
.fn 10.1.1
[The name is said to be derived from that of the Hāra Hūnas or Huns
(IA, xi. 5) or from Rāo Hado or Harrāj.]
.fn-
The Origin of the Chauhāns.—We have already sketched the
pedigree of the Chauhans,[10.1.2] one of the most illustrious of the
‘Thirty-six Royal Races’ of India.[10.1.3] We must, however, in this
.bn 212.png
.pn +1
place, enter into it somewhat more fully; and in doing so, we
must not discard even the fables of their origin, which will at
least demonstrate that the human understanding has been
similarly constructed in all ages and countries, before the thick
veil of ignorance and superstition was withdrawn from it. So
scanty are the remote records of the Chauhans, that it would
savour of affectation to attempt a division of the periods of their
history, or the improbable, the probable, and the certain. Of
the first two, a separation would be impracticable, and we cannot
trace the latter beyond the seventh century.
.fn 10.1.2
See Vol. I. p. vol1_112.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.3
According to Herodotus, the Scythic sakae enumerated eight races with
the epithet of royal, and Strabo mentions one of the tribes of the Thyssagetae
as boasting the title of Basilii. [Herodotus (iv. 22) speaks of the Thyssagetae,
possibly meaning ‘lesser,’ Getae, as contrasted with the Massagetae or
‘greater’ Getae, but he does not call them ‘royal’; and, in any case, they
have no connexion with the Rājputs (see Rawlinson, Herodotus, 3rd ed.
iii. 209).] The Rajputs assert that in ancient times they only enumerated
eight royal sakham or branches, namely, Surya, Soma, Haya or Aswa
(qu. Asi?) Nima, and the four tribes of Agnivansa, namely, Pramara,
Parihara, Solanki, and Chauhan. Abulghazi states that the Tatars or
Scythians were divided into six grand families. The Rajputs have maintained
these ideas, originally brought from the Oxus.
.fn-
“When the impieties of the kings of the warrior race drew
upon them the vengeance of Parasurama, who twenty-one times
extirpated that race, some, in order to save their lives, called
themselves bards; others assumed the guise of women; and thus
the singh (horn) of the Rajputs was preserved, when dominion
was assigned to the Brahmans. The impious avarice of Sahasra
Arjuna, of the Haihaya race, king of Maheswar[10.1.4] on the Nerbudda,
provoked the last war, having slain the father of Parasurama \[440].
.fn 10.1.4
[The ancient Māhishmati (IGI, xvii. 8 ff.). Sahasra or Sahasra Vāhu
Arjuna, ‘the thousand-armed,’ of the Haihaya tribe, is the reputed ancestor
of the Kalachuris of Chedi (BG, i. Part ii. 293, 410; Smith, EHI, 394).]
.fn-
“But as the chief weapon of the Brahman is his curse or
blessing, great disorders soon ensued from the want of the strong
arm. Ignorance and infidelity spread over the land; the sacred
books were trampled under foot, and mankind had no refuge from
the monstrous brood.[10.1.5] In this exigence, Viswamitra, the instructor
in arms[10.1.6] of Bhagwan, revolved within his own mind,
and determined upon, the re-creation of the Chhattris. He
chose for this rite the summit of Mount Abu,[10.1.7] where dwell the
hermits and sages (Munis and Rishis) constantly occupied in the
duties of religion, and who had carried their complaints even to
the khir samudra (sea of curds), where they saw the Father of
.bn 213.png
.pn +1
Creation floating upon the hydra (emblem of eternity). He
desired them to regenerate the warrior race, and they returned
to Mount Abu with Indra, Brahma, Rudra, Vishnu, and all the
inferior divinities, in their train. The fire-fountain (analkund)
was lustrated with the waters of the Ganges; expiatory rites
were performed, and, after a protracted debate, it was resolved
that Indra should initiate the work of re-creation. Having
formed an image (putli) of the durva grass, he sprinkled it with
the water of life, and threw it into the fire-fountain. Thence, on
pronouncing the sanjivan mantra (incantation to give life), a
figure slowly emerged from the flame, bearing in the right hand
a mace, and exclaiming, 'Mar! mar!' (slay, slay). He was
called Pramar; and Abu, Dhar, and Ujjain were assigned to him
as a territory.
.fn 10.1.5
Or, as the bard says, Daityas, Asuras, and Danavas, or demons and
infidels, as they style the Indo-Scythic tribes from the north-west, who paid
no respect to the Brahmans.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.6
Āyudh-guru. [In the previous version (Vol. I. p. vol1_113) the priest is
Vasishtha.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.7
My last pilgrimage was to Abu.
.fn-
“Brahma was then entreated to frame one from his own
essence (ansa). He made an image, threw it into the pit, whence
issued a figure armed with a sword (khadga) in one hand, with the
Veda in the other, and a janeo round his neck. He was named
Chalukya or Solanki, and Anhilpur Patan was appropriated to
him.
“Rudra formed the third. The image was sprinkled with the
water of the Ganges, and on the incantation being read, a black
ill-favoured figure arose, armed with the dhanush or bow. As
his foot slipped when sent against the demons, he was called
Parihar, and placed as the pauliya, or guardian of the gates. He
had the Naunangal Marusthali, or ‘nine habitations of the desert,’
assigned
“The fourth was formed by Vishnu; when an image like
himself four-armed, each having a separate weapon, issued from
the flames, and was thence styled Chaturbhuja Chauhan, or the
‘four-armed.’ The gods bestowed their blessing upon him, and
Mahishmati-nagari as a territory. Such was the name of Garha-Mandla
in the Dwapur, or silver age \[441].[10.1.8]
.fn 10.1.8
[There is no local tradition corroborating the connexion of the Chauhāns
with Garha-Mandla, and it is merely a fiction of the Chauhān bards (C.
Grant, Gazetteer Central Provinces, Introd. i.).]
.fn-
“The Daityas were watching the rites, and two of their leaders
were close to the fire-fountain; but the work of regeneration
being over, the new-born warriors were sent against the infidels,
when a desperate encounter ensued. But as fast as the blood of
.bn 214.png
.pn +1
the demons was shed, young demons arose; when the four
tutelary divinities, attendant on each newly-created race, drank
up the blood, and thus stopped the multiplication of evil. These
were—
.pm start_poem
Asapurna of the Chauhan.
Gajan Mata of the Parihar.
Keonj Mata of the Solanki.
Sancher Mata of the Pramara.[10.1.9]
.pm end_poem
.fn 10.1.9
[Another title of the Parihār tribal goddess is Chāwanda Māta, whose
temple is in the Jodhpur fort (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 31). In
Gujarāt the Jādejas worship Āsāpūrna; the Jhālas Ādya; the Gohils
Khodiyār Māta; the Jethvas Vindhyavāsini; the Pramārs Mandavri; the
Chāvadas and Vāghelas Chāmunda (BG, ix. Part i. 136).]
.fn-
“When the Daityas were slain, shouts of joy rent the sky;
ambrosial showers were shed from heaven; and the gods drove
their cars (vahan) about the firmament, exulting at the victory
thus achieved.
“Of all the Thirty-six Royal Races (says Chand, the great bard
of the Chauhans), the Agnikula is the greatest: the rest were
born of woman; these were created by the Brahmans![10.1.10]—Gotracharya
of the Chauhans, Sama Veda, Somvansa, Madhuvani
sakha, Vacha gotra, Panch parwar janeo, Laktankari nikas,
Chandrabhaga Nadi, Brighu nishan, Ambika-Bhavani, Balan
Putra, Kalbhairon, Abu Achaleswar Mahadeo, Chaturbhuja
Chauhan.”
.fn 10.1.10
It is by no means uncommon for this arrogant priesthood to lay claim
to powers co-equal with those of the Divinity, nay, often superior to them.
Witness the scene in the Ramayana, where they make the deity a mediator,
to entreat the Brahman Vashishta to hearken to King Vishwamitra’s desire
for his friendship. Can anything exceed this? Parallel it, perhaps, we
may, in that memorable instance of Christian idolatry, where the Almighty
is called on to intercede with St. Januarius to perform the annual miracle
of liquefying the congealed blood.
.fn-
The period of this grand convocation of the gods on Mount
Abu, to regenerate the warrior race of Hind, and to incite them
against ‘the infidel races who had spread over the land,’ is
dated so far back as the opening of the second age of the Hindus:
a point which we shall not dispute. Neither shall we throw a
doubt upon the chronicles which claim Prince Salya, one of the
great heroes of the Mahabharata, as an intermediate link between
Anhal Chauhan and Satpati, who founded Mahishmati, and
.bn 215.png
.pn +1
conquered the Konkan; while another son, called Tantar Pal,
conquered Asir and Gualkund (Golkonda), planted his garrisons
in every region, and possessed nine hundred elephants to carry
pakhals, or water-skins \[442].
Let us here pause for a moment before we proceed with the
chronicle, and inquire who were these warriors, thus regenerated
to fight the battles of Brahmanism, and brought within the pale
of their faith. They must have been either the aboriginal debased
classes, raised to moral importance, by the ministers of
the pervading religion, or foreign races who had obtained a footing
amongst them. The contrasted physical appearance of the
respective races will decide this question. The aborigines are
dark, diminutive, and ill-favoured; the Agnikulas are of good
stature, and fair, with prominent features, like those of the
Parthian kings. The ideas which pervade their martial poetry
are such as were held by the Scythian in distant ages, and which
even Brahmanism has failed to eradicate; while the tumuli,
containing ashes and arms, discovered throughout India, especially
in the south about Gualkund, where the Chauhans held
sway,[10.1.11] indicate the nomadic warrior of the north as the proselyte
of Mount Abu.
.fn 10.1.11
[This is a fiction of the bards, and the S. Indian burial-mounds have
no connexion with the Chauhāns (see IGI, ii. 94).]
.fn-
Of the four Agnikula races, the Chauhans were the first who
obtained extensive dominions. The almost universal power of
the Pramaras is proverbial; but the wide sway possessed by the
Chauhans can only be discovered with difficulty. Their glory
was on the wane when that of the Pramaras was in the zenith;
and if we may credit the last great bard of the Rajputs, the
Chauhans held in capite of the Pramaras of Telingana, in the
eighth century of Vikrama, though the name of Prithiraj threw
a parting ray of splendour upon the whole line of his ancestry,
even to the fire-fountain on the summit of classic Abu.
The facts to be gleaned in the early page of the chronicle are
contained in a few stanzas, which proclaim the possession of
paramount power, though probably of no lengthened duration.
The line of the Nerbudda, from Mahishmati, Maheswar, was
their primitive seat of sovereignty, comprehending all the tracts
in its vicinity both north and south. Thence, as they multiplied,
they spread over the peninsula, possessing Mandu, Asir, Golkonda,
.bn 216.png
.pn +1
and the Konkan;[10.1.12] while to the north, \[443] they stretched even
to the fountains of the Ganges. The following is the bard’s
picture of the Chauhan dominion:—
“From ‘the seat of government’ (rajasthan) Mahishmati,
the oath of allegiance (an) resounded in fifty-two castles. The
land of Tatta, Lahore, Multan, Peshawar,[10.1.13] the Chauhan in his
might arose and conquered even to the hills of Badarinath.
The infidels (Asuras) fled, and allegiance was proclaimed in Delhi
and Kabul, while the country of Nepal he bestowed on the
Mallani.[10.1.14] Crowned with the blessing of the gods, he returned to
Mahishmati.”
.fn 10.1.12
[This S. Indian Chauhān empire is a fiction, the object being to provide
a princely genealogy for the S. Indian royal families (see BG, ix. Part i. 484).]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.13
The Muhammadan writers confirm this account, for in their earliest
recorded invasion, in A.H. 143, the princes of Lahore and Ajmer, said to be
of the same family, are the great opponents of Islam, and combated its
advance in fields west of the Indus. We know beyond a doubt that Ajmer
was then the chief seat of Chauhan power.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.14
The Mallani is (or rather was) one of the Chauhan Sakha and may be
the Malloi who opposed Alexander at the confluent arms of the Indus. The
tribe is extinct, and was so little known even five centuries ago, that a prince
of Bundi, of the Hara tribe, intermarried with a Mallani, the book of genealogical
affinities not indicating her being within the prohibited canon. A
more skilful bard pointed out the incestuous connexion, when divorce and
expiation ensued. Vide p. #1266#.
.fn-
It has already been observed, that Mahishmati-Nagari was
the ancient name of Garha-Mandla, whose princes for ages continued
the surname of Pal, indicative, it is recorded by tradition,
of their nomadic occupation. The Ahirs, who occupied all
Central India, and have left in one nook (Ahirwara) a memorial
of their existence, was a branch of the same race, Ahir being a
synonym for Pal.[10.1.15] Bhilsa, Bhojpur, Dip, Bhopal, Eran, Garaspur,
are a few of the ancient towns established by the Pals or Palis;
and could we master the still unknown characters appertaining
to the early colonists of India, more light would be thrown on the
history of the Chauhans.[10.1.16]
.fn 10.1.15
[When Alāu-d-dīn stormed Asīrgarh in A.D. 1295 it was a Chauhān
stronghold. The existence of this Ahīr kingdom rests on the authority of
Ferishta (iv. 287). This is doubtful, but it may be based on a line of Ahīr
chieftains in the Tapti valley (Russell, Tribes and Castes, Central Provinces,
ii. 20).]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.16
All these towns contain remains of antiquity, especially in the district
of Dip, Bhojpur, and Bhilsa. Twenty years ago, in one of my journeys, I
passed the ruins of Eran, where a superb column stands at the junction of
its two streams. It is about thirty feet in height, and is surmounted by a
human figure, having a glory round his head; a colossal bull is at the base
of the column. I sent a drawing of it to Mr. Colebrooke at the time, but
possess no copy. [The Eran pillar was erected A.D. 484-5, as the flag-staff
of the four-armed Vishnu, by Budhagupta (Smith, HFA, 174, with an
illustration; IGI, xii. 25).]
.fn-
A scion from Mahishmati, named Ajaipal, established himself
.bn 217.png
.pn +1
at Ajmer,[10.1.17] and erected its castle of Taragarh. The name of
Ajaipal is one of the most conspicuous that tradition has preserved,
and is always followed by the epithet of Chakravartin, or universal
potentate. His era must ever remain doubtful, unless,
as already observed, we should master the characters said to
belong to this race, and which are still extant, both on stone and
on copper.[10.1.18] From what cause is not stated (most probably a
failure of \[444] lineal issue), Prithi Pahar was brought from
Mahishmati to Ajmer. By a single wife (for polygamy was
then unknown to these races) he had twenty-four sons, whose
progeny peopled these regions, one of whose descendants,
Manika Rae, was lord of Ajmer and Sambhar, in the year
S. 741, or A.D. 685.
.fn 10.1.17
It is indifferently called Ajaimer, and Ajaidurg, the invincible hill
(meru), or invincible castle (durg). Tradition, however, says that the name
of this renowned abode, the key of Rajputana, is derived from the humble
profession of the young Chauhan, who was a goatherd; Aja meaning ‘a
goat’ in Sanskrit; still referring to the original pastoral occupation of the
Palis. [Ajmer was founded by Ajayadeva about A.D. 1100.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.18
I obtained at Ajmer and at Pushkar several very valuable medals,
Bactrian, Indo-Scythic, and Hindu, having the ancient Pali on one side, and
the effigy of a horse on the other.
.fn-
Rāē.—With the name of Manika Rae, the history of
the Chauhan emerges from obscurity, if not fable; and although
the bard does not subsequently entertain us with much substantial
information, we can trace his subject, and see his heroes fret
their hour upon the uncertain stage, throughout a period of twelve
hundred years. It was at this era (A.D. 685) that Rajputana
was first visited by the arms of Islam, being the sixty-third year
of the Hejira. Manika Rae, then prince of Ajmer, was slain by
the Asuras, and his only child, named Lot, then an infant of
seven years of age, was killed by an arrow while playing on the
battlements (kunguras). The invasion is said to have been from
Sind, in revenge for the ill-treatment of an Islamite missionary
.bn 218.png
.pn +1
named Roshan Ali, though the complexion of the event is more
like an enterprise prompted by religious enthusiasm. The
missionary being condemned to lose his thumb “the disjointed
member flew to Mecca,” and gave evidence against the Rajput
idolater; when a force was prepared, disguised as a caravan of
horse-merchants, which surprised and slew Dhola Rae and his
son, and obtained possession of Garhbitli, the citadel.
Puerile as is the transaction, its truth is substantiated by the
fact that the Caliph Omar at this very time sent an army to
Sind, whose commander, Abu-l-lais, was slain in an attempt on
the ancient capital, Alor.[10.1.19] Still nothing but the enthusiasm of
religious frenzy could have induced a band to cross the desert
in order to punish this insult to the new faith.
.fn 10.1.19
[Umar-bin-Khaltāb, the second Khalīfa (A.D. 634-44). The “Abul
Aas” of the original text possibly represents Abu-l-lais, “the ancestor of the
Laisi Sayyids, Abu-l-lais-i-Hindi, who is mentioned in the Chachnāmah,
who came into Sind with the Arabs, and was present at the battle in which
Rāja Dāhir was slain” (C. Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan, 1888, p. 671,
note).]
.fn-
Whatever were the means, however, by which Ajmer was
captured, and Dhola Rae slain, the importance of the event has
been deeply imprinted on the Chauhans; who, in remembrance
of it, deified the youthful heir of Ajmer: “Lot putra” is still
the most conspicuous of the Chauhan penates. The day on which
he was killed is sanctified, and his effigy then receives divine
honours from all who have the name of Chauhan. Even the
anklet of bells which he wore has become an object of veneration,
and is forbidden to be used by the children of this race.
“Of the house of Dhola Rae of Chauhan race, Lotdeo, the
heir-apparent by the decree of Siva, on Monday the 12th of the
month of Jeth, went to heaven.”
Manika Rae, the uncle of the youth (putra) (who is still the
object of general homage, especially of the Chauhan fair), upon
the occupation of Ajmer, retired upon \[445] Sambhar, which
event another couplet fixes, as we have said, in S. 741.[10.1.20] Here
.bn 219.png
.pn +1
the bard has recourse to celestial interposition in order to support
Manika Rae in his adversity. The goddess Sakambhari appears
to him, while seeking shelter from the pursuit of this merciless
foe, and bids him establish himself in the spot where she manifested
herself, guaranteeing to him the possession of all the ground
he could encompass with his horse on that day; but commanded
him not to look back until he had returned to the spot where he
left her. He commenced the circuit, with what he deemed his
steed could accomplish, but forgetting the injunction, he was
surprised to see the whole space covered as with a sheet. This
was the desiccated sar, or salt-lake, which he named after his
patroness Sakambhari, whose statue still exists on a small island
in the lake, now corrupted to Sambhar.[10.1.21]
.fn 10.1.20
.pm start_poem
“Samvat sāt sau iktālīs
Mālat bāli bes
Sāmbhar āya tūti sarasē
Mānik Rāē, Narēs.”
.pm end_poem
[This quotation is so incorrect that neither Dr. Tessitori nor Major
Luard’s Pandit is able to restore it. The latter cannot make any sense of
the second line. The date is impossible.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.21
An inscription on the pillar at Firoz Shāh’s palace at Delhi, belonging
to this family, in which the word sākambhari occurs, gave rise to many ingenious
conjectures by Sir W. Jones, Mr. Colebrooke, and Colonel Wilford.
.fn-
However jejune these legends of the first days of Chauhan
power, they suffice to mark with exactness their locality; and
the importance attached to this settlement is manifested in the
title of ‘Sambhari Rao,’ maintained by Prithiraj, the descendant
of Manika Rae, even when emperor of all Northern India.
Manika Rae, whom we may consider as the founder of the
Chauhans of the north, recovered Ajmer. He had a numerous
progeny, who established many petty dynasties throughout
Western Rajwara, giving birth to various tribes, which are spread
even to the Indus. The Khichi,[10.1.22] the Hara, the Mohil, Nirwana,
Bhadauria, Bhaurecha, Dhanetia, and Baghrecha, are all descended
from him.[10.1.23] The Khichis were established in the remote
Duab, called Sind-Sagar, comprising all the tract between the
Behat and the Sind, a space of sixty-eight coss, whose capital
was Khichpur-Patan. The Haras obtained or founded Asi
(Hansi) in Hariana; while another tribe held Gualkund, the
celebrated Golkonda, now Haidarabad, and when thence expelled,
regained Asir. The Mohils had the tracts round Nagor.[10.1.24] The
.bn 220.png
.pn +1
Bhadaurias had an appanage on the Chambal, in a tract which
bears their name, and \[446] is still subject to them. The
Dhanetias settled at Shahabad, which by a singular fatality has
at length come into the possession of the Haras of Kotah.
Another branch fixed at Nadol, but never changed the name of
Chauhan.[10.1.25]
.fn 10.1.22
Called Khichkot by Babur.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.23
[The Bhaurecha and Bāghrecha do not appear in modern lists of the
Chauhān clans (Census Report Rājputāna, 1911, i. 255 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.24
In the Annals of Marwar it will be shown, that the Rathors conquered
Nagor, or Naga-durg (the ‘serpent’s castle’), from the Mohils, who held
fourteen hundred and forty villages so late as the fifteenth century. So
many of the colonies of Agnikulas bestowed the name of serpent on their
settlements, that I am convinced all were of the Tak, Takshak, or Nagvansa
race from Sakadwipa, who, six centuries anterior to Vikramaditya, under
their leader Seshnaga, conquered India, and whose era must be the limit of
Agnikula antiquity [?].
.fn-
.fn 10.1.25
The importance of Nadol was considerable, and is fully attested by
existing inscriptions as well as by the domestic chronicle. Midway from
the founder, in the eighth century, to its destruction in the twelfth, was
Rao Lakhan, who in S. 1039 (A.D. 983) successfully coped with the princes
of Nahrvala.
.pm start_poem
“Samaya das sai unchālīs
Bār ikauta, Pātan pela paul
Dān Chauhān ugāvi
Mēwār Dhanni dand bhari
Tis par Rāo Lākhan thappi
Jo arambha, so kari.”
.pm end_poem
Literally: “In S. 1039, at the farther gate of the city of Pātan, the
Chauhān collected the commercial duties (dān). He took tribute from the
lord of Mēwār, and performed whatever he had a mind to.” [This verse
is so corrupt that Dr. Tessitori has been unable to correct it.]
Lakhan drew upon him the arms of Sabuktigin, and his son Mahmud,
when Nadol was stripped of its consequence; its temples were thrown
down, and its fortress was dilapidated. But it had recovered much of its
power, and even sent forth several branches, who all fell under Alau-d-din
in the thirteenth century. On the final conquest of India by Shihabu-d-din,
the prince of Nadol appears to have effected a compromise, and to have
become a vassal of the empire. This conjecture arises from the singularity
of its currency, which retains on the one side the names in Sanskrit of its
indigenous princes, and on the other that of the conqueror.
.fn-
Many chieftainships were scattered over the desert, either
trusting to their lances to maintain their independence, or holding
of superiors; but a notice of them, however interesting, would
here, perhaps, be out of place. Eleven princes are enumerated
in the Jaga’s catalogue, from Manika Rae to Bisaldeo,[10.1.26] a name
of the highest celebrity in the Rajput annals, and a landmark to
various authorities, who otherwise have little in common even
in their genealogies, which I pass over in silence, with the exception
.bn 221.png
.pn +1
of the intermediate name of Harsraj,[10.1.27] common to the Hamir
Raesa as well as the Jaga’s list. The authority of Harsraj
stretched along the Aravalli mountains to Abu, and east of the
Chambal. He ruled from S. 812 to 827 (A.H. 138 to 153), and fell
in battle against the Asuras, having attained the title of Arimurdan.[10.1.28]
Ferishta says, that “in A.H. 143, the Muslims greatly
increased, when issuing from their hills they obtained possession
of Karman, Peshawar, and all the lands adjacent; and that the
Raja of Lahore, who was of the family of the Raja of Ajmer,
sent his brother[10.1.29] against these Afghans, who were reinforced by
the tribes of Khilj, of Ghor and Kabul, just become proselytes
to Islam”;[10.1.29] and he adds, that during five months, seventy
battles were fought with success; or, to use the historian’s own
words, “in which Sipahi sarma (General Frost) was victorious
over the infidel, but who returned when the cold season was
passed with fresh force. The armies met \[447] between Karman
and Peshawar; sometimes the infidel (Rajput) carried the war
to the Kohistan, ‘mountainous regions,’ and drove the Musalmans
before him; sometimes the Musalmans, obtaining reinforcements,
drove the infidel by flights of arrows to their own borders,
to which they always retired when the torrents swelled the
Nilab (Indus).”
.fn 10.1.26
[Vighraharāja, or Vīsaladeva, who is said, with doubtful truth, to have
wrested Delhi from the Tomaras (Smith, EHI, 387).]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.27
Harsraj and Bijai Raj were sons of Ajaipal, king of Ajmer, according
to the chronicle.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.28
['Destroyer of foes.']
.fn-
.fn 10.1.29
This is a very important admission of Ferishta, concerning the proselytism
of all these tribes, and confirms my hypothesis, that the Afghans are
converted Jadons or Yadus, not Yahudis, or Jews. [The extract in the
text is an inaccurate abstract of Ferishta’s statement (i. 7 f.). The Gaur
Rājputs have no connexion with Ghor.] The Gaur is also a well-known
Rajput tribe, and they had only to convert it into Ghor. Vide Annals of
the Bhattis.
.fn-
Whether the Raja of Ajmer personally engaged in these
distant combats the chronicle says not. According to the Hamir
Raesa, Harsraj was succeeded by Dujgandeo, whose advanced
post was Bhatner, and who overcame Nasiru-d-din, from whom
he captured twelve hundred horse, and hence bore the epithet of
Sultan Graha, or ‘King-seizer.’ Nasiru-d-din was the title of
the celebrated Sabuktigin, father to the still more celebrated
Mahmud. Sabuktigin repeatedly invaded India during the
fifteen years’ reign of his predecessor Alptigin.
.bn 222.png
.pn +1
Bīsaldeo.—Passing over the intermediate reigns, each of which
is marked by some meagre and unsatisfactory details of battles
with the Islamite, we arrive at Bisaldeo. The father of this prince,
according to the Hara genealogists, was Dharmagaj, apparently a
title—'in faith like an elephant'—as in the Jaga’s list is Bir
Bilandeo, confirmed by the inscription on the triumphal column
at Delhi. The last of Mahmud’s invasions occurred during the
reign of Bilandeo, who, at the expense of his life, had the glory
of humbling the mighty conqueror, and forcing him to relinquish
the siege of Ajmer.[10.1.30] Before we condense the scanty records of
the bards concerning Visaladeva,[10.1.31] we may spare a few words to
commemorate a Chauhan who consecrated his name, and that
of all his kin, by his deeds in the first passage of Mahmud into
India.
.fn 10.1.30
[The account of Ferishta (i. 69) lacks confirmation: see Elliot-Dowson
ii. 434 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.31
The classical mode of writing the name of Bisaldeo.
.fn-
Gūga, Gugga Chauhān.—Guga Chauhan was the son of Vacha
Raja, a name of some celebrity. He held the whole of Jangaldes,
or the forest lands from the Sutlej to Hariana; his capital, called
Mahara, or, as pronounced, Guga ka Mahra, was on the Sutlej.
In defending this he fell, with forty-five sons and sixty nephews;
and as it occurred on Sunday (Rabiwar), the ninth (naumi) of
the month, that day is held sacred to the manes of Guga by the
‘Thirty-six Classes’[10.1.32] throughout Rajputana, but especially in
the desert, a portion of which is yet called Gugadeo ka thal.
Even his steed, Javadia,[10.1.33] has been immortalized \[448] and has
become a favourite name for a war-horse throughout Rajputana,
.bn 223.png
.pn +1
whose mighty men swear 'by the sakha of Guga,' for maintaining
the Rajput fame when Mahmud crossed the Sutlej.
.fn 10.1.32
Chattispun.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.33
It is related by the Rajput romancers that Guga had no children; that
lamenting this his guardian deity gave him two barley-corns (java or jau),
one of which he gave to his queen, another to his favourite mare, which produced
the steed (Javadia) which became as famous as Guga himself. The
Rana of Udaipur gave the Author a blood-horse at Kathiawar, whose name
was Javadia. Though a lamb in disposition, when mounted he was a piece
of fire, and admirably broken in to all the manège exercise. A more perfect
animal never existed. The Author brought him, with another (Mirgraj),
from Udaipur to the ocean, intending to bring them home; but the grey
he gave to a friend, and fearful of the voyage, he sent Javadia back six
hundred miles to the Rana, requesting “he might be the first worshipped
on the annual military festival”: a request which he doubts not was
complied with.
.fn-
This was probably the last of Mahmud’s invasions, when he
marched direct from Multan through the desert. He attacked
Ajmer, which was abandoned, and the country around given up to
devastation and plunder. The citadel, Garhbitli, however, held
out, and Mahmud was foiled, wounded, and obliged to retreat by
Nadol,[10.1.34] another Chauhan possession, which he sacked, and then
proceeded to Nahrwala, which he captured. His barbarities
promoted a coalition, which, by compelling him to march through
the western deserts to gain the valley of Sind, had nearly proved
fatal to his army.
.fn 10.1.34
See #note:f10.1.25#, p. 1450, for remarks on Nadol, whence the author obtained
much valuable matter, consisting of coins, inscriptions on stone and copper,
and MSS., when on a visit to this ancient city in 1821.
.fn-
The exploits of Bisaldeo form one of the books of Chand the
bard. The date assigned to Bisaldeo in the Raesa (S. 921) is
interpolated—a vice not uncommon with the Rajput bard, whose
periods acquire verification from less mutable materials than those
out of which he weaves his song.[10.1.35]
.fn 10.1.35
We have abundant checks, which, could they have been detailed in
the earlier stage of inquiry into Hindu literature, would have excited more
interest for the hero whose column at Delhi has excited the inquiries of
Jones, Wilford, and Colebrooke.
.fn-
Chand gives an animated picture of the levy of the Rajput
chivalry, which assembled under Bisaldeo, who, as the champion
of the Hindu faith, was chosen to lead its warriors against the
Islamite invader. The Chalukya king of Anhilwara alone refused
to join the confederation, and in terms which drew upon him the
vengeance of the Chauhan. A literal translation of the passage
may be interesting:
“To the Goelwal Jeth, the prince entrusted Ajmer, saying,
‘On your fealty I depend’; where can this Chalukya find refuge?
He moved from the city (Ajmer) and encamped on the lake
Visala,[10.1.36] and summoned his tributaries and vassals to meet him.
.bn 224.png
.pn +1
Mansi Parihar with the array of Mandor, touched his feet.[10.1.37] Then
came the Guhilot, the ornament of the throng;[10.1.38] and the Pawasar
\[449], with Tuar,[10.1.39] and Rama the Gaur;[10.1.40] with Mohes the lord of
Mewat.[10.1.41] The Mohil of Dunapur with tribute sent excuse.[10.1.42] With
folded hands arrived the Baloch,[10.1.43] but the lord of Bamani abandoned
Sind.[10.1.44] Then came the Nazar from Bhatner,[10.1.45] and the
Nalbandi from Tatta[10.1.46] and Multan.[10.1.46] When the summons reached
the Bhumia Bhatti of Derawar,[10.1.47] all obeyed; as did the Jadon of
.bn 225.png
.pn +1
Malanwas.[10.1.48] The Mori[10.1.49] and Bargujar[10.1.49] also joined with the
Kachhwahas of Antarved.[10.1.49] The subjugated Meras worshipped
his feet.[10.1.50] Then came the array of Takatpur, headed by the
Goelwal Jeth.[10.1.51] Mounted in haste came Udaya Pramar,[10.1.52] with
the Nirwan[10.1.53] and the Dor,[10.1.54] the Chandel,[10.1.54] and the Dahima.”[10.1.55]
.fn 10.1.36
This lake still bears the name of Bisal-ka-tal notwithstanding the
changes which have accrued during a lapse of one thousand years, since he
formed it by damming up the springs. [About A.D. 1150 (Watson i. A.
50).] It is one of the reservoirs of the Luni river. The emperor Jahangir
erected a palace on the bank of the Bisla Talao, in which he received the
ambassador of James I. of England.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.37
This shows that the Parihars were subordinate to the Chauhans of
Ajmer.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.38
The respectful mention of the Guhilot as ‘the ornament of the throng,’
clearly proves that the Chitor prince came as an ally. How rejoicing to an
antiquary to find this confirmed by an inscription found amidst the ruins
of a city of Mewar, which alludes to this very coalition! The inscription
is a record of the friendship maintained by their issue in the twelfth century—Samarsi
of Chitor, and Prithiraj the last Chauhan king of India—on their
combining to chastise the king of Patan Anhilwara, “in like manner as
did Bisaldeo and Tejsi of old unite against the foe, so,” etc. etc. Now
Tejsi was the grandfather of Rawal Samarsi, who was killed in opposing
the final Muslim invasion, on the Ghaggar, after one of the longest reigns
in their annals: from which we calculate that Tejsi must have sat on the
throne about the year S. 1120 (A.D. 1064). [Tej Singh is mentioned in
inscriptions of A.D. 1260, 1265, 1267 (Erskine ii. B. 10).] His youth and
inexperience would account for his acting subordinately to the Chauhan
of Ajmer. The name of Udayaditya further confirms the date, as will be
mentioned in the text. His date has been fully settled by various inscriptions
found by the author. (See Transactions Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i.
p. 223.)
.fn-
.fn 10.1.39
This Tuar must have been one of the Delhi vassals, whose monarch
was of this race.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.40
The Gaur was a celebrated tribe, and amongst the most illustrious of
the Chauhan feudatories; a branch until a few years ago held Sui-Supar
and about nine lakhs of territory. I have no doubt the Gaur appanage
was west of the Indus, and that this tribe on conversion became the
Ghor [?].
.fn-
.fn 10.1.41
The Meo race of Mewat is well known; all are Muhammadans now.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.42
The Mohils have been sufficiently discussed.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.43
The Baloch was evidently Hindu at this time; and as I have repeatedly
said, of Jat or Gete origin.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.44
‘The lord of Bamani,’ in other places called Bamanwasa, must apply
to the ancient Bahmanabad, or Dewal, on whose site the modern Tatta is
built. [See Smith, EHI, 103.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.45
See Annals of Jaisalmer.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.46
All this evinces supremacy over the princes of this region: the Sodha,
the Samma, and Sumra.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.47
Of Derawar we have spoken in the text.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.48
Malanwas we know not.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.49
The Moris, the Kachhwahas and Bargujars require no further notice.
[Antarved, the Ganges-Jumna Duāb.]
.fn-
.fn 10.1.50
The Meras inhabited the Aravalli.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.51
Takatpur is the modern Toda, near Tonk, where there are fine remains.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.52
Udayaditya, now a landmark in Hindu history.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.53
See Annals of Shaikhavati for the Nirwans, who held Khandela as a
fief of Ajmer.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.54
The Dor and Chandel were well-known tribes; the latter contended
with Prithiraj, who deprived them of Mahoba and Kalanjar, and all modern
Bundelkhand.
.fn-
.fn 10.1.55
The renowned Dahima was lord of Bayana; also called Druinadhar.
[The ancient name was Srīpathā (IGI, vii. 137). This catalogue of the
chiefs is the work of the Chauhān bard, desirous of exalting the dignity of
his tribe, and is not historical.]
.fn-
In this short passage, a text is afforded for a dissertation on
the whole genealogical history of Rajputana at that period. Such
extracts from the more ancient bards, incorporated in the works
of their successors, however laconic, afford decisive evidence \[450]
that their poetic chronicles bore always the same character;
for this passage is introduced by Chand merely as a preface to
the history of his own prince, Prithiraj, the descendant of
Bisaldeo.
A similar passage was given from the ancient chronicles of
Mewar, recording an invasion of the Muslims, of which the
histories of the invaders have left no trace (Vol. I. p. vol1_287). The
evidence of both is incontestable; every name affords a synchronism
not to be disputed; and though the isolated passage
would afford a very faint ray of light to the explorer of those days
of darkness, yet when the same industrious research has pervaded
the annals of all these races, a flood of illumination pours upon us,
and we can at least tell who the races were who held sway in these
regions a thousand years ago.
Amidst meagre, jejune, and unsatisfactory details, the annalist
of Rajputana must be content to wade on, in order to obtain some
solid foundation for the history of the tribes; but such facts as
these stimulate his exertions and reward his toil: without them,
.bn 226.png
.pn +1
his task would be hopeless. To each of the twenty tribes enumerated,
formed under the standard of the Chauhan, we append a
separate notice, for the satisfaction of the few who can appreciate
their importance, while some general remarks may suffice as a
connexion with the immediate object of research, the Haras,
descended from Bisaldeo.
In the first place, it is of no small moment to be enabled to
adjust the date of Bisaldeo, the most important name in the annals
of the Chauhans from Manik Rae to Prithiraj, and a slip from the
genealogical tree will elucidate our remarks \[451].[10.1.56]
.fn 10.1.56
[These statements regarding the Chauhān dynasty are inconsistent
with the Bijolli inscription, and Cunningham (ASR, i. 157) finds it impossible
to make any satisfactory arrangement, either of the names of the
princes, or of the length of their reigns. The facts, as far as they can be
ascertained, are given by Smith (EHI, 386 ff.). Cunningham (op. cit. ii.
256) points out the author twice ignores the date of A.D. 1163 of Vīsaladeva
on the Delhi pillar, to make him an opponent of Mahmūd in the beginning
of the eleventh century. “In one place he gives to Hansrāj, whom the
Hāra bard assigns to the year A.D. 770, the honour of conquering Sabuktigīn,
which in another place he gives to his successor Dujgandeo.” He concludes
that the chief cause of error is the identification of two different princes of
the name of Vīsaladeva as one person. For his discussion see ASR, ii.
256 f.]
.fn-
The Delhi Pillar.—The name of Bisaldeo (Visaladeva) heads
the inscription on the celebrated column erected in the centre of
Firoz Shah’s palace at Delhi. This column, alluded to by Chand,
as “telling the fame of the Chohan,” was “placed at Nigambhod,”
a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna, a few miles below Delhi,
whence it must have been removed to its present singular position.[10.1.57]
.fn 10.1.57
See Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 379, vol. vii. p. 180, and vol. ix. p. 453.
[Nigambhod Ghāt is immediately outside the north wall of Shāhjahānābād,
and above, not below, the city of Delhi (ASR, i. 136, 161, 164).]
.fn-
.bn 227.png
.pn +1
.ce
CHAUHĀN GENEALOGY
.ti 0
[From Anhal to Bilandeo, these are but a few of the leading names. From
Bilandeo the chain is continuous to the last Chauhan king, Prithiraj.]
.if t
.ll 75
.nf l
┌ Or Agnipala, ‘offspring of fire,’
│ the first Chauhan; probable period
│ 650 before Vikrama, when an
Anhal\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ┤ invasion of the Turushkas took
│ │ place;established Mahishmati-nagari
│ │ (Garha-mandala); conquered the
│ └ Konkan, Asir, Golkonda.
Savacha
│ ┌ In all probability this is the
Malan ┤ patriarch of the Mallani tribe,
│ └ see p. 1272.
Ganal Sur
│ ┌ Or universal potentate; founder of
│ │ Ajmer. Same authorities say, in
S. 202 Ajaipala Chakravartin ┤ 202 of the Vikrama; others of the
│ │ Virat-Samvat: the latter is the
│ └ most probable.
│ ┌ Slain, and lost Ajmer, on the first
Dhola Rae ┤ irruption of the Muhammadans, S.
│ └ 741, A.D. 685.
│ ┌ Founded Sambhar: hence the title
S. 741 Manika Rae ┤ of Sambhari-Rao borne by the
│ └ Chauhan princes, his issue.
│ ┌ Defeated Nasiru-d-din (_qu._
S. 827 Harsraj ┤ Sabuktigin?),
│ └ thence styled 'Sultan-graha.
Bir Bilandeo ┌ Or Dharmagaj; slain defending
│ └ Ajmer against Mahmud of Ghazni.
S. 1065 to │ ┌ (Classically, Visaladeva); his
\ \ \ 1130 Bisaldeo ┤ period, from various inscriptions,
│ └ S. 1066 to S. 1130.
Sarangdeo Died in nonage.
│
Ana ┌ Constructed the Ana-Sagar at
│ └ Ajmer; still bears his name.
┌────────────────────┐
Jaipal. Harspal.
│
├──────────────┬───────────┐
Ajaideo, Bijaideo. Udaideo.
or
Ananddeo.
├───────────────┬─────────────┐
│ │ │
Someswar: Kan Rae. Jeth, Goelwal.
married Ruka Bai, │
daughter of Anangpal │
Tuar king of Delhi. │
│ Isardas;
│ turned Muhammadan.
│
├────────────────────┐
│ │
Prithiraj; Chahirdeo.
obtained Delhi; slain by │
Shihabu-d-din, S. 1249, │
A.D. 1193. │
│ Vijaya Raj. ┌ Adopted successor to Prithiraj;
│\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ │\ \ \ \ \ └ his name is on the pillar at Delhi.
│ ┌─────┘
│ │
│ │\ \ \ \ ┌ Had twenty-one sons; seven of whom were
│\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ │\ \ \ \ │ legitimate, the others illegitimate, and
Rainsi; │\ \ \ \ │ and founders of mixed tribes. From
slain in the sack\ \ \ Lakhansi┤ Lakhansi there are twenty-six generations
of Delhi.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ │ to Noniddh Singh, the present chieftain
│ of Nimrana, the nearest lineal descendant
└ of Ajaipal and Prithiraj.
.nf-
.ll
.if-
.if h
.ta l:5 l:7 c:7 c:7 c:7 r:5 c:1 h:35 bl=n
| | | | | |┌|Or Agnipala, ‘offspring of fire,’
| | | | | |│|the first Chauhan; probable period 650
| | | | | |│|before Vikrama, when an invasion
| | |Anhal| | |┤|of the Turushkas took place;
| | | | | |│|established Mahishmati-nagari
| | | | | |│|(Garha-mandala); conquered the
| | | | | |└|Konkan, Asir, Golkonda.
| | |Savacha| | | |
| | | | | | |
| | |Malan| | |┌|In all probability this is the patriarch
| | | | | |└| of the Mallani tribe, see p. #1272#.
| | |Ganal Sur|| | |
| | | | | |┌|Or universal potentate; founder of
| | | | | |│|Ajmer. Same authorities say, in
S. 202||Ajaipala Chakravartin||| |┤|202 of the Vikrama; others of the
| | | | | |│|Virat-Samvat: the latter is the
| | | | | |└|most probable.
| | | | | |┌|Slain, and lost Ajmer, on the first
| | |Dhola Rae | | |┤|irruption of the Muhammadans, S.
| | | | | |└|741, A.D. 685.
| | | | | |┌|Founded Sambhar: hence the title
S. 741|| |Manika Rae | | |┤|of Sambhari-Rao borne by the
| | | | | |└|Chauhan princes, his issue.
S. 827|| |Harsraj | | |┌|Defeated Nasiru-d-din (qu. Sabuktigin?), '
| | | | | |└|thence styled 'Sultan-graha.
| | |Bir Bilandeo || |┌|Or Dharmagaj; slain defending
| | | | | |└|Ajmer against Mahmud of Ghazni.
S. 1065 to|| | | | |┌|(Classically, Visaladeva); his period,
1130 |||Bisaldeo || |┤|from various inscriptions, S. 1066
| | | | | |└|to S. 1130.
| | |Sarangdeo || | |Died in nonage.
| | | | | | |
| | |Ana || |┌|Constructed the Ana-Sagar at
| | | | | |└|Ajmer; still bears his name.
| |||@brt=1@ | | |
|Jaipal.|| | Harspal.|| |
| ||||| |
| | | || ||
|Ajaideo,|| Bijaideo.||Udaideo.||
|or| | | | | |
|Ananddeo.|| | | | |
| || | | | |
| | | | | | |
Someswar: || |Kan Rae. | |Jeth, Goelwal.||
married Ruka Bai, || | | | | |
daughter of Anangpal|| | | | | |
Tuar king of Delhi. || | | | | |
|| |Isardas; || | |
|| |turned Muhammadan.|| | |
||| | | | |
||| | | | |
Prithiraj; |||Chahirdeo.|| | |
obtained Delhi; slain by ||||| | |
Shihabu-d-din, S. 1249,|||||| |
A.D. 1193.|||||||
| ||Vijaya Raj.||┌|Adopted successor to Prithiraj; his |
| || ||└|name is on the pillar at Delhi.|
| || | | | |
| || |┌|