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.dt Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, vol. 2 of 3, by James Tod
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Transcriber’s Note:
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This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical
effects. Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_.
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The text is annotated with numerous footnotes, which were numbered
sequentially on each page. On occasion, a footnote itself is
annotated by a note, using an asterisk as the reference. This
distinction is followed here. Those ‘notes on notes’ are
given alphabetic sequence (A, B., etc.), and are positioned directly
following the main note.
.if t
Since there are over 1500 notes in this volume, they have been
gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter,
using a dot notation for chapter and page (e.g. 10.4.2).
.if-
.if h
Since there are over 1500 notes in this volume, they have been
gathered at each chapter’s end, and resequenced for each chapter.
Links are provided to navigate from the reference to the note,
and back.
.if-
The notes are a combination of those of the author, and of the
editor of this edition. The latter are enclosed in square brackets.
Finally, the pagination of the original edition, published in the
1820’s, was preserved by Crooke for ease of reference by including those
page numbers in the text, also enclosed in square brackets.
Crooke’s plan for the renovation of the Tod’s original text, including
a discussion of the transliteration of Hindi words, is
given in detail in the #Preface:vol1_Page_ix#. It should be noted that
the use of the macron to guide pronunciation is very unevenly followed,
and there was no intent here to regularize it.
There are a number of references to a map, sometimes referred to as
appearing in Volume I. In this edition, the #map:vol3_MAP# appears
at the end of Volume III.
Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Given
the history of the text, it was thought best to leave all orthography
as printed.
Please see the transcriber’s #note:endnote# at the end of this text
for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered
during its preparation.
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Any corrections are indicated as hyperlinks, which will navigate the
reader to the corresponding entry in the corrections table in the
note at the end of the text.
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.bn 001.png
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ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
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.ca
COLONEL JAMES TOD.
(By permission of Lt.-Col. C. D. Blunt-Mackenzie, R.A.)
Frontispiece.
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.h1
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES | OF | RAJASTHAN
.nf c
OR THE CENTRAL AND WESTERN
RAJPUT STATES OF INDIA
BY
Lieut.-Col. JAMES TOD
LATE POLITICAL AGENT TO THE WESTERN RAJPUT STATES
EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY
WILLIAM CROOKE, C.I.E.
HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I.
LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
.sp 4
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. II
.sp 8
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON\ \ \ EDINBURGH\ \ \ GLASGOW\ \ \ NEW YORK
TORONTO\ \ \ MELBOURNE\ \ \ BOMBAY
1920
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.bn 007.png
.pn v
.sp 4
.h2
CONTENTS
.ta h:60 rb:6
| PAGE
BOOK IV—continued
ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 19
Influence of the hierarchy in Rajputana—Emulation of its princes\
in grants to the priesthood—Analogy between the customs\
of the Hindus, in this respect, and those of the ancient people—Superstition\
of the lower orders—Secret influence of the\
Brahmans on the higher classes—Their frauds—Ecclesiastical\
dues from the land, etc.—The Saivas of Rajasthan—The\
worship and shrine of Eklinga—The Jains—Their numbers\
and extensive power—The temple of Nathdwara, and\
worship of Kanhaiya—The privilege of Sanctuary—Predominance\
of the doctrines of Kanhaiya beneficial to\
Rajput society | #589#
CHAPTER 20
The origin of Kanhaiya or Krishna—Sources of a plurality of gods\
among the Hindus—Allegories respecting Krishna elucidated—Songs\
of Jayadeva celebrating the loves of Kanhaiya—The\
Rasmandal, a mystic dance—Govardhana—Krishna\
anciently worshipped in caves—His conquest of the ‘Black\
serpent’ allegorical of the contests between the Buddhists\
and Vaishnavas—Analogies between the legends of Krishna\
and Western mythology—Festivals of Krishna—Pilgrimage\
to Nathdwara—The seven gods of that temple—Its Pontiff | #621#
Appendix | #644#
.bn 008.png
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CHAPTER 21
Importance of mythological history—Aboriginal tribes of India—The\
Rajputs are conquerors—Solar year of the Hindus—Opened\
at the winter solstice—The Vasant, or spring festival—Birth\
of the Sun—Common origin assumed of the Rajputs\
and Getic tribe of Scandinavia—Surya, the sun-god of all\
nations, Thor, Syrus, Sol—Sun-worship—The Aheria, or\
spring-hunt, described—Boar-feast—Phalgun festival—The\
Rajput Saturnalia—Games on horseback—Rites to the Manes—Festival\
of Sitala as guardian of children—Rana’s birthday—Phuladola,\
the Rajput Floralia—Festival of Gauri—Compared\
with the Diana of Egypt—The Isis or Ertha of the\
Suevi—And the Phrygian Cybele—Anniversary of Rama—Fête\
of Kamdeva or Cupid—Little Ganggor—Inundation of\
the capital—Festival of Rambha or Venus—Rajput and\
Druidic rites—Their analogy—Serpent worship—Rakhi, or\
Festival of the bracelet | #650#
CHAPTER 22
Festivals continued—Adoration of the sword: its Scythic origin—The\
Dasahra, or military festival: its Scythic origin—Torans\
or triumphal arcs—Ganesa of the Rajputs and Janus\
of the Romans—Worship of arms: of the magic brand of\
Mewar, compared with the enchanted sword, Tyrfing, of the\
Edda—Birth of Kumara, the Rajput Mars, compared with the\
Roman divinity—Birth of Ganga: her analogy to Pallas—Adoration\
of the moon—Worship of Lakshmi, or Fortune; of\
Yama, or Pluto—Diwali, or festival of lamps, in Arabia, in\
China, in Egypt, and in India—Annakuta and Jaljatra—Festivals\
sacred to the Ceres and Neptune of the Hindus—Festival\
of the autumnal equinox—Reflections on the\
universal worship of the elements, Fire, Light, Water—Festival\
sacred to Mithras or Vishnu, as the sun—The\
Phallus: its etymology—Rajput doctrine of the Triad—Symbols\
Vishnu, as the sun-god: his messenger Garuda, the\
eagle: his charioteer Aruna, or the dawn—Sons of Aruna—Fable\
analogous to that of Icarus—Rites of Vishnu on the\
vernal equinox and summer solstice—Dolayatra, or festival\
of the ark, compared with the ark of Osiris, and Argonautic\
expedition of the Greeks—Etymology of Argonaut—Ethiopia\
the Lanka of the Hindus—Their sea-king, Sagara—Rama, or\
Ramesa, chief of the Cushite races of India—Ramesa of the\
Rajputs and Rameses of Egypt compared—Reflections | #679#
CHAPTER 23
The nicer shades of character difficult to catch—Morals more\
obvious and less changeable than manners—Dissimilarity of\
manners in the various races of Rajasthan—Rajputs have\
.bn 009.png
.pn +1
deteriorated in manners as they declined in power—Regard\
and deference paid to women in Rajasthan—Seclusion of the\
Females no mark of their degradation—High spirit of the\
Rajput princesses—Their unbounded devotion to their\
husbands—Examples from the chronicles and bardic histories—Anecdotes\
in more recent times—Their magnanimity—Delicacy—Courage\
and presence of mind—Anecdote of Sadhu\
of Pugal and Karamdevi, daughter of the Mohil chief—The\
seclusion of the females increases their influence—Historical\
evidences of its extent | #707#
CHAPTER 24
Origin of female immolation—The sacrifice of Sati, the wife of\
Iswara—The motive to it considered—Infanticide—Its\
causes among the Rajputs, the Rajkumars, and the Jarejas—The\
rite of Johar—Female captives in war enslaved—Summary\
of the Rajput character—Their familiar habits—The\
use of opium—Hunting—The use of weapons—Jethis,\
or wrestlers—Armouries—Music—Feats of dexterity—Maharaja\
Sheodan Singh—Literary qualifications of the\
princes—Household economy—Furniture—Dress, etc. | #737#
PERSONAL NARRATIVE
CHAPTER 25
Valley of Udaipur—Departure for Marwar—Encamp on the\
heights of Tus—Resume the march—Distant view of Udaipur—Deopur—Zalim\
Singh—Reach Pallana—Ram Singh Mehta—Manikchand—Ex-raja\
of Narsinghgarh—False policy\
pursued by the British Government in 1817-18—Departure\
from Pallana—Aspect and geological character of the country—Nathdwara\
ridge—Arrival at the city of Nathdwara—Visit\
from the Mukhya of the temple—Departure for the\
village of Usarwas—Benighted—Elephant in a bog—Usarwas—A\
Sannyasi—March to Samecha—The Shera Nala—Locusts—Coolness\
of the air—Samecha—March to Kelwara,\
the capital—Elephant’s pool—Murcha—Kherli—Maharaja\
Daulat Singh—Kumbhalmer—Its architecture,\
remains, and history—March to the ‘Region of Death,’ or\
Marwar—The difficult nature of the country—A party of\
native horsemen—Bivouac in the glen | #760#
CHAPTER 26
The Mers or Meras: their history and manners—The Barwatia of\
Gokulgarh—Forms of outlawry—Ajit Singh, the chief of\
.bn 010.png
.pn +1
Ghanerao—Plains of Marwar—Chief of Rupnagarh—Anecdote\
respecting Desuri—Contrast between the Sesodias of\
Mewar and the Rathors of Marwar—Traditional history of\
the Rajputs—Ghanerao—Kishandas, the Rana’s envoy—Local\
discrimination between Mewar and Marwar—Ancient\
feuds—The aonla and the bawal—Aspect of Marwar—Nadol—Superiority\
of the Chauhan race—Guga of Bhatinda—Lakha\
of Ajmer: his ancient fortress at Nadol—Jain relic\
there—The Hindu ancient arch or vault—Inscriptions—Antiquities\
at Nadol—Indara—Its villages—Pali, a commercial\
mart—Articles of commerce—The bards and\
genealogists the chief carriers—The ‘Hill of Virtue’—Khankhani—Affray\
between two caravans—Barbarous self-sacrifices\
of the Bhats—Jhalamand—March to Jodhpur—Reception\
en route by the Chiefs of Pokaran and Nimaj—Biography\
of these nobles—Sacrifice of Surthan of Nimaj—Encamp\
at the capital—Negotiation for the ceremonies of\
reception at the Court of Jodhpur | #789#
CHAPTER 27
Jodhpur: town and castle—Reception by the Raja—Person and\
character of Raja Man Singh—Visits to the Raja—Events in\
his history—Death of Raja Bhim—Deonath, the high-priest\
of Marwar—His assassination—The acts which succeeded it—Intrigues\
against the Raja—Dhonkal Singh, a pretender\
to the gaddi—Real or affected derangement of the Raja—Associates\
his son in the government—Recalled to the direction\
of affairs—His deep and artful policy—Visit to Mandor,\
the ancient capital—Cenotaphs of the Rathors—Cyclopean\
architecture of Mandor—Nail-headed characters—The walls—Remains\
of the palace—Toran, or triumphal arch—Than\
of Thana Pir—Glen of Panchkunda—Statues carved from\
the rock—Gardens at Mandor—An ascetic—Entertainment\
at the palace—The Raja visits the envoy—Departure from\
Jodhpur | #820#
CHAPTER 28
Nandla—Bisalpur—Remains of the ancient city—Pachkalia, or\
Bichkalia—Inscription—Pipar—Inscription confirming the\
ancient chronicles of Mewar—Geological details—Legend of\
Lake Sampu—Lakha Phulani—Madreo—Bharunda—Badan\
Singh—His chivalrous fate—Altar to Partap—Indawar—Jat\
cultivators—Stratification of Indawar—Merta—Memory\
of Aurangzeb—Dhonkal Singh—Jaimall, the hero of the\
Rathors—Tributes to his bravery—Description of the city\
and plain of Merta—Cenotaphs—Raja Ajit—His assassination\
by his sons—The consequences of this deed the seeds of\
the Civil Wars of Marwar—Family of Ajit—Curious fact in\
the law of adoption amongst the Rathors—Ram Singh—His\
discourtesy towards his chiefs—Civil War—Defection\
.bn 011.png
.pn +1
of the Jarejas from Ram Singh—Battle between Ram Singh\
and Bakhta Singh—Defeat of the former, and the extirpation\
of the clan of the Mertias—The Mertia vassal of Mihtri—The\
field of battle described—Ram Singh invites the Mahrattas\
into his territory—Bakhta Singh becomes Raja of Marwar—His\
murder by the Prince of Jaipur—His son, Bijai Singh,\
succeeds—Jai Apa Sindhia and Ram Singh invade Marwar—They\
are opposed by Bijai Singh, who is defeated—He flies to\
Nagor, where he is invested—He cuts through the enemy’s\
camp—Solicits succour at Bikaner and Jaipur—Treachery of\
the Raja of Jaipur—Defeated by the chieftain of Rian—Assassination\
of Apa Sindhia | #850#
CHAPTER 29
Mahadaji Sindhia succeeds Jai Apa—Union of the Rathors and\
Kachhwahas, joined by Ismail Beg and Hamdani, against\
the Mahrattas—Battle of Tonga—Sindhia defeated—Ajmer\
retaken, and tributary engagement annulled—Mahadaji\
Sindhia recruits his army, with the aid of De Boigne—The\
Rajputs meet him on the frontier of Jaipur—Jealousies of\
the allies—The Kachhwahas alienated by a scurrilous stanza—Battle\
of Patan—Effects of the Jaipureans’ treachery, in\
the defeat of the Rathors—Stanza of the Kachhwaha bard—Suggestion\
of Bijai Singh: his chiefs reject it, and the prince\
prepares for war—Treason of the Rathor chief of Kishangarh—The\
Mahrattas invade Marwar—Resolution of the chiefs\
of Awa and Asop to conquer or perish—Rathors encamp on\
the plains of Merta—Golden opportunity lost of destroying\
the Mahratta army—Fatal compliance of the chiefs with\
the orders of the civil minister—Rout of the camp—Heroism\
of the Rathor clans: their destruction—Treachery of the\
Singwi faction—The chief minister takes poison—Reflections\
on the Rajput character, with reference to the protective\
alliance of the British Government—Resumption of journey—Jarau—Cross\
the field of battle—Siyakot, or Mirage, compared\
with the Sarrab of Scripture—Desert of Sogdiana—Hissar—At\
sea—Description of Jarau—Cenotaph of Harakarna\
Das—Alniawas—Rian—The Mountain Mers—Their\
descent upon Rian—Slay its chief—Govindgarh—Chase of a\
hyaena—Lake of Pushkar: geological details—Description\
of the lake—Its legend—Ajaipal, the founder of Ajmer—Bisaldeva,\
the Chauhan king of Ajmer—Places of devotion\
on the ‘Serpent-rock’—Ajmer—View of Daru-l-Khair—Geological\
details—City of Ajmer—Its rising prosperity | #875#
CHAPTER 30
Ajmer—Ancient Jain Temple—Its architecture analysed—Resemblances\
between it and the Gothic and Saracenic—Fortress\
of Ajmer—Its lakes—Source of the Luni River—Relics\
of the Chauhan kings—Quit Ajmer—Bhinai: its\
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castle—Deolia—Dabla—Banera—Raja Bhim—Sketch of\
his family—His estate—Visit to the castle—Bhilwara—Visit\
of the merchants—Prosperity of the town—Mandal—Its\
lake—Arja, Pur—Mines of Dariba—Canton of the Purawats—Antiquity\
of Pur—The Babas, or infants of Mewar—Rasmi—Reception\
by the peasantry of Mewar—The Suhaila and\
Kalas—Trout of the Banas River—Merta—Visit to the source\
of the Berach—The Udai Sagar—Enter the valley—Appearance\
of the capital—Site of the ancient Ahar—Cenotaphs\
of the Rana’s ancestry—Traditions regarding Ahar—Destroyed\
by volcanic eruption—Remains of antiquity—Oilman’s\
Caravanserai—Oilman’s Bridge—Meeting with the\
Rana—Return to Udaipur | #896#
Appendix | #914#
BOOK V
ANNALS OF MARWAR
CHAPTER 1
The various etymons of Marwar—Authorities for its early history—Yati\
genealogical roll—The Rathor race, who inhabit it,\
descended from the Yavan kings of Parlipur—Second roll—Nain\
Pal—His date—Conquers Kanauj—Utility of Rajput\
genealogies—The Surya Prakas, or poetic chronicle of the\
bard Karnidhan—The Raj Rupak Akhyat, or chronicle of\
Ajit Singh’s minority and reign—The Bijai Vilas—The Khyat,\
a biographical treatise—Other sources—The Yavanas and\
Aswas, or Indo-Scythic tribes—The thirteen Rathor families,\
bearing the epithet Kamdhuj—Raja Jaichand, king of\
Kanauj—The extent and splendour of that State before the\
Muhammadan conquest of India—His immense array—Title\
of Mandalika—Divine honours paid to him—Rite of Swayamvara\
undertaken by Jaichand—Its failure and consequences—State\
of India at that period—The four great Hindu monarchies—Delhi—Kanauj—Mewar—Anhilwara—Shihabu-d-din,\
king of Ghor, invades India—Overcomes the Chauhan\
king of Delhi—Attacks Kanauj—Destruction of that monarchy\
after seven centuries’ duration—Death of Jaichand—Date\
of this event | #929#
CHAPTER 2
Emigration of Siahji and Setram, grandsons of Jaichand—Their\
arrival in the Western Desert—Sketch of the tribes inhabiting\
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the desert to the Indus at that epoch—Siahji offers his services\
to the chief of Kulumad—They are accepted—He attacks\
Lakha Phulani, the famed freebooter of Phulra, who is defeated—Setram\
killed—Siahji marries the Solanki’s daughter—Proceeds\
by Anhilwara on his route to Dwarka—Again\
encounters Lakha Phulani, whom he slays in single combat—Massacres\
the Dabhis of Mewa, and the Gohils of Kherdhar—Siahji\
establishes himself in ‘the land of Kher’—The\
Brahman community of Pali invoke the aid of Siahji against\
the mountaineers—Offer him lands—Accepted—Birth of a\
son—Siahji massacres the Brahmans, and usurps their lands—Death\
of Siahji—Leaves three sons—The elder, Asvathama,\
succeeds—The second, Soning, obtains Idar—Ajmall, the\
third, conquers Okhamandala, originates the Vadhel tribe of\
that region—Asvathama leaves eight sons, heads of clans—Duhar\
succeeds—Attempts to recover Kanauj—Failure—Attempts\
Mandor—Slain—Leaves seven sons—Raepal succeeds—Revenges\
his father’s death—His thirteen sons—Their\
issue spread over Maru—Rao Kanhal succeeds—Rao\
Jalhan—Rao Chhada—Rao Thida—Carry on wars with the\
Bhattis and other tribes—Conquest of Bhinmal—Rao Salkha—Rao\
Biramdeo, killed in battle with the Johyas—Clans,\
their issue—Rao Chonda—Conquers Mandor from the\
Parihar—Assaults and obtains Nagor from the Imperialists—Captures\
Nadol, capital of Godwar—Marries the Princess of\
Mandor—Fourteen sons and one daughter, who married\
Lakha Rana of Mewar—Result of this marriage—Feud between\
Aranyakanwal, fourth son of Chonda, and the Bhatti\
chieftain of Pugal—Chonda slain at Nagor—Rao Ranmall\
succeeds—Resides at Chitor—Conquers Ajmer for the Rana—Equalizes\
the weights and measures of Marwar, which he\
divides into departments—Rao Ranmall slain—Leaves\
twenty-four sons, whose issue constitute the present frerage\
of Marwar—Table of clans | #940#
CHAPTER 3
Accession of Rao Jodha—Transfers the seat of government from\
Mandor to the new capital Jodhpur—The cause—The Vanaprastha,\
or Druids of India—Their penances—The fourteen\
sons of Jodha—New settlements of Satalmer, Merta, Bikaner—Jodha\
dies—Anecdotes regarding him—His personal\
appearance—Rapid increase of the Rathor race—Names of\
tribes displaced thereby—Accession of Rao Suja—First conflict\
of the Rathors with the Imperialists—Rape of the\
Rathor virgins at Pipar—Gallantry of Suja—His death—Issue—Succeeded\
by his grandson Rao Ganga—His uncle\
Saga contests the throne—Obtains the aid of the Lodi\
Pathans—Civil War—Saga slain—Babur’s invasion of India—Rana\
Sanga generalissimo of the Rajputs—Rao Ganga\
sends his contingent under his grandson Raemall—Slain\
at Bayana—Death of Ganga—Accession of Rao Maldeo—Becomes\
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the first amongst the princes of Rajputana—Reconquers\
Nagor and Ajmer from the Lodis, Jalor and Siwana\
from the Sandhals—Reduces the rebellious allodial vassals—Conquest\
from Jaisalmer—The Maldots—Takes Pokaran—Dismantles\
Satalmer—His numerous public works—Cantons\
belonging to Marwar enumerated—Maldeo resumes several\
of the great estates—Makes a scale of rank hereditary in the\
line of Jodha—Period favourable to Maldeo’s consolidation of\
his power—His inhospitality to the Emperor Humayun—Sher\
Shah invades Marwar—Maldeo meets him—Danger of\
the Imperial army—Saved by stratagem from destruction—Rathor\
army retreats—Devotion of the two chief clans—Their\
destruction—Akbar invades Marwar—Takes Merta and\
Nagor—Confers them on Rae Singh of Bikaner—Maldeo sends\
his second son to Akbar’s court—Refused to pay homage in\
person—The emperor gives the farman of Jodhpur to Rae\
Singh—Rao Maldeo besieged by Akbar—Defends Jodhpur—Sends\
his son Udai Singh to Akbar—His reception—Receives\
the title of Raja—Chandarsen maintains Rathor independence—Retires\
to Siwana—Besieged, and slain—His sons—Maldeo\
witnesses the subjection of his kingdom—His death—His\
twelve sons | #947#
CHAPTER 4
Altered conditions of the Princes of Marwar—Installation of Raja\
Udai Singh—Not acknowledged by the most powerful clans\
until the death of Chandarsen—Historical retrospect—The\
three chief epochs of Marwar history, from the conquest to\
its dependence on the empire—Order of succession changed,\
with change of capital, in Mewar, Amber, and Marwar—Branches\
to which the succession is confined—Dangers of\
mistaking these—Examples—Jodha regulates the fiefs—The\
eight great nobles of Marwar—These regulations maintained\
by Maldeo, who added to the secondary fiefs—Fiefs\
perpetuated in the elder branches—The brothers and sons\
of Jodha—Various descriptions of fiefs—Antiquity of the\
Rajput feudal system—Akbar maintains it—Paternity of the\
Rajput sovereigns not a fiction, as in Europe—The lowest\
Rajput claims kindred with the sovereign—The name Udai\
Singh fatal to Rajputana—Bestows his sister Jodh Bai on\
Akbar—Advantages to the Rathors of this marriage—Numerous\
progeny of Udai Singh—Establishes the fiefs of\
Govindgarh and Pisangan—Kishangarh and Ratlam—Remarkable\
death of Raja Udai Singh—Anecdotes—Issue of\
Udai Singh—Table of descent | #960#
CHAPTER 5
Accession of Raja Sur—His military talents obtain him honours—Reduces\
Rao Surthan of Sirohi—Commands against the King\
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of Gujarat—Battle of Dhanduka gained by the Raja—Wealth\
and honours acquired—Gifts to the bards—Commanded\
against Amra Balecha—Battle of the Rewa—Slays\
the Chauhan—Fresh honours—Raja Sur and his son Gaj\
Singh attend the court of Jahangir—The heir of Marwar\
invested with the sword by the Emperor’s own hands—Escalade\
of Jalor—Raja Gaj attends Prince Khurram against\
the Rana of Mewar—Death of Raja Sur—Maledictory pillar\
erected on the Nerbudda—The Rathor chiefs’ dissatisfaction\
at their long detention from their native land—Raja Sur\
embellishes Jodhpur—His issue—Accession of Raja Gaj—Invested\
with the Raj of Burhanpur—Made Viceroy of\
the Deccan—The compliment paid to his contingent—His\
various actions—Receives the title of Dalthaman, or ‘barrier\
of the host’—Causes of Rajput influence on the Imperial\
succession—The Sultans Parvez and Khurram, sons of Rajput\
Princesses—Intrigues of the Queens to secure the succession\
to their immediate offspring—Prince Khurram plots against\
his brother—Endeavours to gain Raja Gaj, but fails—The\
Prince causes the chief adviser of Raja Gaj to be assassinated—Raja\
Gaj quits the royal army—Prince Khurram assassinates\
his brother Parvez—Proceeds to depose his father\
Jahangir, who appeals to the fidelity of the Rajput Princes—They\
rally round the throne, and encounter the rebel army\
near Benares—The Emperor slights the Rathor Prince, which\
proves nearly fatal to his cause—The rebels defeated—Flight\
of Prince Khurram—Raja Gaj slain on the Gujarat frontier—His\
second son, Raja Jaswant, succeeds—Reasons for occasional\
departure from the rules of primogeniture amongst the\
Rajputs—Amra, the elder, excluded the succession—Sentence\
of banishment pronounced against him—Ceremony of\
Desvata, or ‘exile,’ described—Amra repairs to the Mogul\
court—Honours conferred upon him—His tragical death | #969#
CHAPTER 6
Raja Jaswant mounts the gaddi of Marwar—His mother a princess\
of Mewar—He is a patron of science—His first service in\
Gondwana—Prince Dara appointed regent of the empire by\
his father, Shah Jahan—Appoints Jaswant viceroy in Malwa—Rebellion\
of Aurangzeb, who aspires to the crown—Jaswant\
appointed generalissimo of the army sent to oppose\
him—Battle of Fatehabad, a drawn battle—Jaswant retreats—Heroism\
of Rao Ratna of Ratlam—Aurangzeb proceeds\
towards Agra—Battle of Jajau—Rajputs overpowered—Shah\
Jahan deposed—Aurangzeb, now emperor, pardons Jaswant,\
and summons him to the presence—Commands him to join\
the army formed against Shuja—Battle of Kajwa—Conduct\
of Jaswant—Betrays Aurangzeb and plunders his camp—Forms\
a junction with Dara—This prince’s inactivity—Aurangzeb\
invades Marwar—Detaches Jaswant from Dara—Appointed\
viceroy of Gujarat—Sent to serve in the Deccan—Enters\
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into Sivaji’s designs—Plans the death of Shaista\
Khan, the king’s lieutenant—Obtains this office—Superseded\
by the prince of Amber—Reappointed to the army of the\
Deccan—Stimulates Prince Muazzam to rebellion—Superseded\
by Dalir Khan—Jaswant tries to cut him off—Removed\
from the Deccan to Gujarat—Outwitted by the king—Ordered\
against the rebellious Afghans of Kabul—Jaswant\
leaves his son, Prithi Singh, in charge of Jodhpur—Prithi\
Singh commanded to court by Aurangzeb, who gives him a\
poisoned robe—His death—Character—The tidings reach\
Jaswant at Kabul, and cause his death—Character of Jaswant—Anecdotes\
illustrative of Rathor character—Nahar Khan—His\
exploits with the tiger, and against Surthan of Sirohi | #979#
CHAPTER 7
The pregnant queen of Jaswant prevented from becoming Sati—Seven\
concubines and one Rani burn with him—The Chandravati\
Rani mounts the pyre at Mandor—General grief for\
the loss of Jaswant—Posthumous birth of Ajit—Jaswant’s\
family and contingent return from Kabul to Marwar—Intercepted\
by Aurangzeb, who demands the surrender of the\
infant Ajit—The chiefs destroy the females and defend themselves—Preservation\
of the infant prince—The Indhas take\
Mandor—Expelled—Aurangzeb invades Marwar, takes and\
plunders Jodhpur, and sacks all the large towns—Destroys\
the Hindu temples, and commands the conversion of the\
Rathor race—Impolicy of the measure—Establishes the\
Jizya, or tax on infidels—The Rathors and Sesodias unite\
against the king—Events of the war from the Chronicle—The\
Mertia clan oppose the entire royal army, but are cut to\
pieces—The combined Rajputs fight the Imperialists at\
Nadol—Bhim, the son of the Rana, slain—Prince Akbar\
disapproves the war against the Rajputs—Makes overtures—Coalition—The\
Rajputs declare Akbar emperor—Treachery\
and death of Tahawwur Khan—Akbar escapes, and claims\
protection from the Rajputs—Durga conducts Prince Akbar\
to the Deccan—Soning, brother of Durga, leads the Rathors—Conflict\
at Jodhpur—Affair at Sojat—The cholera morbus\
appears—Aurangzeb offers peace—The conditions accepted\
by Soning—Soning’s death—Aurangzeb annuls the treaty—Prince\
Azam left to carry on the war—Muslim garrisons\
throughout Marwar—The Rathors take post in the Aravalli\
hills—Numerous encounters—Affairs of Sojat—Charai—Jaitaran—Renpur—Pali—Immense\
sacrifice of lives—The\
Bhattis join the Rathors—The Mertia chief assassinated\
during a truce—Further encounters—Siwana assaulted—The\
Muslim garrison put to the sword—Nur Ali abducts the\
Asani damsels—Is pursued and killed—Muslim garrison of\
Sambhar destroyed—Jalor capitulates to the Rajputs | #990#
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CHAPTER 8
The clans petition to see the young Raja—Durjan Sal of Kotah\
joins the Rathor cause—They proceed to Abu—Are introduced\
to Ajit, who is conveyed to Awa, and makes a tour to\
all the chieftainships—Consternation of Aurangzeb—He sets\
up a pretender to Jodhpur—The Rathors and Haras drive the\
Imperialists from Marwar—They carry the war abroad—Storm\
of Pur Mandal—The Hara prince slain—Durgadas\
returns from the Deccan—Defeats Safi Khan, governor of\
Ajmer, who is disgraced by the king—Safi Khan attempts to\
circumvent Ajit by negotiation—His failure and disgrace—Rebellion\
in Mewar—The Rathors support the Rana—Aurangzeb\
negotiates for the daughter of Prince Akbar left\
in Marwar—Ajit again driven for refuge into the hills—Affair\
at Bijapur—Success of the Rathors—Aurangzeb’s apprehension\
for his granddaughter—The Rana sends the coco-nut to\
Ajit, who proceeds to Udaipur, and marries the Rana’s niece—Negotiations\
for peace renewed—Terminate—The surrender\
of the princess—Jodhpur restored—Magnanimity of\
Durgadas—Ajit takes possession—Ajit again driven from\
his capital—Afflictions of the Hindu race—A son born to\
Ajit, named Abhai Singh—His horoscope—Battle of Dunara—The\
viceroy of Lahore passes through Marwar to Gujarat—Death\
of Aurangzeb—Diffuses joy—Ajit attacks Jodhpur—Capitulation—Dispersion\
and massacre of the king’s troops—Ajit\
resumes his dominions—Azam, with the title of\
Bahadur Shah, mounts the throne—Battle of Agra—The king\
prepares to invade Marwar—Arrives at Ajmer—Proceeds to\
Bhavi Bilara—Sends an embassy to Ajit, who repairs to the\
imperial camp—Reception—Treacherous conduct of the\
emperor—Jodhpur surprised—Ajit forced to accompany the\
emperor to the Deccan—Discontent of the Rajas—They\
abandon the king, and join Rana Amra at Udaipur—Triple\
alliance—Ajit appears before Jodhpur, which capitulates on\
honourable terms—Ajit undertakes to replace Raja Jai Singh\
on the gaddi of Amber—Battle of Sambhar, Ajit victorious—Amber\
abandoned to Jai Singh—Ajit attacks Bikaner—Redeems\
Nagor—The Rajas threatened by the king—Again\
unite—The king repairs to Ajmer—The Rajas join him—Receive\
farmans for their dominions—Ajit makes a pilgrimage\
to Kurukshetra—Reflections on the thirty years’ war waged\
by the Rathors against the empire for independence—Eulogium\
on Durgadas | #1007#
CHAPTER 9
Ajit commanded to reduce Nahan and the rebels of the Siwalik\
mountains—The emperor dies—Civil wars—Ajit nominated\
viceroy of Gujarat—Ajit commanded to send his son to court—Daring\
attack on the chief of Nagor, who is slain—Retaliated—The\
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king’s army invades Marwar—Jodhpur invested—Terms—Abhai\
Singh sent to court—Ajit proceeds\
to Delhi—Coalesces with the Sayyid ministry of the king—Gives\
a daughter in marriage to the emperor—Returns to\
Jodhpur—Repeal of the Jizya—Ajit proceeds to his viceroyalty\
of Gujarat—Settles the province—Worships at\
Dwarka—Returns to Jodhpur—The Sayyids summon him\
to court—The splendour of his train—Leagues with the\
Sayyids—The emperor visits Ajit—Portents—Husain Ali\
arrives from the Deccan—Consternation of the opponents\
of the Sayyids and Ajit—Ajit blockades the palace with\
his Rathors—The emperor put to death—Successors—Muhammad\
Shah—He marches against Amber—Its Raja\
claims sanctuary with Ajit—Obtains the grant of Ahmadabad—Returns\
to Jodhpur—Ajit unites his daughter to the prince\
of Amber—The Sayyids assassinated—Ajit warned of his\
danger—Seizes on Ajmer—Slays the governor—Destroys the\
mosques, and re-establishes the Hindu rites—Ajit declares\
his independence—Coins in his own name—Establishes\
weights and measures, and his own courts of justice—Fixes\
the gradations of rank amongst his chiefs—The Imperialists\
invade Marwar—Abhai Singh heads thirty thousand Rathors\
to oppose them—The king’s forces decline battle—The\
Rathors ravage the Imperial provinces—Abhai Singh obtains\
the surname of Dhonkal, or exterminator—Returns to Jodhpur—Battle\
of Sambhar—Ajit gives sanctuary to Churaman\
Jat, founder of Bharatpur—The emperor puts himself at the\
head of all his forces to avenge the defeat of Sambhar—Ajmer\
invested—Its defence—Ajit agrees to surrender Ajmer—Abhai\
Singh proceeds to the Imperial camp—His reception—His\
arrogant bearing—Murder of Ajit by his son—Infidelity\
of the bard—Blank leaf of the Raj Rupaka, indicative\
of this event—Extract from that chronicle—Funereal\
rites—Six queens and fifty-eight concubines determine to\
become Satis—Expostulations of the Nazir, bards, and\
purohits—They fail—Procession—Rite concluded—Reflections\
on Ajit’s life and history | #1020#
CHAPTER 10
The parricidal murder of Ajit, the cause of the destruction of\
Marwar—The parricide, Abhai Singh, invested as Raja by\
the emperor’s own hand—He returns from court to Jodhpur—His\
reception—He distributes gifts to the bards and priests—The\
bards of Rajputana—Karna, the poetic historian of\
Marwar—Studies requisite to form a Bardai—Abhai Singh\
reduces Nagor—Bestows it in appanage upon his brother\
Bakhta—Reduces the turbulent allodialists—Commanded\
to court—Makes a tour of his domain—Seized by the small-pox—Reaches\
the court—Rebellion of the viceroy of Gujarat,\
and of Prince Jangali in the Deccan—Picture of the Mogul\
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court at this time—The bira of foreign service against the\
rebels described—Refused by the assembled nobles—Accepted\
by the Rathor prince—He visits Ajmer, which he garrisons—Meeting\
at Pushkar with the Raja of Amber—Plan the\
destruction of the empire—At Merta is joined by his brother\
Bakhta Singh—Reaches Jodhpur—The Kher, or feudal levies\
of Marwar, assemble—Consecration of the guns—The Minas\
carry off the cattle of the train—Rajput contingents enumerated—Abhai\
reduces the Mina strongholds in Sirohi—The\
Sirohi prince submits, and gives a daughter in marriage as a\
peace-offering—The Sirohi contingent joins Abhai Singh—Proceeds\
against Ahmadabad—Summons the viceroy to\
surrender—Rajput council of war—Bakhta claims to lead\
the van—The Rathor prince sprinkles his chiefs with saffron\
water—Sarbuland’s plan of defence—His guns manned by\
Europeans—His bodyguard of European musketeers—The\
storm—Victory gained by the Rajputs—Surrender of\
Sarbuland—He is sent prisoner to the emperor—Abhai Singh\
governs Gujarat—Rajput contingents enumerated—Conclusion\
of the chronicles, the Raj Rupaka and Surya Prakas—Abhai\
Singh returns to Jodhpur—The spoils conveyed from\
Gujarat | #1035#
CHAPTER 11
Mutual jealousies of the brothers—Abhai Singh dreads the\
military fame of Bakhta—His policy—Prompted by the bard\
Karna, who deserts Jodhpur for Nagor—Scheme laid by\
Bakhta to thwart his brother—Attack on Bikaner by Abhai\
Singh—Singular conduct of his chiefs, who afford supplies\
to the besieged—Bakhta’s scheme to embroil the Amber\
prince with his brother—His overture and advice to attack\
Jodhpur in the absence of his brother—Jai Singh of Amber—His\
reception of this advice, which is discussed and rejected\
in a full council of the nobles of Amber—The envoy of Bakhta\
obtains an audience of the prince of Amber—Attains his\
object—His insulting letter to Raja Abhai Singh—The latter’s\
laconic reply—Jai Singh calls out the Kher, or feudal army of\
Amber—Obtains foreign allies—One hundred thousand men\
muster under the walls of his capital—March to the Marwar\
frontier—Abhai Singh raises the siege of Bikaner—Bakhta’s\
strange conduct—Swears his vassals—Marches with his\
personal retainers only to combat the host of Amber—Battle\
of Gangwana—Desperate onset of Bakhta Singh—Destruction\
of his band—With sixty men charges the Amber prince, who\
avoids him—Eulogy of Bakhta by the Amber bards—Karna\
the bard prevents a third charge—Bakhta’s distress at the\
loss of his men—The Rana mediates a peace—Bakhta loses\
his tutelary divinity—Restored by the Amber prince—Death\
of Abhai Singh—Anecdotes illustrating his character | #1047#
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CHAPTER 12
Ram Singh succeeds—His impetuosity of temper—His uncle,\
Bakhta Singh, absents himself from the rite of inauguration—Sends\
his nurse as proxy—Construed by Ram Singh as an\
insult—He resents it, and resumes the fief of Jalor—Confidant\
of Ram Singh—The latter insults the chief of the Champawats,\
who withdraws from the court—His interview with the chief\
bard—Joins Bakhta Singh—The chief bard gives his suffrage\
to Bakhta—Civil war—Battle of Merta—Ram Singh defeated—Bakhta\
Singh assumes the sovereignty—The Bagri\
chieftain girds him with the sword—Fidelity of the Purohit\
to the ex-prince, Ram Singh—He proceeds to the Deccan to\
obtain aid of the Mahrattas—Poetical correspondence between\
Raja Bakhta and the Purohit—Qualities, mental and\
personal, of Bakhta—The Mahrattas threaten Marwar—All\
the clans unite round Bakhta—He advances to give battle—Refused\
by the Mahrattas—He takes post at the pass of\
Ajmer—Poisoned by the queen of Amber—Bakhta’s character—Reflections\
on the Rajput character—Contrasted with\
that of the European nobles in the dark ages—Judgment of\
the bards on crimes—Improvised stanza on the princes of\
Jodhpur and Amber—Anathema of the Sati, wife of Ajit—Its\
fulfilment—Opinions of the Rajput on such inspirations | #1054#
CHAPTER 13
Accession of Bijai Singh—Receives at Merta the homage of his\
chiefs—Proceeds to the capital—The ex-prince Ram Singh\
forms a treaty with the Mahrattas and the Kachhwahas—Junction\
of the confederates—Bijai Singh assembles the clans\
on the plains of Merta—Summoned to surrender the gaddi—His\
reply—Battle—Bijai Singh defeated—Destruction of the\
Rathor Cuirassiers—Ruse de guerre—Bijai Singh left alone—His\
flight—Eulogies of the bard—Fortresses surrender to Ram\
Singh—Assassination of the Mahratta commander—Compensation\
for the murder—Ajmer surrendered—Tribute or\
Chauth established—Mahrattas abandon the cause of Ram\
Singh—Couplet commemorative of this event—Cenotaph to\
Jai Apa—Ram Singh dies—His character—Anarchy reigns\
in Marwar—The Rathor oligarchy—Laws of adoption in the\
case of Pokaran fief—Insolence of its chief to his prince, who\
entertains mercenaries—This innovation accelerates the\
decay of feudal principles—The Raja plans the diminution of\
the aristocracy—The nobles confederate—Gordhan Khichi—His\
advice to the prince—Humiliating treaty between the\
Raja and his vassals—Mercenaries disbanded—Death of the\
prince’s Guru or priest—His prophetic words—Kiryakarma\
or funeral rites, made the expedient to entrap the chiefs, who\
are condemned to death—Intrepid conduct of Devi Singh of\
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Pokaran—His last words—Reflections on their defective\
system of government—Sacrifice of the law of primogeniture—Its\
consequences—Sabhal Singh arms to avenge his\
father’s death—Is slain—Power of the nobles checked—They\
are led against the robbers of the desert—Umarkot seized\
from Sind—Godwar taken from Mewar—Marwar and Jaipur\
unite against the Mahrattas, who are defeated at Tonga—De\
Boigne’s first appearance—Ajmer recovered by the\
Rathors—Battles of Patan and Merta—Ajmer surrenders—Suicide\
of the governor—Bijai Singh’s concubine adopts Man\
Singh—Her insolence alienates the nobles, who plan the\
deposal of the Raja—Murder of the concubine—Bijai Singh\
dies | #1060#
CHAPTER 14
Raja Bhim seizes upon the gaddi—Discomfiture of his competitor,\
Zalim Singh—Bhim destroys all the other claimants to succession,\
excepting Man Singh—Blockaded in Jalor—Sallies\
from the garrison for supplies—Prince Man heads one of them—Incurs\
the risk of capture—Is preserved by the Ahor chief;\
Raja Bhim offends his nobles—They abandon Marwar—The\
fief of Nimaj attacked—Jalor reduced to the point of surrender—Sudden\
and critical death of Raja Bhim—Its probable\
cause—The Vaidyas, or ‘cunning-men,’ who surround\
the prince—Accession of Raja Man—Rebellion of Sawai Singh\
of Pokaran—Conspiracy of Chopasni—Declaration of the\
pregnancy of a queen of Raja Bhim—Convention with Raja\
Man—Posthumous births—Their evil consequences in\
Rajwara—A child born—Sent off by stealth to Pokaran, and\
its birth kept a secret—Named Dhonkal—Raja Man evinces\
indiscreet partialities—Alienates the Champawats—Birth of\
the posthumous son of Raja Bhim promulgated—The chiefs\
call on Raja Man to fulfil the terms of the convention—The\
mother disclaims the child—The Pokaran chief sends the\
infant Dhonkal to the sanctuary of Abhai Singh of Khetri—Sawai\
opens his underplot—Embroils Raja Man with the\
courts of Amber and Mewar—He carries the pretender\
Dhonkal to Jaipur—Acknowledged and proclaimed as Raja\
of Marwar—The majority of the chiefs support the pretender—The\
Bikaner prince espouses his cause—Armies called\
in the field—Baseness of Holkar, who deserts Raja Man—The\
armies approach—Raja Man’s chiefs abandon him—He\
attempts suicide—Is persuaded to fly—He gains Jodhpur—Prepares\
for defence—Becomes suspicious of all his kin—Refuses\
them the honour of defending the castle—They join\
the allies, who invest Jodhpur—The city taken and plundered—Distress\
of the besiegers—Amir Khan’s conduct causes a\
division—His flight from Marwar—Pursued by the Jaipur\
commander—Battle—Jaipur force destroyed, and the city\
invested—Dismay of the Raja—Breaks up the siege of\
Jodhpur—Pays £200,000 for a safe passage to Jaipur—The\
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spoils of Jodhpur intercepted by the Rathors, and wrested\
from the Kachhwahas—Amir Khan formally accepts service\
with Raja Man, and repairs to Jodhpur with the four Rathor\
chiefs | #1077#
CHAPTER 15
Amir Khan’s reception at Jodhpur—Engages to extirpate Sawai’s\
faction—Interchanges turbans with the Raja—The Khan\
repairs to Nagor—Interview with Sawai—Swears to support\
the Pretender—Massacre of the Rajput chiefs—Pretender\
flies—The Khan plunders Nagor—Receives £100,000 from\
Raja Man—Jaipur overrun—Bikaner attacked—Amir Khan\
obtains the ascendancy in Marwar—Garrisons Nagor with\
his Pathans—Partitions lands amongst his chiefs—Commands\
the salt lakes of Nawa and Sambhar—The minister\
Induraj and high priest Deonath assassinated—Raja Man’s\
reason affected—His seclusion—Abdication in favour of his\
son Chhattar Singh—He falls the victim of illicit pursuits—Madness\
of Raja Man increased—Its causes—Suspicions of\
the Raja having sacrificed Induraj—The oligarchy, headed\
by Salim Singh of Pokaran, son of Sawai, assumes the charge\
of the government—Epoch of British universal supremacy—Treaty\
with Marwar framed during the regency of Chhattar\
Singh—The oligarchy, on his death, offer the gaddi of Marwar\
to the house of Idar—Rejected—Reasons—Raja Man entreated\
to resume the reins of power—Evidence that his madness\
was feigned—The Raja dissatisfied with certain stipulations\
of the treaty—A British officer sent to Jodhpur—Akhai\
Chand chief of the civil administration—Salim Singh of\
Pokaran chief minister—Opposition led by Fateh Raj—British\
troops offered to be placed at the Raja’s disposal—Offer\
rejected—Reasons—British Agent returns to Ajmer—Permanent\
Agent appointed to the court of Raja Man—Arrives\
at Jodhpur—Condition of the capital—Interview’s\
with the Raja—Objects to be attained described—Agent\
leaves Jodhpur—General sequestrations of the fiefs—Raja\
Man apparently relapses into his old apathy—His deep\
dissimulation—Circumvents and seizes the faction—Their\
wealth sequestrated—Their ignominious death—Immense\
resources derived from sequestrations—Raja Man’s thirst for\
blood—Fails to entrap the chiefs—The Nimaj chief attacked—His\
gallant defence—Slain—The Pokaran chief escapes—Fateh\
Raj becomes minister—Raja Man’s speech to him—Nimaj\
attacked—Surrender—Raja Man’s infamous violation\
of his pledge—Noble conduct of the mercenary commander—Voluntary\
exile of the whole aristocracy of Marwar—Received\
by the neighbouring princes—Man’s gross ingratitude\
to Anar Singh—The exiled chiefs apply to the British\
Government, which refuses to mediate—Raja Man loses\
the opportunity of fixing the constitution of Marwar—Reflections | #1089#
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CHAPTER 16
Extent and population of Marwar—Classification of inhabitants—Jats—Rajputs,\
sacerdotal, commercial, and servile tribes—Soil—Agricultural\
products—Natural productions—Salt lakes—Marble\
and limestone quarries—Tin, lead, and iron mines—Alum—Manufactures—Commercial\
marts—Transit trade—Pali,\
the emporium of Western India—Mercantile classes—Khadataras\
and Oswals—Kitars, or caravans—Imports and\
exports enumerated—Charans, the guardians of the caravans—Commercial\
decline—Causes—Opium monopoly—Fairs of\
Mundwa and Balotra—Administration of justice—Punishments—Raja\
Bijai Singh’s clemency to prisoners, who are\
maintained by private charity—Gaol deliveries on eclipses,\
births, and accession of princes—Sagun, or ordeals: fire,\
water, burning oil—Panchayats—Fiscal revenues and regulations—Batai,\
or corn-rent—Shahnahs and Kanwaris—Taxes—Anga,\
or capitation tax—Ghaswali, or pasturage—Kewari,\
or door tax; how originated—Sair, or imposts; their\
amount—Dhanis, or collectors—Revenues from the salt-lakes—Tandas,\
or caravans engaged in this trade—Aggregate\
revenues—Military resources—Mercenaries—Feudal quotas—Schedule\
of feoffs—Qualification of a cavalier | #1104#
BOOK VI
ANNALS OF BIKANER
CHAPTER 1
Origin of the State of Bikaner—Bika, the founder—Condition of\
the aboriginal Jats or Getes—The number and extensive\
diffusion of this Scythic race, still a majority of the peasantry\
in Western Rajputana, and perhaps in Northern India—Their\
pursuits pastoral, their government patriarchal, their\
religion of a mixed kind—List of the Jat cantons of Bikaner\
at the irruption of Bika—Causes of the success of Bika—Voluntary\
surrender of the supremacy of the Jat elders to\
Bika—Conditions—Characteristic of the Getic people\
throughout India—Proofs—Invasion of the Johyas by\
Bika and his Jat subjects—Account of the Johyas—Conquered\
by Bika—He wrests Bagor from the Bhattis, and\
founds Bikaner, the capital, A.D. 1489—His uncle Kandhal\
makes conquests to the north—Death of Bika—His son\
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Nunkaran succeeds—Makes conquests from the Bhattis—His\
son Jeth succeeds—Enlarges the power of Bikaner—Rae\
Singh succeeds—The Jats of Bikaner lose their liberties—The\
State rises to importance—Rae Singh’s connexion with\
Akbar—His honours and power—The Johyas revolt and are\
exterminated—Traditions of Alexander the Great amongst\
the ruins of the Johyas—Examined—The Punia Jats vanquished\
by Ram Singh the Raja’s brother—Their subjection\
imperfect—Rae Singh’s daughter weds Prince Salim, afterwards\
Jahangir—Rae Singh succeeded by his son Karan—The\
three eldest sons of Karan fall in the imperial service—Anup\
Singh, the youngest, succeeds—Quells a rebellion in\
Kabul—His death uncertain—Sarup Singh succeeds—He is\
killed—Shujawan Singh, Zorawar Singh, Gaj Singh, and Raj\
Singh succeed—The latter poisoned by his brother by another\
mother, who usurps the throne, though opposed by the chiefs—He\
murders the rightful heir, his nephew—Civil war—Muster-roll\
of the chiefs—The usurper attacks Jodhpur—Present\
state of Bikaner—Account of Bidavati | #1123#
CHAPTER 2
Actual condition and capabilities of Bikaner—Causes of its\
deterioration—Extent—Population—Jats—Sarasvati Brahmans—Charans—Malis\
and Nais—Chuhras and Thoris—Rajputs—Face\
of the country—Grain and vegetable productions—Implements\
of husbandry—Water—Salt lakes—Local\
physiography—Mineral productions—Unctuous clay—Animal\
productions—Commerce and manufactures—Fairs—Government\
and revenues—The fisc—Dhuan, or hearth-tax—Anga,\
or capitation-tax—Sair, or imposts—Paseti, or\
plough-tax—Malba, or ancient land-tax—Extraordinary and\
irregular resources—Feudal levies—Household troops | #1145#
CHAPTER 3
Bhatner, its origin and denomination—Historical celebrity of the\
Jats of Bhatner—Emigration of Bersi—Succeeded by\
Bhairon—Embraces Islamism—Rao Dalich—Husain Khan,\
Husain Mahmud, Imam Mahmud, and Bahadur Khan—Zabita\
Khan, the present ruler—Condition of the country—Changes\
in its physical aspect—Ruins of ancient buildings—Promising\
scene for archaeological inquiries—Zoological and\
botanical curiosities—List of the ancient towns—Relics of the\
arrow-head character found in the desert | #1163#
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BOOK VII
ANNALS OF JAISALMER
CHAPTER 1
Jaisalmer—The derivation of its name—The Rajputs of Jaisalmer\
called Bhattis, are of the Yadu race—Descended from Bharat,\
king of Bharatavarsha, or Indo-Scythia—Restricted bounds\
of India of modern invention—The ancient Hindus a naval\
people—First seats of the Yadus in India, Prayaga, Mathura,\
and Dwarka—Their international wars—Hari, king of\
Mathura and Dwarka, leader of the Yadus—Dispersion of\
his family—His great-grandsons Nabha and Khira—Nabha\
driven from Dwarka, becomes prince of Marusthali, conjectured\
to be the Maru, or Merv, of Iran—Jareja and\
Judbhan, the sons of Khira—The former founds the Sindsamma\
dynasty, and Judbhan becomes prince of Bahra in\
the Panjab—Prithibahu succeeds to Nabha in Maru—His son\
Bahu—His posterity—Raja Gaj founds Gajni—Attacked by\
the kings of Syria and Khorasan, who are repulsed—Raja\
Gaj attacks Kashmir—His marriage—Second invasion from\
Khorasan—The Syrian king conjectured to be Antiochus—Oracle\
predicts the loss of Gajni—Gaj slain—Gajni taken—Prince\
Salbahan arrives in the Panjab—Founds the city\
of Salbahana, S. 72—Conquers the Panjab—Marries the\
daughter of Jaipal Tuar of Delhi—Reconquers Gajni—Is\
succeeded by Baland—His numerous offspring—Their conquests—Conjecture\
regarding the Jadon tribe of Yusufzai,\
that the Afghans are Yadus, not Yahudis, or Jews—Baland\
resides at Salbahana—Assigns Gajni to his grandson Chakito,\
who becomes a convert to Islam and king of Khorasan—The\
Chakito Mongols descended from him—Baland dies—His son\
Bhatti succeeds—Changes the patronymic of Yadu, or Jadon,\
to Bhatti—Succeeded by Mangal Rao—His brother Masur\
Rao and sons cross the Gara and take possession of the Lakhi\
jungle—Degradation of the sons of Mangal Rao—They lose\
their rank as Rajputs—Their offspring styled Aboharias and\
Jats—Tribe of Tak—The capital of Taxiles discovered—Mangal\
Rao arrives in the Indian desert—Its tribes—His son,\
Majam Rao, marries a princess of Umarkot—His son Kehar—Alliance\
with the Deora of Jalor—The foundation of\
Tanot laid—Kehar succeeds—Tanot attacked by the Baraha\
tribe—Tanot completed, S. 787—Peace with the Barahas—Reflections | #1169#
CHAPTER 2
Rao Kehar, contemporary of the Caliph Al Walid—His offspring\
become heads of tribes—Kehar, the first who extended his\
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conquests to the plains—He is slain—Tano succeeds—He\
assails the Barahas and Langahas—Tanot invested by the\
prince of Multan, who is defeated—Rao Tano espouses the\
daughter of the Buta chief—His progeny—Tano finds a concealed\
treasure—Erects the castle of Bijnot—Tano dies—Succeeded\
by Bijai Rae—He assails the Baraha tribe, who\
conspire with the Langahas to attack the Bhatti prince—Treacherous\
massacre of Bijai Rae and his kindred—Deoraj\
saved by a Brahman—Tanot taken—Inhabitants put to the\
sword—Deoraj joins his mother in Butaban—Erects Derawar,\
which is assailed by the Buta chief, who is circumvented and\
put to death by Deoraj—The Bhatti prince is visited by a\
Jogi, whose disciple he becomes—Title changed from Rao to\
Rawal—Deoraj massacres the Langahas, who acknowledge\
his supremacy—Account of the Langaha tribe—Deoraj\
conquers Lodorva, capital of the Lodra Rajputs—Avenges an\
insult of the prince of Dhar—Singular trait of patriotic devotion—Assaults\
Dhar—Returns to Lodorva—Excavates lakes\
in Khadal—Assassinated—Succeeded by Rawal Mund, who\
revenges his father’s death—His son Bachera espouses the\
daughter of Balabhsen, of Patan Anhilwara—Contemporaries\
of Mahmud of Ghazni—Captures a caravan of horses—The\
Pahu Bhattis conquer Pugal from the Johyas—Dusaj, son of\
Bachera, attacks the Khichis—Proceeds with his three\
brothers to the land of Kher, where they espouse the Guhilot\
chief’s daughters—Important synchronisms—Bachera dies—Dusaj\
succeeds—Attacked by the Sodha prince Hamir, in\
whose reign the Ghaggar ceased to flow through the desert—Traditional\
couplet—Sons of Dusaj—The youngest, Lanja\
Bijairae, marries the daughter of Siddhraj Solanki, king of\
Anhilwara—The other sons of Dusaj, Jaisal, and Bijairae—Bhojdeo,\
son of Lanja Bijairae, becomes lord of Lodorva on\
the death of Dusaj—Jaisal conspires against his nephew\
Bhojdeo—Solicits aid from the Sultan of Ghor, whom he joins\
at Aror—Swears allegiance to the Sultan—Obtains his aid\
to dispossess Bhojdeo—Lodorva attacked and plundered—Bhojdeo\
slain—Jaisal becomes Rawal of the Bhattis—Abandons\
Lodorva as too exposed—Discovers a site for a new\
capital—Prophetic inscription on the Brahmsarkund, or\
fountain—Founds Jaisalmer—Jaisal dies, and is succeeded\
by Salbahan II. | #1190#
CHAPTER 3
Preliminary observations—The early history of the Bhattis not\
devoid of interest—Traces of their ancient manners and religion—The\
chronicle resumed—Jaisal survives the change of\
capital twelve years—The heir of Kailan banished—Salbahan,\
his younger brother, succeeds—Expedition against the Kathi—Their\
supposed origin—Application from the Yadu prince\
of Badarinath for a prince to fill the vacant gaddi—During\
Salbahan’s absence his son Bijal usurps the gaddi—Salbahan\
retires to Khadal, and falls in battle against the Baloch—Bijal\
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commits suicide—Kailan recalled and placed on the\
gaddi—His issue form clans—Khizr Khan Baloch again invades\
Khadal—Kailan attacks him, and avenges his father’s\
death—Death of Kailan—Succeeded by Chachak Deo—He\
expels the Chana Rajputs—Defeats the Sodhas of Umarkot—The\
Rathors lately arrived in the desert become troublesome—Important\
synchronisms—Death of Chachak—He is succeeded\
by his grandson Karan, to the prejudice of the elder,\
Jethsi, who leaves Jaisalmer—Redresses the wrongs of a\
Baraha Rajput—Karan dies—Succeeded by Lakhansen—His\
imbecile character—Replaced by his son Punpal, who is dethroned\
and banished—His grandson, Raningdeo, establishes\
himself at Marot and Pugal—On the deposal of Punpal,\
Jethsi is recalled and placed on the gaddi—He affords a refuge\
to the Parihar prince of Mandor, when attacked by Alau-d-din—The\
sons of Jethsi carry off the imperial tribute of Tatta\
and Multan—The king determines to invade Jaisalmer—Jethsi\
and his sons prepare for the storm—Jaisalmer invested—First\
assault repulsed—The Bhattis keep an army in the\
field—Rawal Jethsi dies—The siege continues—Singular\
friendship between his son Ratan and one of the besieging\
generals—Mulraj succeeds—General assault—Again defeated—Garrison\
reduced to great extremity—Council of war—Determination\
to perform the sakha—Generous conduct of\
the Muhammadan friend of Ratan to his sons—Final assault—Rawal\
Mulraj and Ratan and their chief kin fall in battle—Jaisalmer\
taken, dismantled, and abandoned | #1206#
CHAPTER 4
The Rathors of Mewa settle amidst the ruins of Jaisalmer—Driven\
out by the Bhatti chieftain Dudu, who is elected Rawal—He\
carries off the stud of Firoz Shah—Second storm and sakha of\
Jaisalmer—Dudu slain—Moghul invasion of India—The\
Bhatti princes obtain their liberty—Rawal Gharsi re-establishes\
Jaisalmer—Kehar, son of Deoraj—Disclosure of his\
destiny by a prodigy—Is adopted by the wife of Rawal\
Gharsi, who is assassinated by the tribe of Jaisar—Kehar proclaimed—Bimaladevi\
becomes sati—The succession entailed\
on the sons of Hamir—Matrimonial overture to Jetha from\
Mewar—Engagement broken off—The brothers slain—Penitential\
act of Rao Raning—Offspring of Kehar—Soma the\
elder departs with his basai and settles at Girab—Sons of Rao\
Raning become Muslims to avenge their father’s death—Consequent\
forfeiture of their inheritance—They mix with the\
Aboharia Bhattis—Kailan, the third son of Kehar, settles in\
the forfeited lands—Drives the Dahyas from Khadal—Kailan\
erects the fortress of Kara on the Bias or Gara—Assailed\
by the Johyas and Langahas under Amir Khan Korai,\
who is defeated—Subdues the Chahils and Mohils—Extends\
his authority to the Panjnad—Rao Kailan marries into the\
Samma family—Account of the Samma race—He seizes on\
the Samma dominions—Makes the river Indus his boundary—Kailan\
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dies—Succeeded by Chachak—Makes Marot his\
headquarters—League headed by the chief of Multan against\
Chachak, who invades that territory, and returns with a rich\
booty to Marot—A second victory—Leaves a garrison in the\
Panjab—Defeats Maipal, chief of the Dhundis—Asini-, or\
Aswini-Kot—Its supposed position—Anecdote—Feud with\
Satalmer—Its consequences—Alliance with Haibat Khan—Rao\
Chachak invades Pilibanga—The Khokhars or Ghakkars\
described—The Langahas drive his garrison from Dhuniapur—Rao\
Chachak falls sick—Challenges the prince of Multan—Reaches\
Dhuniapur—Rites preparatory to the combat—Worship\
of the sword—Chachak is slain with all his bands—Kumbha,\
hitherto insane, avenges his father’s feud—Birsal\
re-establishes Dhuniapur—Repairs to Kahror—Assailed by\
the Langahas and Baloch—Defeats them—Chronicle of\
Jaisalmer resumed—Rawal Bersi meets Rao Birsal on his\
return from his expedition in the Panjab—Conquest of\
Multan by Babur—Probable conversion of the Bhattis of the\
Panjab—Rawal Bersi, Jeth, Nunkaran, Bhim, Manohardas,\
and Sabal Singh, six generations | #1215#
CHAPTER 5
Jaisalmer becomes a fief of the empire—Changes in the succession—Sabal\
Singh serves with the Bhatti contingent—His services\
obtain him the gaddi of Jaisalmer—Boundaries of Jaisalmer\
at the period of Babur’s invasion—Sabal succeeded by his son,\
Amra Singh, who leads the tika-daur into the Baloch territory—Crowned\
on the field of victory—Demands a relief from his\
subjects to portion his daughter—Puts a chief to death who\
refuses—Revolt of the Chana Rajputs—The Bhatti chiefs\
retaliate the inroads of the Rathors of Bikaner—Origin of\
frontier-feuds—Bhattis gain a victory—The princes of\
Jaisalmer and Bikaner are involved in the feuds of their\
vassals—Raja Anup Singh calls on all his chiefs to revenge\
the disgrace—Invasion of Jaisalmer—The invaders defeated—The\
Rawal recovers Pugal—Makes Barmer tributary—Amra\
dies—Succeeded by Jaswant—The chronicle closes—Decline\
of Jaisalmer—Pugal—Barmer—Phalodi wrested\
from her by the Rathors—Importance of these transactions\
to the British Government—Khadal to the Gara seized by the\
Daudputras—Akhai Singh succeeds—His uncle, Tej Singh,\
usurps the government—The usurper assassinated during the\
ceremony of Las—Akhai Singh recovers the gaddi—Reigns\
forty years—Bahawal Khan seizes on Khadal—Rawal Mulraj—Sarup\
Singh Mehta made minister—His hatred of the\
Bhatti nobles—Conspiracy against him by the heir-apparent,\
Rae Singh—Deposal and confinement of the Rawal—The\
prince proclaimed—Refuses to occupy the gaddi—Mulraj\
emancipated by a Rajputni—Resumption of the gaddi—The\
prince Rae Singh receives the black khilat of banishment—Retires\
to Jodhpur—Outlawry of the Bhatti nobles—Their\
lands sequestrated and castles destroyed—After twelve years\
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restored to their lands—Rae Singh decapitates a merchant—Returns\
to Jaisalmer—Sent to the fortress of Dewa—Salim\
Singh becomes minister—His character—Falls into the hands\
of his enemies, but is saved by the magnanimity of Zorawar\
Singh—Plans his destruction, through his own brother’s wife—Zorawar\
is poisoned—The Mehta then assassinates her and\
her husband—Fires the castle of Dewa—Rae Singh burnt to\
death—Murder of his sons—The minister proclaims Gaj Singh—Younger\
sons of Mulraj fly to Bikaner—The longest reigns\
in the Rajput annals are during ministerial usurpation—Retrospective\
view of the Bhatti history—Reflections | #1225#
CHAPTER 6
Rawal Mulraj enters into treaty with the English—The Raja dies—His\
grandson, Gaj Singh, proclaimed—He becomes a mere\
puppet in the minister’s hands—Third article of the treaty—Inequality\
of the alliance—Its importance to Jaisalmer—Consequences\
to be apprehended by the British Government—Dangers\
attending the enlarging the circle of our political\
connexions—Importance of Jaisalmer in the event of Russian\
invasion—British occupation of the valley of the Indus considered—Salim\
Singh’s administration resumed—His rapacity\
and tyranny increase—Wishes his office to be hereditary—Report\
of the British Agent to his Government—Paliwals self-exiled—Bankers’\
families kept as hostages—Revenues arising\
from confiscation—Wealth of the minister—Border feud\
detailed to exemplify the interference of the paramount power—The\
Maldots of Baru—Their history—Nearly exterminated\
by the Rathors of Bikaner—Stimulated by the minister Salim\
Singh—Cause of this treachery—He calls for British interference—Granted—Result—Rawal\
Gaj Singh arrives at\
Udaipur—Marries the Rana’s daughter—Influence of this\
lady | #1235#
CHAPTER 7
Geographical position of Jaisalmer—Its superficial area—List of\
its chief towns—Population—Jaisalmer chiefly desert—Magra,\
a rocky ridge, traced from Cutch—Sars, or salt-marshes—Kanod\
Sar—Soil—Productions—Husbandry—Manufactures—Commerce—Kitars,\
or caravans—Articles of\
trade—Revenues—Land and transit taxes—Dani, or\
Collector—Amount of land-tax exacted from the cultivator—Dhuan,\
or hearth-tax—Thali, or tax on food—Dand, or\
forced contribution—Citizens refuse to pay—Enormous\
wealth accumulated by the minister by extortion—Establishments—Expenditure—Tribes—Bhattis—Their\
moral estimation—Personal\
appearance and dress—Their predilection for\
opium and tobacco—Paliwals, their history—Numbers,\
wealth, employment—Curious rite or worship—Pali coins—Pokharna\
Brahmans—Title—Numbers—Singular typical\
worship—Race of Jat—Castle of Jaisalmer | #1244#
.ta-
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.pn +2
.sp 4
.h2
ILLUSTRATIONS
.ta l:55 r:15
Portrait of Colonel James Tod | Frontispiece
| TO FACE PAGE
Kanhaiya and Rādha | #630:i630#
Columns of Temples at Chandrāvati | #670:i670#
Portraits of a Rājputni, a Rājput, a Gūsāīn, etc. | #708:i708#
Valley of Udaipur | #760:i760#
Citadel of the Hill Fortress of Kūmbhalmer | #776:i776#
Jain Temple in the Fortress of Kūmbhalmer | #780:i780#
Ruins in Kūmbhalmer | #782:i782#
Koli and Bhīl; Chāran or Bard | #788:i788#
Jāt Peasant of Mārwār. Rājput Foot Soldier of Mārwār | #812:i812#
Town and Fort of Jodhpur | #820:i820#
Rock Sculptures at Mandor; Chāmunda, Kankāli | #842:i842#
Rock Sculptures at Mandor; Mallināth, Nāthji | #844:i844#
Rock Sculptures at Mandor; Rāmdeo Rāthor, Pābuji, etc. | #846:i846#
Rock Sculptures at Mandor; Gūga the Chauhān, Harbuji\
Sānkhla | #848:i848#
Rock Sculptures at Mandor; Mehaji Mangalia | #850:i850#
Paiks of Mārwār | #860:i860#
Durga Dās; Mahārāja Sher Singh of Rian | #866:i866#
The Sacred Lake of Pushkar in Mārwār | #892:i892#
Ancient Jain Temple at Ajmer | #896:i896#
Fortress and Town of Ajmer | #900:i900#
Castle of Bhinai | #904:i904#
Source of the Berach River, and Hunting Seat of the Rāna | #910:i910#
Bridge of Nūrābād | #914:i914#
The late Mahārāja Sir Sumer Singh, of Jodhpur (b. 1901;\
d. 1918), and his brother, the present Mahārāja Ummed\
Singh (b. 1903) | #928:i928#
Horoscope of Rāja Abhai Singh | #Page 1019:i1019#
.ta-
.bn 032.png
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.pn 589
.sp 4
.nf c
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
.nf-
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
BOOK IV—Continued | RELIGIOUS ESTABLISHMENTS, FESTIVALS, | AND CUSTOMS OF MEWĀR
.sp 4
.h3
CHAPTER 19
.sp 2
Influence of the Priesthood.—In all ages the ascendancy of the
hierarchy is observable; it is a tribute paid to religion through
her organs. Could the lavish endowments and extensive immunities
of the various religious establishments in Rajasthan be
assumed as criteria of the morality of the inhabitants, we should
be authorized to assign them a high station in the scale of excellence.
But they more frequently prove the reverse of their
position; especially the territorial endowments, often the fruits
of a death-bed repentance,[4.19.1] which, prompted by superstition or
fear, compounds for past crimes by posthumous profusion,
although vanity not rarely lends her powerful aid. There is
scarcely a State in Rajputana in which one-fifth of the soil is not
assigned for the support of the temples, their ministers, the
secular Brahmans, bards, and \[508] genealogists. But the evil
was not always so extensive; the abuse is of modern growth.
.fn 4.19.1
Manu commands, “Should the king be near his end through some incurable
disease, he must bestow on the priests all his riches accumulated
from legal fines: and having duly committed his kingdom to his son, let
him seek death in battle, or, if there be no war, by abstaining from food”
(Laws, ix. 323). The annals of all the Rajput States afford instances of
obedience to this text of their divine legislator. [The injunction to seek
death by starvation is an addition by the commentator, and is not included
in the original text.]
.fn-
Weighing of Princes against Gold.—An anecdote related of the
Rajas of Marwar and Amber, always rivals in war, love, and folly,
.bn 034.png
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will illustrate the motives of these dismemberments. During the
annual pilgrimage to the sacred lake of Pushkar, it is the custom
for these lords of the earth to weigh their persons against all that
is rare, in gold, gems, and precious cloths; which are afterwards
distributed to the priests.[4.19.2] The Amber chief had the advantage
of a full treasury and a fertile soil, to which his rival could oppose
a more extended sway over a braver race; but his country was
proverbially poor, and at Pushkar, the weight of the purse ranks
above the deeds of the sword. As these princes were suspended
in the scale, the Amber Raja, who was balanced against the more
costly material, indirectly taunted his brother-in-law on the
poverty of his offerings, who would gladly, like the Roman, have
made up the deficiency with his sword. But the Marwar prince
had a minister of tact, at whose suggestion he challenged his
rival (of Amber) to equal him in the magnitude of his gift to the
Brahmans. On the gage being accepted, the Rathor exclaimed,
“Perpetual charity (sasan)[4.19.3] of all the lands held by the Brahmans
in Marwar!” His unreflecting rival had commenced the
redemption of his pledge, when his minister stopped the
half-uttered vow, which would have impoverished the family
for ever; for there were ten Brahmans in Amber who followed
secular employments, cultivating or holding lands in usufruct,
to one in Marwar. Had these lords of the earth been left to their
misguided vanity, the fisc of each state would have been seriously
curtailed.
.fn 4.19.2
[The practice of a devotee weighing himself against gold was common
in ancient Hindu times, was known as tulāpurushadāna, and is still performed
by the Mahārāja of Travancore (Thurston, Tribes and Castes of S. India,
vii. 202 ff.; BG, i. Part ii. 415; Forbes, Rāsmāla, 84). Akbar used to have
himself weighed against precious substances twice a year, on his solar and
lunar birthdays, the articles being given to Brāhmans, and Jahāngīr followed
the same custom (Āīn, i. 266 ff.; Elliot-Dowson v. 307, 453; Memoirs of
Jahāngīr, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 78, 81, 111, 183).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.3
[Sāsan, a grant by charter of rent-free lands, made in favour of
Brāhmans and devotees. For the formula used in such grants see Barnett,
Antiquities of India, 129.]
.fn-
Grants to Brāhmans and Devotees.—The Brahmans, Sannyasis,
and Gosains are not behind those professional flatterers, the
Bards; and many a princely name would have been forgotten
but for the record of the gift of land. In Mewar, the lands in
sasan, or religious grants, amount in value to one-fifth of the
.bn 035.png
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revenue of the State, and the greater proportion of these has
arisen out of the prodigal mismanagement of the last century.
The dilapidated state of the country, on the general pacification
in A.D. 1818, afforded a noble opportunity to redeem in part these
alienations, without the penalty of denunciation attached to the
resumer of sacred charities. But death, famine, and exile, which
had left but few of the grantees in a capacity to return and
reoccupy the lands, in vain coalesced to restore the fisc of Mewar.
The Rana dreaded a “sixty thousand \[509] years’ residence in
hell,” and some of the finest land of his country is doomed to
remain unproductive. In this predicament is the township of
Menal,[4.19.4] with 50,000 bighas (16,000 acres), which with the exception
of a nook where some few have established themselves,
claiming to be descendants of the original holders, are condemned
to sterility, owing to the agricultural proprietors and the rent-receiving
Brahmans being dead; and apathy united to superstition
admits their claims without inquiry.
.fn 4.19.4
[Menāl, Mahānāl, ‘the great chasm,’ in the Begun Estate, E. Mewār.]
.fn-
The antiquary, who has dipped into the records of the dark
period in European church history, can have ocular illustration
in Rajasthan of traditions which may in Europe appear questionable.
The vision of the Bishop of Orleans,[4.19.5] who saw Charles
Martel in the depths of hell, undergoing the tortures of the damned,
for having stripped the churches of their possessions, “thereby
rendering himself guilty of the sins of all those who had endowed
them,” would receive implicit credence from every Hindu, whose
ecclesiastical economy might both yield and derive illustration
from a comparison, not only with that of Europe, but with the
more ancient Egyptian and Jewish systems, whose endowments,
as explained by Moses and Ezekiel, bear a strong analogy to his
.bn 036.png
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own. The disposition of landed property in Egypt, as amongst
the ancient Hindus, was immemorially vested in the cultivator;
and it was only through Joseph’s ministry in the famine that
“the land became Pharaoh’s, as the Egyptians sold every man
his field.”[4.19.6] And the coincidence is manifest even in the tax
imposed on them as occupants of their inheritance, being one-fifth
of the crops to the king, while the maximum rate among the
Hindus is a sixth.[4.19.7] The Hindus also, in visitations such as that
which occasioned the dispossession of the ryots of Egypt, can
mortgage or sell their patrimony (bapota). Joseph did not attempt
to infringe the privileges of the sacred order when the whole of
Egypt became crown-land, “except the lands of the priests,
which became not Pharaoh’s”; and these priests, according to
Diodorus, held for themselves and the sacrifices no less than
one-third of the lands of Egypt. But we learn from \[510] Herodotus,
that Sesostris, who ruled after Joseph’s ministry, restored
the lands to the people, reserving the customary tax or tribute.[4.19.8]
.fn 4.19.5
“Saint Eucher, évêque d’Orléans, eut une vision qui étonna les princes.
Il faut que je rapporte à ce sujet la lettre que les évêques, assemblés à Reims,
écrivent à Louis-le-Germanique, qui étoit entré dans les terres de Charles
le Chauve, parce qu’elle est très-propre à nous faire voir quel étoit, dans ces
temps-là, l’état des choses, et la situation des esprits. Ils disent que ‘Saint
Eucher ayant été ravi dans le ciel, il vit Charles Martel tourmenté dans
l’enfer inférieur par l’ordre des saints qui doivent assister avec Jésus-Christ
au jugement dernier; qu’il avoit été condamné à cette peine avant le temps
pour avoir dépouillé les églises de leurs biens, et s’être par là rendu coupable
des péchés de tous ceux qui les avoient dotées’” (Montesquieu, L’Esprit des
Lois, livre xxxi. chap. xi. p. 460).
.fn-
.fn 4.19.6
Genesis xlvii. 20-26.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.7
Manu, Laws, vii. 130.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.8
Origin of Laws and Government, vol. i. p. 54, and vol. ii. p. 13. [Herodotus
ii. 109.]
.fn-
The prelates of the middle ages of Europe were often completely
feudal nobles, swearing fealty and paying homage as did
the lay lords.[4.19.9] In Rajasthan, the sacerdotal caste not bound
to the altar may hold lands and perform the duties of vassalage:[4.19.10]
but of late years, when land has been assigned to religious establishments,
no reservation has been made of fiscal rights, territorial
or commercial. This is, however, an innovation; since, formerly,
princes never granted, along with territorial assignments,
the prerogative of dispensing justice, of levying transit duties, or
exemption from personal service of the feudal tenant who held
on the land thus assigned. Well may Rajput heirs exclaim with
the grandson of Clovis, “our exchequer is impoverished, and our
riches are transferred to the clergy.”[4.19.11] But Chilperic had the
courage to recall the grants of his predecessors, which, however,
the pious Gontram re-established. Many Gontrams could be
found, though but few Chilperics, in Rajasthan: we have, indeed,
.bn 037.png
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one in Jograj,[4.19.12] the Rana’s ancestor, almost a contemporary of
the Merovingian king, who not only resumed all the lands of the
Brahmans, but put many of them to death, and expelled the
rest his dominions.[4.19.13]
.fn 4.19.9
Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 212.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.10
“A Brahman unable to subsist by his duties just mentioned (sacerdotal),
may live by the duty of a soldier” (Manu x. 81).
.fn-
.fn 4.19.11
Montesquieu.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.12
[One of the legendary Rānas, twenty-fifth on the list, to whom no date
can be assigned.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.13
“Le clergé recevoit tant, qu’il faut que, dans les trois races, on lui ait
donné plusieurs fois tous les biens du royaume. Mais si les rois, la noblesse,
et le peuple, trouvèrent le moyen de leur donner tous leurs biens, ils ne
trouvèrent pas moins celui de les leur ôter” (Montesquieu, L’Esprit des Lois,
livre xxxi. chap. x.).
.fn-
It may be doubted whether vanity and shame are not sufficient
in themselves to prevent a resumption of the lands of the Mangtas
or mendicants, as they style all those ‘who extend the palm,’
without the dreaded penalty, which operates very slightly on
the sub-vassal or cultivator, who, having no superfluity, defies
their anathemas when they attempt to wrest from him, by virtue
of the crown-grant, any of his long-established rights. By these,
the threat of impure transmigration is despised; and the Brahman
may spill his blood on the threshold of his dwelling or in
the field in dispute, which will be relinquished by the owner but
with his life. The Pat Rani, or chief queen, on the death of
Prince Amra, the heir-apparent, in 1818, bestowed a grant of
fifteen bighas of land, in one of the central districts, on a Brahman
who had assisted in the funeral rites of her son. With grant in
hand \[511], he hastened to the Jat proprietor, and desired him
to make over to him the patch of land. The latter coolly replied
that he would give him all the prince had a right to, namely the
tax. The Brahman threatened to spill his own blood if he did
not obey the command, and gave himself a gash in a limb; but
the Jat was inflexible, and declared that he would not surrender
his patrimony (bapota) even if he slew himself.[4.19.14] In short, the
.fn 4.19.14
These worshippers of God and Mammon, when threats fail, have recourse
to maiming, and even destroying, themselves, to gain their object.
In 1820, one of the confidential servants of the Rana demanded payment of
the petty tax called gugri, of one rupee on each house, from some Brahmans
who dwelt in the village, and which had always been received from them.
They refused payment, and on being pressed, four of them stabbed themselves
mortally. Their bodies were placed upon biers, and funeral rites
withheld till punishment should be inflicted on the priest-killer. But for
once superstition was disregarded, and the rights of the Brahmans in this
community were resumed. See Appendix to this Part, #No. I:a4.20.1# [p. 644].
.fn-
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ryot of Mewar would reply, even to his sovereign, if he demanded
his field, in the very words of Naboth to Ahab, king of Israel,
when he demanded the vineyard contiguous to the palace:
“The Lord forbid it me that I should give the inheritance of my
fathers unto thee.”
Tithes, Temples.—But the tithes, and other small and legally
established rights of the hierarchy, are still religiously maintained.
The village temple and the village priest are always
objects of veneration to the industrious husbandman, on whom
superstition acts more powerfully than on the bold marauding
Rajput, who does not hesitate to demand salvamenta (rakhwali)
from the lands of Kanhaiya or Eklinga. But the poor ryot of
the nineteenth century of Vikrama has the same fears as the
peasants of Charlemagne, who were made to believe that the
ears of corn found empty had been devoured by infernal spirits,
reported to have said they owed their feast to the non-payment
of tithes.[4.19.15]
.fn 4.19.15
“Mais le bas peuple n’est guère capable d’abandonner ses intérêts
par des exemples. Le synode de Francfort lui présenta un motif plus
pressant pour payer les dîmes. On y fit un capitulaire dans lequel il est dit
que, dans la dernière famine, on avoit trouvé les épis de blé vides, qu’ils
avoient été dévorés par les démons, et qu’on avoit entendu leurs voix
qui reprochoient de n’avoir pas payé la dîme: et, en conséquence, il fut
ordonné à tous ceux qui tenoient les biens ecclésiastiques de payer la dîme,
et, en conséquence encore, on l’ordonna à tous” (L’Esprit des Lois, livre
xxxi. chap. xii.).
.fn-
Political Influence of Brāhmans.—The political influence of
the Brahmans is frequently exemplified in cases alike prejudicial
to the interests of society and the personal welfare of the sovereign.
The latter is often surrounded by lay-Brahmans as confidential
servants, in the capacities of butler, keeper of the wardrobe, or
seneschal,[4.19.16] besides the Guru or domestic chaplain, who to the
duty of ghostly comforter sometimes joins that of \[512] astrologer
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and physician, in which case God help the prince![4.19.17] These
Gurus and Purohits, having the education of the children, acquire
immense influence, and are not backward in improving “the
greatness thrust upon them.” They are all continually importuning
their prince for grants of land for themselves and the
shrines they are attached to; and every chief, as well as every
influential domestic, takes advantage of ephemeral favour to
increase the endowments of his tutelary divinity. The Peshwas
of Satara are the most striking out of numerous examples.
.fn 4.19.16
These lay Brahmans are not wanting in energy or courage; the sword
is as familiar to them as the mala (chaplet). The grandfather of Ramnath,
the present worthy seneschal of the Rana, was governor of the turbulent
district of Jahazpur, which has never been so well ruled since. He left a
curious piece of advice to his successors, inculcating vigorous measures.
“With two thousand men you may eat khichri; with one thousand dalbhat;
with five hundred juti (the shoe)” Khichri is a savoury mess of pulse,
rice, butter, and spices; dalbhat is simple rice and pulse; the shoe is indelible
disgrace.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.17
Manu, in his rules on government, commands the king to impart his
momentous counsel and entrust all transactions to a learned and distinguished
Brahman (Laws, vii. 58). There is no being more aristocratic in his ideas
than the secular Brahman or priest, who deems the bare name a passport to
respect. The Kulin Brahman of Bengal piques himself upon this title of
nobility granted by the last Hindu king of Kanauj (whence they migrated
to Bengal), and in virtue of which his alliance in matrimony is courted.
But although Manu has imposed obligations towards the Brahman little
short of adoration, these are limited to the “learned in the Vedas”: he
classes the unlearned Brahman with “an elephant made of wood, or an antelope
of leather”; nullities, save in name. And he adds further, that “as
liberality to a fool is useless, so is a Brahman useless if he read not the holy
texts”: comparing the person who gives to such an one, to a husbandman
“who, sowing seed in a barren soil, reaps no gain”; so the Brahman “obtains
no reward in heaven.” These sentiments are repeated in numerous texts,
holding out the most powerful inducements to the sacerdotal class to cultivate
their minds, since their power consists solely in their wisdom. For
such, there are no privileges too extensive, no homage too great. “A
king, even though dying with want, must not receive any tax from a Brahman
learned in the Vedas.” His person is sacred. “Never shall the king
slay a Brahman, though convicted of all possible crimes,” is a premium at
least to unbounded insolence, and unfits them for members of society, more
especially for soldiers; banishment, with person and property untouched,
is the declared punishment for even the most heinous crimes. “A Brahman
may seize without hesitation, if he be distressed for a subsistence, the goods
of his Sudra slave.” But the following text is the climax: “What prince
could gain wealth by oppressing these [Brahmans], who, if angry, could
frame other worlds, and regents of worlds, and could give birth to new gods
and mortals?” (Manu, Laws, ii. iii. vii. viii. ix.).
.fn-
In the dark ages of Europe the monks are said to have prostituted
their knowledge of writing to the forging of charters in
their own favour: a practice not easily detected in the days of
ignorance.[4.19.18] The Brahmans, in like manner, do not scruple to
employ this method of augmenting the wealth of their shrines;
and superstition and indolence combine to support the deception
.bn 040.png
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There is not a doubt that the grand charter of Nathdwara was a
forgery, in which the prince’s butler was bribed to aid; and
report alleges that the Rana secretly favoured an artifice which
regard to opinion prevented him from overtly promulgating.
Although the copper-plate had been buried under ground, and
came out disguised with a coating of verdigris, there were marks
which proved the date of its execution to be false. I have seen
charters which, it has been gravely asserted, were granted by
Rama upwards of three thousand years ago! Such is the origin
assigned to one found in a well at the ancient Brahmpuri, in the
valley of the capital. If there be sceptics as to its validity, they
are silent ones; and this copper-plate of the brazen age \[513] is
worth gold to the proprietor.[4.19.19] A census[4.19.20] of the three central
districts of Mewar discovered that more than twenty thousand
acres of these fertile lands, irrigated by the Berach and Banas
rivers, were distributed in isolated portions, of which the mendicant
castes had the chief share, and which proved fertile sources
of dispute to the husbandman and the officers of the revenue.
From the mass of title-deeds of every description by which these
lands were held, one deserves to be selected, on account of its
being pretended to have been written and bestowed on the
incumbent’s ancestor by the deity upwards of three centuries
ago, and which has been maintained as a bona-fide grant of
Krishna[4.19.21] ever since. By such credulity and apathy are the
Rajput States influenced: yet let the reader check any rising
feeling of contempt for Hindu legislation, and cast a retrospective
glance at the page of European church history, where he will
observe in the time of the most potent of our monarchs that the
clergy possessed one-half of the soil:[4.19.22] and the chronicles of
France will show him Charlemagne on his death-bed, bequeathing
two-thirds of his domains to the church, deeming the remaining
third sufficient for the ambition of four sons. The same dread
of futurity, and the hope to expiate the sins of a life, at its
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close, by gifts to the organs of religion, is the motive for these
unwise alienations, whether in Europe or in Asia. Some of these
establishments, and particularly that at Nathdwara, made a
proper use of their revenues in keeping up the Sada-Brat, or
perpetual charity, though it is chiefly distributed to religious
pilgrims: but among the many complaints made of the misapplication
of the funds, the diminution of this hospitable right
is one; while, at other shrines, the avarice of the priests is
observable in the coarseness of the food dressed for sacrifice and
offering.
.fn 4.19.18
Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 204.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.19
These forgeries of charters cannot be considered as invalidating the
arguments drawn from them, as we may rest assured nothing is introduced
foreign to custom, in the items of the deeds.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.20
Suggested by the Author, and executed under his superintendence,
who waded through all these documents, and translated upwards of a
hundred of the most curious.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.21
See the Appendix to this Part, No. #II:a4.20.2# [p. 644].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.22
Hallam.
.fn-
Tithes levied by Brāhmans.—Besides the crown-grants to the
greater establishments, the Brahmans received petty tithes from
the agriculturist, and a small duty from the trader, as mapa or
metage, throughout every township, corresponding with the
scale of the village-chapel. An inscription found by the author
at the town of Palod,[4.19.23] and dated nearly seven centuries back,
affords a good specimen of the claims of the village \[514] priesthood.
The following are among the items. The serana, or a
ser, in every maund, being the fortieth part of the grain of the
unalu, or summer-harvest; the karpa, or a bundle from every
sheaf of the autumnal crops, whether makai (Indian corn), bajra
or juar (maize) [millet], or the other grains peculiar to that
season.[4.19.24]
.fn 4.19.23
See Appendix to this Part, No. #III:a4.20.3# [p. #645#].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.24
Each bundle consists of a specified number of ears, which are roasted
and eaten in the unripe state with a little salt. [A ser or seer = 2·057 lbs.
avoirdupois.]
.fn-
They also derive a tithe from the oil-mill and sugar-mill, and
receive a kansa or platter of food on all rejoicings, as births,
marriages, etc., with charai, or the right of pasturage on the
village common; and where they have become possessed of
landed property they have halma, or unpaid labour in man and
beasts, and implements, for its culture: an exaction well known
in Europe as one of the detested corvées of the feudal system of
France,[4.19.25] the abolition of which was the sole boon the English
husbandman obtained by the charter of Runymede. Both the
chieftain and the priest exact halma in Rajasthan; but in that
country it is mitigated, and abuse is prevented, by a sentiment
unknown to the feudal despot of the middle ages of Europe, and
.bn 042.png
.pn +1
which, though difficult to define, acts imperceptibly, having its
source in accordance of belief, patriarchal manners, and clannish
attachments.
.fn 4.19.25
Dict. de l’Ancien Régime, p. 131, art. “Corvée.”
.fn-
Privileges of Saivas and Jains.—I shall now briefly consider
the privileges of the Saivas and Jains—the orthodox and heterodox
sects of Mewar; and then proceed to those of Vishnu, whose
worship is the most prevalent in these countries, and which I am
inclined to regard as of more recent origin.
Worship of Siva.—Mahadeva, or Iswara, is the tutelary
divinity of the Rajputs in Mewar; and from the early annals of
the dynasty appears to have been, with his consort Isani, the sole
object of Guhilot adoration. Iswara is adored under the epithet
of Eklinga,[4.19.26] and is either worshipped in his monolithic symbol,
or as Iswara Chaumukhi, the quadriform divinity, represented
by a bust with four faces. The sacred bull, Nandi, has his altar
attached to all the shrines of Iswara, as was that of Mneves or
Apis to those of the Egyptian Osiris. Nandi has occasionally
his separate shrines, and there is one in the valley of Udaipur
which has the reputation of being oracular as regards the seasons.
The bull was the steed of Iswara, and \[515] carried him in battle;
he is often represented upon it, with his consort Isani, at full
speed. I will not stop to inquire whether the Grecian fable of
the rape of Europa[4.19.27] by the tauriform Jupiter may not be derived,
with much more of their mythology, from the Hindu pantheon;
whether that pantheon was originally erected on the Indus, or
.bn 043.png
.pn +1
the Ganges, or the more central scene of early civilization, the
banks of the Oxus. The bull was offered to Mithras by the
Persian, and opposed as it now appears to Hindu faith, he formerly
bled on the altars of the Sun-god, on which not only the Baldan,[4.19.28]
‘offering of the bull,’ was made, but human sacrifices.[4.19.29] We do
not learn that the Egyptian priesthood presented the kindred of
Apis to Osiris, but as they were not prohibited from eating beef,
they may have done so.
.fn 4.19.26
That is, with one (ek) lingam or phallus—the symbol of worship being
a single cylindrical or conical stone. There are others, termed Sahaslinga
and Kotiswara, with a thousand or a million of phallic representatives,
all minutely carved on the monolithic emblem, having then much
resemblance to the symbol of Bacchus, whose orgies, both in Egypt and
Greece, are the counterpart of those of the Hindu Baghis, thus called from
being clad in a tiger’s or leopard’s hide: Bacchus had the panther’s for
his covering. There is a very ancient temple to Kotiswara at the embouchure
of the eastern arm of the Indus; and here are many to Sahaslinga in
the peninsula of Saurashtra. [Bacchus has no connexion with a Hindu
tiger-god.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.27
It might have appeared fanciful, some time ago, to have given a Sanskrit
derivation to a Greek proper name: but Europa might be derived from
Surupa, ‘of the beautiful face’—the initial syllable su and eu having the
same signification in both languages, namely, good—Rupa is ‘countenance.’
[Europa is probably Assyrian ereb, irib, ‘land of the rising sun’ (EB, ix.
907). Another explanation is that it is a cult title, meaning ‘goddess of the
flourishing willow-withies’ (A. B. Cook, Zeus, 531).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.28
In this sacrifice four altars are erected, for offering the flesh to the
four gods, Lakshmi-Narayana, Umamaheswar, Brahma, and Ananta. The
nine planets, and Prithu, or the earth, with her ten guardian-deities, are
worshipped. Five Vilwa, five Khadira, five Palasha, and five Udumbara
posts are to be erected, and a bull tied to each post. Clarified butter is
burnt on the altar, and pieces of the flesh of the slaughtered animals placed
thereon. This sacrifice was very common (Ward, On the Religion of the
Hindus, vol. ii. p. 263). [Balidāna, ‘an offering to the gods.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.29
First a covered altar is to be prepared; sixteen posts are then to be
erected of various woods; a golden image of a man, and an iron one of a
goat, with golden images of Vishnu and Lakshmi, a silver one of Siva, with
a golden bull, and a silver one of Garuda ‘the eagle,’ are placed upon the
altar. Animals, as goats, sheep, etc., are tied to the posts, and to one of
them, of the wood of the mimosa, is to be tied the human victim. Fire is
to be kindled by means of a burning glass. The sacrificing priest, hota,
strews the grass called dub or immortal, round the sacred fire. Then
follows the burnt sacrifice to the ten guardian deities of the earth—to the
nine planets, and to the Hindu Triad, to each of whom clarified butter is
poured on the sacred fire one thousand times. Another burnt-sacrifice, to
the sixty-four inferior gods, follows, which is succeeded by the sacrifice and
offering of all the other animals tied to the posts. The human sacrifice
concludes, the sacrificing priest offering pieces of the flesh of the victim to
each god as he circumambulates the altar (ibid, 260).
.fn-
The Temple of Eklinga.—The shrine of Eklinga is situated in
a defile about six [twelve] miles north of Udaipur. The hills
towering around it on all sides are of the primitive formation,
and their scarped summits are clustered with honeycombs.[4.19.30]
There are abundant small springs of water, which keep verdant
numerous shrubs, the flowers of which are acceptable to the
deity; especially the kaner or oleander, which grows in great
.bn 044.png
.pn +1
luxuriance on the Aravalli. Groves of bamboo and mango were
formerly common, according to tradition; but although it is
deemed sacrilege to thin the groves of Bal,[4.19.31] the bamboo has been
nearly destroyed: there are, however, still many trees sacred to
the deity scattered around. It would be difficult to convey a
just \[516] idea of a temple so complicated in its details. It is of
the form commonly styled pagoda, and, like all the ancient
temples of Siva, its sikhara, or pinnacle, is pyramidal. The
various orders of Hindu sacred architecture are distinguished by
the form of the sikhara, which is the portion springing from and
surmounting the perpendicular walls of the body of the temple.
The sikhara of those of Siva is invariably pyramidal, and its
sides vary with the base, whether square or oblong. The apex
is crowned with an ornamental figure, as a sphinx, an urn, a
ball, or a lion, which is called the kalas. When the sikhara is
but the frustum of a pyramid, it is often surmounted by a row
of lions, as at Bijolia. The fane of Eklinga is of white marble
and of ample dimensions. Under an open-vaulted temple
supported by columns, and fronting the four-faced divinity, is
the brazen bull Nandi, of the natural size; it is cast, and of
excellent proportions. The figure is perfect, except where the
shot or hammer of an infidel invader has penetrated its hollow
flank in search of treasure. Within the quadrangle are miniature
shrines, containing some of the minor divinities.[4.19.32] The high-priest
of Eklinga, like all his order, is doomed to celibacy, and
.bn 045.png
.pn +1
the office is continued by adopted disciples. Of such spiritual
descents they calculate sixty-four since the Sage Harita, whose
benediction obtained for the Guhilot Rajput the sovereignty of
Chitor, when driven from Saurashtra by the Parthians.
.fn 4.19.30
This is to be taken in its literal sense; the economy of the bee being
displayed in the formation of extensive colonies which inhabit large masses
of black comb adhering to the summits of the rocks. According to the
legends of these tracts, they were called in as auxiliaries on Muhammadan
invasions, and are said to have thrown the enemy more than once into confusion.
[Stories of idols protected from desecration by swarms of hornets
are common (BG, viii. 401; Sleeman, Rambles, 54).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.31
See Appendix to this Part, No. #IV:a4.20.4# [p. #645#].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.32
In June 1806 I was present at a meeting between the Rana and Sindhia
at the shrine of Eklinga. The rapacious Mahratta had just forced the passes
to the Rana’s capital, which was the commencement of a series of aggressions
involving one of the most tragical events in the history of Mewar—the
immolation of the Princess Krishna and the subsequent ruin of the
country. I was then an attaché of the British embassy to the Mahratta
prince, who carried the ambassador to the meeting to increase his consequence.
In March 1818 I again visited the shrine, on my way to Udaipur,
but under very different circumstances—to announce the deliverance of
the family from oppression, and to labour for its prosperity. While standing
without the sanctuary, looking at the quadriform divinity, and musing
on the changes of the intervening twelve years, my meditations were broken
by an old Rajput chieftain, who, saluting me, invited me to enter and adore
Baba Adam, ‘Father Adam,’ as he termed the phallic emblem. I excused
myself on account of my boots, which I said I could not remove, and that
with them I would not cross the threshold: a reply which pleased them, and
preceded me to the Rana’s court.
.fn-
The priests of Eklinga are termed Gosain or Goswami, which
signifies ‘control over the senses’! The distinguishing mark
of the faith of Siva is the crescent on the forehead:[4.19.33] the hair is
braided and forms a tiara round the head, and with its folds a
chaplet of the lotus-seed is often entwined. They smear the
body with ashes, and use garments dyed of an orange hue. They
bury their dead in a sitting \[517] posture, and erect tumuli over
them, which are generally conical in form.[4.19.34] It is not uncommon
for priestesses to officiate in the temple of Siva. There is a
numerous class of Gosains who have adopted celibacy, and who
yet follow secular employments both in commerce and arms.
The mercantile Gosains[4.19.35] are amongst the richest individuals in
India, and there are several at Udaipur who enjoy high favour,
and who were found very useful when the Mahrattas demanded
a war-contribution, as their privileged character did not prevent
their being offered and taken as hostages for its payment. The
Gosains who profess arms, partake of the character of the knights
of St. John of Jerusalem. They live in monasteries scattered
over the country, possess lands, and beg, or serve for pay when
called upon. As defensive soldiers, they are good. Siva, their
patron, is the god of war, and like him they make great use of
intoxicating herbs, and even of spirituous liquors. In Mewar
they can always muster many hundreds of the Kanphara[4.19.36] Jogi,
or ‘split-ear ascetics,’ so called from the habit of piercing the ear
and placing therein a ring of the conch-shell, which is their battle-trumpet.
.bn 046.png
.pn +1
Both Brahmans and Rajputs, and even Gujars, can
belong to this order, a particular account of whose internal
discipline and economy could not fail to be interesting. The
poet Chand gives an animated description of the body-guard of the
King of Kanauj, which was composed of these monastic warriors.
.fn 4.19.33
Siva is represented with three eyes: hence his title of Trinetra and
Trilochan, the Triophthalmic Jupiter of the Greeks. From the fire of the
central eye of Siva is to proceed Pralaya, or the final destruction of the
universe: this eye placed vertically, resembling the flame of a taper, is a
distinguishing mark on the foreheads of his votaries.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.34
I have seen a cemetery of these, each of very small dimensions, which
may be described as so many concentric rings of earth, diminishing to the
apex, crowned with a cylindrical stone pillar. One of the disciples of Siva
was performing rites to the manes, strewing leaves of an evergreen [probably
bel, Aegle marmelos] and sprinkling water over the graves.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.35
For a description of these, vide Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. i. p. 217.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.36
[The more usual form is Kanphata, with the same meaning.]
.fn-
Priestly Functions of the Mewār Rānas.—The Ranas of Mewar,
as the diwans, or vicegerents of Siva, when they visit the temple
supersede the high priest in his duties, and perform the ceremonies,
which the reigning prince does with peculiar correctness and
grace.[4.19.37]
.fn 4.19.37
The copy of the Siva Purana which I presented to the Royal Asiatic
Society was obtained for me by the Rana from the temple of Eklinga.
.fn-
Privileges of Jains.—The shrine of Eklinga is endowed with
twenty-four large villages from the fisc, besides parcels of land
from the chieftains; but the privileges of the tutelary divinity
have been waning since Kanhaiya fixed his residence amongst
them; and as the priests of Apollo complained that the god
was driven from the sacred mount \[518] Govardhana, in Vraj, by
the influence of those of Jupiter[4.19.38] with Shah Jahan, the latter
may now lament that the day of retribution has arrived, when
propitiation to the Preserver is deemed more important than to
the Destroyer. This may arise from the personal character of
the high priests, who, from their vicinity to the court, can scarcely
avoid mingling in its intrigues, and thence lose in character:
even the Ranis do not hesitate to take mortgages on the estates
of Bholanath.[4.19.39] We shall not further enlarge on the immunities
to Eklinga, or the forms in which they are conveyed, as these
will be fully discussed in the account of the shrine of Krishna;
but proceed to notice the privileges of the heterodox Jains—the
Vidyavan[4.19.40] or Magi of Rajasthan. The numbers and power of
.bn 047.png
.pn +1
these sectarians are little known to Europeans, who take it for
granted that they are few and dispersed. To prove the extent
of their religious and political power, it will suffice to remark
that the pontiff of the Khadatara-gachchha,[4.19.41] one of the many
branches of this faith, has 11,000 clerical disciples scattered over
India; that a single community, the Osi or Oswal,[4.19.42] numbers
100,000 families; and that more than half \[519] of the mercantile
wealth of India passes through the hands of the Jain laity.
Rajasthan and Saurashtra are the cradles of the Buddhist or
Jain faith, and three out of their five sacred mounts, namely,
Abu, Palitana,[4.19.43] and Girnar, are in these countries. The officers
.bn 048.png
.pn +1
of the State and revenue are chiefly of the Jain laity, as are the
majority of the bankers, from Lahore to the ocean. The chief
magistrate and assessors of justice, in Udaipur and most of the
towns of Rajasthan, are of this sect; and as their voluntary
duties are confined to civil cases, they are as competent in these
as they are the reverse in criminal cases, from their tenets forbidding
the shedding of blood. To this leading feature in their
religion they owe their political debasement: for Kumarpal, the
last king of Anhilwara of the Jain faith, would not march his
armies in the rains, from the unavoidable sacrifice of animal life
that must have ensued. The strict Jain does not even maintain
a lamp during that season, lest it should attract moths to their
destruction.
.fn 4.19.38
Jiva-pitri, the ‘Father of Life,’ would be a very proper epithet for
Mahadeva, the creative ‘power,’ whose Olympus is Kailas. [Jīva-pitri
means ‘a child whose father is alive.’ Jupiter=Skt. Dyaus-pitā.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.39
Bholanath, or the ‘Simple God,’ is one of the epithets of Siva, whose
want of reflection is so great that he would give away his own divinity if
asked.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.40
Vidyavan, the ‘Man of Secrets or Knowledge,’ is the term used by way
of reproach to the Jains, having the import of magician. Their opponents
believe them to be possessed of supernatural skill; and it is recorded of the
celebrated Amara, author of the Kosa or dictionary called after him, that he
“made the full moon appear on Amavas”—the ides of the
month, when the planet is invisible.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.41
Khadatara signifies ‘true’ [?], an epithet of distinction which was
bestowed by that great supporter of the Buddhists or Jains, Siddharaj, king
of Anhilwara Patan, on one of the branches (gachchha), in a grand religious
disputation (badha) at that capital in the eleventh century. The celebrated
Hemacharya was head of the Khadatara-gachchha; and his spiritual
descendant honoured Udaipur with his presence in his visit to his dioceses
in the desert in 1821. My own Yati tutor was a disciple of Hemacharya,
and his pattravali, or pedigree, registered his descent by spiritual successions
from him. [For the Jain gachchhas see Bühler, The Indian Sect of the
Jainas, 77 ff. As usual, the author confounds Jains with Buddhists.]
This pontiff was a man of extensive learning and of estimable character.
He was versed in all the ancient inscriptions, to which no key now exists,
and deciphered one for me which had been long unintelligible. His travelling
library was of considerable extent, though chiefly composed of works
relating to the ceremonies of his religion: it was in the charge of two of his
disciples remarkable for talent, and who, like himself, were perfectly acquainted
with all these ancient characters. The pontiff kindly permitted
my Yati to bring for my inspection some of the letters of invitation written
by his flocks in the desert. These were rolls, some of them several feet in
length, containing pictured delineations of their wishes. One from Bikaner
represented that city, in one division of which was the school or college of
the Jains, where the Yatis were all portrayed at their various studies. In
another part, a procession of them was quitting the southern gate of the
city, the head of which was in the act of delivering a scroll to a messenger,
while the pontiff was seen with his cortège advancing in the distance. To
show the respect in which these high priests of the Jains are held, the princes
of Rajputana invariably advance outside the walls of their capital to receive
and conduct them to it—a mark of respect paid only to princes. On the
occasion of the high priest of the Khadataras passing through Udaipur, as
above alluded to, the Rana received him with every distinction.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.42
So called from the town of Osi or Osian, in Marwar [about 30 miles N.
of Jodhpur city].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.43
Palitana, or ‘the abode of the Pali’ [?], is the name of the town at the
foot of the sacred mount Satrunjaya (signifying ‘victorious over the foe’),
on which the Jain temples are sacred to Buddhiswara, or the ‘Lord of the
Buddhists’ [?]. I have little doubt that the name of Palitana is derived from
the pastoral (pali) Scythic invaders bringing the Buddhist faith in their train—a
faith which appears to me not indigenous to India [?]. Palestine, which,
with the whole of Syria and Egypt, was ruled by the Hyksos or Shepherd
kings, who for a season expelled the old Coptic race, may have had a similar
import to the Palitana founded by the Indo-Scythic Pali. The Author visited
all these sacred mounts. [The Author describes Pālitāna in WI, 274 ff.;
see also BG, viii. 603 f. All this confusion between Buddhists and Jains and
the suggested derivation, in which the Author unfortunately relied on Wilford
(Asiatic Researches, iii. 72 ff., viii. 321), are out of date.]
.fn-
Absence of Intolerance.—The period of sectarian intolerance
is now past; and as far as my observation goes, the ministers of
Vishnu, Siva, and Buddha view each other without malignity;
which feeling never appears to have influenced the laity of either
sect, who are indiscriminately respectful to the ministers of all
religions, whatever be their tenets. It is sufficient that their
office is one of sanctity, and that they are ministers of the Divinity,
who, they say, excludes the homage of none, in whatever tongue
or whatever manner he is sought; and with this spirit of entire
toleration, the devout missionary, or Mulla, would in no country
meet more security or hospitable courtesy than among the
Rajputs. They must, however, adopt the toleration they would
find practised towards themselves, and not exclude, as some of
them do, the races of Surya and Chandra from divine mercy, who,
with less arrogance, and more reliance on the compassionate
nature of the Creator, say, he has established a variety of paths
by which the good may attain beatitude.
Mewar has, from the most remote period, afforded a refuge to
.bn 049.png
.pn +1
the followers of the Jain faith, which was the religion of Valabhi,
the first capital of the Rana’s ancestors, and many monuments
attest the support this family has granted to its \[520] professors
in all the vicissitudes of their fortunes. One of the best preserved
monumental remains in India is a column most elaborately
sculptured, full seventy feet in height, dedicated to Parsvanath,
in Chitor.[4.19.44] The noblest remains of sacred architecture, not in
Mewar only, but throughout Western India, are Buddhist or
Jain:[4.19.45] and the many ancient cities where this religion was
fostered, have inscriptions which evince their prosperity in these
countries, with whose history their own is interwoven. In fine,
the necrological records of the Jains bear witness to their having
occupied a distinguished place in Rajput society; and the
privileges they still enjoy, prove that they are not overlooked.
It is not my intention to say more on the past or present history
of these sectarians, than may be necessary to show the footing
on which their establishments are placed; to which end little is
required beyond copies of a few simple warrants and ordinances
in their favour.[4.19.46] Hereafter I may endeavour to add something
to the knowledge already possessed of these deists of Rajasthan,
whose singular communities contain mines of knowledge hitherto
inaccessible to Europeans. The libraries of Jaisalmer in the
desert, of Anhilwara, the cradle of their faith, of Cambay, and
other places of minor importance, consist of thousands of volumes.
These are under the control, not of the priests alone, but of
communities of the most wealthy and respectable amongst the
laity, and are preserved in the crypts of their temples, which
precaution ensured their preservation, as well as that of the
statues of their deified teachers, when the temples themselves
were destroyed by the Muhammadan invaders, who paid more
deference to the images of Buddha than those of Siva or Vishnu.
The preservation of the former may be owing to the natural
formation of their statues; for while many of Adinath, of Nemi,
and of Parsva have escaped the hammer, there is scarcely an
.bn 050.png
.pn +1
Apollo or a Venus, of any antiquity, entire, from Lahore to
Rameswaram. The two arms of these theists sufficed for their
protection; while the statues of the polytheists have met with
no mercy.
.fn 4.19.44
[The Kīrtti-Stambha, erected by a merchant named Jīja in the twelfth
century A.D., and dedicated to Ādināth, the first Jain Tīrthakara (Fergusson,
Hist. Indian Architecture, ii. 57 ff.; Erskine ii. A. 104).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.45
[Buddhism and Jainism are again confused. For Buddhist remains in
Rājputāna see IGI, xxi. 103.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.46
See Appendix to this Part [p. #645#].
.fn-
Grant of Rāna Rāj Singh.—No. V.[4.19.47] is the translation of a
grant by the celebrated Rana Raj Singh, the gallant and successful
opponent of Aurangzeb in many a battle. It is at once of a
general and special nature, containing a confirmation of the old
privileges of the sect, and a mark of favour to a priest of some
distinction, called Mana. It is well known \[521] that the first
law of the Jains, like that of the ancient Athenian lawgiver
Triptolemus, is, “Thou shalt not kill,” a precept applicable to
every sentient thing. The first clause of this edict, in conformity
thereto, prohibits all innovation upon this cherished principle;
while the second declares that even the life which is forfeited to
the laws is immortal (amara) if the victim but passes near their
abodes. The third article defines the extent of saran, or sanctuary,
the dearest privilege of the races of these regions. The
fourth article sanctions the tithes, both on agricultural and
commercial produce; and makes no distinction between the
Jain priests and those of Siva and Vishnu in this source of income,
which will be more fully detailed in the account of Nathdwara.
The fifth article is the particular gift to the priest; and the whole
closes with the usual anathema against such as may infringe the
ordinance.
.fn 4.19.47
See Appendix to this part [p. #645#].
.fn-
The Jain Retreat.—The edicts Nos. VI. and VII.,[4.19.48] engraved
on pillars of stone in the towns of Rasmi and Bakrol, further
illustrate the scrupulous observances of the Rana’s house towards
the Jains; where, in compliance with their peculiar doctrine,
the oil-mill and the potter’s wheel suspend their revolutions for
the four months in the year when insects most abound.[4.19.49] Many
others of a similar character could be furnished, but these remarks
may be concluded with an instance of the influence of the Jains
on Rajput society, which passed immediately under the Author’s
.bn 051.png
.pn +1
eye. In the midst of a sacrifice to the god of war, when the
victims were rapidly falling by the scimitar, a request preferred
by one of them for the life of a goat or a buffalo on the point of
immolation, met instant compliance, and the animal, become
amara or immortal, with a garland thrown round his neck, was
led off in triumph from the blood-stained spot.
.fn 4.19.48
See Appendix to this article [p. #646#].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.49
[This is the Pachusan, the four months of Jain retreat, the Vassa or
Vassavāsa of the Buddhists. It was held in the rainy season, during
which travelling was forbidden, in order to avoid injury to the insect life
which abounds at this time (BG, ix. Part i. 113 f.; Kern, Manual of Indian
Buddhism, 80 f.).]
.fn-
Nāthdwāra.—This is the most celebrated of the fanes of the
Hindu Apollo. Its etymology is ‘the portal (dwara) of the god’
(nath), of the same import as his more ancient shrine of Dwarka[4.19.50]
at the ‘world’s end.’ Nathdwara is twenty-two [thirty] miles
N.N.E. of Udaipur, on the right bank of the Banas. Although
the principal resort of the followers of Vishnu, it has nothing
very remarkable in its structure or situation. It owes its celebrity
entirely to the image of Krishna, said to \[522] be the same that
has been worshipped at Mathura ever since his deification, between
eleven and twelve hundred years before Christ.[4.19.51] As
containing the representative of the mildest of the gods of Hind,
Nathdwara is one of the most frequented places of pilgrimage,
though it must want that attraction to the classical Hindu which
the caves of Gaya, the shores of the distant Dwarka, or the
pastoral Vraj,[4.19.52] the place of the nativity of Krishna, present to
his imagination; for though the groves of Vindra,[4.19.53] in which
.bn 052.png
.pn +1
Kanhaiya disported with the Gopis, no longer resound to the
echoes of his flute; though the waters of the Yamuna[4.19.54] are daily
polluted with the blood of the sacred kine, still it is the holy land
of the pilgrim, the sacred Jordan of his fancy, on whose banks
he may sit and weep, as did the banished Israelite of old, the
glories of Mathura, his Jerusalem!
.fn 4.19.50
Dwarka is at the point called Jagat Khunt, of the Saurashtra peninsula.
Ka is the mark of the genitive case [?]: Dwarkanath would be the ‘gate
of the god’ [‘Lord of Dvārakā’].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.51
Fifty-seven descents are given, both in their sacred and profane genealogies,
from Krishna to the princes supposed to have been contemporary
with Vikramaditya. The Yadu Bhatti or Shama Bhatti (the Ahsham
Bhatti of Abu-l Fazl) [Āīn, ii. 339], draw their pedigree from Krishna
or Yadunath, as do the Jarejas of Cutch.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.52
With Mathura as a centre and a radius of eighty miles, describe a
circle: all within it is Vraj, which was the seat of whatever was refined in
Hinduism, and whose language, the Vraj-bhasha, was the purest dialect
of India. Vraj is tantamount to the land of the Suraseni, derived from
Sursen, the ancestor of Krishna, whose capital, Surpuri, is about fifty
miles south of Mathura on the Yamuna (Jumna). The remains of this
city (Surpuri) the Author had the pleasure of discovering. The province
of the Surseni, or Suraseni, is defined by Manu [Laws, ii. 19, vii. 193,
who calls them Surasenakas], and particularly mentioned by the historians
of Alexander.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.53
Vindravana, or the ‘forests of Vindra,’ in which were placed many
temples sacred to Kanhaiya, is on the Yamuna, a few miles above Mathura.
A pilgrimage to this temple is indispensable to the true votary of Krishna.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.54
This river is called the Kal Yamuna, or black Yamuna, and Kalidah
or the ‘black pool,’ from Kanhaiya having destroyed the hydra Kaliya
which infested it. Jayadeva calls the Yamuna ‘the blue daughter of the
sun.’
.fn-
It was in the reign of Aurangzeb that the pastoral divinity was
exiled from Vraj, that classic soil which, during a period of two
thousand eight hundred years, had been the sanctuary of his
worshippers. He had been compelled to occasional flights
during the visitations of Mahmud and the first dynasties of Afghan
invaders; though the more tolerant of the Mogul kings not only
reinstated him, but were suspected of dividing their faith between
Kanhaiya and the prophet. Akbar was an enthusiast in the
mystic poetry of Jayadeva, which paints in glowing colours the
loves of Kanhaiya and Radha, in which lovely personification
the refined Hindu abjures all sensual interpretation, asserting
its character of pure spiritual love.[4.19.55]
.fn 4.19.55
[The popular worship of Krishna and Rādha is decidedly erotic.] It
affords an example of the Hindu doctrine of the Metempsychosis, as well
as of the regard which Akbar’s toleration had obtained him, to mention,
that they held his body to be animated by the soul of a celebrated Hindu
gymnosophist: in support of which they say he (Akbar) went to his accustomed
spot of penance (tapasya) at the confluence of the Yamuna and
Ganges, and excavated the implements, namely, the tongs, gourd, and
deer-skin, of his anchorite existence. [For the tale of Akbar and the
Brāhman Mukunda see Asiatic Researches, ix. 158.]
.fn-
The Mughals and Krishna Worship.—Jahangir, by birth half
a Rajput, was equally indulgent to the worship of Kanhaiya:
but Shah Jahan, also the son of a Rajput princess, inclined to
the \[523] doctrines of Siva, in which he was initiated by Siddhrup
the Sannyasi. Sectarian animosity is more virulent than faiths
totally dissimilar. Here we see Hindu depressing Hindu: the
followers of Siva oppressing those of Kanhaiya; the priests of
Jupiter driving the pastoral Apollo from the Parnassus of Vraj.
At the intercession, however, of a princess of Udaipur, he was
replaced on his altar, where he remained till Aurangzeb became
emperor of the Moguls. In such detestation did the Hindus hold
.bn 053.png
.pn +1
this intolerant king, that in like manner as they supposed the
beneficent Akbar to be the devout Mukund in a former birth,
so they make the tyrant’s body enclose the soul of Kalyavana
the foe of Krishna, ere his apotheosis, from whom he fled to
Dwarka, and thence acquired the name of Ranchhor.[4.19.56]
.fn 4.19.56
Ran, the ‘field of battle,’ chhor, from chhorna, ‘to abandon.’ Hence
Ranchhor, one of the titles under which Krishna is worshipped at Dwarka,
is most unpropitious to the martial Rajput. Kalyavana, the foe from
whom he fled, and who is figured as a serpent, is doubtless the Tak, the
ancient foe of the Yadus, who slew Janamejaya, emperor of the Pandus.
[Kālyavana has been identified with Gonanda I. of Kashmīr, but was more
probably one of the Bactrian chiefs of the Panjāb (Growse, Mathura, 3rd
ed. 56).]
.fn-
The Image of Krishna removed to Mewār. Founding of
Nāthdwāra.—When Aurangzeb proscribed Kanhaiya, and
rendered his shrines impure throughout Vraj, Rana Raj Singh
“offered the heads of one hundred thousand Rajputs for his
service,” and the god was conducted by the route of Kotah and
Rampura to Mewar. An omen decided the spot of his future
residence. As he journeyed to gain the capital of the Sesodias
the chariot-wheel sunk deep into the earth and defied extrication;
upon which the Saguni (augur) interpreted the pleasure of the
god, that he desired to dwell there. This circumstance occurred
at an inconsiderable village called Siarh, in the fief of Delwara,
one of the sixteen nobles of Mewar. Rejoiced at this decided
manifestation of favour, the chief hastened to make a perpetual
gift of the village and its lands, which was speedily confirmed by
the patent of the Rana.[4.19.57] Nathji (the god) was removed from
his car, and in due time a temple was erected for his reception,
when the hamlet of Siarh became the town of Nathdwara, which
now contains many thousand inhabitants of all denominations,
who, reposing under the especial protection of the god, are exempt
from every mortal tribunal. The site is not uninteresting, nor
devoid of the means of defence. To the east it is shut in by a
cluster of hills, and to the westward flows the Banas, which nearly
bathes the extreme points of the hills. Within these bounds is
the sanctuary (saran) of Kanhaiya, where the criminal is free from
pursuit; nor dare the rod of justice appear on the mount, or the
foot of the pursuer pass the stream; neither within it can blood
be spilt, for the pastoral Kanhaiya delights not in offerings of
.bn 054.png
.pn +1
this kind \[524].[4.19.58] The territory contains within its precincts
abundant space for the town, the temple, and the establishments
of the priests, as well as for the numerous resident worshippers,
and the constant influx of votaries from the most distant regions,
.pm start_poem
From Samarcand, by Oxus, Temir’s throne,
Down to the golden Chersonese,
.pm end_poem
who find abundant shelter from the noontide blaze in the groves
of tamarind, pipal, and semal,[4.19.59] where they listen to the mystic
hymns of Jayadeva. Here those whom ambition has cloyed,
superstition unsettled, satiety disgusted, commerce ruined, or
crime disquieted, may be found as ascetic attendants on the
mildest of the gods of India. Determined upon renouncing the
world, they first renounce the ties that bind them to it, whether
family, friends, or fortune, and placing their wealth at the disposal
of the deity, stipulate only for a portion of the food dressed for
him, and to be permitted to prostrate themselves before him till
their allotted time is expired. Here no blood-stained sacrifice
scares the timid devotee; no austerities terrify, or tedious ceremonies
fatigue him; he is taught to cherish the hope that he has
only to ask for mercy in order to obtain it; and to believe that
the compassionate deity who guarded the lapwing’s nest[4.19.60] in the
.bn 055.png
.pn +1
midst of myriads of combatants, who gave beatitude to the
courtesan[4.19.61] who as the wall crushed her pronounced the name of
‘Rama,’ will not withhold it from him who has quitted the
world and its allurements that he may live only in his presence,
be fed by the food prepared for himself, and yield up his last sigh
invoking the name of Hari. There \[525] have been two hundred
individuals at a time, many of whom, stipulating merely for food,
raiment, and funeral rites, have abandoned all to pass their days
in devotion at the shrine: men of every condition, Rajput
merchant, and mechanic; and where sincerity of devotion is the
sole expiation, and gifts outweigh penance, they must feel the
road smooth to the haven of hope.
.fn 4.19.57
See Appendix to this Part, No. #VIII:a4.20.8# [p. #647#].
.fn-
.fn 4.19.58
[The right of sanctuary was maintained until quite recent times
(Erskine ii. A. 120).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.59
The cotton tree, Bombax malabaracum, which grows to an immense
height.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.60
Whoever has unhooded the falcon at a lapwing, or even scared one
from her nest, need not be told of its peculiarly distressing scream, as if
appealing to sympathy. The allusion here is to the lapwing scared from
her nest, as the rival armies of the Kurus and Pandus joined in battle,
when the compassionate Krishna, taking from an elephant’s neck a war-bell
(viraghanta), covered the nest, in order to protect it. When the majority
of the feudal nobles of Marwar became self-exiled, to avoid the almost
demoniac fury of their sovereign, since his alliance with the British Government,
Anar Singh, the chief of Ahor, a fine specimen of the Rathor Rajput,
brave, intelligent, and amiable, was one day lamenting, that while all India
was enjoying tranquillity under the shield of Britain, they alone were
suffering from the caprice of a tyrant; concluding a powerful appeal to
my personal interposition with the foregoing allegory, and observing on
the beauty of the office of mediator: “You are all-powerful,” added he,
“and we may be of little account in the grand scale of affairs; but Krishna
condescended to protect even the lapwing’s egg in the midst of battle.”
This brave man knew my anxiety to make their peace with their sovereign,
and being acquainted with the allegory, I replied with some fervour, in
the same strain, “Would to God, Thakur Sahib, I had the viraghanta to
protect you.” The effect was instantaneous, and the eye of this manly
chieftain, who had often fearlessly encountered the foe in battle, filled
with tears as, holding out his hand, he said, “At least you listen to our
griefs, and speak the language of friendship. Say but the word, and you
may command the services of twenty thousand Rathors.” There is,
indeed, no human being more susceptible of excitement, and, under it, of
being led to any desperate purpose, whether for good or for evil, than the
Rajput.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.61
Chand, the bard, gives this instance of the compassionate nature of
Krishna, taken, as well as the former, from the Mahabharata. [On Krishna
worship see J. Kennedy, JRAS, October 1907, p. 960 ff.]
.fn-
Benefactions to Nāthdwāra.—The dead stock of Krishna’s
shrine is augmented chiefly by those who hold life “unstable as
the dew-drop on the lotus”; and who are happy to barter “the
wealth of Ormuz and of Ind” for the intercessional prayers of the
high priest, and his passport to Haripur, the heaven of Hari.
From the banks of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges, from
the coasts of the Peninsula to the shores of the Red Sea, the gifts
of gratitude or of fear are lavishly poured in; and though the
unsettled aspect of the last half-century curtailed the transmission
of the more bulky but least valuable benefactions, it less affected
the bills of exchange from the successful sons of commerce, or
the legacies of the dead. The safe arrival of a galleon from
Sofala or Arabia produced as much to the shrine as to the insurance
office, for Kanhaiya is the Saint Nicholas of the Hindu
navigator, as was Apollo to the Grecian and Celtic sailors, who
purchased the charmed arrows of the god to calm the troubled
.bn 056.png
.pn +1
sea.[4.19.62] A storm accordingly yields in proportion to its violence,
or to the nerve of the owner of the vessel. The appearance of a
long-denied heir might deprive him of half his patrimony, and
force him to lament his parent’s distrust in natural causes; while
the accidental mistake of touching forbidden food on particular
fasts requires expiation, not by flagellation or seclusion, but by
the penance of the purse.
.fn 4.19.62
Near the town of Avranches, on the coast of Normandy, is a rock
called Mont St. Michel, in ancient times sacred to the Galli or Celtic Apollo,
or Belenus; a name which the author from whom we quote observes,
“certainly came from the East, and proves that the littoral provinces of
Gaul were visited by the Phoenicians.”—“A college of Druidical priestesses
was established there, who sold to seafaring men certain arrows endowed
with the peculiar virtue of allaying storms, if shot into the waves by a
young mariner. Upon the vessel arriving safe, the young archer was
sent by the crew to offer thanks and rewards to the priestesses. His presents
were accepted in the most graceful manner; and at his departure the fair
priestesses, who had received his embraces, presented to him a number of
shells, which afterwards he never failed to use in adorning his person”
(Tour through France).
When the early Christian warrior consecrated this mount to his protector
St. Michel, its name was changed from Mons Jovis (being dedicated
to Jupiter) to Tumba, supposed from tumulus, a mound; but as the Saxons
and Celts placed pillars on all these mounts, dedicated to the Sun-god
Belenus, Bal, or Apollo, it is not unlikely that Tumba is from the Sanskrit
thambha, or sthambha, ‘a pillar’ [?].
.fn-
There is no donation too great or too trifling for the acceptance
of Krishna, from the baronial estate to a patch of meadowland;
from the gemmed coronet to adorn his image, to the widow’s
mite; nor, as before observed, is there a principality \[526] in
India which does not diminish its fisc to add to his revenues.
What effect the milder rites of the shepherd-god have produced
on the adorers of Siva we know not, but assuredly Eklinga, the
tutelary divinity of Mewar, has to complain of being defrauded
of half his dues since Kanhaiya transferred his abode from the
Yamuna to the Banas; for the revenues assigned to Kanhaiya,
who under the epithet of ‘Yellow mantle’[4.19.63] has a distinguished
niche in the domestic chapel of the Rana, far exceed those of the
Avenger. The grants or patents of Hindupati,[4.19.64] defining the
.bn 057.png
.pn +1
privileges and immunities of the shrine, are curious documents.[4.19.65]
.fn 4.19.63
[Pītāmbara.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.64
Hindupati, vulgo Hindupat, ‘chief of the Hindu race,’ is a title justly
appertaining to the Ranas of Mewar. It has, however, been assumed by
chieftains scarcely superior to some of his vassals, though with some degree
of pretension by Sivaji, who, had he been spared, might have worked the
redemption of his nation, and of the Rana’s house, from which he sprung.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.65
See Appendix to this paper, Nos. #IX:a4.20.9#. and #X:a4.20.10#. [p. #647#].
.fn-
Rights of Sanctuary.—The extension of the sanctuary beyond
the vicinage of the shrine became a subject of much animadversion;
and in delegating judicial authority over the whole of the
villages in the grant to the priests, the Rana committed the
temporal welfare of his subjects to a class of men not apt to be
lenient in the collection of their dues, which not unfrequently led
to bloodshed. In alienating the other royalties, especially the
transit duties, he was censured even by the zealots. Yet, however
important such concessions, they were of subordinate value
to the rights of sanctuary, which were extended to the whole of
the towns in the grant, thereby multiplying the places of refuge
for crime, already too numerous.
Violation of Sanctuary.—In all ages and countries the rights
of sanctuary have been admitted, and however they may be
abused, their institution sprung from humane motives. To
check the impulse of revenge and to shelter the weak from oppression
are noble objects, and the surest test of a nation’s independence
is the extent to which they are carried. From the remotest
times saran has been the most valued privilege of the Rajputs,
the lowest of whom deems his house a refuge against the most
powerful. But we merely propose to discuss the sanctuary of
holy places, and more immediately that of the shrine of Kanhaiya.
When Moses, after the Exodus, made a division of the lands of
Canaan amongst the Israelites, and appointed “six cities to be
the refuge of him who had slain unwittingly, from the avenger
of blood,”[4.19.66] the intention was not to afford facilities for eluding
justice, but to check the hasty impulse of revenge; for the slayer
was only to be protected “until he stood before the congregation
for judgment, or until the death of the high-priest” \[527],
which event appears to have been considered as the termination
of revenge.[4.19.67] The infraction of political sanctuary (saran torna)
.bn 058.png
.pn +1
often gives rise to the most inveterate feuds; and its abuse by
the priests is highly prejudicial to society. Moses appointed
but six cities of refuge to the whole Levite tribe; but the Rana
has assigned more to one shrine than the entire possessions of
that branch of the Israelites who had but forty-two cities, while
Kanhaiya has forty-six.[4.19.68] The motive of sanctuary in Rajasthan
may have been originally the same as that of the divine legislator;
but the privilege has been abused, and the most notorious criminals
deem the temple their best safeguard. Yet some princes have
been found hardy enough to violate, though indirectly, the
sacred saran. Zalim Singh of Kotah, a zealot in all the observances
of religion, had the boldness to draw the line when selfish
priestcraft interfered with his police; and though he would not
demand the culprit, or sacrilegiously drag him from the altar,
he has forced him thence by prohibiting the admission of food,
and threatening to build up the door of the temple. It was
thus the Greeks evaded the laws, and compelled the criminal’s
surrender by kindling fires around the sanctuary.[4.19.69] The towns
of Kanhaiya did not often abuse their privilege; but the Author
once had to interpose, where a priest of Eklinga gave asylum
to a felon who had committed murder within the bounds of his
domain of Pahona. As this town, of eight thousand rupees
annual revenue belonging to the fisc, had been gained by a forged
charter, the Author was glad to seize on the occasion to recommend
its resumption, though he thereby incurred the penalty for seizing
church land, namely “sixty thousand years in hell.” The unusual
occurrence created a sensation, but it was so indisputably
just that not a voice was raised in opposition.
.fn 4.19.66
Numbers, chap. xxxv. 11, 12.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.67
Numbers, chap. xxxv. 25, and Joshua, chap. xx. 6. There was an
ancient law of Athens analogous to the Mosaic, by which he who committed
‘chance-medley’ should fly the country for a year, during which his relatives
made satisfaction to the relatives of the deceased. The Greeks had asyla
for every description of criminals, which could not be violated without
infamy. Gibbon [ed. W. Smith, iv. 377 f.] gives a memorable instance of
disregard to the sanctuary of St. Julian in Auvergne, by the soldiers of the
Frank king Theodoric, who divided the spoils of the altar, and made the
priests captives: an impiety not only unsanctioned by the son of Clovis,
but punished by the death of the offenders, the restoration of the plunder,
and the extension of the right of sanctuary five miles around the sepulchre
of the holy martyr.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.68
[The chief sanctuaries in Rājputāna are: Nāgor; Barli, a few miles
distant; Chaupāsni; Udaimandir and Mahmandir, close to Jodhpur. The
system is a serious obstacle to the detection of crime (General Hervey,
Some Records of Crime, i. 122 f., ii. 327 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.69
[Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, 3rd ed. i. 235.]
.fn-
Endowments of Nāthdwāra.—Let us revert to the endowments
of Nathdwara. Herodotus[4.19.70] furnishes a powerful instance of
.bn 059.png
.pn +1
the estimation in which sacred offerings were held by the nations
of antiquity. He observes that these were transmitted from the
remotest nations of Scythia to Delos in Greece; a range far less
extensive than the offerings to the \[528] Dewal of Apollo in
Mewar. The spices of the isles of the Indian archipelago; the
balmy spoils of Araby the blest; the nard or frankincense of
Tartary; the raisins and pistachios of Persia; every variety of
saccharine preparation, from the shakkarkhand (sugar-candy)
of the celestial empire, with which the god sweetens his evening
repast, to the more common sort which enters into the peras
of Mathura, the food of his infancy;[4.19.71] the shawls of Kashmir,
the silks of Bengal, the scarfs of Benares, the brocades of Gujarat,
.pm start_poem
... the flower and choice
Of many provinces from bound to bound,
.pm end_poem
all contribute to enrich the shrine of Nathdwara. But it is with
the votaries of the maritime provinces of India that he has most
reason to be satisfied; in the commercial cities of Surat, Cambay,
Muskat-mandavi, etc., etc., where the Mukhyas, or comptrollers
deputed by the high priest, reside, to collect the benefactions,
and transmit them as occasion requires. A deputy resides on
the part of the high priest at Multan, who invests the distant
worshippers with the initiative cordon and necklace. Even from
Samarkand the pilgrims repair with their offerings; and a sum,
seldom less than ten thousand rupees, is annually transmitted
by the votaries from the Arabian ports of Muscat, Mocha, and
Jiddah; which contribution is probably augmented not only
by the votaries who dwell at the mouths of the Volga[4.19.72] \[529],
.bn 060.png
.pn +1
but by the Samoyede[4.19.73] of Siberia. There is not a petty retailer
professing the Vishnu creed who does not carry a tithe of his
.bn 061.png
.pn +1
trade to the stores: and thus caravans of thirty and forty cars,
double-yoked, pass twice or thrice annually by the upper road
to Nathdwara. These pious bounties are not allowed to moulder
in the bhandars: the apparel is distributed with a liberal hand
as the gift of the deity to those who evince their devotion; and
the edibles enter daily into the various food prepared at the
shrine.
.fn 4.19.70
[iv. 33; L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iv. 101 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.71
[Perā, a sweetmeat made of cream, sugar and spices, for which Mathura
is famous.]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.72
Pallas gives an admirable and evidently faithful account of the worship
of Krishna and other Hindu divinities in the city of Astrakhan, where a
Hindu mercantile colony is established. They are termed Multani, from
the place whence they migrated—Multan, near the Indus. This class of
merchants of the Hindu faith is disseminated over all the countries, from
the Indus to the Caspian: and it would have been interesting had the
professor given us any account of their period of settlement on the western
shore of the Caspian Sea. In costume and feature, as represented in the
plate given by that author, they have nothing to denote their origin; though
their divinities might be seated on any altar on the Ganges. The Multanis
of Indeskoi Dvor, or ‘Indian court,’ at Astrakhan, have erected a pantheon,
in which Krishna, the god of all Vaishnava merchants, is seated in front of
Jagannath, Rama, and his brothers, who stand in the background; while
Siva and his consort Ashtabhuja ‘the eight-armed,’ form an intermediate
line, in which is also placed a statue which Pallas denominates Murali;
but Pallas mistook the flute (murali) of the divine Krishna for a rod. The
principal figure we shall describe in his own words. “In the middle was
placed a small idol with a very high bonnet, called Gupaledshi. At its
right there was a large black stone, and on the left two smaller ones of the
same colour, brought from the Ganges, and regarded by the Hindus as
sacred. These fossils were of the species called Sankara, and appeared to
be an impression of a bivalve muscle.” Minute as is the description, our
judgment is further aided by the plate. Gupaledshi is evidently Gopalji,
the pastoral deity of Vraj (from gao, a cow, and pala, a herdsman). The
head-dress worn by him and all the others is precisely that still worn by
Krishna, in the sacred dance at Mathura: and so minute is the delineation
that even the pera or sugar-ball is represented, although the professor
appears to have been ignorant of its use, as he does not name it. He has
likewise omitted to notice the representation of the sacred mount of Govardhana,
which separates him from the Hindu Jove and the turreted Cybele
(Durga), his consort. The black stones are the Salagramas, worshipped
by all Vaishnavas. In the names of ‘Nhandigana and Gori,’ though
the first is called a lion saddled, and the other a male divinity, we easily
recognise Nandi, the bull-attendant (Gana) of Siva and his consort Gauri.
Were all travellers to describe what they see with the same accuracy as
Pallas, they would confer important obligations on society, and might
defy criticism. It is with heartfelt satisfaction I have to record, from the
authority of a gentleman who has dwelt amongst the Hindkis of Astrakhan,
that distance from their ancient abodes has not deteriorated their character
for uprightness. Mr. Mitchell, from whose knowledge of Oriental languages
the Royal Asiatic Society will some day derive benefit, says that the reputation
of these Hindu colonists, of whom there are about five hundred families,
stands very high, and that they bear a preference over all the merchants
of other nations settled in this great commercial city.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.73
Other travellers besides Pallas have described Hinduism as existing
in the remote parts of the Russian empire, and if nominal resemblances
may be admitted, we would instance the strong analogy between the Samoyedes
and Tchoudes of Siberia and Finland and the Syama Yadus and
Joudes of India [?]. The languages of the two former races are said to have
a strong affinity, and are classed as Hindu-Germanic by M. Klaproth, on
whose learned work, Asia Polyglotta, M. Rémusat has given the world an
interesting critique, in his Mélanges Asiatiques (tome i. p. 267), in which
he traces these tribes to Central Asia; thus approaching the land of the
Getae or Yuti. Now the Yutis and Yadus have much in their early history
to warrant the assertion of more than nominal analogy. The annals of
the Yadus of Jaisalmer state that long anterior to Vikrama they held
dominion from Ghazni to Samarkand: that they established themselves
in those regions after the Mahabharata, or great war; and were again
impelled, on the rise of Islamism, within the Indus. As Yadus of the race
of Sham or Syam (a title of Krishna), they would be Sama-Yadus; in like
manner as the Bhatti tribe are called Shama-bhatti, the Ahsham Bhatti of
Abu-l Fazl. The race of Joude was existing near the Indus in the Emperor
Babur’s time, who describes them as occupying the mountainous range
in the first Duab, the very spot mentioned in the annals of the Yadus as
their place of halt, on quitting India twelve centuries before Christ, and
thence called Jadu or Yadu-ka-dang, the ‘hills of Jadu or Yadu.’ The
peopling of all these regions, from the Indus to remote Tartary, is attributed
to the race of Ayu or Indu, both signifying the moon, of which are the
Haihayas, Aswas (Asi), Yadus, etc., who spread a common language over
all Western Asia. Amongst the few words of Hindu-Germanic origin which
M. Rémusat gives to prove affinity between the Finnish and Samoyede
languages is “Miel, Mod, dans le dialecte Caucasien, et Méd, en Slave,”
and which, as well as mead, the drink of the Scandinavian warrior, is from
the Sanskrit Madhu, a bee [honey]. Hence intoxicating beverage is termed
Madhva, which supplies another epithet for Krishna, Madhu or Madhava.
[These speculations possess no value.]
.fn-
Food offered to Deities.—It has been remarked by the celebrated
Goguet[4.19.74] that the custom of offering food to the object of divine
homage had its origin in a principle of gratitude, the repast being
deemed hallowed by presenting the first portion to him who
gave it, since the devotee was unable to conceive aught more
acceptable than that whereby life is sustained. From the earliest
period such offerings have been tendered; and in the burnt-offering
(hom) of Abel, of the firstling of the flock, and the first
portion of the repast presented by the Rajput to Annadeva[4.19.75]
‘the nourisher,’ the motive is the same. But the parsad (such
is the denomination of the food sacred to Kanhaiya) is deemed
unlucky, if not unholy; a prejudice arising from the heterogeneous
sources whence it is supplied—often from bequests of the dead.
The Mukhyas \[530] of the temple accordingly carry the sacred
food to wheresoever the votaries dwell, which proves an irresistible
stimulus to backward zeal, and produces an ample return. At
.bn 062.png
.pn +1
the same time are transmitted, as from the god, dresses of honour
corresponding in material and value with the rank of the receiver:
a diadem, or fillet of satin and gold, embroidered; a dagla, or
quilted coat of gold or silver brocade for the cold weather; a
scarf of blue and gold; or if to one who prizes the gift less for its
intrinsic worth than as a mark of special favour, a fragment of
the garland worn on some festival by the god; or a simple necklace,
by which he is inaugurated amongst the elect.[4.19.76]
.fn 4.19.74
Origin of Laws and Government.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.75
Literally ‘the giver of food.’
.fn-
.fn 4.19.76
Kanhaiya ka kantha bāndhna, ‘to bind on [the neck] the chaplet of
Kanhaiya,’ is the initiatory step.
.fn-
Lands dedicated to the Shrine.—It has been mentioned that
the lands of Mewar appropriated to the shrine are equal in value
to a baronial appanage, and, as before observed, there is not a
principality in India which does not assign a portion of its domain
or revenue to this object. The Hara princes of Kotah and Bundi
are almost exclusive worshippers of Kanhaiya, and the regent
Zalim Singh is devoted to the maintenance of the dignity of the
establishment. Everything at Kotah appertains to Kanhaiya.
The prince has but the usufruct of the palace, for which £12,000
are annually transmitted to the shrine. The grand lake east
of the town, with all its finny tenants, is under his especial protection;[4.19.77]
and the extensive suburb adjoining, with its rents,
lands, and transit duties, all belong to the god. Zalim Singh
moreover transmits to the high priest the most valuable shawls,
broadcloths, and horses; and throughout the long period of predatory
warfare he maintained two Nishans,[4.19.78] of a hundred firelocks
each, for the protection of the His favourite son
also, a child of love, is called Gordhandas, the ‘slave of Gordhan,’
one of the many titles of Kanhaiya. The prince of Marwar went
mad from the murder of the high priest of Jalandhara, the epithet
.bn 063.png
.pn +1
given to Kanhaiya in that State; and the Raja of Sheopur,[4.19.79]
the last of the Gaurs, lost his sovereignty by abandoning the
worship of Har for that of Hari. The ‘slave’ of Radha[4.19.80] (such
was the name of this prince) almost lived in the temple, and used
to dance before the statue. Had he upheld the rights of him
who wields \[531] the trident, the tutelary deity of his capital,
Sivapur, instead of the unwarlike divinity whose unpropitious
title of Ranchhor should never be borne by the martial Rajput,
his fall would have been more dignified, though it could not have
been retarded when the overwhelming torrent of the Mahrattas
under Sindhia swept Rajwara.[4.19.81]
.fn 4.19.77
I had one day thrown my net into this lake, which abounded with a
variety of fish, when my pastime was interrupted by a message from the
regent, Zalim Singh: “Tell Captain Tod that Kotah and all around it
are at his disposal; but these fish belong to Kanhaiya.” I, of course,
immediately desisted, and the fish were returned to the safeguard of the
deity. [The killing of fish at certain lakes and streams is forbidden on
account of their harmlessness (ahimsā), and thus naturally associated
with the cult of a gentle deity like Krishna, and because they are believed
to contain the spirits of the dead (Stein, Rājatarangini, i. 185; Crooke,
Things Indian, 221 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.19.78
A Nishan, or standard, is synonymous with a company.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.79
Sheopur or Sivapur, the city of Sheo or Siva, the god of war, whose
battle-shout is Har; and hence one of Vishnu’s epithets, as Hari is that of
Krishna or Kanhaiya.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.80
Radha was the name of the chief of the Gopis or nymphs of Vraj, and
the beloved of Kanhaiya.
.fn-
.fn 4.19.81
In October 1807 I rambled through all these countries, then scarcely
known by name to us. At that time Sheopur was independent, and its
prince treated me with the greatest hospitality. In 1809 I witnessed its
fall, when following with the embassy in the train of the Mahratta leader.
[It is now included in the Gwalior State (IGI, xxii. 271 f.).]
.fn-
Grants to the High Priest.—A distinction is made between
the grants to the temple and those for the personal use of the
pontiff, who at least affects never to apply any portion of the
former to his own use, and he can scarcely have occasion to do
so; but when from the stores of Apollo could be purchased the
spices of the isles, the fruits of Persia, and the brocades of Gujarat,
we may indulge our scepticism in questioning this forbearance:
but the abuse has been rectified, and traffic banished from the
temple. The personal grant (Appendix, No. #XI:a4.20.11#.) to the high
priest ought alone to have sufficed for his household expenditure,
being twenty thousand rupees per annum, equal to £10,000 in
Europe. But the ten thousand towns of Mewar, from each of
which he levied a crown, now exist only in the old rent-roll, and
the heralds of Apollo would in vain attempt to collect their tribute
from two thousand villages.
The Appendix, No. #XII:a4.20.12#., being a grant of privileges to a minor
shrine of Kanhaiya, in his character of Muralidhar or ‘flute-player,’
contains much information on the minutiae of benefactions,
and will afford a good idea of the nature of these revenues.
Effects of Krishna-worship on the Rājputs.—The predominance
.bn 064.png
.pn +1
of the mild doctrines of Kanhaiya over the dark rites of Siva,
is doubtless beneficial to Rajput society. Were the prevention
of female immolation the sole good resulting from their prevalence,
that alone would conciliate our partiality; a real worshipper
of Vishnu should forbid his wife following him to the pyre, as
did recently the Bundi prince. In fact, their tenderness to
animal life is carried to nearly as great an excess as with the
Jains, who shed no blood. Celibacy is not imposed upon the
priests of Kanhaiya, as upon those of Siva: on the contrary,
they are enjoined to marry, and the priestly office is hereditary
by descent. Their wives do not burn, but are committed, like
themselves, to the earth. They inculcate tenderness towards
all beings; though whether this feeling influences the mass, must
depend on the soil which receives the seed, for the outward
ceremonies of religion cost far less effort than the practice or
essentials. I have often \[532] smiled at the incessant aspirations
of the Macchiavelli of Rajasthan, Zalim Singh, who, while he
ejaculated the name of the god as he told his beads, was inwardly
absorbed by mundane affairs; and when one word would have
prevented a civil war, and saved his reputation from the stain of
disloyalty to his prince, he was, to use his own words, “at fourscore
years and upwards, laying the foundation for another
century of life.” And thus it is with the prince of Marwar, who
esteems the life of a man or a goat of equal value when prompted
by revenge to take it. Hope may silence the reproaches of conscience,
and gifts and ceremonies may be deemed atonement for
a deviation from the first principle of their religion—a benevolence
which should comprehend every animated thing. But fortunately
the princely worshippers of Kanhaiya are few in number: it
is to the sons of commerce we must look for the effects of these
doctrines; and it is my pride and duty to declare that I have
known men of both sects, Vaishnava and Jain, whose integrity
was spotless, and whose philanthropy was unbounded.
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 065.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3
CHAPTER 20
.sp 2
Krishna.—Hari, Krishna, familiarly Kanhaiya,[4.20.1] was of the
celebrated tribe of Yadu, the founder of the fifty-six tribes[4.20.2]
who obtained the universal sovereignty of India, and descended
from Yayati, the third son[4.20.3] of Swayambhuva Manu,[4.20.4] or ‘The
Man, Lord of the earth,’ whose daughter Ila[4.20.5] (Terra) was espoused
by Budha (Mercury), son of Chandra[4.20.6] (the Moon), whence the
Yadus are styled Chandravansi, or ‘children of the moon.’
Budha was therefore worshipped as the great \[533] ancestor
(Pitrideva) of the lunar race; and previous to the apotheosis of
Krishna, was adored by all the Yadu race. The principal shrine
of Budha was at Dwarka, where he still receives adoration as
Budha Trivikrama.[4.20.7] Kanhaiya lived towards the conclusion
of the brazen age, calculated to have been about 1100 to 1200
years before Christ.[4.20.8] He was born to the inheritance of Vraj,
.bn 066.png
.pn +1
the country of the Suraseni, comprehending the territory round
Mathura for a space of eighty miles, of which he was unjustly
deprived in his infancy by his relative Kansa. From its vicinity
to Delhi we may infer either that there was no lord paramount
amongst the Yadus of this period, or that Krishna’s family held
as vassals of Hastinapur, then, with Indraprastha or Delhi, the
chief seat of Yadu power. There were two princes named Surasen
amongst the immediate predecessors of Krishna: one, his grandfather,
the other eight generations anterior. Which of these
was the founder of Suryapur on the Yamuna, the capital of the
Yadus,[4.20.9] we know not, but we may assume that the first gave his
name to the region around Mathura, described by Arrian as the
country of the Suraseni. Alexander was in India probably about
eight centuries after the deification of Krishna, and it is satisfactory
to find that the inquiries he instituted into the genealogy
of the dynasty then ruling on the \[534] Yamuna correspond very
closely with those of the Yadus of this distant period; and combined
with what Arrian says of the origin of the Pandus, it appears
indisputable that the descendants of this powerful branch of the
Yadus ruled on the Yamuna when the Macedonian erected the
.bn 067.png
.pn +1
altars of Greece on the Indus. That the personage whose epithets
of Krishna-Syam designate his colour as ‘the Black Prince,’ was
in fact a distinguished chief of the Yadus, there is not a shadow
of doubt; nor that, after his death, they placed him among the
gods as an incarnation of Vishnu or the Sun; and from this period
we may induce the Hindu notion of their Trinity. Arrian[4.20.10]
enumerates the names of Boudyas ([Greek: Boudu/as]) and Kradeuas
([Greek: Kradeu/as]) amongst the early ancestors of the tribe then in
power, which would alone convince us that Alexander had access
to the genealogies of the Puranas; for we can have little hesitation
in affirming these to be Budha and Kroshti, ancestors of
Krishna; and that “Mathora and Cleisobora, the chief cities
of the Suraseni,” are the Mathura and Suryapur occupied by the
descendants of Sursen.[4.20.11] Had Arrian afforded as many hints for
discussing the analogy between the Hindu and Grecian Apollos
as he has for the Hercules of Thebes and India, we might have
come to a conclusion that the three chief divinities[4.20.12] of Egypt,
Greece, and India had their altars first erected on the Indus,
Ganges, and Jumna.
.fn 4.20.1
[Derived, through the Prākrit, from Krishna.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.2
Chhappan kula Yadava.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.3
Qu. Japhet? [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.20.4
Also called Vaivaswata Manu—‘the man, son of the sun.’
.fn-
.fn 4.20.5
Ila, the earth—the Saxon Ertha. The Germans chiefly worshipped
Tuisco or Teutates and Ertha, who are the Budha or Ila of the Rajputs [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.20.6
A male divinity with the Rajputs, the Tatars, and ancient Germans.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.7
‘Triple Energy’ [‘he who strides over the three worlds’], the Hermes
Triplex of the Egyptians. [There is no cult of Budha at Dwārka.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8
I shall here subjoin an extract of the rise and progress of Vaishnavism
as written at my desire by the Mukhya of the temple:
“Twenty-five years of the Dwapar (the brazen age) were yet unexpired,
when the incarnation (avatar) of Sri Krishna took place. Of these, eleven
were passed at Gokul,[4.20.8.A] and fourteen at Mathura. There he used to manifest
himself personally, especially at Govardhan. But when the Kaliyug (the
iron age) commenced, he retired to Dwarka, an island separated by the
ocean from Bharatkand,[4.20.8.B] where he passed a hundred years before he went
to heaven. In Samvat 937 (A.D. 881) God decreed that the Hindu faith
should be overturned, and that the Turushka[4.20.8.C] should rule. Then the
jizya, or capitation tax, was inflicted on the head of the Hindu. Their
faith also suffered much from the Jains and the various infidel (asura) sects
which abounded. The Jains were so hostile, that Brahma manifested
himself in the shape of Sankaracharya who destroyed them and their
religion at Benares. In Gujarat, by their magic, they made the moon
appear at Amavas.[4.20.8.D] Sankara foretold to its prince, Siddhraj,[4.20.8.E] the flood
then approaching, who escaped in a boat and fled to Toda, on which
occasion all the Vidyas[4.20.8.F] (magicians) in that country perished.” [For a
more correct version of Krishna’s legend see Growse, Mathura, 3rd ed.;
for Vaishnavism, R. G. Bhandarkar, “Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor
Religious Systems,” in Grundriss Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde,
1913.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.A
A small town in the Jumna, below Mathura. Hence one of Krishna’s
titles is Gokulnath, ‘Lord of Gokul.’
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.B
The channel which separates the island of Dwarka from the mainland
is filled up, except in spring tides. I passed it when it was dry.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.C
We possess no record of the invasion of India in A.D. 881, by the Turki
tribes, half a century after Mamun’s expedition from Zabulistan against
Chitor, in the reign of Rawal Khuman [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.D
The ides of the month, when the moon is obscured.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.E
He ruled Samvat 1151 (A.D. 1095) to S. 1201 (A.D. 1145).
.fn-
.fn 4.20.8.F
Still used as a term of reproach to the Jains and Buddhists, in which,
and other points, as Ari (the foe, qu. Aria?), they bear a strong resemblance
to the followers of the Arian Zardusht, or Zoroaster. Amongst other
peculiarities, the ancient Persian fire-worshipper, like the present Jain,
placed a bandage over the mouth while worshipping.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.9
For an account of the discovery of the remains of this ancient city,
see Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 314.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.10
[Arrian, Indika, viii.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.11
[Growse (Mathura, 279) suggests that Cleisobora is Krishnapura,
‘Krishna’s city.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.12
Hercules, Mercury, and Apollo; Balaram, Budha, and Kanhaiya.
.fn-
Sun and Moon Worship.—The earliest objects of adoration in
these regions were the sun and moon, whose names designated
the two grand races, Surya and Chandra of Indu. Budha, son
of Indu, married Ila, a grandchild of Surya, from which union
sprung the Indu race. They deified their ancestor Budha, who
continued to be the chief object of adoration until Krishna:
hence the worship of Balnath[4.20.13] and Budha[4.20.14] were coeval. That
the Nomadic tribes of Arabia, as well as those of Tartary and
India, adored the same objects, we learn from the earliest writers;
and Job, the probable contemporary of Hasti, the founder of the
first capital of the Yadus on the Ganges, boasts in the midst of
his griefs that he had always remained uncorrupted by the
Sabaeism which surrounded him. “If I beheld the sun when it
shined, or the moon walking in brightness, and my mouth had
kissed my hand, this also were an iniquity to be punished by the
.bn 068.png
.pn +1
judge, for I should have denied the \[535] God that is above.”[4.20.15]
That there were many Hindus who, professing a pure monotheism
like Job, never kissed the hand either to Surya or his herald
Budha, we may easily credit from the sublimity of the notions of
the ‘One God,’ expressed both by the ancients and moderns,
by poets and by princes, of both races;[4.20.16] but more especially by
the sons of Budha, who for ages bowed not before graven images,
and deemed it impious to raise a temple to
.pm start_poem
The Spirit in whose honour shrines are weak.
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
Hence the Jains, the chief sect of the Buddhists,[4.20.17] so called from
adoring the spirit (Jina), were untinctured with idolatry until
the apotheosis of Krishna,[4.20.18] whose mysteries superseded the
simpler worship of Budha. Neminath (the deified Nemi) was
the pontiff of Budha, and not only the contemporary of Krishna,
but a Yadu, and his near relation; and both had epithets denoting
their complexion; for Arishta, the surname of Nemi, has the
same import as Syam and Krishna, ‘the black,’ though the latter
is of a less Ethiopic hue than Nemi.[4.20.19] It was anterior to this
schism amongst the sons of Budha that the creative power was
degraded under sensual forms, when the pillar rose to Bal or
Surya in Syria and on the Ganges: and the serpent, “subtlest
beast of all the field,” worshipped as the emblem of wisdom
(Budha), was conjoined with the symbol of the creative power,
as at the shrine of Eklinga, where the brazen serpent is wreathed
round the lingam.[4.20.20] Budha’s descendants, the Indus, preserved
.bn 069.png
.pn +1
the Ophite sign of their race, when Krishna’s followers adopted
the eagle as his symbol. These, with the adorers of Surya, form
the three idolatrous classes of India, not confined to its modern
\[536] restricted definition, but that of antiquity, when Industhan
or Indu-Scythia extended from the Ganges to the Caspian. In
support of the position that the existing polytheism was unknown
on the rise of Vaishnavism, we may state, that in none of the
ancient genealogies do the names of such deities appear as proper
names in society, a practice now common; and it is even recorded
that the rites of magic, the worship of the host of heaven, and
of idols, were introduced from Kashmir, between the periods of
Krishna and Vikrama. The powers of nature were personified,
and each quality, mental and physical, had its emblem, which
the Brahmans taught the ignorant to adopt as realities, till the
pantheon become so crowded that life would be too short to
acquire even the nomenclature of their ‘thirty-three millions
of gods.’[4.20.21] No object was too high or too base, from the glorious
Orb to the Rampi, or paring-knife of the shoemaker. In illustration
of the increase of polytheism, I shall describe the seven forms
under which Krishna is worshipped, whose statues are established
in the various capitals of Rajasthan, and are occasionally brought
together at the festival of Annakuta at Nathdwara.
.fn 4.20.13
The ‘God Bal,’ the Vivifier, the Sun [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.20.14
Budha signifies ‘wisdom.’
.fn-
.fn 4.20.15
Job chap. xxxi. 26, 27, 28.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.16
Chand, the bard, after having separately invoked the three persons of
the Hindu triad, says that he who believes them distinct, “hell will be his
portion.”
.fn-
.fn 4.20.17
[The Jains were not a Buddhist sect.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.18
A very curious cause was assigned by an eminent Jain priest for the
innovation of enshrining and worshipping the forms of the twenty-four
pontiffs: namely, that the worship of Kanhaiya, before and after the
apotheosis, became quite a rage amongst the women, who crowded his
shrines, drawing after them all the youth of the Jains; and that, in consequence,
they made a statue of Neminath to counteract a fervour that
threatened the existence of their faith. It is seldom we are furnished
with such rational reasons for religious changes.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.19
[Neminātha was the twenty-second Jain Tīrthakara or deified saint.
Arishta means ‘unhurt, perfect.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.20
It was the serpent (Budha) who ravished Ila, daughter of Ikshwaku,
the son of Manu, whence the distinctive epithet of his descendants in the
East, Manus, or men, the very tradition on an ancient sculptured column
in the south of India, which evidently points to the primeval mystery. In
Portici there is an exact lingam entwined with a brazen serpent, brought
from the temple of Isis at Pompeii: and many of the same kind, in mosaic,
decorate the floors of the dwelling-houses. But the most singular coincidence
is in the wreaths of lingams and the yoni over the door of the minor
temple of Isis at Pompeii; while on another front is painted the rape of
Venus by Mercury (Budha and Ila). The Lunar race, according to the
Puranas, are the issue of the rape of Ila by Budha. Aphah is a serpent in
Hebrew. Ahi and Sarpa are two of its many appellations in Sanskrit.
[These speculations are now obsolete.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.21
Taintīs kror devata.
.fn-
The international wars of the Suryas and the Yadu races, as
described in the Ramayana and Mahabharata, are lost between
allegory and literal interpretation. The Suryas, or Saivas, were
depressed; and the Indus, who counted ‘fifty-six’ grand
tribes, under the appellations of Takshak, ‘serpent,’ Aswa,
‘horse,’ Sasa, ‘hare,’ etc., etc., had paramount sway. Krishna’s
schism produced a new type, that of the eagle, and the wars of
.bn 070.png
.pn +1
the schismatics were depicted under their respective emblems,
the eagle and serpent, of which latter were the Kauravas and
Takshaks,[4.20.22] the political adversaries of the Pandus, the relatives
of Krishna. The \[537] allegory of Krishna’s eagle pursuing the
serpent Budha, and recovering the books of science and religion
with which he fled, is an historical fact disguised: namely, that
of Krishna incorporating the doctrines of Budha with his own
after the expulsion of the sect from India. Dare we further
attempt to lift the veil from this mystery, and trace from the seat
of redemption of lost science its original source?[4.20.23] The Gulf of
Cutch, the point where the serpent attempted to escape, has been
from time immemorial to the present day the entrepôt for the
commerce of Sofala, the Red Sea, Egypt, and Arabia. There
.bn 071.png
.pn +1
Budha Trivikrama, or Mercury, has been and is yet invoked by
the Indian mariners, especially the pirates of Dwarka. Did
Budha or Mercury come from, or escape to the Nile? Is he the
Hermes of Egypt to whom the ‘four books of science,’ like the
four Vedas[4.20.24] of the Hindus, were sacred? The statues of Nemi,[4.20.25]
the representative of Budha, exactly resemble in feature the bust
of young Memnon.[4.20.26]
.fn 4.20.22
The Mahabharata records constant wars from ancient times amongst
the children of Surya (the sun), and the Tak or Takshak (serpent races).
The horse of the sun, liberated preparatory to sacrifice, by the father of
Rama, was seized by the Takshak Ananta; and Janamejaya, king of Delhi,
grandson of Pandu, was killed by one of the same race. In both instances
the Takshak is literally rendered the snake. The successor of Janamejaya
carried war into the seats of this Tak or serpent race, and is said to have
sacrificed 20,000 of them in revenge; but although it is specifically stated
that he subsequently compelled them to sign tributary engagements
(paenama), the Brahmans have nevertheless distorted a plain historical
fact by a literal and puerile interpretation. The Paraitakai (Mountain-Tak)
of Alexander were doubtless of this race, as was his ally Taxiles, which
appellation was titular, as he was called Omphis till his father’s death.
It is even probable that this name is the Greek [Greek: O)/phis], in which they recognized
the tribe of the Tak or Snake. Taxiles may be compounded of is,
‘lord or chief,’ sila, ‘rock or mountain,’ and Tak, ‘lord of the mountain
Tak,’ whose capital was in the range west of the Indus. We are indebted
to the Emperor Babur for the exact position of the capital of this celebrated
race, which he passed in his route of conquest. We have, however, an
intermediate notice of it between Alexander and Babur, in the early history
of the Yadu Bhatti, who came in conflict with the Taks on their expulsion
from Zabulistan and settlement in the Panjab. [The Paraitakai or Paraitakenai
have no connexion with Tāk or Takshak, the first part of the
name perhaps representing Skt. parvata, ‘a mountain,’ or pahār in the
modern dialect. They lived in the hill country between the rivers Oxus
and Jaxartes (McCrindle, Alexander, 57). Omphis represents the Āmbhi,
king of Taxila, a name supposed to mean ‘rock of the Tāk tribe’ (ibid. 413;
Smith, EHI, 60), or, more probably, ‘city of cut stone.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.23
The Buddhists appeared in this peninsula and the adjacent continent
was the cradle of Buddhism, and here are three of the ‘five’ sacred mounts
of their faith, i.e. Girnar, Satrunjaya and Abu. The Author purposes
giving, hereafter, an account of his journey through these classic regions.
[He refers to Jains; Buddhism arose in Bihār.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.24
The Buddhists and Jains are stigmatized as Vidyavan, which, signifying
‘possessed of science,’ is interpreted ‘magician.’
.fn-
.fn 4.20.25
He is called Arishta-Nemi, ‘the black Nemi,’ from his complexion.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.26
[The connexion of Hindu with Egyptian beliefs is no longer admitted.]
.fn-
I have already observed that Krishna, before his own deification,
worshipped his great ancestor Budha; and his temple at
Dwarka rose over the ancient shrine of the latter, which yet
stands. In an inscription from the cave of Gaya their characters
are conjoined: “Hari who is Budha.” According to
Western mythology, Apollo and Mercury exchanged symbols,
the caduceus for the lyre; so likewise in India their characters
intermingle: and even the Saiva propitiates Hari as the mediator
and disposer of the ‘divine spark’ (jyoti) to its reunion with the
‘parent-flame’:—thus, like Mercury, he may be said to be the
conveyer of the souls of the dead. Accordingly in funeral
lamentation his name only is invoked, and Hari-bol! Hari-bol!
is emphatically pronounced by those conveying the corpse to its
final abode. The vahan (qu. the Saxon van?) or celestial car of
Krishna, in which the souls (ansa) of the just are conveyed to
Suryamandal, the ‘mansion of the sun,’ is painted like himself,
blue (indicative of space, or as Ouranos), with the eagle’s head;
and here he partakes of the Mercury of the \[538] Greeks, and of
Oulios, the preserver or saviour, one of the titles of Apollo at Delos.[4.20.27]
.fn 4.20.27
The Sun-god (Kan, according to Diodorus) is the Minos of the Egyptians.
The hieroglyphics at Turin represent him with the head of an ibis, or eagle,
with an altar before him, on which a shade places his offerings, namely, a
goose, cakes of bread, and flowers of the lotus, and awaits in humble attitude
his doom. In Sanskrit the same word means soul, goose, and swan [?], and
the Hindu poet is always punning upon it; though it might be deemed a
levity to represent the immaterial portion under so unclassical an emblem.
The lotus flowers are alike sacred to the Kan of the Egyptians as to Kanhaiya
the mediator of the Hindus, and both are painted blue and bird-headed.
The claims of Kanhaiya (contracted Kan) as the sun divinity of the Hindus
will be abundantly illustrated in the account of the festivals. [The above
theories are obsolete.]
.fn-
.bn 072.png
.pn +1
The Forms of Krishna.—The Tatar nations, who are all of
Indu race, like the Rajputs and German tribes, adored the moon
as a male divinity, and to his son, Budha, they assign the same
character of mediator. The serpent is alike the symbol of the
Budha of the Hindus, the Hermes of the Egyptians, and the
Mercury of Greece: and the allegory of the dragon’s teeth, the
origin of letters, brought by Cadmus from Egypt, is a version of
the Hindu fable of Kanhaiya (Apollo) wresting the Vedas (secrets)
from Budha or wisdom (Hermes), under his sign, the serpent or
dragon. We might still further elucidate the resemblance, and
by an analysis of the titles and attributes of the Hindu Apollo,
prove that from the Yamuna may have been supplied the various
incarnations of this divinity, which peopled the pantheons of
Egypt, Greece, and Rome. As Nomios, who attended the herds
of Admetus, we have Nonita,[4.20.28] the infantine appellation of
Kanhaiya, when he pastured the kine of Kesava in the woods
of Vindra, whence the ceremony of the sons of princes assuming
the crook, and on particular days tending the flocks.[4.20.29] As
Muralidhara, or the ‘flute-holder,’ Kanhaiya is the god of music;
and in giving him the shepherd’s reed instead of the vina or lyre,
we may conjecture that the simple bamboo (bans) which formed
the first flute (bansli) was in use before the chahtara,[4.20.30] the Grecian
cithara,[4.20.31] the first invented lyre of Apollo. Thus from the six-wired
.bn 073.png
.pn +1
instrument of the Hindus we have the Greek cithara, the
English cithern, and the Spanish guitar of modern \[539] days.
The Greeks, following the Egyptians, had but six notes, with
their lettered symbols; and it was reserved for the Italians to
add a seventh. Guido Aretine, a monk in the thirteenth century,
has the credit of this. I, however, believe the Hindus numbered
theirs from the heavenly bodies—the Sun, Moon, Mercury, Venus,
Mars, Jupiter, Saturn,—hence they had the regular octave, with
its semi-tones: and as, in the pruriency of their fancy, they
converted the ascending and descending notes into grahas, or
planetary bodies, so they may have added them to the harmonious
numbers, and produced the nauragini, their nine modes of music.[4.20.32]
Could we affirm that the hymns composed and set to music by
Jayadeva, nearly three thousand years ago,[4.20.33] and still chanted in
honour of the Apollo of Vraj, had been handed down with the
sentiments of these mystic compositions (and Sir W. Jones
sanctions the idea), we should say, from their simplicity, that
the musicians of that age had only the diatonic scale; but we
have every reason to believe, from the very elaborate character
of their written music, which is painful and discordant to the
ear from its minuteness of subdivision, that they had also the
chromatic scale, said to have been invented by Timotheus in the
time of Alexander, who might have carried it from the banks of
the Indus.
.fn 4.20.28
I do not mean to derive any aid from the resemblance of names, which
is here merely accidental. [Nonīta probably = Navanīta, ‘fresh butter,’
a dairy god (Macdonell-Keith, Vedic Index, i. 437).]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.29
When I heard the octogenarian ruler of Kotah ask his grandson,
“Bapalal, have you been tending the cows to-day?” my surprise was
converted into pleasure on the origin of the custom being thus classically
explained.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.30
From chha, ‘six,’ and tar, ‘a string or wire.’
.fn-
.fn 4.20.31
Strabo says the Greeks consider music as originating from Thrace
and Asia, of which countries were Orpheus, Musaeus, etc.; and that others
“who regard all Asia, as far as India, as a country sacred to Dionysus
(Bacchus), attribute to that country the invention of nearly all the science
of music. We perceive them sometimes describing the cithara of the
Asiatic, and sometimes applying to flutes the epithet of Phrygian. The
names of certain instruments, such as the nabla, and others likewise, are
taken from barbarous tongues.” This nabla of Strabo is possibly the tabla,
the small tabor of India. If Strabo took his orthography from the Persian
or Arabic, a single point would constitute the difference between the N (ن)
and the T (ﺕ). [The Arabic tabl, tabla, has no connexion with Greek
[Greek: na/bla], Hebrew nevel.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.32
An account of the state of musical science amongst the Hindus of early
ages, and a comparison between it and that of Europe, is yet a desideratum
in Oriental literature. From what we already know of the science, it appears
to have attained a theoretical precision yet unknown to Europe, and that
at a period when even Greece was little removed from barbarism. The
inspirations of the bards of the first ages were all set to music; and the
children of the most powerful potentates sang the episodes of the great
epics of Valmiki and Vyasa. There is a distinguished member of the Royal
Asiatic Society, and perhaps the only one, who could fill up this hiatus;
and we may hope that the leisure and inclination of the Right Honourable Sir
Gore Ousely will tempt him to enlighten us on this most interesting point.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.33
[The lyrical drama of Jayadeva, Gītagovinda, dates from the twelfth
century A.D. (Macdonell, Hist. Sanskrit Literature, 344 f.).]
.fn-
The Rāsmandal Dance.—In the mystic dance, the Rasmandal,
yet imitated on the annual festival sacred to the sun-god Hari,
he is represented with a radiant crown in a dancing attitude,
playing on the flute to the nymphs encircling him, each holding
a musical instrument.
.bn 074.png
.pn +1
.pm start_poem
In song and dance about the sacred hill;
Mystical dance, which yonder starry sphere
Of planets and of fixed in all her wheels
Resembles nearest; mazes intricate,
Eccentric, intervolved, yet regular
Then most, when most irregular they seem;
And in their motions harmony divine
So smooths her charming tones that God’s own ear
Listens delighted.
Milton, Paradise Lost, Book v. 619-27.
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
These nymphs are also called the nauragini, from raga, a mode
of song over which each presides, and naurasa, or ‘nine passions,’
excited by the powers \[540] of harmony. May we not in this
trace the origin of Apollo and the sacred nine? In the manner
described above, the rasmandal is typical of the zodiacal phenomena;
and in each sign a musical nymph is sculptured in alto-relievo,
in the vaulted temples dedicated to the god,[4.20.34] or in secular
edifices by way of ornament, as in the triumphal column of
Chitor. On the festival of the Janam,[4.20.35] or ‘birth-day,’ there is
a scenic representation of Kanhaiya and the Gopis: when are
rehearsed in the mellifluous accents of the Ionic land of Vraj,
the songs of Jayadeva, as addressed by Kanhaiya to Radha and
her companions. A specimen of these, as translated by that
elegant scholar, Sir W. Jones, may not be considered inappropriate
here.
.fn 4.20.34
I have often been struck with a characteristic analogy in the sculptures
of the most ancient Saxon cathedrals in England and on the Continent,
to Kanhaiya and the Gopis. Both may be intended to represent divine
harmony. Did the Asi and Jits of Scandinavia, the ancestors of the Saxons,
bring them from Asia?
.fn-
.fn 4.20.35
[The Janamashtami, Krishna’s birthday, is celebrated on the 8th dark
half of Sāwan (July-August).]
.fn-
The Songs of Jayadeva.—I have had occasion to remark elsewhere,[4.20.36]
that the Rajput bards, like the heroic Scalds of the north,
lose no opportunity of lauding themselves; of which Jayadeva,
the bard of the Yadus, has set an eminent example in the opening
of ‘the songs of Govinda.’
.fn 4.20.36
Trans. Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 146.
.fn-
“If thy soul be delighted with the remembrance of Hari, or
sensible to the raptures of love, listen to the voice of Jayadeva,
whose notes are both sweet and brilliant.”
.bn 075.png
.il id=i630 fn=illo_0630.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca
KANHAIYA AND RĀDHA.
To face page 630.
.ca-
.bn 076.png
.bn 077.png
.pn +1
The poet opens the first interview of Krishna and Radha with
an animated description of a night in the rainy season, in which
Hari is represented as a wanderer, and Radha, daughter of the
shepherd Nanda, is sent to offer him shelter in their cot.[4.20.37] Nanda
thus speaks to Radha: “The firmament is obscured by clouds;
the woodlands are black with Tamala trees; that youth who
roves in the forest will be fearful in the gloom of night; go, my
daughter, bring the wanderer to my rustic mansion. Such was
the command of Nanda the herdsman, and hence arose the love
of Radha and Madhava.”[4.20.38]
.fn 4.20.37
[Rādha was daughter of Vrishabhānu.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.38
Madho in the dialect of Vraj.
.fn-
The poet proceeds to apostrophize Hari, which the Hindu
bard terms rupaka, or ‘personal description’:
“Oh thou who reclinest on the bosom of Kamala, whose ears
flame with gems, and whose locks are embellished with sylvan
flowers; thou, from whom the \[541] day-star derived his effulgence,
who slewest the venom-breathing Kaliya, who beamedst
like a sun on the tribe of Yadu, that flourished like a lotus;
thou, who sittest on the plumage of Garuda, who sippest nectar
from the radiant lips of Padma, as the fluttering chakora drinks
the moonbeams; be victorious, O Hari.”
Jayadeva then introduces Hari in the society of the pastoral
nymphs of Vraj, whom he groups with admirable skill, expressing
the passion by which each is animated towards the youthful
prince with great warmth and elegance of diction. But Radha,
indignant that he should divide with them the affection she
deemed exclusively her own, flies his presence. Hari, repentant
and alarmed, now searches the forest for his beloved, giving vent
at each step to impassioned grief. “Woe is me! she feels a
sense of injured honour, and has departed in wrath. How will
she conduct herself? How will she express her pain in so long
a separation? What is wealth to me? What are numerous
attendants? What the pleasures of the world? How can I
invite thee to return? Grant me but a sight of thee, oh! lovely
Radha, for my passion torments me. O God of love! mistake
me not for Siva. Wound me not again. I love already but too
passionately; yet have I lost my beloved. Brace not thy bow,
thou conqueror of the world! My heart is already pierced by
arrows from Radha’s eyes, black and keen as those of the antelope.”
.bn 078.png
.pn +1
Radha relents and sends a damsel in quest of Hari, whom she
finds in a solitary arbour on the banks of the Yamuna. She
describes her mistress as animated by the same despair which
controls him:
“Her face is like a water-lily veiled in the dew of tears, and
her eyes are as moons eclipsed. She draws thy picture and
worships it, and at the close of every sentence exclaims, ‘O
Madhava, at thy feet am I fallen!’ Then she figures thee standing
before her: she sighs, she smiles, she mourns, she weeps.
Her abode, the forest—herself through thy absence is become
a timid roe, and love is the tiger who springs on her, like Yama,
the genius of death. So emaciated is her beautiful body, that
even the light garland which waves o’er her bosom is a load.
The palm of her hand supports her aching temple, motionless as
the crescent rising at eve. Thus, O divine healer, by the nectar
of thy love \[542] must Radha be restored to health; and if thou
refusest, thy heart must be harder than the thunder-stone.”[4.20.39]
.fn 4.20.39
We meet with various little philosophical phenomena used as similes
in this rhapsody of Jayadeva. These aërolites, mentioned by a poet the
contemporary of David and Solomon, are but recently known to the
European philosopher. [But one was worshipped at Rome in B.C. 204.]
.fn-
The damsel returns to Radha and reports the condition of
Hari, mourning her absence: “Even the hum of the bee distracts
him. Misery sits fixed in his heart, and every returning
night adds anguish to anguish.” She then recommends Radha
to seek him. “Delay not, O loveliest of women; follow the
lord of thy heart. Having bound his locks with forest flowers,
he hastens to yon arbour, where a soft gale breathes over the
banks of Yamuna, and there pronouncing thy name, he modulates
his divine reed. Leave behind thee, O friend, the ring which
tinkles on thy delicate ankle when thou sportest in the dance.
Cast over thee thy azure mantle and run to the shady bower.”
But Radha, too weak to move, is thus reported to Hari by
the same fair mediator: “She looks eagerly on all sides in hope
of thy approach: she advances a few steps and falls languid to
the ground. She weaves bracelets of fresh leaves, and looking
at herself in sport, exclaims, behold the vanquisher of Madhu!
Then she repeats the name of Hari, and catching at a dark blue
cloud,[4.20.40] strives to embrace it, saying, ‘It is my beloved who
approaches.’”
.fn 4.20.40
This is, in allusion to the colour of Krishna, a dark blue.
.fn-
.bn 079.png
.pn +1
Midnight arrives, but neither Hari nor the damsel returns,
when she gives herself up to the frenzy of despair, exclaiming:
“The perfidy of my friend rends my heart. Bring disease and
death, O gale of Malaya! receive me in thy azure wave, O sister
of Yama,[4.20.41] that the ardour of my heart may be allayed.”
.fn 4.20.41
The Indian Pluto; she is addressing the Yamuna.
.fn-
The repentant Hari at length returns, and in speech well
calculated to win forgiveness, thus pleads his pardon:
“Oh! grant me a draught of honey from the lotus of thy
mouth: or if thou art inexorable, grant me death from the
arrows of thine eyes; make thy arms my chains: thou art my
ornament; thou art the pearl in the ocean of my mortal birth!
Thine eyes, which nature formed like blue water-lilies, are become
through thy resentment like petals of the crimson lotus! Thy
silence affects me; oh! speak with the voice of music, and let
thy sweet accents allay my ardour” \[543].
“Radha with timid joy, darting her eyes on Govinda while she
musically sounded the rings of her ankles and the bells of her
zone,[4.20.42] entered the mystic bower of her beloved. His heart was
agitated by her sight, as the waves of the deep are affected by
the lunar orb.[4.20.43] From his graceful waist flowed a pale yellow
robe,[4.20.44] which resembled the golden dust of the water-lily scattered
over its blue petals.[4.20.45] His locks interwoven with blossoms, were
like a cloud variegated by the moonbeam. Tears of transport
gushed in a stream from the full eyes of Radha, and their watery
glances beamed on her best beloved. Even shame, which had
before taken its abode in their dark pupils, was itself ashamed,[4.20.46]
and departed when the fawn-eyed Radha gazed on the bright
face of Krishna.”
.fn 4.20.42
Thus the ancient statues do not present merely the sculptor’s fancy
in the zone of bells with which they are ornamented.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.43
This is a favourite metaphor with the bards of India, to describe the
alternations of the exciting causes of love; and it is yet more important
as showing that Jayadeva was the philosopher as well as the poet of nature,
in making the action of the moon upon the tides the basis of this beautiful
simile.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.44
This yellow robe or mantle furnishes another title of the Sun-god,
namely, Pitambara, typical of the resplendence which precedes his rising
and setting.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.45
It will be again necessary to call to mind the colour of Krishna, to
appreciate this elegant metaphor.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.46
This idea is quite new.
.fn-
.bn 080.png
.pn +1
The poet proceeds to describe Apollo’s bower on the sable
Yamuna, as ‘Love’s recess’; and sanctifies it as
.pm start_poem
... The ground
Where early Love his Psyche’s zone unbound.[4.20.47]
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.20.47
Childe Harold, Canto iii.
.fn-
In the morning the blue god aids in Radha’s simple toilet.
He stains her eye with antimony “which would make the blackest
bee envious,” places “a circle of musk on her forehead,” and
intertwines “a chaplet of flowers and peacock’s feathers in her
dark tresses,” replacing “the zone of golden bells.” The bard
concludes as he commenced, with an eulogium on the inspirations
of his muse, which it is evident were set to music. “Whatever
is delightful in the modes of music, whatever is graceful in the
fine strains of poetry, whatever is exquisite in the sweet art of
love, let the happy and wise learn from the songs of Jayadeva.”
The Rāsmandal Dance.—This mystic dance, the rasmandal,
appears analogous to the Pyrrhic dance, or the fire-dance of the
Egyptians. The movements of those who personate the deity
and his fair companions are full \[544] of grace, and the dialogue
is replete with harmony.[4.20.48] The Chaubes[4.20.49] of Mathura and Vindravana
have considerable reputation as vocalists; and the effect
of the modulated and deep tones of the adult blending with the
clear treble of the juvenile performers, while the time is marked
by the cymbal or the soothing monotony of the tabor, accompanied
occasionally by the murali or flute, is very pleasing.
.fn 4.20.48
The anniversary of the birth of Kanhaiya is celebrated with splendour
at Sindhia’s court, where the author frequently witnessed it, during a ten
years’ residence.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.49
The priests of Kanhaiya, probably so called from the chob or club with
which, on the annual festival, they assault the castle of Kansa, the tyrant
usurper of Krishna’s birthright, who, like Herod, ordered the slaughter of
all the youth of Vraj, that Krishna might not escape. These Chaubēs are
most likely the Sobii of Alexander, who occupied the chief towns of the
Panjab, and who, according to Arrian, worshipped Hercules (Hari-kul-es,
chief of the race of Hari), and were armed with clubs. The mimic assault
of Kansa’s castle by some hundreds of these robust church militants, with
their long clubs covered with iron rings, is well worth seeing. [The Chaubē
Brāhmans of Mathura do not take their name from Chob, ‘a club,’ but from
Skt. Chaturvedin, ‘learned in the four Vedas.’ By the Sobii the Author
means the Sibi or Sivaya, inhabiting a district between the Hydaspes and
the Indus (McCrindle, Alexander, 366). They have no possible connexion
with the Mathura Chaubēs.]
.fn-
.bn 081.png
.pn +1
Govardhana.—We have a Parnassus in Govardhana, from
which sacred hill the god derives one of his principal epithets,
Gordhan or Gordhannath, ‘God of the mount of wealth.’[4.20.50] Here
he first gave proofs of miraculous power, and a cave in this hill
was the first shrine, on his apotheosis, whence his miracles and
oracles were made known to the Yadus. From this cave (gupha)
is derived another of his titles—Guphnath, ‘Lord of the cave,’
distinct from his epithet Gopinath, ‘Lord of the Gopis,’[4.20.51] or pastoral
nymphs. On the annual festival held at Govardhana, the sacred
mount is purified with copious oblations of milk, for which all
the cows of the district are in requisition.
.fn 4.20.50
[Govardhana means ‘nourisher of cattle.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.51
[The title Guphanātha is not recorded.]
.fn-
Cave Worship of Krishna.—The worship of Krishna in ancient
days, like that of Apollo amongst the Greeks, was chiefly celebrated
in caves, of which there were many scattered over India. The
most remarkable were those of Govardhana in Vraj; Gaya in
Bihar; Gopnath on the shores of Saurashtra; and Jalandhara[4.20.52]
on the Indus. In these dark and mysterious retreats superstition
had her full influence over the votaries who sought the commands
and deprecated the wrath of the deity: but, as the Mukhya told
the author, “the age of oracles and miracles is past”; and the
new wheel, which was miraculously furnished each revolving
year to supply the place of that which first indicated his desire
to abide at Nathdwara, is no longer forthcoming. The old one,
which was the signal of his wish, is, however, preserved as a relic,
and greatly reverenced. The statue now worshipped at Nathdwara,
as the representative of ‘the god of the mount’ \[545], is
said to be the identical image raised in the cave of Govardhana,
and brought thence by the high priest Balba.[4.20.53]
.fn 4.20.52
Jalandhara on the Indus is described by the Emperor Babur as a
very singular spot, having numerous caves. The deity of the caves of
Jalandhara is the tutelary deity of the Prince of Marwar. [When the
body of Daksha was cut up, the breast fell at Jālandhar; the Daitya king,
Jālandhara, was crushed by Siva under the Jawālamukhi hill (Āīn, ii. 314 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.53
[Cave worship does not seem to be specially connected with the cult of
Krishna. The mention of the cave at Govardhan seems to refer to the
legend of Krishna protecting the people of Braj from a storm sent by Indra,
by holding the hill over them (Growse, op. cit. 60). The Gaya caves are
Buddhistic, and have no connexion with Krishna (IGI, xii. 198 f.).
Guphanāth does not seem to be a Krishna title, and the cave of Gopnāth
in Kāthiāwar is said to derive its name from Gopsinghji, a Gohil prince,
who reigned in the sixteenth century (BG, viii. 445).]
.fn-
.bn 082.png
.pn +1
Krishna a Dragon-Slayer.—As the destroyer of Kaliyanag,
‘the black serpent,’ which infested the waters of the Yamuna,
Kanhaiya has the character of the Pythic Apollo. He is represented
dragging the monster from the ‘black stream,’ and
bruising him with his foot. He had, however, many battles with
his hydra-foe ere he vanquished him, and he was once driven by
Kalayavana from Vraj to Dwarka, whence his title of Ranchhor.
Here we have the old allegory of the schismatic wars of the
Buddhists and Vaishnavas.
Parallels to Krishna in other Mythologies.—Diodorus informs
us that Kan was one of the titles of the Egyptian Apollo as the
sun; and this is the common contraction for Kanhaiya, whose
colour is a dark cerulean blue (nila): and hence his name Nilanath,
who, like the Apollo of the Nile, is depicted with the human
form and eagle-head, with a lotus in his hand. S and H are permutable
letters in the Bhakha, and Syam or Sham, the god of the
Yamuna, may be the Ham or Hammon of Egypt. Hari accompanied
Rama to Lanka, as did the Egyptian Apollo, Rameses-Sesostris,
on his expedition to India: both were attended in their
expedition by an army of Satyrs, or tribes bearing the names of
different animals: and as we have the Aswas, the Takshaks, and
the Sasas of the Yadu tribes, typified under the horse, the serpent,
and the hare, so the races of Surya, of which Rama was the head,
may have been designated Riksh and Hanuman, or bears and
monkeys. The distance of the Nile from the Indian shore forms
no objection; the sail spread for Ceylon could waft the vessel
to the Red Sea, which the fleets of Tyre, of Solomon, and Hiram
covered about this very time. That the Hindus navigated the
ocean from the earliest ages, the traces of their religion in the
isles of the Indian archipelago sufficiently attest; but on this
subject we have already said enough.
The coincidence between the most common epithets of the
Apollos of Greece and India, as applied to the sun, are peculiarly
striking. Hari, as Bhannath, ‘the lord of beams,’ is Phoebus,
and his heaven is Haripur (Heliopolis), or ‘city of Hari.’[4.20.54] Helios
([Greek: Ê(/lios]) was a title of Apollo, whence the Greeks had their
.bn 083.png
.pn +1
Elysium, the Haripur or Bhanthan (the abode of the sun), the
highest of the \[546] heavens or abodes of bliss of the martial
Rajput. Hence the eagle (the emblem of Hari as the sun)[4.20.55] was
adopted by the western warrior as the symbol of victory.
.fn 4.20.54
“In Hebrew heres signifies the sun, but in Arabic the meaning of the
radical word is to guard, preserve; and of haris, guardian, preserver”
(Volney’s Ruins of Empires, p. 316). [Needless to say, Elysium ([Greek: Ê)ly/sion
pedi/on]) has no connexion with [Greek: Ê(/lios], the sun.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.55
The heaven of Vishnu, Vaikuntha, is entirely of gold, and 80,000 miles
in circumference. Its edifices, pillars, and ornaments are composed of
precious stones. The crystal waters of the Ganges form a river in Vaikuntha,
where are lakes filled with blue, red, and white water-lilies, each of a hundred
and even a thousand petals. On a throne glorious as the meridian sun
resting on water-lilies, is Vishnu, with Lakshmi or Sri, the goddess of abundance
(the Ceres of the Egyptians and Greeks), on his right hand, surrounded
by spirits who constantly celebrate the praise of Vishnu and Lakshmi, who
are served by his votaries, and to whom the eagle (garuda) is door-keeper
(Extract from the Mahabharata—See Ward on the History and Religion of
the Hindus, vol. ii. p. 14).
.fn-
The Di Majores of the Rajput are the same in number and
title as amongst the Greeks and Romans, being the deities who
figuratively preside over the planetary system. Their grades of
bliss are therefore in unison with the eccentricity of orbit of the
planet named. On this account Chandra or Indu, the moon,
being a mere satellite of Ila, the earth, though probably originating
the name of the Indu race, is inferior in the scale of blissful
abodes to that of his son Budha or Mercury, whose heliacal
appearance gave him importance even with the sons of Vaivasvata,
the sun. From the poetic seers of the martial races we learn
that there are two distinct places of reward; the one essentially
spiritual, the other of a material nature. The bard inculcates
that the warrior who falls in battle in the fulfilment of his duty,
“who abandons life through the wave of steel,” will know no
“second birth,” but that the unconfined spark (jyotis) will reunite
to the parent orb. The doctrine of transmigration through a
variety of hideous forms may be considered as a series of purgatories.
The Greeks and Celts worshipped Apollo under the title of
Carneios,[4.20.56] which “selon le scholiaste de Théocrite” is derived
from Carnos, “qui ne prophétisoit que des malheurs aux Héraclides
lors de leur incursion dans le Péloponnèse. Un d’eux
appelé Hippotés, le tua d’un coup de flèche.” Now one of the
titles of the Hindu Apollo is Karna, ‘the radiant’; from karna,
‘a ray’: and when he led the remains of the Harikulas in company
.bn 084.png
.pn +1
with Baldeva (the god of strength), and Yudhishthira, after the
great international war, into the Peloponnesus of Saurashtra,
they were attacked by the aboriginal Bhils, one of whom slew
the divine Karna with an arrow. The Bhils claim to be of
Hayavansa, or the race of Haya, whose chief seat was at Maheswar
on the Nerbudda: the assassin of Karna would consequently
be Hayaputra, or descendant of Haya[4.20.57] \[547].
.fn 4.20.56
[Apollo [Greek: Ka/rneios] was probably ‘the horned god,’ connected with [Greek: ke/ras],
‘a horn,’ as a deity of herdsmen (Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iv. 131).]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.57
Supposing these coincidences in the fabulous history of the ancient
nations of Greece and Asia to be merely fortuitous, they must excite interest;
but conjoined with various others in the history of the Herikulas of India
and the Heraclidae of Greece, I cannot resist the idea that they were connected [?].
.fn-
The most celebrated of the monuments commonly termed
Druidic, scattered throughout Europe, is at Carnac in Brittany,
on which coast the Celtic Apollo had his shrines, and was propitiated
under the title of Karneios, and this monument may be
considered at once sacred to the manes of the warriors and the
sun-god Karneios. Thus the Roman Saturnalia, the carnivale,
has a better etymology in the festival to Karneios, as the sun,
than in the ‘adieu to flesh’ during the fast. The character of
this festival is entirely oriental, and accompanied with the
licentiousness which belonged to the celebration of the powers
of nature. Even now, although Christianity has banished the
grosser forms, it partakes more of a Pagan than a Christian
ceremony.
The Annakūta Festival.—Of the festivals of Krishna the
Annakuta is the most remarkable;[4.20.58] when the seven statues were
brought from the different capitals of Rajasthan, and mountains
(kuta) of food (anna) piled up for their repast, at a given signal
are levelled by the myriads of votaries assembled from all parts.
About eighty years ago, on a memorable assemblage at the
Annakuta, before warfare had devastated Rajasthan, and circumscribed
the means of the faithful disciples of Hari, amongst
the multitude of Vaishnavas of every region were almost all the
Rajput princes; Rana Arsi of Mewar, Raja Bijai Singh of Marwar,
Raja Gaj Singh of Bikaner, and Bahadur Singh of Kishangarh.
Rana Arsi presented to the god a tora, or massive golden anklet-chain
set with emeralds: Bijai Singh a diamond necklace worth
.bn 085.png
.pn +1
twenty-five thousand rupees: the other princes according to
their means. They were followed by an old woman of Surat,
with infirm step and shaking head, who deposited four coppers
in the hand of the high-priest, which were received with a gracious
smile, not vouchsafed to the lords of the earth. “The Rand is
in luck,” whispered the chief of Kishangarh to the Rana. Soon
afterwards the statue of Hari was brought forth, when the same
old woman placed at its feet a bill of exchange for seventy thousand
rupees. The mighty were humbled, and the smile of the Gosain
was explained. Such gifts, and to a yet greater amount, are, or
were, by no means uncommon from the sons of commerce, who
are only known to belong to the flock from the distinguishing
necklace of the sect.[4.20.59]
.fn 4.20.58
[The Annakūta festival, held on the first day of the light half of Kārttik
(Oct.-Nov.). This was the old name of the hill which Krishna held aloft to
protect his people (Growse, op. cit. 300).]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.59
Gibbon records a similar offering of 200,000 sesterces to the Roman
church, by a stranger, in the reign of Decius [ed. W. Smith, ii. 199].
.fn-
Interruption of Worship.—The predatory system which
reduced these countries to a state of the most degraded anarchy,
greatly diminished the number of pilgrimages to Nathdwara \[548];
and the gods of Vraj had sufficient prescience to know that they
could guard neither their priests nor followers from the Pathan
and Mahratta, to whom the crown of the god, or the nathna
(nose-jewel) of Radha, would be alike acceptable: nor would they
have scrupled to retain both the deities and priests as hostages
for such imposition as they might deem within their means.
Accordingly, of late years, there had been no congress of the gods
of Vraj, who remained fixtures on their altars till the halcyon
days of A.D. 1818 permitted their liberation.[4.20.60]
.fn 4.20.60
I enjoyed no small degree of favour with the supreme pontiff of the
shrine of Apollo and all his votaries, for effecting a meeting of the seven
statues of Vishnu in 1820. In contriving this I had not only to reconcile
ancient animosities between the priests of the different shrines, in order to
obtain a free passport for the gods, but to pledge myself to the princes in
whose capitals they were established, for their safe return: for they dreaded
lest bribery might entice the priests to fix them elsewhere, which would
have involved their loss of sanctity, dignity, and prosperity. It cost me
no little trouble, and still more anxiety, to keep the assembled multitudes
at peace with each other, for they are as outrageous as any sectarians in
contesting the supreme power and worth of their respective forms (rupa).
Yet they all separated, not only without violence, but without even any
attempt at robbery, so common on such occasions.
.fn-
Seven Forms of Krishna.—The seven statues of Kanhaiya
were brought together by the high-priest Balba, who established
.bn 086.png
.pn +1
the festival of the Annakuta. They remained in the same
sanctuary until the time of Girdhari, the grandson of Balba,
who having seven sons, gave to each a rupa or statue, and whose
descendants continue in the office of priest. The names and
present abodes of the gods are as follows:
.sp 1
.ti 0
Nathji, the god, or Gordhannath, god of the mount
Nathdwara.
.ta l:40 l:20 w=80%
1. Nonita | Nathdwara.
2. Mathuranath | Kotah.
3. Dwarkanath | Kankroli.[4.20.61]
4. Gokulnath, or Gokulchandrama | Jaipur.
5. Yadunath | Surat.
6. Vitthalnath[4.20.62] | Kotah.
7. Madan Mohana | Jaipur.
.ta-
.sp 1
.fn 4.20.61
[Kānkroli, 36 miles N.E. of Udaipur city: the image is said to have
been brought from Mathura A.D. 1669 (Erskine ii. A. 113).]
.fn-
Nathji is not enumerated amongst the forms; he stands
supreme.
Nonita, or Nonanda, the juvenile Kanhaiya, has his altar
separate, though close to Nathji. He is also styled Balamukund,
‘the blessed child,’[4.20.63] and is depicted as an infant with pera[4.20.64] or
comfit-ball in his hand. This image, which was one of the
penates of a former age, and which, since the destruction of the
shrines of \[549] Krishna by the Islamites, had lain in the Yamuna,
attached itself to the sacerdotal zone (Janeo) of the high-priest
Balba, while he was performing his ablutions, who, carrying it
home, placed it in a niche of the temple and worshipped it: and
Nonanda yet receives the peculiar homage of the high-priest and
his family as their household divinity. Of the second image,
Mathuranath, there is no particular mention: it was at one time
at Khamnor in Mewar, but is now at Kotah.
.fn 4.20.62
[The form of Vishnu worshipped at Pāndharpur in Sholapur District.
The name is probably a local corruption of Vishnupati, ‘Lord Vishnu,’
through the forms Bistu or Bittu (IA, iv. 361).]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.63
[Said to mean ‘the child, giver of liberation.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20.64
The pera of Mathura can only be made from the waters of the Yamuna,
from whence it is still conveyed to Nonanda at Nathdwara, and with curds
forms his evening repast.
.fn-
Balkrishna, the third son, had Dwarkanath, which statue, now
at Kankroli in Mewar, is asserted to be the identical image that
.bn 087.png
.pn +1
received the adoration of Raja Amaraka, a prince of the solar
race who lived in the Satya Yuga, or silver age. The ‘god of
the mount’ revealed himself in a dream to his high-priest, and
told him of the domicile of this his representative at Kanauj.
Thither Balba repaired, and having obtained it from the Brahman,
appointed Damodardas Khatri to officiate at his altar.
The fourth statue, that of Gokulnath, or Gokul Chandrama
(i.e. the moon of Gokul), had an equally mysterious origin, having
been discovered in a deep ravine on the banks of the river; Balba
assigned it to his brother-in-law. Gokul is an island on the
Jumna,[4.20.65] a few miles below Mathura, and celebrated in the early
history of the pastoral divinity. The residence of this image
at Jaipur does not deprive the little island of its honours as a
place of pilgrimage; for the ‘god of Gokul’ has an altar on the
original site, and his rites are performed by an aged priestess,
who disowns the jurisdiction of the high-priest of Nathdwara,
both in the spiritual and temporal concerns of her shrine; and
who, to the no small scandal of all who are interested in Apollo,
appealed from the fiat of the high-priest to the British court of
justice. The royal grants of the Mogul emperors were produced,
which proved the right to lie in the high-priest, though a long
period of almost undisturbed authority had created a feeling of
independent control in the family of the priestess, which they
desired might continue. A compromise ensued, when the Author
was instrumental in restoring harmony to the shrines of Apollo.
.fn 4.20.65
[Gokul is not an island, but a suburb of Mahāban in Mathura District.]
.fn-
The fifth, Yadunath, is the deified ancestor of the whole Yadu
race. This image, now at Surat, formerly adorned the shrine
of Mahaban near Mathura which was destroyed by Mahmud \[550].
The sixth, Vitthalnath, or Pandurang,[4.20.66] was found in the Ganges
at Benares, Samvat 1572 (A.D. 1516), from which we may judge
of their habit of multiplying divinities.
.fn 4.20.66
[Pāndurang is said to mean ‘white-coloured’; but others believe it
to be the Sanskritized form of Pandaraga, that is, ‘belonging to Pandargē,’
the old name of Pāndharpur (BG, xx. 423).]
.fn-
The seventh, Madan Mohana, ‘he who intoxicates with desire,’
the seductive lover of Radha and the Gopis, has his rites performed
by a female. The present priestess of Mohana is the
mother of Damodara, the supreme head of all who adore the
Apollo of Vraj.
.bn 088.png
.pn +1
The Pontiff of Nāthdwāra.—I am not aware of the precise
period of Balba Acharya, who thus collected the seven images
of Krishna now in Rajasthan; but he must have lived about
the time of the last of the Lodi kings, at the period of the conquest
of India by the Moguls (A.D. 1526). The present pontiff, Damodara,
as before said, is his lineal descendant; and whether in addressing
him verbally or by letter he is styled Maharaja or ‘great prince.’[4.20.67]
.fn 4.20.67
Gosain is a title more applicable to the célibataire worshippers of Hara
than of Hari—of Jupiter than of Apollo. It is alleged that the Emperor
Akbar first bestowed this epithet on the high-priest of Krishna, whose rites
attracted his regard. They were previously called Dikshit, ‘one who performs
sacrifice,’ a name given to a very numerous class of Brahmans. The
Gotrācharya, or genealogical creed of the high-priest, is as follows: “Tailang
Brahman, Bharadwaja gotra,[4.20.67.A] Gurukula,[4.20.67.B] Taittari sakha; i.e. Brahman of
Telingana, of the tribe of Bharadwaja, of the race of Guru, of the branch
Taittari.”
.fn-
.fn 4.20.67.A
Bhāradwaja was a celebrated founder of a sect in the early ages.
.fn-
.fn 4.20.67.B
Guru is an epithet applied to Vrishapati, ‘Lord of the bull,’ the Indian
Jupiter, who is called the Guru, preceptor or guardian of the gods. [Brihaspati,
‘Lord of prayer,’ the regent of the planet Jupiter, is confused with
Vrishapati. ‘Lord of the bull,’ an epithet of Siva.]
.fn-
As the supreme head of the Vishnu sect his person is held
to be Ansa, or ‘a portion of the divinity’; and it is maintained
that so late as the father of the present incumbent, the god
manifested himself and conversed with the high-priest. The
present pontiff is now about thirty years of age. He is of a
benign aspect, with much dignity of demeanour: courteous, yet
exacting the homage due to his high calling: meek, as becomes
the priest of Govinda, but with the finished manners of one accustomed
to the first society. His features are finely moulded, and
his complexion good. He is about the middle size, though as
he rises to no mortal, I could not exactly judge of his height.
When I saw him he had one only daughter, to whom he is much
attached. He has but one wife, nor does Krishna allow polygamy
to his priest. In times of danger, like some of his prototypes in
the dark ages of Europe, he poised the lance, and found it more
effective than spiritual anathemas, against those who would first
adore the god, and then plunder him. Such were the Mahratta
chiefs, Jaswant Rao Holkar and Bapu Sindhia. Damodara
accordingly made the \[551] tour of his extensive diocese at the
head of four hundred horse, two standards of foot, and two field-pieces.
He rode the finest mares in the country; laid aside his
.bn 089.png
.pn +1
pontificals for the quilted dagla, and was summoned to matins
by the kettle-drum instead of the bell and cymbal. In this he
only imitated Kanhaiya, who often mixed in the ranks of battle,
and “dyed his saffron robe in the red-stained field.” Had
Damodara been captured on one of these occasions by any marauding
Pathan, and incarcerated, as he assuredly would have been,
for ransom, the marauder might have replied to the Rana, as did
the Plantagenet king to the Pope, when the surrender of the
captive church-militant bishop was demanded, “Is this thy son
Joseph’s coat?” But, notwithstanding this display of martial
principle, which covered with a helmet the shaven crown, his
conduct and character are amiable and unexceptionable, and he
furnishes a striking contrast to the late head of the Vishnu establishments
in Marwar, who commenced with the care of his master’s
conscience, and ended with that of the State; meek and unassuming
till he added temporal[4.20.68] to spiritual power, which
developed unlimited pride, with all the qualities that too often
wait on “a little brief authority,” and to the display of which
he fell a victim. Damodara,[4.20.69] similarly circumstanced, might
have evinced the same failings, and have met the same end;
but though endeavours were made to give him political influence
at the Rana’s court, yet, partly from his own good sense, and
partly through the dissuasion of the Nestor of Kotah (Zalim
Singh), he was not entrained in the vortex of its intrigues, which
must have involved the sacrifice of wealth and the proper dignity
of his station \[552].
.fn 4.20.68
The high-priest of Jalandharnath used to appear at the head of a
cavalcade far more numerous than any feudal lord of Marwar. A sketch
of this personage will appear elsewhere. These Brahmans were not a jot
behind the ecclesiastical lords of the Middle Ages, who are thus characterized:
“Les seigneurs ecclésiatiques, malgré l’humilité chrétienne, ne se sont pas
montrés moins orgueilleux que les nobles laïcs. Le doyen du chapitre de
Notre Dame du Port, à Clermont, pour montrer sa grande noblesse, officiait
avec toute la pompe féodale. Étant à l’autel, il avait l’oiseau sur la perche
gauche, et on portait devant lui la hallebarde; on la lui portait aussi de la
même manière pendant qu’on chantait l’évangile, et aux processions il
avait lui-même l’oiseau sur le poing, et il marchait à la tête de ses serviteurs,
menant ses chiens de chasse” (Dict. de l’Anc. Régime, p. 380).
.fn-
.fn 4.20.69
The first letter I received on reaching England after my long residence
in India was from this priest, filled with anxious expressions for my health,
and speedy return to protect the lands and sacred kine of Apollo.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 090.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 id='a4.20'
APPENDIX
.h4 id='a4.20.1'
No. I
Grant of the Rathor Rani, the Queen-Mother of Udaipur, on the
death of her Son, the Heir-Apparent, Prince Amra.
Siddh Sri Bari[a4.20.1] Rathorji to the Patels and inhabitants of
Girwa.[a4.20.2] The four bighas of land, belonging to the Jat Roga,
have been assigned to the Brahman Kishna on the Anta Samya
(final epoch) of Lalji.[a4.20.3] Let him possess the rents thereof.[a4.20.4] The
dues for wood and forage (khar lakar) contributions (barar) are
renounced by the State in favour of the Brahmans.
Samvat 1875, Amavas 15th of Asoj, A.D. 1819.
.fn a4.20.1
The great Rathor queen. There were two of this tribe; she was the
queen-mother.
.fn-
.fn a4.20.2
[The tract in the centre of the State, including Udaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn a4.20.3
An endearing epithet, applied to children, from larla, beloved.
.fn-
.fn a4.20.4
It is customary to call these grants to religious orders ‘grants of land,’
although they entitle only the rents thereof; for there is no seizin of the
land itself, as numerous inscriptions testify, and which, as well as the present,
prove the proprietary right to be in the cultivator only. The tamba-pattra,[a4.20.4.A]
or copper-plate patent (by which such grants are probably designated) of
Yasodharman,[a4.20.4.B] the Pramara prince of Ujjain, seven hundred years ago, is
good evidence that the rents only are granted; he commands the crown
tenants of the two villages assigned to the temple “to pay all dues as they
arise—money-rent—first share of produce,” not a word of seizing of the soil.
See Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 223.
.fn-
.fn a4.20.4.A
To distinguish them from grants of land to feudal tenants, which
patents (patta) are manuscript.
.fn-
.fn a4.20.4.B
[He defeated Mihiragula, leader of the White Huns, about A.D. 528
(Smith, EHI, 318).]
.fn-
.hr 25%
.h4 id='a4.20.2'
No. II
Grant held by a Brahman of Birkhera.
“A Brahman’s orphan was compelled by hunger to seek
sustenance in driving an oil-mill; instead of oil the receptacle
was filled with blood. The frightened oilman demanded of the
child who he was; ‘A Brahman’s orphan,’ was the reply.
Alarmed at the enormity of his guilt in thus employing the son
of a priest, he covered the palm of his hand with earth, in which
he sowed the tulasi seed,[4.20a.5] and went on a pilgrimage to Dwarka.
.bn 091.png
.pn +1
He demanded the presence (darsana) of the god; the priests
pointed to the ocean, when he plunged in, and had an interview
with Dwarkanath, who presented him with a written order on
the Rana for forty-five bighas of land. He returned and threw
the writing before the Rana, on the steps of the temple of Jagannath.
The Rana read the writing of the god, placed it on his
head, and immediately made out the grant. This is three hundred
and fifty years ago, as recorded by an inscription on stone, and
his descendant, Kosala, yet enjoys it.”
.ll 68
.rj
(A true Translation.)\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ J. Tod.
.ll
.fn 4.20a.5
[The sacred basil plant, Ocymum sanctum.]
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.3'
No. III
The Palod inscription is unfortunately mislaid; but in searching
for it, another was discovered from Aner, four miles south-west
of the ancient Morwan, where there is a temple to the four-armed
divinity (Chaturbhuja), endowed in Samvat 1570, by
Rana Jagat Singh \[553]. On one of the pillars of the temple is
inscribed a voluntary gift made in Samvat 1845, and signed by
the village Panch, of the first-fruits of the harvest, namely, two
sers and a half (five pounds weight) from each khal[4.20a.6] of the spring,
and the same of the autumnal harvests.
.fn 4.20a.6
A khal is one of the heaps after the corn is thrashed out, about five
maunds [400 lbs.].
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.4'
No. IV
Sri Amra Sing (II.) etc., etc.
Whereas the shrine of Sri Pratap-Iswara (the God of Fortune)
has been erected in the meadows of Rasmi, all the groves and
trees are sacred to him; whoever cuts down any of them is an
offender to the State, and shall pay a fine of three hundred rupees,
and the ass[4.20a.7] shall be the portion of the officers of government
who suffer it.
Pus. 14, Samvat 1712 (A.D. 1656).
.fn 4.20a.7
The gadha-ghal is a punishment unknown in any but the Hindu code;
the hieroglyphic import appears on the pillar, and must be seen to be understood.
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.5'
No. V
Maharana Sri Raj Singh, commanding.
.in 4
.ti -4
To the Nobles, Ministers, Patels,[4.20a.8] Patwaris,[4.20a.8] of the ten thousand
[villages] of Mewar (das sahas Mewar-ra), according to your
stations—read!
.in
1. From remote times, the temples and dwellings of the Jains
.bn 092.png
.pn +1
have been authorized; let none therefore within their boundaries
carry animals to slaughter—this is their ancient privilege.
2. Whatever life, whether man or animal, passes their abode
for the purpose of being killed, is saved (amara).[4.20a.9]
3. Traitors to the State, robbers, felons escaped confinement,
who may fly for sanctuary (saran) to the dwellings (upasra)[4.20a.10] of
the Yatis,[4.20a.11] shall not there be seized by the servants of the court.
4. The kunchi[4.20a.12] (handful) at harvest, the mutthi (handful) of
kirana, the charity lands (dholi), grounds, and houses, established
by them in the various towns, shall be maintained.
5. This ordinance is issued in consequence of the representation
of the Rikh[4.20a.13] Mana, to whom is granted fifteen bighas of adhan[4.20a.14]
land, and twenty-five of maleti.[4.20a.14] The same quantity of each
kind in each of the districts of Nimach and Nimbahera.—Total
in three districts, forty-five bighas of adhan, and seventy-five
of mal[4.20a.15] \[554].
On seeing this ordinance, let the land be measured and assigned,
and let none molest the Yatis, but foster their privileges. Cursed
be he who infringes them—the cow to the Hindu—the hog and
corpse to the Musalman.
.nf c
(By command.)
Samvat 1749, Magh sudi 5th, A.D. 1693.\ \ \ \ \ Sah Dyal (Minister).
.nf-
.fn 4.20a.8
Revenue officers.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.9
Literally ‘immortal,’ from mara, ‘death,’ and the privative prefix.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.10
Schools or colleges of the Yatis.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.11
Priests of the Jains.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.12
Kunchi and mutthi are both a ‘handful’; the first is applied to grain
in the stalk at harvest time; the other to such edibles in merchandise as
sugar, raisins, etc., collectively termed kirana.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.13
Rikh[rishi] is an ancient title applied to the highest class of priests;
Rikh-Rikhsha-Rikhiswara, applied to royalty in old times.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.14
Adhan is the richest land, lying under the protection of the town walls;
mal or maleti land is land not irrigated from wells.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.15
In all a hundred and twenty bighas, or about forty acres.
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.6'
No. VI
Maharaja Chhattar Singh (one of the Rana’s sons), commanding.
In the town of Rasmi, whoever slays sheep, buffaloes, goats,
or other living thing, is a criminal to the State; his house, cattle,
and effects shall be forfeited, and himself expelled the village.
.nf c
(By command).
Pus Sudi 14, Samvat 1705, A.D. 1649.\ \ \ \ \ \ The Pancholi Damaka Das.
.nf-
.bn 093.png
.pn +1
.h4 id='a4.20.7'
No. VII
Maharana Jai Singh to the inhabitants of Bakrol; printers,
potters, oilmen, etc., etc., commanding.
From the 11th Asarh (June) to the full moon of Asoj (September),
none shall drain the waters of the lake; no oil-mill shall
work, or earthen vessel be made, during these the four rainy
months.[4.20a.16]
.fn 4.20a.16
[For the annual Jain retreat see p. #606#, above.]
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.8'
No. VIII
Maharana Sri Jagat Singh II., commanding.
The village of Siarh in the hills, of one thousand rupees yearly
rent, having been chosen by Nathji (the god) for his residence,
and given up by Rana Raghude,[4.20a.17] I have confirmed it. The
Gosain[4.20a.18] and his heirs shall enjoy it for ever.
Samvat 1793, A.D. 1737.
.fn 4.20a.17
The chief of Delwara.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.18
There are other grants later than this, which prove that all grants were
renewed in every new reign. This grant also proves that no chief has the
power to alienate without his sovereign’s sanction.
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.9'
No. IX
Siddh Sri Maharaja Dhiraj, Maharana Sri Bhim Singhji,
commanding.
The undermentioned towns and villages were presented to
Sriji[4.20a.19] by copper-plate. The revenues (hasil),
[4.20a.20] contributions
(barar), taxes, dues (lagat-be-lagat), trees, shrubs, foundations and
boundaries (nim-sim), shall all belong to Sriji. If of my seed,
none will ever dispute this \[555].
The ancient copper-plate being lost, I have thus renewed it.
.bn 094.png
.pn +1
Here follows a list of thirty-four entire towns and villages,
many from the fisc, or confirmations of the grants of the chiefs,
besides various parcels of arable land, from twenty to one hundred
and fifty bighas, in forty-six more villages, from chiefs of every
class, and patches of meadowland (bira) in twenty more.
.fn 4.20a.19
Epithet indicative of the greatness of the deity.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.20
Here is another proof that the sovereign can only alienate the revenues
(hasil); and though everything upon and about the grant, yet not the soil.
The nim-sim is almost as powerful an expression as the old grant to the
Rawdons—
.pm start_poem
“From earth to heaven,
From heaven to hell,
For thee and thine
Therein to dwell.”
.pm end_poem
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.10'
No. X
Sri Maharana Bhima Singhji, commanding.
To the towns of Sriji, or to the [personal] lands of the Gosainji,[4.20a.21]
no molestation shall be offered. No warrants or exactions shall
be issued or levied upon them. All complaints, suits, or matters,
in which justice is required, originating in Nathdwara, shall be
settled there; none shall interfere therein, and the decisions of
the Gosainji I shall invariably confirm. The town and transit
duties[4.20a.22] (of Nathdwara and villages pertaining thereto), the assay
(parkhai)[4.20a.22] fees from the public markets, duties on precious
metals (kasoti),[4.a.22] all brokerage (dalali), and dues collected at the
four gates; all contributions and taxes of whatever kind, are
presented as an offering to Sriji; let the income thereof be placed
in Sriji’s coffers.
All the products of foreign countries imported by the Vaishnavas,[4.20a.23]
whether domestic or foreign, and intended for consumption
at Nathdwara,[4.20a.24] shall be exempt from duties. The right of
sanctuary (saran) of Sriji, both in the town and in all his other
villages,[4.20a.25] will be maintained: the Almighty will take cognisance
of any innovation. Wherefore, let all chiefs, farmers of duties,
beware of molesting the goods of Nathji (the god), and wherever
such may halt, let guards be provided for their security, and let
each chief convey them through his bounds in safety. If of my
blood, or if my servants, this warrant will be obeyed for ever and
for ever. Whoever resumes this grant will be a caterpillar in hell
during 60,000 years.
.bn 095.png
.pn +1
By command—through the chief butler (Paneri) Eklingdas:
written by Surat Singh, son of Nathji Pancholi, Magh sudi 1st,
Samvat 1865; A.D. 1809.
.fn 4.20a.21
The high-priest.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.22
All these are royalties, and the Rana was much blamed, even by his
Vaishnava ministers, for sacrificing them even to Kanhaiya.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.23
Followers of Vishnu, Krishna, or Kanhaiya, chiefly mercantile.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.24
Many merchants, by the connivance of the conductors of the caravans
of Nathji’s goods, contrived to smuggle their goods to Nathdwara, and to the
disgrace of the high-priest or his underlings, this traffic was sold for their
personal advantage. It was a delicate thing to search these caravans, or to
prevent the loss to the State from the evasion of the duties. The Rana durst
not interfere lest he might incur the penalty of his own anathemas. The
Author’s influence with the high-priest put a stop to this.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.25
This extent of sanctuary is an innovation of the present Rana’s, with
many others equally unwise.
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.11'
No. XI
Personal grant to the high-priest, Damodarji Maharaj.
6000
Swasti Sri, from the abode at Udaipur, Maharana Sri Bhim
Singhji, commanding \[556].
To all the chieftains, landholders, managers of the crown and
deorhi[4.20a.26] lands, to all Patels, etc., etc., etc. As an offering to the
Sri Gosainji two rupees have been granted in every village throughout
Mewar, one in each harvest—let no opposition be made
thereto. If of my kin or issue, none will revoke this—the an
(oath of allegiance) be upon his head. By command, through
Parihara Mayaram, Samvat 1860, Jeth sudi 5th Mangalwar;
A.D. 1804.
At one side of the patent, in the Rana’s own hand, “An
offering to Sri Girdhariji[4.20a.27] Maharaj—If of my issue none will
disobey—who dares, may the Almighty punish!”
.fn 4.20a.26
Lands for the queens or others of the immediate household.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.27
Father of the present high-priest, Damodarji.
.fn-
.h4 id='a4.20.12'
No. XII
Maharana Bhim Singh, commanding.
To the Mandir (minster) of Sri Murali Manohar (flute delighting),
situated on the dam of the lake at Mandalgarh, the following grant
has been made, with all the dues, income, and privileges, viz.:
1. The hamlet called Kotwalkhera, with all thereto appertaining.
2. Three rupees’ worth of saffron monthly from the transit
duty chabutra.[4.20a.28]
3. From the police-office of Mandalgarh:
.in 10
Three tunics (baga) for the idol on each festival, viz.
Ashtami, Jaljatra, and Vasant Panchami.[4.20a.29]
Five rupees’ worth of oil[4.20a.30] on the Jaljatra, and two and a
half in the full moon of Karttik [Oct.-Nov.].
.in
.bn 096.png
.pn +1
4. Both gardens under the dam of the lake, with all the fruits
and flowers thereof.
5. The Inch[4.20a.31] on all the vegetables appertaining to the prince.
6. Kunchi and dalali, or the handful at harvest, and all
brokerage.
7. The income arising from the sale of the estates is to be
applied to the repairs of the temple and dam.
Margsir [Nov.-Dec.] Sudi 1, Samvat 1866; A.D. 1810 \[557].
.fn 4.20a.28
[Office, properly ‘a platform.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.29
[Festivals of Krishna’s birthday, the water festival, the spring festival.]
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.30
Amongst the items of the Chartulary of Dunfermline is the tithe of
the oil of the Greenland whale fisheries.
.fn-
.fn 4.20a.31
A handful of every basket of vegetables sold in the public markets.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 21
.sp 2
The Importance of Mythology.—It has been observed by that
philosophical traveller, Dr. Clarke, that, “by a proper attention
to the vestiges of ancient superstition, we are sometimes enabled
to refer a whole people to their original ancestors, with as much,
if not more certainty, than by observations made upon their
language; because the superstition is engrafted upon the stock,
but the language is liable to change.”[4.21.1] Impressed with the
justness, as well as the originality of the remark, I shall adopt
it as my guide in the observations I propose to make on the
religious festivals and superstitions of Mewar. However important
may be the study of military, civil, and political history,
the science is incomplete without mythological history; and he
is little imbued with the spirit of philosophy who can perceive
in the fables of antiquity nothing but the extravagance of a
fervid imagination. Did no other consequence result from the
study of mythology than the fact that, in all ages and countries,
man has desecrated his reason, and voluntarily reduced himself
below the level of the brutes that perish, it must provoke inquiry
into the cause of this degradation. Such an investigation would
develop, not only the source of history, the handmaid of the arts
and sciences, but the origin and application of the latter, in a theogony
typical of the seasons, their changes, and products. Thus
mythology may be considered the parent of all history.
.fn 4.21.1
Travels in Scandinavia, vol. i. p. 33.
.fn-
The Aboriginal Tribes.—With regard, however, to the rude
tribes who still inhabit the mountains and fastnesses of India,
.bn 097.png
.pn +1
and who may be regarded as the aborigines of that country, the
converse of this doctrine is more probable. Not their language
only, but \[558] their superstitions, differ from those of the Rajputs:
though, from a desire to rise above their natural condition, they
have engrafted upon their own the most popular mythologies of
their civilized conquerors, who from the north gradually spread
themselves over the continent and peninsula, even to the remote
isles of the Indian Ocean. Of the primitive inhabitants we may
enumerate the Minas, the Meras, the Gonds, the Bhils, the
Sahariyas, the Savaras, the Abhiras, the Gujars, and those who
inhabit the forests of the Nerbudda, the Son, the Mahanadi,
the mountains of Sarguja, and the lesser Nagpur; many of whom
are still but little removed from savage life, and whose dialects
are as various as their manners. These are content to be called
the ‘sons of the earth,’[4.21.2] or ‘children of the forest,’[4.21.3] while their
conquerors, the Rajputs, arrogate celestial descent.[4.21.4] How soon
after the flood the Suryas, or sun-worshippers, entered India
Proper, must ever remain uncertain.[4.21.5] It is sufficient that they
were anterior in date to the Indus, or races tracing their descent
from the moon (Ind); as the migration of the latter from the
central lands of Indo-Scythia was antecedent to that of the
Agnikulas, or fire-worshippers, of the Snake race, claiming
Takshak as their original progenitor. The Suryas,[4.21.6] who migrated
both to the East and West, as population became redundant in
these fertile regions, may be considered the Celtic, as the Indu-Getae
may be accounted the Gothic, races of India.[4.21.7] To attempt
to discriminate these different races, and mark the shades which
once separated them, after a system of priestcraft has amalgamated
the mass, and identified their superstitions, would be
.bn 098.png
.pn +1
fruitless; but the observer of ancient customs may, with the
imperfect guidance of peculiar rites, discover things, and even
names, totally incongruous with the Brahmanical system, and
which could never have originated within the Indus or Atak,—the
Rubicon of Gangetic antiquaries, who fear to look beyond
that stream for the origin of tribes. A residence amongst the
Rajputs would lead to a disregard of such boundaries, either to
the moral or physical man, as the annals of Mewar abundantly
testify.
.fn 4.21.2
Bhumiputra.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.3
Vanaputra.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.4
Suryas and Induputras.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.5
[For the Vedic cult of Sūrya see Macdonell, “Vedic Mythology,”
Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, 1897, p. 30 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.6
The Sauromatae or Sarmatians of early Europe, as well as the Syrians,
were most probably colonies of the same Suryavansi who simultaneously
peopled the shores of the Caspian and Mediterranean, and the banks of the
Indus and Ganges. Many of the tribes described by Strabo as dwelling
around the Caspian are enumerated amongst the thirty-six royal races of
India. One of these, the Sakasenae, supposed to be the ancestors of our own
Saxon race, settled themselves on the Araxes in Armenia, adjoining Albania.
[There are no grounds for these comparisons.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.7
[There are no grounds for this classification.]
.fn-
Comparative Study of Festivals.—Sir Wm. Jones remarks,
“If the festivals of the old Greeks, Persians, Romans \[559],
Egyptians, and Goths could be arranged with exactness in the
same form with the Indian, there would be found a striking
resemblance among them; and an attentive comparison of them
all might throw great light on the religion, and perhaps on the
history, of the primitive world.”
Analogies to Rājput Customs in Northern Europe.—In treating
of the festivals and superstitions of the Rajputs, wherever there
may appear to be a fair ground for supposing an analogy with
those of other nations of antiquity, I shall not hesitate to pursue
it. The proper names of many of the martial Rajputs would
alone point out the necessity of seeking for a solution of them
out of the explored paths; and where Sanskrit derivation cannot
be assigned, as it happens in many instances, we are not, therefore,
warranted in the hasty conclusion that the names must
have been adopted since the conquests of Mahmud or Shihabu-d-din,
events of comparatively modern date. Let us at once admit
the hypothesis of Pinkerton,—the establishment of an original
Indu-Getic or Indo-Scythic empire, “extending from the Caspian
to the Ganges”; or if this conjecture be too extensive or too
vague, let us fix the centre of this Madhya-Bhumi in the fertile
region of Sogdiana;[4.21.8] and from the lights which modern history
affords on the many migrations from this nursery of mankind,
.bn 099.png
.pn +1
even since the time of Muhammad, let us form an opinion of those
which have not been recorded, or have been conveyed by the
Hindus only in imperfect allegory; and with the aid of ancient
customs, obsolete words, and proper names, trace them to Indo-Scythic
colonies grafted on the parent stock. The Puranas
themselves bear testimony to the incorporation of Scythic tribes
with the Hindus, and to the continual irruptions of the Saka,
the Pahlavas, the Yavanas,[4.21.9] the Turushkas, names conspicuous
amongst the races of Central Asia, and recorded in the pages of
the earliest Western historians. Even so early as the period of
Rama, when furious international wars were carried on between
the military and sacerdotal classes for supremacy, we have the
names of these tribes recorded as auxiliaries \[560] to the priesthood;
who, while admitting them to fight under the banners of
Siva, would not scruple to stamp them with the seal of Hinduism.
In this manner, beyond a doubt, at a much later period than the
events in the Ramayana, these tribes from the North either forced
themselves among, or were incorporated with, ‘the races of the
sun.’ When, therefore, we meet with rites in Rajputana and in
ancient Scandinavia, such as were practised amongst the Getic
nations on the Oxus, why should we hesitate to assign the origin
of both to this region of earliest civilization? When we see
the ancient Asii, and the Iutae, or Jutes, taking omens from the
white steed of Thor, shut up in the temple at Upsala; and in like
manner, the Rajput of past days offering the same animal in
sacrifice to the sun, and his modern descendant taking the omen
from his neigh, why are we to refuse our assent to the common
origin of the superstition practised by the Getae of the Oxus?
Again, when we find the ‘homage to the sword’ performed by
all the Getic races of antiquity in Dacia, on the Baltic, as well as
by the modern Rajput, shall we draw no conclusion from this
testimony of the father of history, who declares that such rites
.bn 100.png
.pn +1
were practised on the Jaxartes in the very dawn of knowledge?[4.21.10]
Moreover, why hesitate to give Eastern etymologies for Eastern
rites, though found on the Baltic? The antiquary of the
North (Mallet) may thus be assisted to the etymon of ‘Tir-sing,’
the enchanted sword of Angantýr, in tir, ‘water,’ and singh,
‘a lion’; i.e. in water or spirit like a lion; for even pani,
the common epithet for water, is applied metaphorically to
‘spirit.’[4.21.11]
.fn 4.21.8
Long after the overthrow of the Greek kingdom of Bactria by the Yuti
or Getes [Sakas] this region was popular and flourishing. In the year 120
before Christ, De Guignes says: “Dans ce pays on trouvait d’excellens
grains, du vin de vigne, plus de cent villes, tant grandes que petites. Il
est aussi fait mention du Tahia situé au midi du Gihon, et où il y a de grandes
villes murées. Le général chinois y vit des toiles de l’Inde et autres marchandises,
etc., etc.” (Hist. Gén. des Huns, vol. i. p. 51).
.fn-
.fn 4.21.9
Yavan or Javan is a celebrated link of the Indu (lunar) genealogical
chain; nor need we go to Ionia for it, though the Ionians may be a colony
descended from Javan, the ninth from Yayati, who was the third son of
Ayu, the ancestor of the Hindu as well as of the Tatar Induvansi. [Yavana
is the general term for a foreigner, especially the non-Hindu tribes of the
N.W. Frontier, and those beyond them.] The Asuras, who are so often
described as invaders of India, and which word has ordinarily a mere irreligious
acceptation, I firmly believe to mean the Assyrians. [This theory
was adopted by J. Fergusson, Cave Temples of India, 34.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.10
[Such analogies of custom do not prove ethnical identity.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.11
[The theory breaks down, because the name of the sword of Argantýr
was Tyrfing, or better Tyrfingr, the derivation of which word, as Mr. H. M.
Chadwick kindly informs me, according to Vigfússon’s Icelandic Dictionary,
is from tyrfi, a resinous fir-tree used for kindling a fire, because the sword
flamed like resinous wood.]
.fn-
It would be less difficult to find Sanskrit derivations for many
of the proper names in the Edda, than to give a Sanskrit analysis
of many common amongst the Rajputs, which we must trace to
an Indo-Scythic root:[4.21.12] such as Eyvorsél, Udila, Attitai, Pujun,
Hamira,[4.21.13] and numerous other proper names of warriors. Of
tribes: the Kathi, Rajpali, Mohila, Sariaspah, Aswaria (qu.
Assyrian?), Banaphar, Kamari, Silara, Dahima, etc. Of mountains:
Drinodhar, Arbuda, Aravalli, Aravindha (the root ara,
or mountain, being Scythic, and the expletive adjunct Sanskrit),
‘the hill of Budha,’ ‘of strength,’ ‘of limit.’ To all such as
cannot be \[561] resolved into the cognate language of India, what
origin can we assign but Scythic?[4.21.14]
Festivals in Mewār. Naurātri Festival.—In a memoir prepared
for me by a well-informed public officer in the Rana’s court, on
the chief festivals celebrated in Mewar, he commenced with those
following the autumnal equinox, in the month Asoj or Aswini,
.bn 101.png
.pn +1
opening with the Nauratri, sacred to the god of war. Their fasts
are in general regulated by the moon; although the most remarkable
are solar, especially those of the equinoxes and solstices, and
the Sankrantis, or days on which the sun enters a new sign. The
Hindu solar year anciently commenced on the winter solstice,
in the month Pausha, and was emphatically called ‘the morning
of the gods’; also Sivaratri, or night of Siva, analogous, as has
been before remarked, to the ‘mother night,’ which ushered in
the new year of the Scandinavian Asi, and other nations of Asiatic
origin dwelling in the north.
.fn 4.21.12
See Turner’s History of Anglo-Saxons for Indo-Scythic words.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.13
There were no less than four distinguished leaders of this name amongst
the vassals of the last Rajput emperor of Delhi; and one of them, who turned
traitor to his sovereign and joined Shihabu-d-din, was actually a Scythian,
and of the Gakkhar race, which maintained their ancient habits of polyandry
even in Babur’s time. The Haoli Rao Hamira was lord of Kangra and the
Gakkhars of Pamir.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.14
Turner, when discussing the history of the Sakai, or Sakaseni, of the
Caspian, whom he justly supposes to be the Saxons of the Baltic, takes
occasion to introduce some words of Scythic origin (preserved by ancient
writers), to almost every one of which, without straining etymology, we
may give a Sanskrit origin. [There is no ground for ascribing a Scythic
origin to the proper names in the text.]
.ta l:12 l:30 h:26
| Scythic. | Sanskrit or Bhakha.
Exampaios | sacred ways | Agham is the sacred book;\
pai and pada, a foot;\
pantha, a path.
Arimu | one | Ad is the first; whence\
Adima, or man.
Spou | an eye. |
Oior | a man. |
Pata | to kill | Badh, to kill.
Tahiti | the chief deity is Vesta | Tap is heat or flame; the type of Vesta.
Papaios | \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ ” | Jupiter Baba, or Bapa, the universal father. The Hindu Jiva-pitri, or Father of Life [?].
Oitosuros | \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ Apollo| Aitiswara, or Sun-God, applicable to Vishnu, who has every attribute of Apollo; from ait, contraction of aditya, the sun.
Artimpasa,
or Aripasa| \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ Venus | Apsaras because born from the froth or essence, ‘sara,’ of the waters, ‘ap’ [‘going in the water’].
Thamimasadus | \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ Neptune | Thoenatha; or God of the Waters.
Apia | wife of Papaios, or Earth | Amba, Ama, Uma, is the universal mother; wife of ‘Baba Adam,’ as they term the universal father.
.ta-
See Turner’s History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 35. [Many of the
identifications are obsolete.]
.fn-
The Repose of Vishnu.—They term the summer solstice in the
month of Asarh, ‘the night of the gods,’ because Vishnu (as the
sun) reposes during the four rainy months on his serpent couch.
The lunar year of 360 days was more ancient than the solar, and
.bn 102.png
.pn +1
commenced with the month of Asoj or Aswini: “the moon being
at the full when that name was imposed on the first lunar station
of the Hindu ecliptic.”[4.21.15]
.fn 4.21.15
Sir W. Jones, “On the Lunar Year of the Hindus,” Asiatic Researches,
vol. iii. p. 257.
.fn-
According to another authority, the festivals commenced on
Amavas, or the Ides of Chait, near which the vernal equinox falls,
the opening of the modern solar year; when, in like manner as
at the commencement of the lunar year in Asoj, they \[562]
dedicate the first nine days of Chait (also called Nauratri) to
Iswara and his consort Isani.
Having thus specified both modes of reckoning for the opening
of the solar and lunar years, I shall not commence the abstract
of the festivals of Mewar with either, but follow the more ancient
division of time, when the year closed with the winter solstice
in the month of Pus, consequently opening the new year with
Magh. By this arrangement, we shall commence with the spring
festivals, and let the days dedicated to mirth and gaiety follow
each other; preferring the natural to the astrological year,
which will enable us to preserve the analogy with the northern
nations of Europe, who also reckoned from the winter solstice.
The Hindu divides the year into six seasons, each of two months;
namely, Vasanta, Grishma, Varsha, Sarad, Sisira, Sita; or spring,
summer, rainy, sultry, dewy, and cold.
It is not, however, my intention to detail all the fasts and
festivals which the Rajput of Mewar holds in common with the
Hindu nation, but chiefly those restricted to that State, or such
as are celebrated with local peculiarity, or striking analogies to
those of Egypt, Greece, or Scandinavia. The goddess who presides
over mirth and idleness preferred holding her court amidst
the ruins of Udaipur to searching elsewhere for a dwelling. This
determination to be happy amidst calamity, individual and
national, has made the court proverbial in Rajwara, in the adage,
‘sat bara, aur nau teohara,’ i.e. nine holidays out of seven days.
Although many of these festivals are common to India, and their
maintenance is enjoined by religion, yet not only the prolongation
and repetition of some, but the entire institution of others, as
well as the peculiar splendour of their solemnization, originate
with the prince; proving how much individual example may
the manners of a nation.
.bn 103.png
.pn +1
Spring Festival, Vasant Panchami.—By the arrangement we
have adopted, the lovely Vasanti, goddess of the spring, will
usher in the festivals of Mewar. In 1819 her rites were celebrated
in the kalends of January, and even then, on the verge of the
tropic, her birth was premature.
The opening of the spring being on the 5th of the month
Magha, is thence called the Vasant panchami, which in 1819 fell on
the 30th of January; consequently the first of Pus (the antecedent
month), the beginning of the old Hindu \[563] year, or ‘the
morning of the gods,’ fell on the 25th of December. The Vasant
continues forty days after the panchami, or initiative fifth, during
which the utmost license prevails in action and in speech; the
lower classes regale even to intoxication on every kind of stimulating
confection and spirituous beverage, and the most respectable
individuals, who would at other times be shocked to utter
an indelicate allusion, roam about with the groups of bacchanals,
reciting stanzas of the warmest description in praise of the powers
of nature, as did the conscript fathers of Rome during the Saturnalia.
In this season, when the barriers of rank are thrown
down, and the spirit of democracy is let loose, though never
abused, even the wild Bhil, or savage Mer, will leave his forest or
mountain shade to mingle in the revelries of the capital; and
decorating his ebon hair or tattered turban with a garland of
jessamine, will join the clamorous parties which perambulate the
streets of the capital. These orgies are, however, reserved for the
conclusion of the forty days sacred to the goddess of nature.
Bhān Saptami Festival.—Two days following the initiative
fifth is the Bhan saptami or ‘seventh [day] of the sun,’ also
called ‘the birth of the sun,’ with various other metaphorical
denominations.[4.21.16] On this day there is a grand procession of the
Rana, his chiefs and vassals, to the Chaugan, where the sun is
worshipped. At the Jaipur court, whose princes claim descent
from Kusa, the second son of Rama, the Bhan saptami is peculiarly
sacred. The chariot of the sun, drawn by eight horses, is taken
from the temple dedicated to that orb, and moved in procession:
a ceremony otherwise never observed but on the inauguration of
a new prince.
.fn 4.21.16
Bhaskara saptami, in honour of the sun, as a form of Vishnu (Varaha
Purana) Makari, from the sun entering the constellation Makara (Pisces),
the first of the solar Magha (see Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 273).
.fn-
.bn 104.png
.pn +1
Sun Worship.—In the mythology of the Rajputs, of which we
have a better idea from their heroic poetry than from the legends
of the Brahmans, the sun-god is the deity they are most anxious
to propitiate; and in his honour they fearlessly expend their
blood in battle, from the hope of being received into his mansion.
Their highest heaven is accordingly the Bhanuthan or Bhanuloka,
the ‘region of the sun’: and like the Indu-Scythic Getae, the
Rajput warrior of the early ages sacrificed the horse in his honour,[4.21.17]
and dedicated to him the first day of the week, namely, Adityawar,
contracted to Itwar, also called Thawara[4.21.18] \[564].
The more we attend to the warlike mythology of the north,
the more apparent is its analogy with that of the Rajputs, and
the stronger ground is there for assuming that both races inherited
their creed from the common land of the Yuti of the
Jaxartes. What is a more proper etymon for Scandinavian, the
abode of the warriors who destroyed the Roman power, than
Skanda, the Mars or Kumara of the Rajputs? perhaps the origin
of the Cimbri, derived by Mallet from koempfer, ‘to fight.’
.fn 4.21.17
See Vol. I. p. vol1_91.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.18
This word appears to have the same import as Thor, the sun-god and
war divinity of the Scandinavians. [? Thāwar, Saturday; Skt. sthāvara,
‘stationary.’]
.fn-
Thor, in the eleventh fable of the Edda, is denominated Asa-Thor,[4.21.19]
the ‘lord Thor,’ called the Celtic Mars by the Romans.
The chariot of Thor is ignobly yoked compared with the car of
Surya; but in the substitution of the he-goats for the seven-headed
horse Saptasva we have but the change of an adjunct
depending on clime, when the Yuti migrated from the plains of
Scythia, of which the horse is a native, to Yutland, of whose
mountains the goat was an inhabitant prior to any of the race of
Asi. The northern warrior makes the palace of the sun-god
Thor the most splendid of the celestial abodes, “in which are
.bn 105.png
.pn +1
five hundred and forty halls”: vying with the Suryamandala,
the supreme heaven of the Rajput. Whence such notions of the
Aswa races of the Ganges, and the Asi of Scandinavia, but from
the Scythic Saka, who adored the solar divinity under the name
of ‘Gaeto-Syrus,’[4.21.20] the Surya of the Sachha Rajput; and as,
according to the commentator on the Edda, “the ancient people
of the north pronounced the th as the English now do ss,” the
sun-god Thor becomes Sor, and is identified still more with Surya
whose worship no doubt gave the name to that extensive portion
of Asia called [Greek: Syri/a], as it did to the small peninsula of the Sauras,
still peopled by tribes of Scythic origin. The Sol of the Romans
has probably the same Celto-Etrurian origin; with those tribes
the sun was the great object of adoration, and their grand festival,
the winter solstice, was called Yule, Hiul, Houl, “which even at
this day signifies the Sun, in the language of Bas-Bretagne and
Cornwall.”[4.21.21] On the conversion of the descendants of these
Scythic Yeuts, who, according to \[565] Herodotus, sacrificed the
horse (Hi) to the sun (El), the name of the Pagan jubilee of the
solstice was transferred to the day of Christ’s nativity, which
is thus still held in remembrance by their descendants of the
north.[4.21.22]
.fn 4.21.19
Odin is also called As or ‘lord’; the Gauls also called him Oes or Es,
and with a Latin termination Hesus, whom Lucan calls Esus; Edda, vol.
ii. pp. 45-6. The celebrated translator of these invaluable remnants of
ancient superstitions, by which alone light can be thrown on the origin of
nations, observes that Es or Oes is the name for God with all the Celtic
races. So it was with the Tuscans, doubtless from the Sanskrit, or rather
from a more provincial tongue, the common contraction of Iswara, the
Egyptian Osiris, the Persian Syr, the sun-god. [These words have, of
course, no connexion. Syria perhaps derives its name from the Suri, a
north-Euphratian tribe (Encyclopaedia Biblica, iv. 4845).]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.20
Which Mallet, from Hesychius, interprets ‘good star.’ [The name
Goetosyrus or Octosyrus (Herodotus iv. 59) is so uncertain in form that
it is useless to propose etymologies for it (E. H. Minns, Scythians and Greeks,
86). Rawlinson (Herodotus, 3rd ed. ii. 93) compares Greek [Greek: ai)/thos], Skt.
sūrya, in the sense ‘bright, burning Sun.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.21
Mallet’s Northern Antiquities, vol. ii. p. 42.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.22
[Much of this is from Sir W. Jones, Wilford and Paterson (Asiatic
Researches, i. 253, iii. 141, viii. 48). Herodotus (i. 216) ascribes the
custom of Sun sacrifice to the Massagetae.]
.fn-
Sun Worship at Udaipur.—At Udaipur the sun has universal
precedence; his portal (Suryapol) is the chief entrance to the
city; his name gives dignity to the chief apartment or hall
(Suryamahall) of the palace; and from the balcony of the sun
(Suryagokhra) the descendant of Rama shows himself in the dark
monsoon as the sun’s representative. A huge painted sun of
gypsum in high relief, with gilded rays, adorns the hall of audience,
and in front of it is the throne. As already mentioned, the sacred
standard bears his image,[4.21.23] as does that Scythic part of the regalia
called the changi, a disc of black felt or ostrich feathers, with a
.bn 106.png
.pn +1
plate of gold to represent the sun in its centre, borne upon a pole.
The royal parasol is termed kirania, in allusion to its shape, like
a ray (kiran) of the orb. The last day but one of the month of
Magha is called Sivaratri (night of Siva), and is held peculiarly
sacred by the Rana, who is styled the Regent of Siva. It is a
rigid fast, and the night is passed in vigils, and rites to the phallic
representative of Siva.
.fn 4.21.23
[The Mughal emperors followed the same practice (Manucci i. 98).]
.fn-
The Spring Hunt.—The merry month of Phalgun is ushered
in with the Aheria, or spring-hunt.[4.21.24] The preceding day the Rana
distributes to all his chiefs and servants either a dress of green,
or some portion thereof, in which all appear habited on the
morrow, whenever the astrologer has fixed the hour for sallying
forth to slay the boar to Gauri, the Ceres of the Rajputs: the
Aheria is therefore called the Mahurat ka shikar, or the chase
fixed astrologically. As their success on this occasion is ominous
of future good, no means are neglected to secure it, either by
scouts previously discovering the lair, or the desperate efforts of
the hunters to slay the boar when roused. With the sovereign
and his sons all the chiefs sally forth, each on his best steed, and
all animated by the desire to surpass each other in acts of prowess
and dexterity. It is very rare that in some one of the passes or
recesses of the valley the hog is not found; the spot is then
surrounded by the \[566] hunters, whose vociferations soon start
the dukkara,[4.21.25] and frequently a drove of hogs. Then each cavalier
impels his steed, and with lance or sword, regardless of rock,
ravine, or tree, presses on the bristly foe, whose knowledge of the
country is of no avail when thus circumvented, and the ground
soon reeks with gore, in which not unfrequently is mixed that of
horse or rider. On the last occasion there occurred fewer casualties
than usual; though the Chondawat Hamira, whom we
nicknamed the ‘Red Riever,’ had his leg broken, and the second
.bn 107.png
.pn +1
son of Sheodan Singh, a near relation of the Rana, had his neighbour’s
lance driven through his arm. The young chief of Salumbar
was amongst the distinguished of this day’s sport. It would
appal even an English fox-hunter to see the Rajputs driving their
steeds at full speed, bounding like the antelope over every barrier—the
thick jungle covert, or rocky steep bare of soil or vegetation,—with
their lances balanced in the air, or leaning on the
saddle-bow slashing at the boar.
.fn 4.21.24
In his delight for this diversion, the Rajput evinces his Scythic propensity.
The grand hunts of the last Chauhan emperor often led him into
warfare, for Prithiraj was a poacher of the first magnitude, and one of his
battles with the Tatars was while engaged in field sports on the Ravi. The
heir of Jenghiz Khan was chief huntsman, the highest office of the State
amongst the Scythic Tatars; as Ajanbahu, alike celebrated in either field
of war and sport, was chief huntsman to the Chauhan emperor of Delhi,
whose bard enters minutely into the subject, describing all the variety of
dogs of chase.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.25
A hog in Hindi; in Persian khuk, nearly our hog [?].
.fn-
The royal kitchen moves out on this occasion, and in some
chosen spot the repast is prepared, of which all partake, for the
hog is the favourite food of the Rajput, as it was of the heroes
of Scandinavia. Nor is the munawwar piyala, or invitation cup,
forgotten; and having feasted, and thrice slain their bristly
antagonist, they return to the capital, where fame had already
spread their exploits—the deeds done by the barchhi (lance) of
Padma,[4.21.26] or the khanda (sword) blow of Hamira,[4.21.27] which lopped
the head of the foe of Gauri. Even this martial amusement, the
Aheria, has a religious origin. The boar is the enemy of Gauri of
the Rajputs; it was so held of Isis by the Egyptians, of Ceres by
the Greeks, of Freya by the north-man, whose favourite food was
the hog: and of such importance was it deemed by the Franks,
that the second chapter of the Salic law is entirely penal with
regard to the stealers of swine. The heroes of the Edda, even in
Valhalla, feed on the fat of the wild boar Saehrimner, while “the
illustrious father of armies fattens his wolves Geri and Freki, and
takes no other nourishment himself than the interrupted quaffing
of wine”: quite the picture of Har, the Rajput god of war, and
his sons the Bhairavas, Krodha, and Kala, metaphorically called
the ‘sons of slaughter.’ We need hardly repeat that the cup
of the Scandinavian god of war, like that of the Rajputs, is the
human skull (khopra) \[567].[4.21.28]
.fn 4.21.26
Chief of Salumbar.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.27
Chief of Hamirgarh.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.28
[On the slaughter of the boar representing a corn-spirit see Sir J.
Frazer, The Golden Bough, 3rd ed. Part v. vol. i. 298 ff.; Robertson Smith,
Religion of the Semites, 2nd ed. 290 f.]
.fn-
The Phāg or Holi Festival.—As Phalgun advances, the bacchanalian
mirth increases; groups are continually patrolling the
streets, throwing a crimson powder at each other, or ejecting a
solution of it from syringes, so that the garments and visages of
all are one mass of crimson. On the 8th, emphatically called
.bn 108.png
.pn +1
the Phag, the Rana joins the queens and their attendants in the
palace, when all restraint is removed and mirth is unlimited.
But the most brilliant sight is the playing of the Holi on horseback,
on the terrace in front of the palace. Each chief who chooses to
join has a plentiful supply of missiles, formed of thin plates of
mica or talc, enclosing this crimson powder, called abira, which
with the most graceful and dextrous horsemanship they dart at
each other, pursuing, caprioling, and jesting. This part of it
much resembles the Saturnalia of Rome of this day, when similar
missiles are scattered at the Carnivâle. The last day or Punon
ends the Holi, when the Nakkaras from the Tripolia summon all
the chiefs with their retinues to attend their prince, and accompany
him in procession to the Chaugan, their Champ de Mars.
In the centre of this is a long sala or hall, the ascent to which is
by a flight of steps: the roof is supported by square columns
without any walls, so that the court is entirely open. Here,
surrounded by his chiefs, the Rana passes an hour, listening to
the songs in praise of Holika, while a scurrilous kavya or couplet
from some wag in the crowd reminds him, that exalted rank is
no protection against the license of the spring Saturnalia; though
‘the Diwan of Eklinga’ has not to reproach himself with a
failure of obedience to the rites of the goddess, having fulfilled
the command ‘to multiply,’ more than any individual in his
kingdom.[4.21.29] While the Rana and his chiefs are thus amused above,
the buffoons and itinerant groups mix with the cavalcade, throw
powder in their eyes, or deluge their garments with the crimson
solution. To resent it would only expose the sensitive party to
be laughed at, and draw upon him a host of these bacchanals: so
that no alternative exists between keeping entirely aloof or
mixing in the fray \[568].[4.21.30]
.fn 4.21.29
He has been the father of more than one hundred children, legitimate
and illegitimate, though very few are living.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.30
That this can be done without any loss of dignity by the Sahib log (a
name European gentlemen have assumed) is well known to those who may
have partaken of the hospitalities of that honourable man, and brave and
zealous officer, Colonel James Skinner, C.B., at Hansi. That his example
is worthy of imitation in the mode of commanding, is best evinced by the
implicit and cheerful obedience his men pay to his instructions when removed
from his personal control. He has passed through the ordeal of
nearly thirty years of unremitted service, and from the glorious days of
Delhi and Laswari under Lake, to the last siege of Bharatpur, James Skinner
has been second to none. In obtaining for this gallant and modest officer
the order of the Bath, Lord Combermere must have been applauded by
every person who knows the worth of him who bears it, which includes
the whole army of Bengal. [James Skinner, 1778-1841. See Compton,
Military Adventurers, 389 ff.; Buckland, Dict. Indian Biography, s.v.]
.fn-
.bn 109.png
.pn +1
On the last day, the Rana feasts his chiefs, and the camp
breaks up with the distribution of khanda nariyal, or swords and
coco-nuts, to the chiefs and all “whom the king delighteth to
honour.” These khandas are but ‘of lath,’ in shape like the
Andrea Ferrara, or long cut-and-thrust, the favourite weapon
of the Rajput. They are painted in various ways, like Harlequin’s
sword, and meant as a burlesque, in unison with the character
of the day, when war is banished, and the multiplication,[4.21.31] not
the destruction, of man is the behest of the goddess who rules the
spring. At nightfall, the forty days conclude with ‘the burning
of the Holi,’ when they light large fires, into which various
substances, as well as the crimson abira, are thrown, and around
which groups of children are dancing and screaming in the streets
like so many infernals. Until three hours after sunrise of the
new month of Chait, these orgies are continued with increased
vigour, when the natives bathe, change their garments, worship,
and return to the rank of sober citizens; and princes and chiefs
receive gifts from their domestics.[4.21.32]
.fn 4.21.31
Evinced in the presentation of the sriphala, the fruit of Sri, which is
the coco-nut, emblematic of fruitfulness.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.32
Another point of resemblance to the Roman Saturnalia.
.fn-
Chait.—The first of this month is the Samvatsara (vulg.
Chamchari), or anniversary of the death of the Rana’s father, to
whose memory solemn rites are performed both in the palace and
at Ara, the royal cemetery, metaphorically termed Mahasati, or
place of ‘great faith.’ Thither the Rana repairs, and offers
oblations to the manes of his father; and after purifying in the
Gangabheva, a rivulet which flows through the middle of ‘the
abode of silence,’ he returns to the palace.
On the 3rd, the whole of the royal insignia proceeds to Bedla,
the residence of the Chauhan chief (one of the Sixteen), within
the valley of the capital, in order to convey the Rao to court.
The Rana advances to the Ganesa Deori[4.21.33] to receive him; when,
.bn 110.png
.pn +1
after salutation, the sovereign and his chief return to the great
hall of assembly, hand in hand, but that of the Chauhan above
or upon his sovereign’s. In this ceremony we have another
singular memorial of the glorious days of Mewar, when almost
every chieftain established by deeds of devotion a right to the
eternal gratitude of their princes; the decay of whose \[569]
power but serves to hallow such reminiscences. It is in these
little acts of courteous condescension, deviations from the formal
routine of reception, that we recognize the traces of Rajput
history; for inquiry into these customs will reveal the incident
which gave birth to each, and curiosity will be amply repaid, in a
lesson at once of political and moral import. For my own part,
I never heard the kettledrum of my friend Raj Kalyan strike at
the sacred barrier, the Tripolia, without recalling the glorious
his ancestor at the Thermopylae of Mewar;[4.21.34] nor
looked on the autograph lance, the symbol of the Chondawats,
without recognizing the fidelity of the founder of the clan;[4.21.35] nor
observed the honours paid to the Chauhans of Bedla and Kotharia,
without the silent tribute of applause to the manes of their
sires.
.fn 4.21.33
A hall so called in honour of Ganesa, or Janus, whose effigies adorn
the entrance. [Janus probably = Dianus: Ganesa, ‘lord of the troops of
inferior deities’ (gana).]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.34
See p. vol1_394.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.35
See p. vol1_324.
.fn-
Sītala’s Festival.—Chait badi sat, or ‘7th of [the dark fortnight]
Chait,’ is in honour of the goddess Sitala, the protectress
of children: all the matrons of the city proceed with their
offerings to the shrine of the goddess, placed upon the very
pinnacle of an isolated hill in the valley. In every point of
view, this divinity is the twin-sister of the Mater Montana,[4.21.36] the
guardian of infants amongst the Romans, the Grecian or Phrygian
Cybele.
.fn 4.21.36
[See Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, viii. 868 f.]
.fn-
Birthday of the Rana.—This is also the Rana’s birthday,[4.21.37] on
which occasion all classes flock with gifts and good wishes that
“the king may live for ever”; but it is in the penetralia of the
Rawala, where the profane eye enters not, that the greatest
festivities of this day are kept.
.fn 4.21.37
It fell on the 18th March 1819.
.fn-
New Year’s Day. The Festival of Flowers.—Chait Sudi 1st (15th
of the month) is the opening of the luni-solar year of Vikramaditya.
Ceremonies, which more especially appertain to the Nauratri of
Asoj, are performed on this day; and the sword is worshipped
.bn 111.png
.pn +1
in the palace. But such rites are subordinate to those of the fair
divinity, who still rules over this the smiling portion of the year.
Vasanti has ripened into the fragrant Flora, and all the fair of
the capital, as well as the other sex, repair to the gardens and
groves, where parties assemble, regale, and swing, adorned with
chaplets of roses, jessamine, or oleander, when the Naulakha
gardens may vie with the Tivoli of Paris. They return in the
evening to the city.
The Festival of Flowers.—The Rajput Floralia ushers in the
rites of the beneficent Gauri, which continue nine days, the
number sacred to the creative \[570] power. These vie with
the Cerealia of Rome, or the more ancient rites of the goddess
of the Nile: I shall therefore devote some space to a particular
account of them.[4.21.38]
.fn 4.21.38
[For festivals in honour of Gauri see IA, xxxv. (1906) 61.]
.fn-
Ganggor Festival.—Among the many remarkable festivals of
Rajasthan, kept with peculiar brilliancy at Udaipur, is that in
honour of Gauri, or Isani, the goddess of abundance, the Isis of
Egypt, the Ceres of Greece. Like the Rajput Saturnalia, which
it follows, it belongs to the vernal equinox, when nature in
these regions proximate to the tropic is in the full expanse of her
charms, and the matronly Gauri casts her golden mantle over
the beauties of the verdant Vasanti.[4.21.39] Then the fruits exhibit
their promise to the eye; the koil fills the ear with melody; the
air is impregnated with aroma, and the crimson poppy contrasts
with the spikes of golden grain, to form a wreath for the beneficent
Gauri.
.fn 4.21.39
Personification of spring.
.fn-
Gauri is one of the names of Isa or Parvati, wife of the greatest
of the gods, Mahadeva or Iswara, who is conjoined with her in
these rites, which almost exclusively appertain to the women.
The meaning of Gauri is ‘yellow,’ emblematic of the ripened
harvest, when the votaries of the goddess adore her effigies, which
are those of a matron painted the colour of ripe corn; and though
her image is represented with only two hands, in one of which
she holds the lotos, which the Egyptians regarded as emblematic
of reproduction, yet not unfrequently they equip her with the
warlike conch, the discus, and the club, to denote that the goddess,
whose gifts sustain life, is likewise accessary to the loss of it:
uniting, as Gauri and Kali, the characters of life and death, like
.bn 112.png
.pn +1
the Isis and Cybele of the Egyptians. But here she is only seen
as Annapurna, the benefactress of mankind. The rites commence
when the sun enters Aries (the opening of the Hindu year), by a
deputation to a spot beyond the city, “to bring earth for the
image of Gauri.”[4.21.40] When this is formed, a smaller one of Iswara
is made, and they are placed together; a small trench is then
excavated, in which barley is sown; the ground is irrigated and
artificial heat supplied till the grain germinates, when the females
join hands and dance round it, invoking the blessings of Gauri on
their husbands.[4.21.41] The young corn is then taken up, distributed,
and presented by the females to the men, who wear it in their
turbans. Every wealthy family has its image, or at least every
purwa or subdivision of the city. These and other \[571] rites
known only to the initiated having been performed for several
days within doors, they decorate the images, and prepare to
carry them in procession to the lake. During these days of
preparation, nothing is talked of but Gauri’s departure from the
palace; whether she will be as sumptuously apparelled as in the
year gone by; whether an additional boat will be launched on
the occasion; though not a few forget the goddess altogether
in the recollection of the gazelle eyes (mrig-nayani) and serpentine
locks (nagini-zulf)[4.21.42] of the beauteous handmaids who are
selected to attend her. At length the hour arrives, the martial
nakkaras give the signal “to the cannonier without,” and speculation
is at rest when the guns on the summit of the castle of
Eklinggarh announce that Gauri has commenced her excursion
to the lake.
.fn 4.21.40
Here we have Gauri as the type of the earth.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.41
[The Gardens of Adonis, for which see Sir J. Frazer, Adonis, Attis,
Osiris, 3rd ed. i. 236 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.42
Here the Hindu mixes Persian with his Sanskrit, and produces the
mongrel dialect Hindi.
.fn-
The Bathing of the Goddess.—The cavalcade assembles on
the magnificent terrace, and the Rana, surrounded by his nobles,
leads the way to the boats, of a form as primitive as that which
conveyed the Argonauts to Colchis. The scenery is admirably
adapted for these fêtes, the ascent being gradual from the margin
of the lake, which here forms a fine bay, and gently rising to the
crest of the ridge on which the palace and dwellings of the chiefs
are built. Every turret and balcony is crowded with spectators,
.bn 113.png
.pn +1
from the palace to the water’s edge; and the ample flight of
marble steps which intervene from the Tripolia, or triple portal,
to the boats, is a dense mass of females in variegated robes, whose
scarfs but half conceal their ebon tresses adorned with the rose
and the jessamine. A more imposing or more exhilarating sight
cannot be imagined than the entire population of a city thus
assembled for the purpose of rejoicing; the countenance of
every individual, from the prince to the peasant, dressed in
smiles. Carry the eye to heaven, and it rests on ‘a sky without
a cloud’: below is a magnificent lake, the even surface of the
deep blue waters broken only by palaces of marble, whose arched
piazzas are seen through the foliage of orange groves, plantain,
and tamarind; while the vision is bounded by noble mountains,
their peaks towering over each other, and composing an immense
amphitheatre. Here the deformity of vice intrudes not; no
object is degraded by inebriation: no tumultuous disorder or
deafening clamour, but all await patiently, with eyes directed
to the Tripolia, the appearance of Gauri. At length the procession
is seen winding down the steep, and in the midst \[572], borne on a
pat,[4.21.43] or throne, gorgeously arrayed in yellow robes, and blazing
with ‘barbaric pearl and gold,’ the goddess appears; on either
side the two beauties wave the silver chamara over her head,
while the more favoured damsels act as harbingers, preceding
her with wands of silver: the whole chanting hymns. On her
approach, the Rana, his chiefs and ministers rise and remain
standing till the goddess is seated on her throne close to the
water’s edge, when all bow, and the prince and court take their
seats in the boats. The females then form a circle around the
goddess, unite hands, and with a measured step and various
graceful inclinations of the body, keeping time by beating the
palms at particular cadences, move round the image singing
hymns, some in honour of the goddess of abundance, others on
love and chivalry; and embodying little episodes of national
achievements, occasionally sprinkled with double entendre, which
excites a smile and significant nod from the chiefs, and an inclination
of the head of the fair choristers. The festival being entirely
female, not a single male mixed in the immense groups, and even
Iswara himself, the husband of Gauri, attracts no attention, as
appears from his ascetic or mendicant form begging his dole
.bn 114.png
.pn +1
from the bounteous and universal mother. It is taken for
granted that the goddess is occupied in bathing all the time
she remains, and ancient tradition says death was the penalty
of any male intruding on these solemnities; but the present
prince deems them so fitted for amusement, that he has even
instituted a second Ganggor. Some hours are thus consumed,
while easy and good-humoured conversation is carried on. At
length, the ablutions over, the goddess is taken up, and conveyed
to the palace with the same forms and state. The Rana and
his chiefs then unmoor their boats, and are rowed round the
margin of the lake, to visit in succession the other images of
the goddess, around which female groups are chanting and
worshipping, as already described, with which ceremonies the
evening closes, when the whole terminates with a grand display
of fireworks, the finale of each of the three days dedicated to
Gauri.
.fn 4.21.43
Takht, Pat, Persian and Sanskrit, alike meaning board.
.fn-
Considerable resemblance is to be discerned between this
festival of Gauri and that in honour of the Egyptian Diana[4.21.44] at
Bubastis, and Isis at Busiris, within the \[573] Delta of the Nile, of
which Herodotus says: “They who celebrate those of Diana
embark in vessels; the women strike their tabors, the men
their flutes; the rest of both sexes clap their hands, and join
in chorus. Whatever city they approach, the vessels are brought
on shore; the women use ungracious language, dance, and indelicately
throw about their garments.”[4.21.45] Wherever the rites
of Isis prevailed, we find the boat introduced as an essential
emblem in her worship, whether in the heart of Rajasthan, on
the banks of the Nile, or in the woods of Germany. Bryant[4.21.46]
.bn 115.png
.pn +1
furnishes an interesting account from Diodorus and Curtius,
illustrated by drawings from Pocock, from the temple of Luxor,
near Carnac, in the Thebaid, of ‘the ship of Isis,’ carrying an
ark; and from a male figure therein, this learned person thinks
it bears a mysterious allusion to the deluge. I am inclined to
deem the personage in the ark Osiris, husband of Isis, the type of
the sun arrived in the sign of Aries (of which the ram’s heads
ornamenting both the prow and stem of the vessel are typical),
the harbinger of the annual fertilizing inundation of the Nile:
evincing identity of origin as an equinoctial festival with that of
Gauri (Isis) of the Indu-Scythic races of Rajasthan.
.fn 4.21.44
The Ephesian Diana is the twin sister of Gauri, and can have a Sanskrit
derivation in Devianna, ‘the goddess of food,’ contracted Deanna, though
commonly Anna-de or Anna-devi, and Annapurna, ‘filling with food,’ or
the nourisher, the name applied by ‘the mother of mankind,’ when she
places the repast before the messenger of heaven:
.pm start_poem
“Heavenly Stranger, please to taste
These bounties, which our Nourisher, from whom
All perfect good, unmeasured out, descends,
To us for food and for delight, hath caused
The earth to yield.”
Paradise Lost, Bk. v. 397-401.
.pm end_poem
[Diana is the feminine form of Dianus, Janus.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.45
ii. 59-64.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.46
Analysis of Ancient Mythology, p. 312.
.fn-
The German Suevi adored Isis, and also introduced a ship in
her worship, for which Tacitus[4.21.47] is at a loss to account, and with
his usual candour says he has no materials whence to investigate
the origin of a worship denoting the foreign origin of the tribe.
This Isis of the Suevi was evidently a form of Ertha, the chief
divinity of all the Saxon races, who, with her consort Teutates
or Hesus[4.21.48] (Mercury), were the chief deities of both the Celtic
and early Gothic races: the \[574] Budha and Ila of the Rajputs;
in short, the earth,[4.21.49] the prolific mother, the Isis of Egypt, the
Ceres of Greece, the Annapurna (giver of food) of the Rajputs.
On some ancient temples dedicated to this Hindu Ceres we have
sculptured on the frieze and pedestal of the columns the emblem
of abundance, termed the kamakumbha, or vessel of desire, a
vase of elegant form, from which branches of the palm are gracefully
pendent. Herodotus says that similar water-vessels, filled
.bn 116.png
.pn +1
with wheat and barley, were carried in the festival of Isis; and
all who have attended to Egyptian antiquities are aware that the
god Canopus is depicted under the form of a water-jar, or Nilometer,
whose covering bears the head of Osiris.
.fn 4.21.47
[Germania, ix.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.48
Hesus is probably derived from Iswara, or Isa, the god. Toth was the
Egyptian, and Teutates the Scandinavian, Mercury. I have elsewhere
attempted to trace the origin of the Suevi, Su, or Yeuts of Yeutland (Jutland),
to Yute, Getae, or Jat, of Central Asia, who carried thence the religion of
Buddha into India as well as to the Baltic. There is little doubt that the
races called Jotner, Jaeter, Jotuns, Jacts, and Yeuts, who followed the Asi
into Scandinavia, migrated from the Jaxartes, the land of the great Getae
(Massagetae); the leader was supposed to be endued with supernatural
powers, like the Buddhist, called Vidiavan, or magician, whose haunts
adjoined Aria, the cradle of the Magi. They are designated Aripunta [?],
under the sign of a serpent, the type of Budha; or Ahriman, ‘the foe of man.’
[Much of this crude speculation is taken from Wilford (Asiatic Researches,
iii. 133).]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.49
The German Ertha, to show her kindred to the Ila of the Rajputs,
had her car drawn by a cow, under which form the Hindus typify the
earth (prithivi).
.fn-
The Agastya Festival.—To render the analogy perfect between
the vessels emblematic of the Isis of the Nile and the Ganges,
there is a festival sacred to the sage Agastya, who presides over
the star Canopus, when the sun enters Virgo (Kanya). The
kamakumbha is then personified under the epithet kumbhayoni,
and the votary is instructed to pour water into a sea-shell, in
which having placed white flowers and unground rice, turning
his face to the south, he offers it with this incantation: “Hail,
Kumbhayoni, born in the sight of Mitra and Varuna (the sun
and water divinities), bright as the blossom of the kusa (grass),
who sprung from Agni (fire) and the Maruts.” By the prefix
of Ganga (the river) to Gauri, we see that the Ganggor festival
is essentially sacred to a river-goddess, affording additional proof
of the common origin of the rites of the Isis of Egypt and
India.
The Egyptians, according to Plutarch, considered the Nile as
flowing from Osiris, in like manner as the Hindu poet describes
the fair Ganga flowing from the head of Iswara, which Sir W.
Jones thus classically paints in his hymn to Ganga:
.pm start_poem
Above the reach of mortal ken,
On blest Coilasa’s top, where every stem
Glowed with a vegetable gem,
Mahesa stood, the dread and joy of men;
While Parvati, to gain a boon,
Fixed on his locks a beamy moon,
And hid his frontal eye in jocund play,
With reluctant sweet delay;
All nature straight was locked in dim eclipse,
Till Brahmins pure, with hallowed lips
And warbled prayers, restored the day,
When Ganga from his brow, with heavenly fingers prest,
Sprang radiant, and descending, graced the caverns of the west \[575].
.pm end_poem
.il id=i670 fn=illo_0670.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
COLUMNS OF TEMPLES AT CHANDRĀVATI.
To face page 670.
.ca-
The Goddess Ganga.—Ganga, the river-goddess, like the Nile,
is the type of fertility, and like that celebrated stream, has her
source amidst the eternal glaciers of Chandragiri or Somagiri
(the mountains of the moon); the higher peaks of the gigantic
.bn 117.png
.bn 118.png
.bn 119.png
.pn +1
Himalaya, where Parvati is represented as ornamenting the
tiara of Iswara “with a beamy moon.” In this metaphor, and
in his title of Somanatha (lord of the moon), we again have
evidence of Iswara, or Siva, after representing the sun, having
the satellite moon as his ornament.[4.21.50] His Olympus, Kailasa, is
studded with that majestic pine, the cedar; thence he is called
Kedarnath, ‘lord of the cedar-trees.’[4.21.51] The mysteries of Osiris
and those of Eleusis[4.21.52] were of the same character, commemorative
of the first germ of civilization, the culture of the earth, under a
variety of names, Ertha, Isis, Diana, Ceres, Ila. It is a curious
fact that in the terra-cotta images of Isis, frequently excavated
about her temple at Paestum,[4.21.53] she holds in her right hand an
exact representation of the Hindu lingam and yoni combined;
and on the Indian expedition to Egypt, our Hindu soldiers
deemed themselves amongst the altars of their own god Iswara
(Osiris), from the abundance of his emblematic representatives.
.fn 4.21.50
Let it be borne in mind that Indu, Chandra, Soma, are all epithets
for ‘the moon,’ or as he is classically styled (in an inscription of the famous
Kumarpal, which I discovered in Chitor), Nisanath, the ruler of darkness
(Nisa).
.fn-
.fn 4.21.51
[Kedārnāth has, of course, no connexion with the cedar tree. The
origin of the name ‘Lord of Kedār’ is unknown; probably Kedār was
an old cult title of Siva.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.52
I have before remarked that a Sanskrit etymology might be given to
this word in Ila and Isa, i.e. ‘the goddess of the earth’ [?] [p. 636, note].
.fn-
.fn 4.21.53
I was informed at Naples that four thousand of these were dug out of
one spot, and I obtained while at Paestum many fragments and heads of
this goddess.
.fn-
The Aghori Ascetics.—In the festival of Ganggor, as before
mentioned, Iswara yields to his consort Gauri, and occupies an
unimportant position near her at the water’s edge, meanly clad,
smoking intoxicating herbs, and, whether by accident or design,
holding the stalk of an onion in full blossom as a mace or club—a
plant regarded by some of the Egyptians with veneration, and
held by the Hindus generally in detestation: and why they
should on such an occasion thus degrade Iswara, I know not.
Onion-juice is reluctantly taken when prescribed medicinally, as
a powerful stimulant, by those who would reject spirituous
liquors; and there are classes, as the Aghori, that worship
Iswara in his most degraded form, who will not only devour raw
flesh, but that of man; and to whom it is a matter of perfect
.bn 120.png
.pn +1
indifference whether the victim was slaughtered or died a natural
For the honour of humanity, such monsters are few in
number; but that they practise \[576] these deeds I can testify,
from a personal visit to their haunts, where I saw the cave of
one of these Troglodyte monsters, in which by his own command
he was inhumed; and which will remain closed, until curiosity
and incredulity greater than mine may disturb the bones of the
Aghori of Abu.
The [Greek: ô)mophagi/a], or eating raw flesh with the blood, was a part
of the secret mysteries of Osiris, in commemoration of the happy
change in the condition of mankind from savage to civilized life,
and intended to deter by disgust the return thereto.[4.21.54]
.fn 4.21.54
Prichard’s Researches into the Physical History of Man, p. 369. [For
a full discussion of [Greek: ô)mophagi/a] see Miss J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the
Study of Greek Religion, 483 ff.]
.fn-
The Buddhists pursued this idea to excess; and in honour of
Adiswara, the First, who from his abode of Meru taught them
the arts of agriculture, they altogether abandoned that type of
savage life, the eating of the flesh of animals,[4.21.55] and confined themselves
to the fruits of the earth. With these sectarian anti-idolaters,
who are almost all of Rajput descent, the beneficent
Lakshmi, Sri, or Gauri, is an object of sincere devotion.
.fn 4.21.55
The Buddhists of Tartary make no scruple of eating flesh.
.fn-
Affinities of Hindu to other Mythologies.—But we must close
this digression; for such is the affinity between the mythology
of India, Greece, and Egypt, that a bare recapitulation of the
numerous surnames of the Hindu goddess of abundance would
lead us beyond reasonable limits; all are forms of Parvati or
Durga Mata, the Mater Montana of Greece and Rome, an epithet
of Cybele or Vesta (according to Diodorus), as the guardian
goddess of children, one of the characters of the Rajput ‘Mother
of the Mount,’ whose shrine crowns many a pinnacle in Mewar;
and who, with the prolific Gauri, is amongst the amiable forms
of the universal mother, whose functions are more varied and
extensive than her sisters of Egypt and of Greece. Like the
Ephesian Diana, Durga wears the crescent on her head. She is
also ‘the turreted Cybele,’ the guardian goddess of all places
of strength (durga),[4.21.56] and like her she is drawn or carried by the
lion. As Mata Janavi, ‘the Mother of Births,’ she is Juno
.bn 121.png
.pn +1
Lucina: as Padma, ‘whose throne is the lotos,’ she is the fair
Isis of the Nile: as Tripura,[4.21.57] ‘governing the three worlds,’ and
Atmadevi, ‘the Goddess of Souls,’ she is the Hecate Triformis
of the Greeks. In short, her power is manifested under every
form from the birth, and all the \[577] intermediate stages until
death; whether Janavi, Gauri, or the terrific Kali, the Proserpine
or Kalligeneia of the West.
.fn 4.21.56
Durga, ‘a fort’; as Suvarnadurg, ‘the golden castle,’ etc., etc.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.57
Literally Tripoli, ‘the three cities,’ pura, polis.
.fn-
Whoever desires to witness one of the most imposing and
pleasing of Hindu festivals, let him repair to Udaipur, and behold
the rites of the lotus-queen Padma, the Gauri of Rajasthan.
Chait (Sudi) 8th, which, being after the Ides, is the 23rd of
the month, is sacred to Devi, the goddess of every tribe; she is
called Asokashtami, and being the ninth night (nauratri) from
the opening of their Floralia, they perform the homa, or sacrifice
of fire. On this day a grand procession takes place to the Chaugan,
and every Rajput worships his tutelary divinity.
The Birth of Rāma.—Chait (Sudi) 9th is the anniversary
of Rama, the grand beacon of the solar race, kept with great
rejoicings at Udaipur. Horses and elephants are worshipped,
and all the implements of war. A procession takes place to the
Chaugan, and the succeeding day, called the Dasahra or tenth,
is celebrated in Asoj.
The Festival of Kamadeva.—The last days of spring are
dedicated to Kamadeva, the god of love. The scorching winds
of the hot season are already beginning to blow, when Flora
droops her head, and “the god of love turns anchorite”; yet
the rose continues to blossom, and affords the most fragrant
chaplets for the Rajputnis, amidst all the heats of summer. Of
this the queen of flowers, the jessamine (chameli), white and
yellow, the mogra,[4.21.58] the champaka, that flourish in extreme heat,
the ladies form garlands, which they twine in their dark hair,
weave into bracelets, or wear as pendent collars. There is no
city in the East where the adorations of the sex to Kamadeva are
more fervent than in ‘the city of the rising sun’ (Udayapura).
On the 13th and 14th of Chait they sing hymns handed down
by the sacred bards:
“Hail, god of the flowery bow:[4.21.59] hail, warrior with a fish on
.bn 122.png
.pn +1
thy banner! hail, powerful divinity, who causeth the firmness
of the sage to forsake him!”
.fn 4.21.58
[The double jasmin (Michelia champaka).]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.59
Cupid’s bow is formed of a garland of flowers.
.fn-
“Glory to Madana, to Kama,[4.21.60] the god of gods; to Him by
whom Brahma \[578], Vishnu, Siva, and Indra are filled with
emotions of rapture!”—Bhavishya Purana.[4.21.61]
.fn 4.21.60
Madana, he who intoxicates with desire (kama), both epithets of
the god of love. The festivals on the 13th and 14th are called Madana
trayodasi (the tenth) and Chaturdasi (fourteenth).
.fn-
.fn 4.21.61
Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 278.
.fn-
Festivals in the month Baisākh: April-May.—There is but one
festival in this month of any note, when the grand procession
denominated the ‘Nakkara ki aswari’ (from the equestrians being
summoned, as already described, by the grand kettledrums from
the Tripolia), takes place; and this is against the canons of the
Hindu church, being instituted by the present Rana in S. 1847, a
memorable year in the calendar. It was in this year, on the 2nd
of Baisakh, that he commanded a repetition of the rites of Gauri, by
the name of the Little Ganggor; but this act of impiety was marked
by a sudden rise of the waters of the Pichola, the bursting of the
huge embankment, and the inundation of the lake’s banks, to the
destruction of one-third of the capital: life, property, mansions,
trees, all were swept away in the tremendous rush of water, whose
ravages are still marked by the site of streets and bazaars now
converted into gardens or places of recreation, containing thousands
of acres within the walls, subdivided by hedges of the cactus, the
natural fence of Mewar, which alike thrives in the valley or covers
the most barren spots of her highest hills. But although the superstitious
look grave, and add that a son was also taken from him
on this very day, yet the Rana persists in maintaining the fête
he established; the barge is manned, he and his chiefs circumnavigate
the Pichola, regale on ma’ajun, and terrify Varuna
(the water-god) with the pyrotechnic exhibitions.
Although the court calendar of Udaipur notices only those
festivals on which State processions occur, yet there are many
minor fêtes, which are neither unimportant nor uninteresting.
We shall enumerate a few, alike in Baisakh, Jeth, and Asarh,
which are blank as to the Nakkara Aswari.
Savitrivrata Festival.—On the 29th Baisakh there is a fast
common to India peculiar to the women, who perform certain
rites under the sacred fig-tree (the vata or pipal), to preserve
.bn 123.png
.pn +1
them from widowhood; and hence the name of the fast Savitri-vrata.[4.21.62]
.fn 4.21.62
[Savitri-vrata means ‘the vow to Savitri,’ and has no connexion with
the vata or banyan-tree. But the tree is worshipped in connexion with
it on 15th light or dark fortnight of the month Jeth (Census Report, Baroda,
1901, i. 127).]
.fn-
Festivals in the month Jeth: May-June.—On the 2nd of Jeth,
when the sun is in the zenith, the Rajput ladies commemorate
the birth of the sea-born goddess Rambha, the queen of the naiads
or Apsaras,[4.21.63] whose birth, like that of Venus, was from the froth
of the waters; and \[579] hence the Rajput bards designate all
the fair messengers of heaven by the name of Apsaras, who
summon the ‘chosen’ from the field of battle, and convey him
to the ‘mansion of the sun.’[4.21.64]
.fn 4.21.63
Ap, ‘water,’ and sara, ‘froth or essence.’ [The word means ‘going
in the waters, or between the waters of the clouds.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.64
The Romans held the calends of June (generally Jeth) sacred to the
goddess Carna, significant of the sun. Carneus was the sun-god of the
Celts, and a name of Apollo at Sparta, and other Grecian cities. The
Karneia was a festival in honour of Apollo.
.fn-
The Aranya-Shashthi Festival.—On the 6th of Jeth the ladies
have another festival called the Aranya Shashthi, because on this
day those desirous of offspring walk in the woods (aranya) to
gather and eat certain herbs. Sir W. Jones has remarked the
analogy between this and the Druidic ceremony of gathering the
mistletoe (also on the Shashthi, or 6th day of the moon), as a
preservative against sterility.
Festivals in the month Āsārh: June-July.—Asarh, the initiative
month of the periodical rains, has no particular festivity at Udaipur,
though in other parts of India the Rathayatra, or procession of
the car of Vishnu or Jagannatha (lord of the universe) is well
known: this is on the 2nd and the 11th, ‘the night of the gods,’
when Vishnu (the sun) reposes four months.
Festivals in the month Sāwan: July-August.—Sawan, classically
Sravana. There are two important festivals, with processions,
in this month.
The Tij.—The third, emphatically called ‘the Tij’ (third),
is sacred to the mountain goddess Parvati, being the day on which,
after long austerities, she was reunited to Siva: she accordingly
declared it holy, and proclaimed that whoever invoked her on
that day should possess whatever was desired. The Tij is
.bn 124.png
.pn +1
accordingly reverenced by the women, and the husbandman of
Rajasthan, who deems it a most favourable day to take possession
of land, or to reinhabit a deserted dwelling. When on the expulsion
of the predatory powers from the devoted lands of Mewar,
proclamations were disseminated far and wide, recalling the
expatriated inhabitants, they showed their love of country by
obedience to the summons. Collecting their goods and chattels,
they congregated from all parts, but assembled at a common
rendezvous to make their entry to the bapota, ‘land of their sires,’
on the Tij of Sawan. On this fortunate occasion, a band of
three hundred men, women, and children, with colours flying,
drums beating, the females taking precedence with brass vessels
of water on their heads, and chanting the suhaila (song of joy),
entered the town of Kapasan, to revisit their desolate dwellings
\[580], and return thanks on their long-abandoned altars to
Parvati[4.21.65] for a happiness they had never contemplated.
.fn 4.21.65
The story of the vigils of Parvati, preparatory to her being reunited
to her lord, consequent to her sacrifice as Sati, is the counterpart of the
Grecian fable of Cybele, her passion for, and marriage with, the youth Atys
or Papas, the Baba, or universal father, of the Hindus.
.fn-
Red garments are worn by all classes on this day, and at
Jaipur clothes of this colour are presented by the Raja to all the
chiefs. At that court the Tij is kept with more honour than at
Udaipur. An image of Parvati on the Tij, richly attired, is borne
on a throne by women chanting hymns, attended by the prince
and his nobles. On this day, fathers present red garments and
stuffs to their daughters.
The Nāgpanchami Festival: Serpent Worship.—The 5th is the
Nagpanchami, or day set apart for the propitiation of the chief
of the reptile race, the Naga or serpent. Few subjects have more
occupied the notice of the learned world than the mysteries of
Ophite worship, which are to be traced wherever there existed
a remnant of civilization, or indeed of humanity; among the
savages of the savannahs[4.21.66] of America, and the magi of Fars,
with whom it was the type of evil,—their Ahrimanes.[4.21.67] The
Nagas, or serpent-genii of the Rajputs, have a semi-human
structure, precisely as Diodorus describes the snake-mother of
.bn 125.png
.pn +1
the Scythae, in whose country originated this serpent-worship,
engrafted on the tenets of Zardusht, of the Puranas of the priesthood
of Egypt, and on the fables of early Greece.[4.21.68] Dupuis,
Volney, and other expounders of the mystery, have given an
astronomical solution to what they deem a varied ramification
of an ancient fable, of which that of Greece, ‘the dragon guarding
the fruits of Hesperides,’ may be considered the most elegant
version. Had these learned men seen those ancient sculptures
in India, which represent ‘the fall,’ they might have changed
their opinion. The traditions of the Jains or Buddhists (originating
in the land of the Takshaks,[4.21.69] or Turkistan) assert the creation
of the human species in pairs, called jugal, who fed off the ever-fructifying
kalpa-vriksha, which possesses all the characters of
the Tree of Life, like it bearing
.pm start_poem
Ambrosial fruit of vegetable gold;
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
which was termed amrita, and rendered them immortal. A
drawing, brought by \[581] Colonel Coombs, from a sculptured
column in a cave temple in the south of India, represents the
first pair at the foot of this ambrosial tree, and a serpent entwined
among the heavily laden boughs, presenting to them some of the
fruit from his mouth. The tempter appears to be at that part
of his discourse, when
.pm start_poem
... his words, replete with guile,
Into her heart too easy entrance won:
Fixed on the fruit she gazed.
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.21.66
How did a word of Persian growth come to signify ‘the boundless
brake’ of the new world?
.fn-
.fn 4.21.67
Ari, ‘a foe’; manus, ‘man.’ [Angro Mainyush, ‘destructive spirit.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.68
[There is no reason to believe that snake-worship was not independently
practised in India.]
.fn-
.fn 4.21.69
This is the snake-race of India, the foes of the Pandus.
.fn-
This is a curious subject to be engraved on an ancient pagan
temple; if Jain or Buddhist, the interest would be considerably
enhanced. On this festival, at Udaipur, as well as throughout
India, they strew particular plants about the threshold, to prevent
the entrance of reptiles.
The Rākhi Festival.—This festival, which is held on the last
day of Sawan, was instituted in honour of the good genii, when
Durvasas the sage instructed Salono (the genius or nymph presiding
over the month of Sawan) to bind on rakhis, or bracelets, as charms
to avert evil. The ministers of religion and females alone are
privileged to bestow these charmed wrist-bands. The ladies of
.bn 126.png
.pn +1
Rajasthan, either by their handmaids or the family priests, send
a bracelet as the token of their esteem to such as they adopt as
brothers, who return gifts in acknowledgement of the honour.
The claims thus acquired by the fair are far stronger than those
of consanguinity: for illustration of which I may refer to an
incident already related in the annals of this house.[4.21.70] Sisters also
present their brothers with clothes on this day, who make an
offering of gold in return.[4.21.71]
.fn 4.21.70
See p. vol1_364.
.fn-
.fn 4.21.71
I returned from three to five pieces of gold for the rakhis sent by my
adopted sisters; from one of whom, the sister of the Rana, I annually
received this pledge by one of her handmaids; three of them I have yet
in my possession, though I never saw the donor, who is now no more. I
had, likewise, some presented through the family priest, from the Bundi
queen-mother, with whom I have conversed for hours, though she was
invisible to me; and from the ladies of rank of the chieftains’ families,
but one of whom I ever beheld, though they often called upon me for the
performance of brotherly offices in consequence of such tie. There is a
delicacy in this custom, with which the bond uniting the cavaliers of Europe
to the service of the fair, in the days of chivalry, will not compare.
.fn-
This day is hailed by the Brahmans as indemnifying them for
their expenditure of silk and spangles, with which they decorate
the wrists of all who are likely to make a proper return.
Festivals in the month Bhādon: August-September.—On the
3rd there is a grand procession to the Chaugan; and the 8th, or
Ashtami, is the birth of Krishna, which will be described at large
in an account of Nathdwara. There are several holidays in this
month, when the periodical \[582] rains are in full descent; but that
on the last but one (Sudi 14, or 29th) is the most remarkable.
Ancestor Worship.—On this day[4.21.72] commences the worship of
the ancestorial manes (the Pitrideva, or father-gods) of the Rajputs,
which continues for fifteen days. The Rana goes to the cemetery
at Ara, and performs at the cenotaph of each of his forefathers
the rites enjoined, consisting of ablutions, prayers, and the hanging
of garlands of flowers, and leaves sacred to the dead, on their
monuments. Every chieftain does the same amongst the altars
of the ‘great ancients’ (bara burha); or, if absent from their
estates, they accompany their sovereign to Ara.
.fn 4.21.72
Sacred to Vishnu, with the title of Ananta, or infinite—Bhavishyottara.
(See Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 291.) Here Vishnu appears as ‘lord
of the manes.’
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 127.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 22
.sp 2
Khadga Sthapana, Sword Worship.—The festival in which
this imposing rite occurs is the Nauratri,[4.22.1] sacred to the god of war,
commencing on the first of the month Asoj. It is essentially
martial, and confined to the Rajput, who on the departure of the
monsoon finds himself at liberty to indulge his passion whether
for rapine or revenge, both which in these tropical regions are
necessarily suspended during the rains. Arguing from the order
of the passions, we may presume that the first objects of emblematic
worship were connected with war \[583], and we accordingly
find the highest reverence paid to arms by every nation of
antiquity. The Scythic warrior of Central Asia, the intrepid
Gete, admitted no meaner representative of the god of battle than
his own scimitar.[4.22.2] He worshipped it, he swore by it; it was
buried with him, in order that he might appear before the martial
divinity in the other world as became his worshipper on earth:
for the Gete of Transoxiana, from the earliest ages, not only
believed in the soul’s immortality, and in the doctrine of rewards
and punishments hereafter, but, according to the father of history,
he was a monotheist; of which fact he has left a memorable
proof in the punishment of the celebrated Anacharsis, who, on
his return from a visit to Thales and his brother philosophers of
Greece, attempted to introduce into the land of the Saka (Sakatai)
the corrupted polytheism of Athens.
.fn 4.22.1
Nauratri may be interpreted the nine days’ festival, or the ‘new night’ [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.22.2
“It was natural enough,” says Gibbon, “that the Scythians should
adore with peculiar devotion the god of war; but as they were incapable
of forming either an abstract idea, or a corporeal representation, they worshipped
their tutelar deity under the symbol of an iron cimeter. If the
rites of Scythia were practised on this solemn occasion,[4.22.2.A] a lofty altar, or
rather pile of faggots, three hundred yards in length and in breadth, was
raised in a spacious plain; and the sword of Mars was placed erect on the
summit of this rustic altar, which was annually consecrated by the blood
of sheep, horses, and of the hundredth captive” (Gibbon’s Roman Empire,
ed. W. Smith, iv. 194 f.).
.fn-
.fn 4.22.2.A
Attila dictating the terms of peace with the envoys of Constantinople,
at the city of Margus, in Upper Moesia.
.fn-
If we look westward from this the central land of earliest
.bn 128.png
.pn +1
civilization, to Dacia, Thrace, Pannonia, the seats of the
Thyssagetae or western Getae, we find the same form of adoration
addressed to the emblem of Mars, as mentioned by Xenophon
in his memorable retreat, and practised by Alaric and his Goths,
centuries afterwards, in the Acropolis of Athens. If we transport
ourselves to the shores of Scandinavia, amongst the Cimbri and
Getae of Jutland, to the Ultima Thule, wherever the name of
Gete prevails, we shall find the same adoration paid by the Getic
warrior to his sword.
The Frisian Frank also of Gothic race, adhered to this worship,
and transmitted it with the other rites of the Getic warrior of the
Jaxartes; such as the adoration of the steed, sacred to the sun,
the great god of the Massagetae, as well as of the Rajput, who
sacrificed it at the annual feast, or with his arms and wife burnt
it on his funeral pile. Even the kings of the ‘second race’ kept
up the religion of their Scythic sires from the Jaxartes, and the
bones of the war-horse of Chilperic were exhumed with those
of the monarch. These rites, as well as those long-cherished
chivalrous notions, for which the Salian Franks have ever been
conspicuous \[584], had their birth in Central Asia; for though
contact with the more polished Arab softened the harsh character
of the western warrior, his thirst for glory, the romantic charm
which fed his passion, and his desire to please the fair, he inherited
from his ancestors on the shores of the Baltic, which were colonized
from the Oxus. Whether Charlemagne addressed his sword as
Joyeuse,[4.22.3] or the Scandinavian hero Angantýr as the enchanted
blade Tyrfing (Hialmar’s bane), each came from one common
origin, the people which invented the custom of Khadga Sthapana,
or ‘adoration of the sword.’ But neither the falchion ‘made
by the dwarfs for Suafurlama,’ nor the redoubled sword of
Bayard with which he dubbed the first Francis,—not even the
enchanted brand of Ariosto’s hero, can for a moment compare
with the double-edged khanda (scimitar) annually worshipped
by the chivalry of Mewar. Before I descant on this monstrous
blade, I shall give an abstract of the ceremonies on each of the
nine days sacred to the god of war.
.fn 4.22.3
St. Palaye, Memoirs of Ancient Chivalry, p. 305.
.fn-
The Dasahra Festival.—On the 1st of Asoj, after fasting,
ablution, and prayer on the part of the prince and his household,
the double-edged khanda is removed from the hall of arms
.bn 129.png
.pn +1
(ayudhsala), and having received the homage (puja) of the court,
it is carried in procession to the Kishanpol (gate of Kishan),
where it is delivered to the Raj Jogi,[4.22.4] the Mahants, and band of
Jogis assembled in front of the temple of Devi ‘the goddess,’
adjoining the portal of Kishan.[4.22.5] By these, the monastic militant
adorers of Hara, the god of battle, the brand emblematic of the
divinity is placed[4.22.6] on the altar before the image of his divine
consort. At three in the afternoon the nakkaras, or grand kettle-drums,
proclaim from the Tripolia[4.22.7] the signal for the assemblage
of the chiefs with their retainers; and the Rana and his cavalcade
proceed direct to the stables, when a buffalo is sacrificed in honour
of the war-horse. Thence the procession moves to the temple of
Devi, where the Raja Krishan (Godi) has proceeded. Upon this,
the Rana seats himself close to the Raj Jogi, presents two pieces
of \[585] silver and a coco-nut, performs homage to the sword
(khadga), and returns to the palace.
.fn 4.22.4
Raj Jogi is the chief of the ascetic warriors; the Mahants are commanders
[the term being usually applied to the abbot of a monastery].
More will be said of this singular society when we discuss the religious
institutions of Mewar.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.5
The god Krishna is called Kishan in the dialects.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.6
This is the sthapana of the sword, literally its inauguration or induction,
for the purposes of adoration.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.7
Tripolia, or triple portal.
.fn-
Asoj 2nd. In similar state he proceeds to the Chaugan, their
Champ de Mars, where a buffalo is sacrificed; and on the same
day another buffalo victim is felled by the nervous arm of a
Rajput, near the Toranpol, or triumphal gate. In the evening
the Rana goes to the temple of Amba Mata, the universal mother,
when several goats and buffaloes bleed to the goddess.
The 3rd. Procession to the Chaugan, when another buffalo
is offered; and in the afternoon five buffaloes and two rams are
sacrificed to Harsiddh Mata.[4.22.8]
.fn 4.22.8
[The chief centres of worship of Harsiddh Māta are Gāndhari and
Ujjain. It is said that her image stood on the sea-shore, and that she used
to swallow all the vessels that passed by (R. E. Enthoven, Folklore Notes
Gujarāt, 5; BG, ix. Part i. 226).]
.fn-
On the 4th, as on every one of the nine days, the first visit is
to the Champ de Mars: the day opens with the slaughter of a
buffalo. The Rana proceeds to the temple of Devi, when he
worships the sword, and the standard of the Raj Jogi, to whom,
as the high-priest of Siva, the god of war, he pays homage, and
.bn 130.png
.pn +1
makes offering of sugar, and a garland of roses. A buffalo having
been previously fixed to a stake near the temple, the Rana sacrifices
him with his own hand, by piercing him from his travelling
throne (raised on men’s shoulders and surrounded by his vassals)
with an arrow. In the days of his strength, he seldom failed
almost to bury the feather in the flank of the victim; but on the
last occasion his enfeebled arm made him exclaim with Prithiraj,
when, captive and blind, he was brought forth to amuse the Tartar
despot, “I draw not the bow as in the days of yore.”
On the 5th, after the usual sacrifice at the Chaugan, and an
elephant fight, the procession marches to the temple of Asapurna
(Hope); a buffalo and a ram are offered to the goddess adored
by all the Rajputs, and the tutelary divinity of the Chauhans.
On this day the lives of some victims are spared at the intercession
of the Nagar-Seth, or chief-magistrate,[4.22.9] and those of his
faith, the Jains.
.fn 4.22.9
[Formerly an important personage, but his authority has now much
decreased (BG, ix. Part i. 96).]
.fn-
On the 6th, the Rana visits the Chaugan, but makes no sacrifice.
In the afternoon, prayers and victims to Devi; and in the
evening the Rana visits Bhikharinath, the chief of the Kanphara
Jogis, or split-ear
The 7th. After the daily routine at the Chaugan, and sacrifices
to Devi (the goddess of destruction), the chief equerry is
commanded to adorn the steeds with their new caparisons, and
lead them to be bathed in the lake. At night, the sacred fire
(hom) is kindled, and a buffalo and a ram are sacrificed to Devi;
the Jogis \[586] are called up and feasted on boiled rice and sweetmeats.
On the conclusion of this day, the Rana and his chieftains
visit the hermitage of Sukharia Baba, an anchorite of the Jogi sect.
8th. There is the homa, or fire-sacrifice in the palace. In the
afternoon, the prince, with a select cavalcade, proceeds to the
village of Samina, beyond the city walls, and visits a celebrated
Gosain.[4.22.10]
.fn 4.22.10
On this day sons visit and pay adoration to their fathers. The diet is
chiefly of vegetables and fruits. Brahmans with their unmarried daughters
are feasted, and receive garments called chunri from their chiefs. [This is
a kind of cloth dyed by partly tying it in knots, which escape the action of
the dye.]
.fn-
9th. There is no morning procession. The horses from the
royal stables, as well as those of the chieftains, are taken to the
.bn 131.png
.pn +1
lake, and bathed by their grooms, and on returning from purification
they are caparisoned in their new housings, led forth, and
receive the homage of their riders, and the Rana bestows a largess
on the master of the horse, the equerries, and grooms. At three
in the afternoon, the nakkaras having thrice sounded, the whole
State insignia, under a select band, proceed to Mount Matachal,
and bring home the sword. When its arrival in the court of the
palace is announced, the Rana advances and receives it with due
homage from the hands of the Raj Jogi, who is presented with a
khilat; while the Mahant, who has performed all the austerities
during the nine days, has his patra[4.22.11] filled with gold and silver
coin. The whole of the Jogis are regaled, and presents are made
to their chiefs. The elephants and horses again receive homage,
and the sword, the shield, and spear are worshipped within the
palace. At three in the morning the prince takes repose.
The 10th, or Dasahra,[4.22.12] is a festival universally known in India,
and respected by all classes, although entirely military, being
commemorative of the day on which the deified Rama commenced
his expedition to Lanka for the redemption of Sita;[4.22.13] the ‘tenth
of Asoj’ is consequently deemed by the Rajput a fortunate day
for warlike enterprise. The day commences with a visit from
the \[587] prince or chieftain to his spiritual guide. Tents and
carpets are prepared at the Chaugan or Matachal mount, where
the artillery is sent; and in the afternoon the Rana, his chiefs,
and their retainers repair to the field of Mars, worship the khejra
tree,[4.22.14] liberate the nilkanth or jay (sacred to Rama), and return
amidst a discharge of guns.
.fn 4.22.11
The Jogi’s patra is not so revolting as that of their divinity Hara (the
god of war), which is the human cranium; this is a hollow gourd.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.12
From das, the numeral ten; the tenth. [It means ‘the feast that
removes ten sins.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.13
In this ancient story we are made acquainted with the distant maritime
wars which the princes of India carried on. Even supposing Ravana’s
abode to be the insular Ceylon, he must have been a very powerful prince
to equip an armament sufficiently numerous to carry off from the remote
kingdom of Kosala the wife of the great king of the Suryas. It is most
improbable that a petty king of Ceylon could wage equal war with a potentate
who held the chief dominion of India; whose father, Dasaratha, drove
his victorious car (ratha) over every region (desa), and whose intercourse
with the countries beyond the Brahmaputra is distinctly to be traced in
the Ramayana. [Dasaratha has no connexion with desa: the name means
‘he who possesses ten (dasa) chariots (ratha).’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.14
[Prosopis spicigera.]
.fn-
.bn 132.png
.pn +1
11th. In the morning, the Rana, with all the State insignia,
the kettledrums sounding in the rear, proceeds towards the
Matachal mount, and takes the muster of his troops, amidst
discharges of cannon, tilting, and display of horsemanship. The
spectacle is imposing even in the decline of this house. The
hilarity of the party, the diversified costume, the various forms,
colours, and decorations of the turbans, in which some have the
heron plume, or sprigs from some shrub sacred to the god of war;
the clusters of lances, shining matchlocks, and black bucklers,
the scarlet housings of the steeds, and waving pennons, recall
forcibly the glorious days of the devoted Sanga, or the immortal
Partap, who on such occasions collected round the black changi
and crimson banner of Mewar a band of sixteen thousand of his
own kin and clan, whose lives were their lord’s and their country’s.
The shops and bazaars are ornamented with festoons of flowers
and branches of trees, while the costliest cloths and brocades are
extended on screens, to do honour to their prince; the toran (or
triumphal arch) is placed before the tent, on a column of which
he places one hand as he alights, and before entering makes
several circumambulations. All present offer their nazars to the
prince, the artillery fires, and the bards raise ‘the song of praise,’
celebrating the glories of the past; the fame of Samra, who fell
with thirteen thousand of his kin on the Ghaggar; of Arsi and
his twelve brave sons, who gave themselves as victims for the
salvation of Chitor; of Kumbha, Lakha, Sanga, Partap, Amra,
Raj, all descended of the blood of Rama, whose exploits, three
thousand five hundred years before, they are met to celebrate.
The situation of Matachal is well calculated for such a spectacle,
as indeed is the whole ground from the palace through the Delhi
portal to the mount, on which is erected one of the several castles
commanding the approaches to the city. The fort is dedicated
to Mata, though it would not long remain stable (achal) before a
battery of thirty-six pounders. The guns are drawn up about
the termination of the slope of the natural glacis; the Rana
and his court remain on horseback \[588] half up the ascent; and
while every chief or vassal is at liberty to leave his ranks, and
“witch the world with noble horsemanship,” there is nothing
tumultuous, nothing offensive in their mirth.
The steeds purchased since the last festival are named, and
as the cavalcade returns, their grooms repeat the appellations
.bn 133.png
.pn +1
of each as the word is passed by the master of the horse; as Baj
Raj, ‘the royal steed’; Hayamor, ‘the chief of horses’; Manika,
‘the gem’; Bajra, ‘the thunderbolt,’ etc., etc. On returning
to the palace, gifts are presented by the Rana to his chiefs. The
Chauhan chief of Kotharia claims the apparel which his prince
wears on this day, in token of the fidelity of his ancestor to the
minor, Udai Singh, in Akbar’s wars. To others, a fillet or
balaband for the turban is presented; but all such compliments
are regulated by precedent or immediate merit.
The Toran Arch.—Thus terminates the Nauratri festival sacred
to the god of war, which in every point of view is analogous to
the autumnal festival of the Scythic warlike nations, when these
princes took the muster of their armies, and performed the same
rites to the great celestial luminary.[4.22.15] I have presented to the
antiquarian reader these details, because it is in minute particulars
that analogous customs are detected. Thus the temporary
toran, or triumphal arch, erected in front of the tent at Mount
Mataehala would scarcely claim the least notice, but that we
discover even in this emblem the origin of the triumphal arches
of antiquity, with many other rites which may be traced to the
Indo-Scythic races of Asia. The toran in its original form consisted
of two columns and an architrave, constituting the number
three, sacred to Hara, the god of war. In the progress of the
arts the architrave gave way to the Hindu arch, which consisted
of two or more ribs without the keystone, the apex being the
perpendicular junction of the archivaults; nor is the arc of the
toran semicircular, or any segment of a circle, but with that
graceful curvature which stamps with originality one of the arches
of the Normans, who may have brought it from their ancient
seats on the Oxus, whence it may also have been \[589] carried
within the Indus. The cromlech, or trilithic altar in the centre
.bn 134.png
.pn +1
of all those monuments called Druidic, is most probably a toran,
sacred to the Sun-god Belenus, like Har, or Balsiva, the god of
battle, to whom as soon as a temple is raised the toran is erected,
and many of these are exquisitely beautiful.
.fn 4.22.15
“A la première lune de chaque année, tous ces officiers, grands et
petits, tenoient une assemblée générale à la cour du Tanjou, et y faisoient
un sacrifice solennel: à la cinquième lune, ils s’assembloient à Lumtching,
où ils sacrifioient au ciel, à la terre, aux esprits, et aux ancêtres. Il se tenoit
encore une grande assemblée à Tai-lin dans l’automne, parce qu’alors les
chevaux étoient plus gras, et on y faisoit en même-tems le dénombrement
des hommes et des troupeaux; mais tous les jours le Tanjou sortoit de son
camp, le matin pour adorer le soleil, et le soir la lune. Sa tente étoit placée
à gauche, comme le côté le plus honorable chez ces peuples, et regardoit le
couchant” (Avant J.-C. 209; L’Histoire Générale des Huns, vol. i. p. 24).
.fn-
Gates.—An interesting essay might be written on portes and
torans, their names and attributes, and the genii presiding as
their guardians. Amongst all the nations of antiquity, the
portal has had its peculiar veneration: to pass it was a privilege
regarded as a mark of honour. The Jew Haman, in the true
Oriental style, took post at the king’s gate as an inexpugnable
position. The most pompous court in Europe takes its title from
its porte, where, as at Udaipur, all alight. The Tripolia, or triple
portal, the entry to the magnificent terrace in front of the Rana’s
palace, consists, like the Roman arcs of triumph, of three arches,
still preserving the numeral sacred to the god of battle, one of
whose titles is Tripura, which may be rendered Tripoli, or lord
of the three places of abode, or cities, but applied in its extensive
sense to the three worlds, heaven, earth, and hell. From the
Sanskrit Pola we have the Greek [Greek: py/lê], a gate, or pass; and in
the guardian or Polia, the [Greek: pylôro/s] or porter; while to this
langue mère our own language is indebted, not only for its portes
and porters, but its doors (dwara).[4.22.16] Pylos signified also a pass;
so in Sanskrit these natural barriers are called Palas, and hence
the poetical epithet applied to the aboriginal mountain tribes of
Rajasthan, namely, Palipati and Palindra, ‘lords of the pass.’[4.22.17]
.fn 4.22.16
[There is no Skt. word pola, ‘gate’; the Hindi pol, paul is Skt. pura
dvāra, ‘city entrance.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.17
[The words pol and pāl are not connected.]
.fn-
Ganesa.—One of the most important of the Roman divinities
was Janus, whence Januae, or portals, of which he was the
guardian.[4.22.18] A resemblance between the Ganesa of the Hindu
pantheon and the Roman Janus has been pointed out by Sir W.
Jones, but his analogy extended little beyond nominal similarity.
The fable of the birth of Ganesa furnishes us with the origin of
the worship of Janus, and as it has never been given, I shall
transcribe it from the bard Chand. Ganesa is the chief of the
genii[4.22.19] attendant on the god of war, and was expressly formed by
.bn 135.png
.pn +1
Uma, the Hindu Juno, to guard the entrance of her caverned
retreat in the \[590] Caucasus, where she took refuge from the
tyranny of the lord of Kailasa (Olympus), whose throne is fixed
amidst eternal snows on the summit of this peak of the gigantic
Caucasus (Koh-khasa).[4.22.20]
.fn 4.22.18
Hence may be found a good etymology of janizary, the guardian of the
serai, a title left by the lords of Eastern Rome for the Porte. [Turkish
yeni-tsheri, ‘new soldiery.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.19
In Sanskrit gana (pronounced as gun), the jinn of the Persians, transmuted
to genii; here is another instance in point of the alternation of the
initial, and softened by being transplanted from Indo-Scythia to Persia, as
Ganes was Janus at Rome. [Gana and Jinn, Ganesa and Janus, have no
connexion.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.20
The Casius Mons of Ptolemy. [The derivation of the word Caucasus
is unknown.]
.fn-
“Strife arose between Mahadeo and the faithful Parvati: she
fled to the mountains and took refuge in a cave. A crystal
fountain tempted her to bathe, but shame was awakened; she
dreaded being seen. Rubbing her frame, she made an image of
man; with her nail she sprinkled it with the water of life, and
placed it as guardian at the entrance of the cave.” Engrossed
with the recollection of Parvati,[4.22.21] Siva went to Karttikeya[4.22.22] for
tidings of his mother, and together they searched each valley and
recess, and at length reached the spot where a figure was placed
at the entrance of a cavern. As the chief of the gods prepared to
explore this retreat, he was stopped by the Polia. In a rage he
struck off his head with his discus (chakra), and in the gloom
discovered the object of his search. Surprised and dismayed,
she demanded how he obtained ingress: “Was there no guardian
at the entrance?” The furious Siva replied that he had cut
off his head. On hearing this, the mountain-goddess was enraged,
and weeping, exclaimed, “You have destroyed my child.” The
god, determined to recall him to life, decollated a young elephant,
replaced the head he had cut off, and naming him Ganesa, decreed
that in every resolve his name should be the first invoked.
.fn 4.22.21
Parvati, ‘the mountain goddess,’ was called Sati, or ‘the faithful,’ in
her former birth. She became the mother of Jahnavi, the river (Ganga)
goddess.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.22
Karttikeya, the son of Siva and Parvati, the Jupiter and Juno of the
Hindu theogony, has the leading of the armies of the gods, delegated by his
father; and his mother has presented to him her peacock, which is the steed
of this warlike divinity. He is called Karttikeya from being nursed by six
females called Krittika, who inhabit six of the seven stars composing the
constellation of the Wain, or Ursa Major. Thus the Hindu Mars, born of
Jupiter and Juno, and nursed by Ursa Major, is, like all other theogonies,
an astronomical allegory. There is another legend of the birth of Mars,
which I shall give in the text.
.fn-
.bn 136.png
.pn +1
.sp 1
.ce
Invocation of the Bard to Ganesa.
.pm start_quote
“Oh, Ganesa! thou art a mighty lord; thy single tusk[4.22.23] is
beautiful, and demands the tribute of praise from the Indra of
song.[4.22.24] Thou art the chief of the human race; the destroyer of
unclean spirits; the remover of fevers, whether daily or tertian.
Thy bard sounds thy praise; let my work be accomplished!”
.pm end_quote
.sp 1
Thus Ganesa is the chief of the Di minores of the Hindu
pantheon, as the etymology of the word indicates,[4.22.25] and like Janus,
was entrusted with the gates of heaven \[591]; while of his right
to preside over peace and war, the fable related affords abundant
testimony. Ganesa is the first invoked and propitiated[4.22.26] on
every undertaking, whether warlike or pacific. The warrior
implores his counsel; the banker indites his name at the commencement
of every letter; the architect places his image in the
foundation of every edifice; and the figure of Ganesa is either
sculptured or painted at the door of every house as a protection
against evil. Our Hindu Janus is represented as four-armed, and
holding the disk (chakra), the war-shell, the club, and the lotos.
Ganesa is not, however, bifrons, like the Roman guardian of
portals. In every transaction he is adi, or the first, though the
Hindu does not, like the Roman, open the year with his name.
I shall conclude with remarking that one of the portes of every
Hindu city is named the Ganesa Pol, as well as some conspicuous
entrance to the palace: thus Udaipur has its Ganesa dwara,
who also gives a name to the hall, the Ganesa deori; and his
shrine will be found on the ascent of every sacred mount, as at
Abu, where it is placed close to a fountain on the abrupt face
about twelve hundred feet from the base. There is likewise a
hill sacred to him in Mewar called Ganesa Gir, tantamount to the
Mons Janiculum of the eternal city. The companion of this
divinity is a rat, who indirectly receives a portion of homage, and
with full as much right as the bird emblematic of Minerva.[4.22.27]
.fn 4.22.23
This elephant-headed divinity has but one tusk.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.24
The bard thus modestly designates himself.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.25
Chief (isa) of the gana (genii) or attendants on Siva.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.26
So he was at Rome, and his statue held the keys of heaven in his right
hand, and, like Ganesa, a rod (the ankus) in his left.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.27
[The rat is the emblem of Ganesa probably because, like Apollo Smintheus,
he protects the crops from vermin (Frazer, The Golden Bough, 3rd
ed. Part v. vol. ii. 282 f.).]
.fn-
.bn 137.png
.pn +1
We have abandoned the temple of the warlike divinity (Devi),
the sword of Mars, and the triumphal toran, to invoke Ganesa.
It will have been remarked that the Rana aids himself to dismount
by placing his hand on one of the columns of the toran, an act
which is pregnant with a martial allusion, as are indeed the entire
ceremonials of the “worship of the sword.”
Analogies to Western Customs. Oaths by the Sword.—It
might be deemed folly to trace the rites and superstitions of so
remote an age and nation to Central Asia; but when we find the
superstitions of the Indo-Scythic Getae prevailing within the
Indus, in Dacia, and on the shores of the Baltic, we may assume
their common origin; for although the worship of arms has
prevailed among all warlike tribes, there is a peculiar respect
paid to the sword amongst the Getic races. The Greeks and
Romans paid devotion to their arms, and swore by them. The
Greeks brought their habits from ancient Thrace, where the
custom existed of presenting as the greatest gift that peculiar
kind of sword called acinaces,[4.22.28] which we dare not derive from
the Indo-Scythic or Sanskrit asi, a \[592] sword. When Xenophon,[4.22.29]
on his retreat, reached the court of Seuthes, he agreed to
attach his corps to the service of the Thracian. His officers on
introduction, in the true Oriental style, presented their nazars,
or gifts of homage, excepting Xenophon, who, deeming himself
too exalted to make the common offering, presented his sword,
probably only to be touched in recognition of his services being
accepted. The most powerful oath of the Rajput, next to his
sovereign’s throne (gaddi ka an), is by his arms, ya silah ka an,
‘by this weapon!’ as, suiting the action to the word, he puts
his hand on his dagger, never absent from his girdle. Dhal,
tarwar, ka an, ‘by my sword and shield!’ The shield is deemed
the only fit vessel or salver on which to present gifts; and accordingly
at a Rajput court, shawls, brocades, scarfs, and jewels are
always spread before the guest on bucklers.[4.22.30]
.fn 4.22.28
[Persian āhanak, ‘a sword of steel.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.29
[Anabasis, vii. 2.]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.30
The Gothic invaders of Italy inaugurated their monarch by placing
him upon a shield, and elevating him on their shoulders in the midst of his
army.
.fn-
In the Runic “incantation of Hervor,” daughter of Angantýr,
at the tomb of her father, she invokes the dead to deliver the
enchanted brand Tyrfing, or “Hjalmr’s bane,” which, according
.bn 138.png
.pn +1
to Getic custom, was buried in his tomb; she adjures him and
his brothers “by all their arms, their shields, etc.” It is depicted
with great force, and, translated, would deeply interest a Rajput,
who might deem it the spell by which the Khanda of Hamira,
which he annually worships, was obtained.
.sp 1
.ce
Incantation
Hervor—“Awake, Angantýr! Hervor, the only daughter of
thee and Suafu, doth awaken thee. Give me out of the tomb
the tempered sword which the dwarfs made for Suafurlama.
“Can none of Eyvors’[4.22.31] sons speak with me out of the habitations
of the dead? Hervardur,[4.22.31] Hurvardur?”[4.22.31]
The tomb at length opens, the inside of which appears on fire,
and a reply is sung within:
Angantýr—“Daughter Hervor, full of spells to raise the dead,
why dost thou call so? I was not buried either by father or
friends; two who lived after me got Tyrfing, one of whom is
now in possession thereof \[593].”
Hervor—“The dead shall never enjoy rest unless Angantýr
deliver me Tyrfing, that cleaveth shields, and killed Hjalmr.”[4.22.32]
Angantýr—“Young maid, thou art of manlike courage, who
dost rove by night to tombs, with spear engraven with magic
spells,[4.22.33] with helm and coat of mail, before the door of our hall.”
Hervor—“It is not good for thee to hide it.”
Angantýr—“The death of Hjalmr[4.22.34] lies under my shoulders;
it is all wrapt up in fire: I know no maid that dares to take this
sword in hand.”
Hervor—“I shall take in hand the sharp sword, if I may
.bn 139.png
.pn +1
obtain it. I do not think that fire will burn which plays about
the site of deceased men.”[4.22.35]
Angantýr—“Take and keep Hjalmr’s bane: touch but the
edges of it, there is poison in them both;[4.22.36] it is a most cruel
devourer of men.”[4.22.37]
.fn 4.22.31
All these proper names might have Oriental etymologies assigned to
them; Eyvor-sail is the name of a celebrated Rajput hero of the Bhatti
tribe, who were driven at an early period from the very heart of Scythia,
and are of Yadu race.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.32
This word can have a Sanskrit derivation from haya, ‘a horse’;
marna, ‘to strike or kill’; Hjalmr, ‘the horse-slayer.’ [These theories
are of no value.]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.33
The custom of engraving incantations on weapons is also from the
East, and thence adopted by the Muhammadan, as well as the use of phylacteries.
The name of the goddess guarding the tribe is often inscribed, and
I have had an entire copy of the Bhagavadgita taken from the turban of a
Rajput killed in action: in like manner the Muhammadans place therein
the Koran.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.34
The metaphorical name of the sword Tyrfing.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.35
I have already mentioned these fires (see p. vol1_89), which the northern
nations believed to issue from the tombs of their heroes, and which seemed
to guard their ashes; them they called Hauga Elldr, or ‘the sepulchral
fires,’ and they were supposed more especially to surround tombs which
contained hidden treasures. These supernatural fires are termed Shihaba
by the Rajputs. When the intrepid Scandinavian maiden observes that
she is not afraid of the flame burning her, she is bolder than one of the
boldest Rajputs, for Sri-kishan, who was shocked at the bare idea of going
near these sepulchral lights, was one of the three non-commissioned officers
who afterwards led thirty-two firelocks to the attack and defeat of 1500
Pindaris.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.36
Like the Rajput Khanda, Tyrfing was double-edged; the poison of
these edges is a truly Oriental idea.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.37
This poem is from the Hervarer Saga, an ancient Icelandic history.
See Edda, vol. ii. p. 192.
.fn-
The Magic Sword of Mewār.—Tradition has hallowed the
two-edged sword (khanda) of Mewar, by investing it with an
origin as mysterious as “the bane of Hjalmr.” It is supposed
to be the enchanted weapon fabricated by Viswakarma,[4.22.38] with
which the Hindu Proserpine girded the founder of the race, and
led him forth to the conquest of Chitor.[4.22.39] It remained the great
heirloom of her princes till the sack of Chitor by the Tatar Ala,
when Rana Arsi and eleven of his brave sons devoted themselves
at the command of the guardian goddess of their race, and their
capital falling into the hands of the invader, the last scion of
Bappa became a fugitive amidst the mountains of the west. It
was then the Tatar inducted the Sonigira Maldeo \[594], as his
lieutenant, into the capital of the Guhilots. The most celebrated
of the poetic chronicles of Mewar gives an elaborate description
of the subterranean palace in Chitor, in one of whose entrances
the dreadful sacrifice was perpetuated to save the honour of
Padmini and the fair of Chitor from the brutalized Tatars.[4.22.40] The
curiosity of Maldeo was more powerful than his superstition, and
he determined to explore these hidden abodes, though reputed
to be guarded by the serpent genii attendant on Nagnaicha, the
.bn 140.png
.pn +1
ancient divinity of its Takshak founders.[4.22.41] Whether it was
through the identical caverned passage, and over the ashes of
those martyred Kaminis,[4.22.42] that he made good his way into those
rock-bound abodes, the legend says not; but though
.pm start_poem
In darkness, and with dangers compassed round,
And solitude,
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
the intrepid Maldeo paused not until he had penetrated to the
very bounds of the abyss, where in a recess he beheld the snaky
sorceress and her sister crew seated round a cauldron, in which
the materials of their incantation were solving before a fire that
served to illume this abode of horror. As he paused, the reverberation
of his footsteps caused the infernal crew to look athwart
the palpable obscure of their abode, and beholding the audacious
mortal, they demanded his intent. The valiant Sonigira replied
that he did not come as a spy,
.pm start_poem
With purpose to explore or to disturb
The secrets of their realm,
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
but in search of the enchanted brand of the founder of the Guhilots.
Soon they made proof of Maldeo’s hardihood. Uncovering
the cauldron, he beheld a sight most appalling: amidst divers
fragments of animals was the arm of an infant. A dish of this
horrid repast was placed before him, and a silent signal made for
him to eat. He obeyed, and returned the empty platter: it was
proof sufficient of his worth to wear the enchanted blade, which,
drawn forth from its secret abode, was put into the hand of
Maldeo, who bowing, retired with the trophy \[595].
.fn 4.22.38
The Vulcan of the Hindus.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.39
For an account of the initiation to arms of Bappa, the founder of the
Guhilots, see p. vol1_264 [Vol. I.].
.fn-
.fn 4.22.40
See p. vol1_311 [Vol. I.].
.fn-
.fn 4.22.41
The Mori prince, from whom Bappa took Chitor, was of the Tak or Takshak
race [?], of whom Nagnaicha or Nagini Mata was the mother, represented
as half woman and half serpent; the sister of the mother of the
Scythic race, according to their legends; so that the deeper we dive into
these traditions, the stronger reason we shall find to assign a Scythic origin
to all these tribes. As Bappa, the founder of the Guhilots, retired into
Scythia and left his heirs to rule in India, I shall find fault with no antiquary
who will throw overboard all the connexion between Kanaksen, the founder
of the Valabhi empire, and Sumitra, the last of Rama’s line. Many rites
of the Rama’s house are decidedly Scythic.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.42
[Lovely maidens.]
.fn-
Rana Hamira recovered this heirloom of his house, and with
it the throne of Chitor, by his marriage with the daughter of the
.bn 141.png
.pn +1
Sonigira, as related in the annals.[4.22.43] Another version says it was
Hamira himself who obtained the enchanted sword, by his
incantations to Charani Devi, or the goddess of the bards, whom
he worshipped.
.fn 4.22.43
See p. vol1_317 [Vol. I.].
.fn-
The Birth of Kumāra.—We shall conclude this account of the
military festival of Mewar with the birth of Kumara, the god of
war, taken from the most celebrated of their mythological poems,
the Ramayana, probably the most ancient book in the world.[4.22.44]
“Mena, daughter of Meru, became the spouse of Himavat, from
whose union sprung the beauteous Ganga, and her sister Uma.
Ganga was sought in marriage by all the celestials; while Uma,
after a long life of austerity, was espoused by Rudra.”[4.22.45] But
neither sister was fortunate enough to have offspring, until Ganga
became pregnant by Hutasana (regent of fire), and “Kumara,
resplendent as the sun, illustrious as the moon, was produced
from the side of Ganga.” The gods, with Indra at their head,
carried him to the Krittikas[4.22.46] to be nursed, and he became their
joint care. “As he resembled the fire in brightness, he received
the name of Skanda, when the immortals, with Agni (fire) at
their head, anointed him as general of the armies of the gods.”[4.22.47]—“Thus
(the bard Valmiki speaks), oh! Rama, have I related the
story of the production of Kumar.”
.fn 4.22.44
[“The kernel of the Rāmāyana was composed before 500 B.C., while
the more recent portions was probably not added till the second century
B.C., and later” (Macdonell, Hist. Sanskrit Literature, 309).]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.45
One of the names of the divinity of war, whose images are covered
with vermilion in imitation of blood. (Qy. the German roodur, ‘red’)\[596].
[Rudra, ‘the roarer,’ originally “god of storms.”]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.46
The Pleiades.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.47
The festival of the birth of this son of Ganga, or Jahnavi, is on the
10th of Jeth. Sir W. Jones gives the following couplet from the Sancha:
“On the 10th of Jyaishtha, on the bright half of the month, on the day of
Mangala,[4.22.47.A] son of the earth, when the moon was in Hasta, this daughter
of Jahnu brought from the rocks, and ploughed over the land inhabited by
mortals.”
.fn-
.fn 4.22.47.A
Mangala is one of the names (and perhaps one of the oldest) of the
Hindu Mars (Kumara), to whom the Wodens-dag of the Northmen, the
Mardi of the French, the Dies Martis of the Romans, are alike sacred.
Mangala also means ‘happy,’ the reverse of the origin of Mongol, said to
mean ‘sad’ [‘brave’]. The juxtaposition of the Rajput and Scandinavian
days of the week will show that they have the same origin:
.hr 100%
.ta l:20 l:25 w=70%
Rajput | Scandinavian and Saxon.
Suryavar | Sun-day.
Som, or Induvar | Moon-day.
Budhvar | Tuis-day.
Mangalvar | Wodens-day.
Brihaspativar\[a] | Thors-day.
Sukravar\[b] | Frey-day.
Sani, or } -var | Satur-day\[c]
Sanichara } |
.ta-
.hr 100%
(a) Brihaspati, ‘he who rides on the bull’; the steed of the Rajput god
of war [probably ‘lord of prayer,’ or ‘of increase,’ confounded in the original
note with Vrishapati, ‘Lord of the bull,’ a title of Siva.]]
(b) Sukra is a Cyclop, regent of the planet Venus.]
(c) [See Max Müller, Selected Essays, 1881, ii. 460 ff.]]
.fn-
.bn 142.png
.pn +1
This is a very curious relic of ancient mythology, in which we
may trace the most material circumstances of the birth of the
Roman divinity of war. Kumara (Mars) was the son of Jahnavi
(Juno), and born, like the Romans, without sexual intercourse,
but by the agency of Vulcan (regent of fire). Kumara has the
peacock (sacred to Juno likewise) as his companion; and as the
Grecian goddess is feigned to have her car drawn by peacocks,
so Kumara (the evil-striker)[4.22.48] has a peacock for his steed \[596].
Ganga, ‘the river goddess,’ has some of the attributes of
Pallas, being like the Athenian maid (Ganga never married) born
from the head of Jove. The bard of the silver age makes her
fall from a glacier of Kailasa (Olympus) on the head of the father
of the gods, and remain many years within the folds of his tiara
(jata), until at length being liberated, she was precipitated into
the plains of Aryavarta. It was in this escape that she burst
her rocky barrier (the Himalaya), and on the birth of Kumara
exposed those veins of gold called jambunadi, in colour like the
jambu fruit, probably alluding to the veins of gold discovered in
the rocks of the Ganges in those distant ages.
.fn 4.22.48
[Kumāra probably means ‘easily dying.’]
.fn-
The Winter Season.—The last day of the month Asoj ushers
in the Hindu winter (sarad rit). On this day, nothing but white
vestments and silver (chandi) ornaments are worn, in honour of
the moon (Chandra), who gives his[4.22.49] name to the
.pm start_poem
Pale and common drudge
’Tween man and man.
.pm end_poem
.bn 143.png
.pn +1
.ti 0
This year there was an entire intercalary month: such are called
Laund. There is a procession of all the chiefs to the Chaugan;
and on their return, a full court is held in the great hall, which
breaks up with ‘obeisance to the lamp’ (jot ka mujra), whose
light each reverences; when the candles are lit at home, every
Rajput, from the prince to the owner of a “skin (charsa) of
land,” seated on a white linen cloth, should worship his tutelary
divinity, and feed the priests with sugar and milk.
.fn 4.22.49
It will be recollected that the moon with the Rajputs as with the
Scandinavians is a male divinity. The Tatars, who also consider him a
male divinity, pay him especial adoration in this autumnal month.
.fn-
Karttika.—This month is peculiarly sacred to Lakshmi, the
goddess of wealth, the Juno Moneta of the Romans. The 13th
is called the Dhanteras, or thirteenth [day] of wealth, when gold
and silver coin are worshipped, as the representatives of the
goddess, by her votaries of all classes, but especially by the
mercantile \[597]. On the 14th, all anoint with oil, and make
libations thereof to Yama, the judge of departed spirits. Worship
(puja) is performed to the lamp, which represents the god
of hell, and is thence called Yamadiwa, ‘the lamp of Pluto’;
and on this day partial illumination takes place throughout the
city.
The Diwāli, or Festival of Lamps.—On the Amavas, or Ides of
Karttik, is one of the most brilliant fètes of Rajasthan, called
the Diwali, when every city, village, and encampment exhibits a
blaze of splendour. The potters’ wheels revolve for weeks before
solely in the manufacture of lamps (diwa), and from the palace
to the peasant’s hut every one supplies himself with them, in
proportion to his means, and arranges them according to his
fancy. Stuffs, pieces of gold, and sweetmeats are carried in
trays and consecrated at the temple of Lakshmi, the goddess
of wealth, to whom the day is consecrated. The Rana on this
occasion honours his prime minister with his presence to dinner;
and this chief officer of the State, who is always of the mercantile
caste, pours oil into a terra-cotta lamp, which his sovereign
holds; the same libation of oil is permitted by each of the near
relations of the minister. On this day, it is incumbent upon
every votary of Lakshmi to try the chance of the dice, and from
their success in the Diwali, the prince, the chief, the merchant,
and the artisan foretell the state of their coffers for the ensuing
year.
Lakshmi, though on this festival depicted under the type of
riches, is evidently the beneficent Annapurna in another garb,
.bn 144.png
.pn +1
for the agricultural community place a corn-measure filled with
grain and adorned with flowers as her representative; or, if they
adorn her effigies, they are those of Padma, the water-nymph,
with a lotos in one hand, and the pasa (or fillet for the head) in
the other. As Lakshmi was produced at “the Churning of the
Ocean,” and hence called one of the “fourteen gems,” she is
confounded with Rambha, chief of the Apsaras, the Venus of the
Hindus. Though both were created from the froth (sara) of the
waters (ap),[4.22.50] they are as distinct as the representations of riches
and beauty can be. Lakshmi became the wife of Vishnu, or
Kanhaiya, and is placed at the feet of his marine couch when he
is floating on the chaotic waters. As his consort, she merges
into the character of Sarasvati, the goddess of eloquence, and
here we have the combination of Minerva and Apollo. As of
Minerva, the owl \[598] is the attendant of Lakshmi;[4.22.51] and when
we reflect that the Egyptians, who furnished the Grecian pantheon,
held these solemn festivals, also called “the feast of
lamps,” in honour of Minerva at Sais, we may deduce the origin
of this grand Oriental festival from that common mother-country
in Central Asia, whence the Diwali radiated to remote China, the
Nile, the Ganges, and the shores of the Tigris; for the Shab-i-barat
of Islam is but “the feast of lamps” of the Rajputs. In all
these there is a mixture of the attributes of Ceres and Proserpine,
of Plutus and Pluto. Lakshmi partakes of the attributes of
both the first, while Kuvera,[4.22.52] who is conjoined with her, is Plutus:
as Yama is Pluto, the infernal judge. The consecrated lamps
and the libations of oil are all dedicated to him; and “torches
and flaming brands are likewise kindled and consecrated, to burn
the bodies of kinsmen who may be dead in battle in a foreign
land, and light them through the shades of death to the mansion
of Yama.”[4.22.53]
.fn 4.22.50
[Apsaras means ‘going in the waters, or in the waters of the clouds.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.51
[The owl is a bird of ill omen, and does not seem to be associated with
Lakshmi except in Bengal.]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.52
The Hindu god of riches.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.53
Yamala is the great god of the Finlanders (Clarke).
.fn-
Festival of Yama.—To the infernal god Yama, who is “the
son of the sun,” the second day following the Amavas, or Ides of
Karttika, is also sacred; it is called the Bhratri dvitiya, or ‘the
brothers’ second,’ because the river-goddess Yamuna on this day
.bn 145.png
.pn +1
entertained her brother (bhratri) Yama, and is therefore consecrated
to fraternal affection. At the hour of curfew (godhuli),[4.22.54]
when the cattle return from the fields, the cow is worshipped,
the herd having been previously tended. From this ceremony
no rank is exempted on the preceding day, dedicated to Krishna:
prince and peasant all become pastoral attendants on the cow,
as the form of Prithivi,[4.22.55] or the earth.
.fn 4.22.54
From go, ‘a cow’ [dhūli, ‘the dust raised by them as they return to the
stall’].F
.fn-
.fn 4.22.55
See anecdote in Chap. 21, which elucidates this practice of princes
becoming herdsmen.
.fn-
The Annakūta Festival.—The 1st (Sudi), or 16th of Karttika,
is the grand festival of Annakuta, sacred to the Hindu Ceres,
which will be described with its solemnities at Nathdwara. There
is a State procession, horse-races, and elephant-fights at the
Chaugan; the evening closes with a display of fireworks.
The Jaljātra Festival.—The 14th (Sudi), or 29th, is another
solemn festival in honour of Vishnu. It is called the Jaljatra,
from being performed on the water (jal). The Rana, chiefs,
ministers, and citizens go in procession to the lake, and adore the
“spirit of the waters,” on which floating lights are placed, and
the whole surface is illuminated by a grand display of pyrotechny.
On this day “Vishnu rises from his slumber of four \[599]
months”;[4.22.56] a figurative expression to denote the sun’s emerging
from the cloudy months of the periodical flood.
.fn 4.22.56
Matsya Purana. [Vishnu is generally said to wake on the Deothān,
11th light half of Kārttik.]
.fn-
The Makara Sankrānti Festival.—The next day (the Punim,
or last day of Karttika), being the Makara sankranti, or autumnal
equinox, when the sun enters the zodiacal sign Makara,[4.22.57] or Pisces,
the Rana and chiefs proceed in state to the Chaugan, and play
at ball on horseback. The entire last half of the month Karttika,
from Amavas (the Ides) to the Punim, is sacred to Vishnu; who
is declared by the Puranas to represent the sun, and whose
worship, that of water, and the floating-lights placed thereon—all
objects emblematic of fecundity—carry us back to the point
whence we started—the adoration of the powers of nature: clearly
proving all mythology to be universally founded on an astronomical
basis.
.fn 4.22.57
[Makara, a kind of shark or sea-monster, marks the 10th sign of the
Zodiac, Capricorn.]
.fn-
.bn 146.png
.pn +1
Mitra Saptami, Bhāskara Saptami Festivals.—In the remaining
months of Aghan, or Margsir, and Pus, there are no festivals in
which a state procession takes place, though in each there are
marked days, kept not only by the Rajputs, but generally by
the Hindu nation; especially that on the 7th of Aghan, which
is called Mitra Saptami, or 7th of Mithras, and like the Bhaskara
Saptami or the 7th of Magha, is sacred to the sun as a form
of Vishnu. On this seventh day occurred the descent of the
river-goddess (Ganga) from the foot of Vishnu; or the genius of
fertilization, typified under the form of the river-goddess, proceeding
from the sun, the vivifying principle, and impended over
the head of Iswara, the divinity presiding over generation, in
imitation of which his votary pours libations of water (if possible
from the sacred river Ganga) over his emblem, the lingam or
phallus: a comparison which is made by the bard Chand in an
invocation to this god, for the sake of contrasting his own inferiority
“to the mighty bards of old.”
“The head of Is[4.22.58] is in the skies; on his crown falls the ever-flowing
stream (Ganga); but on his statue below, does not his
votary pour the fluid from his patra?”
.fn 4.22.58
Iswara, Isa, or as pronounced, Is.
.fn-
Phallicism.—No satisfactory etymology has ever been assigned
for the phallic emblem of generation, adored by Egyptian, Greek,
Roman, and even by the Christian, which may be from the same
primeval language that formed the Sanskrit.
Phalisa is the ‘fructifier,’ from phala, ‘fruit,’ and Isa, ‘the
god.’[4.22.59] Thus the type of Osiris can have a definite interpretation,
still wanting to the lingam of Iswara \[600]. Both deities presided
over the streams which fertilized the countries in which they
received divine honours: Osiris over the Nile, from ‘the mountains
of the moon,’ in Ethiopia,[4.22.60] Iswara over the Indus[4.22.61] (also
called the Nil), and the Ganges from Chandragiri, ‘the mountains
of the moon,’ on a peak of whose glaciers he has his throne.
.fn 4.22.59
[Monier-Williams in his Sanskrit Dict. records no such form as phalīsa.
[Greek: phallo/s] = Lat. palus, English pole, pale. The Author follows Wilford (Asiatic
Researches, iii. 135 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.60
‘The land of the sun’ (aditya). [This is impossible. The true derivation
is unknown; to the Greeks the word meant ‘swarthy-faced.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.61
Ferishta calls the Indus the Nilab, or ‘blue waters’; it is also called
Abusin, the ‘father of streams.’
.fn-
.bn 147.png
.pn +1
Siva and the Sun.—Siva occasionally assumes the attributes
of the sun-god; they especially appertain to Vishnu, who alone
is styled “immortal, the one, creator, and uncreated”; and in
whom centre all the qualities (gunan), which have peopled the
Hindu pantheon with their ideal representatives. The bard
Chand, who has embodied the theological tenets of the Rajputs
in his prefatory invocation to every divinity who can aid his
intent, apostrophizes Ganesa, and summons the goddess of
eloquence (Sarasvati) “to make his tongue her abode”; deprecates
the destroying power, “him whom wrath inhabits,” lest
he should be cut off ere his book was finished; and lauding
distinctly each member of the triad (trimurti), he finishes by
declaring them one, and that “whoever believes them separate,
hell will be his portion.” Of this One the sun is the great visible
type, adored under a variety of names, as Surya, Mitra, Bhaskar,
Vivasvat, Vishnu, Karna, or Kana, likewise an Egyptian epithet
for the sun.[4.22.62]
.fn 4.22.62
According to Diodorus Siculus. [Rudra-Siva has a benign side to
his character, and may be associated with the Sun (R. G. Bhandarkar,
Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, 105). But the Author,
in his constant references to “Bāl”-Siva, has pressed this conception to
an excessive length.]
.fn-
The emblem of Vishnu is Garuda, or the eagle,[4.22.63] and the Sun-god
both of the Egyptians and Hindus is typified with the bird’s
head. Aruna (the dawn), brother of Garuda, is classically styled
the charioteer of Vishnu, whose two sons, Sampati and Jatayu,
attempting in imitation of their father to reach the sun, the wings
of the former were burnt and he fell to the earth: of this the
Greeks may have made their fable of Icarus.[4.22.64]
.fn 4.22.63
The vulture and crane, which soar high in the heavens, are also called
garuda, and vulgarly gidh. The ibis is of the crane or heron kind.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.64
Phaeton was the son of Cephalus and Aurora. The former answers to
the Hindu bird-headed messenger of the sun. Aruna is the Aurora of the
Greeks, who with more taste have given the dawn a female character.
.fn-
Festivals in Honour of Vishnu.—In the chief zodiacal phenomena,
observation will discover that Vishnu is still the object of
worship. The Phuladola,[4.22.65] or Floralia, in the vernal equinox, is
so called from the image of Vishnu being carried in a dola, or ark,
covered with garlands of flowers (phula). Again, in the month
of Asarh, the commencement of \[601] the periodical rains, which
.bn 148.png
.pn +1
date from the summer solstice, the image of Vishnu is carried on
a car, and brought forth on the first appearance of the moon, the
11th of which being the solstice, is called “the night of the gods.”
Then Vishnu reposes on his serpent-couch until the cessation of
the flood on the 11th of Bhadon, when “he turns on his side.”[4.22.66]
.fn 4.22.65
Also called Dolayatra.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.66
Bhagavat and Matsya Puranas. See Sir W. Jones on the lunar year
of the Hindus, Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 286.
.fn-
The 4th is also dedicated to Vishnu under his infantine appellation
Hari ([Greek: Ê(/lios]), because when a child “he hid himself in the
moon.” We must not derogate from Sir W. Jones the merit of
drawing attention to the analogy between these Hindu festivals
on the equinoxes, and the Egyptian, called the entrance of Osiris
into the moon, and his confinement in an ark. But that distinguished
writer merely gives the hint, which the learned Bryant
aids us to pursue, by bringing modern travellers to corroborate
the ancient authorities: the drawings of Pocock from the sun
temple of Luxor to illustrate Plutarch, Curtius, and Diodorus.
Bryant comes to the same conclusion with regard to Osiris
enclosed in the ark, which we adopt regarding Vishnu’s repose
during the four months of inundation, the period of fertilization.
I have already, in the rites of Annapurna, the Isis of the Egyptians,
noticed the crescent form of the ark of Osiris, as well as the ram’s-head
ornaments indicative of the vernal equinox, which the
Egyptians called Phamenoth, being the birthday of Osiris, or the
sun; the Phag, or Phalgun month of the Hindus; the Phagesia
of the Greeks, sacred to Dionysus.[4.22.67]
.fn 4.22.67
[Mr. F. Ll. Griffith tells me that this comes from a French translation
of Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, cap. xii. (birth of Osiris on the first of the
epagomenal days). This entry of Osiris into the moon seems to mean his
conception rather than his birth. [Greek: Phamenô/th] is the name of the seventh
month, about 25th February.]
.fn-
The Argonauts.—The expedition of Argonauts in search of the
golden fleece is a version of the arkite worship of Osiris, the
Dolayatra of the Hindus: and Sanskrit etymology, applied to
the vessel of the Argonauts, will give the sun (argha) god’s (natha)
entrance into the sign of the Ram. The Tauric and Hydra foes,
with which Jason had to contend before he obtained the fleece
of Aries, are the symbols of the sun-god, both of the Ganges and
the Nile; and this fable, which has occupied almost every pen
of antiquity, is clearly astronomical, as the names alone of the
.bn 149.png
.pn +1
Arghanath, sons of Apollo, Mars, Mercury, Sol, Arcus or Argus,[4.22.68]
Jupiter, Bacchus, etc., sufficiently testify, whose voyage is entirely
celestial.
.fn 4.22.68
Arka, ‘the sun,’ in Sanskrit. [This is due to Wilford (Asiatic Researches,
iii. 134) and is, of course, impossible.]
.fn-
Egyptian Influence on Hindu Mythology.—If it be destined
that any portion of the veil which covers these ancient mysteries
\[602], connecting those of the Ganges with the Nile, shall be
removed, it will be from the interpretation of the expedition of
Rama, hitherto deemed almost as allegorical as that of the
Arghanaths. I shall at once assume an opinion I have long
entertained, that the western coast of the Red Sea was the Lanka
of the memorable exploit in the history of the Hindus. If
Alexander from the mouths of the Indus ventured to navigate
those seas with his frail fleet of barks constructed in the Panjab,
what might we not expect from the resources of the King of
Kosala, the descendant of Sagara, emphatically called the sea-king,
whose “60,000 sons” were so many mariners, and who has
left his name as a memorial of his marine power at the island
(Sagar) at the embouchure of the main arm of the Ganges, and
to the ocean itself, also called Sagara? If the embarkation of
Ramesa and his heroes for the redemption of Sita had been from
the Gulph of Cutch, the grand emporium from the earliest ages,
the voyage of Rama would have been but the prototype of that
of the Macedonians; but local tradition has sanctified Rameswaram,
the southern part of the peninsula, as the rendezvous of
his armament. The currents in the Straits of Manar, curiosity,
or a wish to obtain auxiliaries from this insular kingdom, may
have prompted the visit to Ceylon; and hence the vestiges there
found of this event. But even from this “utmost isle, Taprobane,”
the voyage across the Erythrean Sea is only twenty-five
degrees of longitude, which with a flowing sail they would run
down in ten or twelve days. The only difficulty which occurs is
in the synchronical existence of Rama and the Pharaoh[4.22.69] of
Moses, which would tend to the opposite of my hypothesis, and
show that India received her Phallic rites, her architecture, and
symbolic mythology from the Nile, instead of planting them
there.
.fn 4.22.69
Pha-ra is but a title, ‘the king.’ [Egyptian Pro, ‘the great house.’]
.fn-
“Est-ce l’Inde, la Phénicie, l’Éthiopie, la Chaldée, ou l’Égypte,
.bn 150.png
.pn +1
qui a vu naître ce culte? ou bien le type en a-t-il été fourni aux
habitans de ces contrées, par une nation plus ancienne encore?”
asks an ingenious but anonymous French author, on the origin
of the Phallic worship.[4.22.70] Ramesa, chief of the Suryas, or sun-born
race, was king of the city designated from his mother,
Kausalya, of which Ayodhya was the capital. His sons were
Lava and Kusa, who originated the races we may term the Lavites
and Kushites, or Kushwas of India.[4.22.71] Was then Kausalya \[603]
the mother of Ramesa, a native of Aethiopia,[4.22.72] or Kusadwipa,
‘the land of Cush’? Rama and Krishna are both painted blue
(nila), holding the lotus, emblematic of the Nile. Their names
are often identified. Ram-Krishna, the bird-headed divinity,
is painted as the messenger of each, and the historians of both
were contemporaries. That both were real princes there is no
doubt, though Krishna assumed to be an incarnation of Vishnu,
as Rama was of the sun. Of Rama’s family was Trisankha,[4.22.73]
mother of the great apostle of Buddha, whose symbol was the
serpent; and the followers of Buddha assert that Krishna and
this apostle, whose statues are facsimiles of those of Memnon,
were cousins. Were the Hermetic creed and Phallic rites therefore
received from the Ethiopic Cush? Could emblematic relics
be discovered in the caves of the Troglodytes, who inhabited the
range of mountains on the Cushite shore of the Arabian straits,
akin to those of Ellora and Elephanta,[4.22.74] whose style discloses
physical, mythological, as well as architectural affinity to the
Egyptian, the question would at once be set at rest.
.fn 4.22.70
Des divinités génératives: ou du culte du Phallus chez les anciens
et les modernes (Paris).
.fn-
.fn 4.22.71
Of the former race the Ranas of Mewar, of the latter the princes of
Narwar and Amber, are the representatives.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.72
Aethiopia, ‘the country of the sun’; from Ait, contraction of Aditya.
Aegypt may have the same etymology, Aitia [see p. #699# above].
.fn-
.fn 4.22.73
[The Author may refer to Pārsvanātha, 23rd Jain Tīrthakara, whose
symbol was his serpent; but his mother was Vāmadevi. Trisala was
mother of the 24th Tīrthakara, Mahāvira or Vardhamāna, but his cognizance
was a lion.]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.74
It is absurd to talk of these being modern; decipher the characters
thereon, and then pronounce their antiquity. [Ellora, 5th to 9th or 10th
centuries A.D.; Elephanta, 8th to 10th (IGI, xii. 22, 4).]
.fn-
I have derived the Phallus from Phalisa, the chief fruit. The
Greeks, who either borrowed it from the Egyptians or had it
from the same source, typified the Fructifier by a pineapple, the
.bn 151.png
.pn +1
form of which resembles the Sitaphala,[4.22.75] or fruit of Sita, whose
rape by Ravana carried Rama from the Ganges over many
countries ere he recovered her.[4.22.76] In like manner Gauri, the Rajput
Ceres, is typified under the coco-nut, or sriphala,[4.22.77] the chief of
fruit, or fruit sacred to Sri, or Isa (Isis), whose other elegant
emblem of abundance, the kamakumbha, is drawn with branches
of the palmyra,[4.22.78] or coco-tree, gracefully pendent from the vase
(kumbha).
.fn 4.22.75
Vulg. Sharifa.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.76
Rama subjected her to the fiery ordeal, to discover whether her virtue
had suffered while thus forcibly separated.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.77
Vulg. Nariyal.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.78
Palmyra is Sanskrit corrupted, and affords the etymology of Solomon’s
city of the desert, Tadmor. The p, by the retrenchment of a single
diacritical point, becomes ت t; and the ل (l) and د (d) being permutable,
Pal becomes Tad, or Tal—the Palmyra, which is the Mor, or chief of trees;
hence Tadmor, from its date-trees [?].
.fn-
The Sriphala[4.22.79] is accordingly presented to all the votaries of
Iswara and Isa on the conclusion of the spring-festival of Phalguna,
the Phagesia of the Greeks, the \[604] Phamenoth of the Egyptian,
and the Saturnalia of antiquity; a rejoicing at the renovation
of the powers of nature; the empire of heat over cold—of light
over darkness.[4.22.80]
.fn 4.22.79
The Jayaphala, ‘the fruit of victory,’ is the nutmeg; or, as a native
of Java, Javuphala, ‘fruit of Java,’ is most probably derived from Jayadiva,
‘the victorious isle.’ [The nutmeg is Jātiphala: Java is yavadwīpa,
‘island of barley.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.80
The Kamari of the Saura tribes, or sun-worshippers of Saurashtra,
claims descent from the bird-god of Vishnu (who aided Rama[4.22.80.A] to the discovery
of Sita), and the Makara[4.22.80.B] or crocodile, and date the monstrous conception
from that event, and their original abode from Sankodra Bet, or
island of Sankodra. Whether to the Dioscorides at the entrance of the
Arabian Gulf this name was given, evidently corrupted from Sankhadwara
to Socotra, we shall not stop to inquire. Like the isle in the entrance of
the Gulf of Cutch, it is the dwara or portal to the Sinus Arabicus, and the
pearl-shell (sankha) there abounds. This tribe deduce their origin from
Rama’s expedition, and allege that their Icthyiopic mother landed them
where they still reside. Wild as is this fable, it adds support to this hypothesis.
[The Sanskrit name of Bet Island (“Bate” in the text) is Sankhuddhāra,
from the conch fishery. Socotra is Dwīpa Sukhadāra, ‘island
of pleasure’ (not Sakhādāra, as in EB, xxv. 355) (Yule, Marco Polo, 1st ed.
ii. 342).]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.80.A
Rama and Vishnu interchange characters.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.80.B
It is curious that the designation of the tribe Kamar is a transposition
of Makar, for the final letter of each is mute.
.fn-
.bn 152.png
.pn +1
The analogy between the goddess of the spring Saturnalia,
Phalguni, and the Phagesia of the Greeks, will excite surprise;
the word is not derived from ([Greek: phagei~n]) eating, with the Rajput
votaries of Holika, as with those of the Dionysia of the Greeks;
but from phalguni, compounded of guna, ‘quality, virtue, or
characteristic,’ and phala, ‘fruit’; in short, the fructifier.
From [Greek: phallo/s],[4.22.81] to which there is no definite meaning, the
Egyptian had the festival Phallica, the Holika of the Hindus.
Phula and phala, flower and fruit, are the roots of all, Floralia
and Phalaria, the Phallus of Osiris, the Thyrsus of Bacchus, or
Lingam of Iswara, symbolized by the Sriphala, or Ananas, the
‘food of the gods,’[4.22.82] or the Sitaphala of the Helen of Ayodhya.
.fn 4.22.81
See Lempriere, arts. Phagesia and Phallica. “L’Abbé Mignot pense
que le Phallus est originaire de l’Assyrie et de la Chaldée, et que c’est de ce
pays que l’usage de consacrer ce symbole de la génération a passé en Égypte.
Il croit, d’après le savant Le Clerc, que le nom de ce symbole est phénicien:
qu’il dérive de Phalou qui, dans cette langue, signifie une chose secrète et
cachée, et du verbe phala, qui veut dire être tenu secret.”[4.22.81.A]
.fn-
.fn 4.22.81.A
Des divinités génératives.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.82
Anna, ‘food,’ and asa or isa, ‘the god.’ [Ananas comes from Brazilian
Nana or Nanas (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 25).]
.fn-
From the existence of this worship in Congo at this day, the
author already quoted asks if it may not have originated in
Ethiopia, “qui, comme le témoignent plusieurs écrivains de
l’antiquité, a fourni ses dieux à l’Égypte.“ On the first of the
five complementary days called ”[Greek: ê)pago/menai ê(me/rai]” preceding
New Year’s Day, the Egyptians celebrated the birth of the
sun-god Osiris, in a similar manner as the Hindus do their solstitial
festival, “the morning of the gods,” the Hiul of Scandinavia;
on which occasion, “on promenait en procession une figure
d’Osiris, dont le Phallus était triple”; a number, he adds, expressing
“la pluralité indéfinie.” The number three is sacred to
Iswara, chief of the Trimurti or Triad, whose statue adorns the
junction (sangam) of all triple streams; hence called Triveni,
who is \[605] Trinetra, or ‘three-eyed,’ and Tridanta, or ‘god of
the trident’; Triloka, ‘god of the triple abode, heaven, earth,
and hell’; Tripura, of the triple city, to whom the Tripoli or
triple gates are sacred, and of which he has made Ganesa the
Janitor, or guardian. The grotesque figure placed by the Hindus
during the Saturnalia in the highways, and called Nathurama
.bn 153.png
.pn +1
(the god Rama), is the counterpart of the figure described by
Plutarch as representing Osiris, “ce soleil printanier,” in the
Egyptian Saturnalia or Phamenoth. Even Ramisa and Ravana
may, like Osiris and Typhon, be merely the ideal representatives
of light and darkness; and the chaste Sita, spouse of the Surya
prince, the astronomical Virgo, only a zodiacal sign.[4.22.83]
.fn 4.22.83
[It is unnecessary to discuss these theories, which are based on incorrect
assumptions and obsolete etymologies.]
.fn-
Wide Extension of Hindu Mythology.—That a system of
Hinduism pervaded the whole Babylonian and Assyrian empires,
Scripture furnishes abundant proofs, in the mention of the various
types of the sun-god Balnath, whose pillar adorned “every
mount” and “every grove”; and to whose other representative,
the brazen calf (nandi), the 15th of each month (amavas)[4.22.84] was
especially sacred. It was not confined to these celebrated regions
of the East, but was disseminated throughout the earth; because
from the Aral to the Baltic, colonies were planted from that
central region,[4.22.85] the cradle of the Suryas and the Indus, whose
branches (sakha),[4.22.86] the Yavan, the Aswa, and the Meda, were the
progenitors of the Ionians, the Assyrians, and the Medes;[4.22.87]
while in later times, from the same teeming region, the Galati
and Getae,[4.22.88] the Kelts and Goths, carried modifications of the
system to the shores of Armorica and the Baltic, the cliffs of
Caledonia, and the remote isles of the German Ocean. The
monumental circles sacred to the sun-god Belenus at once existing
in that central region,[4.22.89] in India,[4.22.90] and throughout Europe, is
.bn 154.png
.pn +1
conclusive. The apotheosis of the patriarch Noah, whom the
Hindu styles Manu-Vaivaswata, ‘the man, son of the sun,’
may have originated the Dolayatra of the Hindus, the ark of
Osiris \[606], the ship of Isis amongst the Suevi, in memory of
“the forty days” noticed in the traditions of every nation of the
earth.
.fn 4.22.84
The Hindus divide the month into two portions called pakh or fortnights.
The first is termed badi, reckoning from the 1st to the 15th, which
day of partition is called amavas, answering to the Ides of the Romans,
and held by the Hindus as it was by the Jews in great sanctity. The last
division is termed sudi, and they recommence with the initial numeral,
thence to the 30th or completion, called punim; thus instead of the 16th,
17th, etc., of the month, they say Sudi ekam (1st), Sudi duj (3rd).
.fn-
.fn 4.22.85
Sogdiana and Transoxiana.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.86
Hence the word Saka [?].
.fn-
.fn 4.22.87
See for these names. The sons of the three
Midas, pronounced Mede, founded kingdoms at the precise point of time,
according to calculation from the number of kings, that Assyria was founded.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.88
The former were more pastoral, and hence the origin of their name,
corrupted to Keltoi. The Getae or Jats pursued the hunter’s occupation,
living more by the chase, though these occupations are generally conjoined
in the early stages of civilization.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.89
Rubruquis and other travellers.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.90
Colonel Mackenzie’s invaluable and gigantic collection.
.fn-
The time may be approaching when this worship in the East,
like the Egyptian, shall be only matter of tradition; although
this is not likely to be effected by such summary means as were
adopted by Cambyses, who slew the sacred Apis and whipped his
priests, while their Greek and Roman conquerors adopted and
embellished the Pantheon of the Nile.[4.22.91] But when Christianity
reared her severe yet simple form, the divinities of the Nile, the
Pantheon of Rome, and the Acropolis of Athens, could not abide
her awful majesty. The temples of the Alexandrian Serapis
were levelled by Theophilus,[4.22.92] while that of Osiris at Memphis
became a church of Christ. “Muni de ses pouvoirs, et escorté
d’une foule de moines, il mit en fuite les prêtres, brisa les idoles,
démolit les temples, ou y établit des monastères.”[4.22.93] The period
for thus subverting idolatry is passed: the religion of Christ is
not of the sword, but one enjoining peace and goodwill on earth.
But as from him “to whom much is given,” much will be required,
the good and benevolent of the Hindu nations may have ulterior
advantages over those Pharisees who would make a monopoly
even of the virtues; who “see the mote in their neighbour’s eye,
but cannot discern the beam in their own.” While, therefore,
we strive to impart a purer taste and better faith, let us not
imagine that the minds of those we would reform are the seats
of impurity, because, in accordance with an idolatry coeval with
the flood, they continue to worship mysteries opposed to our
own modes of thinking \[607].
.fn 4.22.91
Isis and Osiris, Serapis and Canopus, Apis and Ibis, adopted by the
Romans, whose temples and images, yet preserved, will allow full scope
to the Hindu antiquary for analysis of both systems. The temple of Serapis
at Pozzuoli is quite Hindu in its ground plan.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.92
In the reign of Theodosius.
.fn-
.fn 4.22.93
Du Culte, etc., etc., p. 47.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 155.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 23
.sp 2
The Character of the Rājput. Influence of Custom.—The
manners of a nation constitute the most interesting portion of
its history, but a thorough knowledge of them must be the fruit
of long and attentive observation: an axiom which applies to
a people even less inaccessible than the Rajputs. The importance
and necessity of such an illustration of the Rajput character,
in a work like the present, call for and sanction the attempt,
however inadequate the means. Of what value to mankind
would be the interminable narrative of battles, were their moral
causes and results passed by unheeded? Although both the
Persian and Hindu annalists not unfrequently unite the characters
of moralist and historian, it is in a manner unsuitable to the
subject, according to the more refined taste of Europe. In the
poetic annals of the Rajput, we see him check his war-chariot,
and when he should be levelling his javelin, commence a discourse
upon ethics; or when the battle is over, the Nestor or Ulysses of
the host converts his tent into a lyceum, and delivers lectures
on morals or manners. But the reflections which should follow,
and form the corollary to each action, are never given; and
even if they were, though we might comprehend the moral
movements of a nation, we should still be unable to catch the
minute shades of character that complete the picture of domestic
life, and which are to be collected from those familiar sentiments
uttered in social intercourse, when the mind unbends and nature
throws aside the trammels of education and of ceremony. Such
a picture would represent the manners, which are continually
undergoing modifications, in contradistinction to the morals of
society; the latter, having a fixed creed for their basis, are
definite and unchangeable. The chal of the Rajput, like the
mores of the Romans, or costumi of modern Italy, is significant
alike of mental and external habit. In the moral point of view
it is the path chalked out for him by the sages of antiquity \[608];
in the personal, it is that which custom has rendered immutable.
Kaisi buri chal men chalta, ‘in what a bad path does he march!’
says the moralist: Bap, Dada ki chal chhori, ‘he abandons
.bn 156.png
.pn +1
the usages of his ancestors,’ says the stickler for custom, in
Rajasthan.[4.23.1]
.fn 4.23.1
[“The custom handed down in regular succession since time immemorial
among the four chief castes and the mixed races of that country,
is called the conduct of virtuous men” (Manu, Laws, ii. 18).]
.fn-
Rājput Morals.—The grand features of morality are few, and
nearly the same in every nation not positively barbarous. The
principles contained in the Decalogue form the basis of every
code—of Manu and of Muhammad, as well as of Moses. These
are grand landmarks of the truth of divine history; and are confirmed
by the less important traits of personal customs and
religious rites, which nations the most remote from each other
continue to hold in common. The Koran we know to have been
founded on the Mosaic law; the Sastra of Manu, unconsciously,
approaches still more to the Jewish Scriptures in spirit and intention;
and from its pages might be formed a manual of moral
instruction, which, if followed by the disciples of the framer,
might put more favoured societies to the blush.
Variety of Customs due to Environment.—As it has been
observed in a former part of this work, the same religion governing
all must tend to produce a certain degree of mental uniformity.
The shades of moral distinction which separate these races are
almost imperceptible: while you cannot pass any grand natural
barrier without having the dissimilarity of customs and manners
forced upon your observation. Whoever passes from upland
Mewar, the country of the Sesodias, into the sandy flats of Marwar,
the abode of the Rathors, would feel the force of this remark.
Innovations proceeding from external causes, such as conquest
by irreligious foes, and the birth of new sects and schisms, operate
important changes in manners and customs. We can only
pretend, however, to describe facts which are obvious, and those
which history discloses, whence some notions may be formed of
the prevailing traits of character in the Rajput; his ideas of
virtue and vice, the social intercourse and familiar courtesies of
Rajasthan, and their recreations, public and private.
“The manners of a people,” says the celebrated Goguet,
“always bear a proportion to the progress they have made in
the arts and sciences.” If by this test we trace the analogy
between past and existing manners amongst the Rajputs, we
must conclude at once that they have undergone a decided
.bn 157.png
.bn 158.png
.bn 159.png
.pn +1
deterioration. Where can we look for sages like those whose
systems of philosophy were the \[609] prototypes of those of
Greece: to whose works Plato, Thales, and Pythagoras were
disciples? Where shall we find the astronomers, whose knowledge
of the planetary system yet excites wonder in Europe, as
well as the architects and sculptors, whose works claim our admiration,
and the musicians, “who could make the mind oscillate
from joy to sorrow, from tears to smiles, with the change of
modes and varied intonation.”[4.23.2] The manners of those days
must have corresponded with this advanced stage of refinement,
as they must have suffered from its decline: yet the homage
paid by Asiatics to precedent has preserved many relics of
ancient customs, which have survived the causes that produced
them.
.fn 4.23.2
So says Valmiki, the author of the oldest epic in existence, the Ramayana
[see p. #693# above].
.fn-
.dv class='column-container'
.dv class='column'
.il id='i708' fn=illo_0708a.jpg w=224px ew=100%
.ca
A RAJPOOTNI,
Returned from Batlang in the Jumna.
.ca-
.il fn=illo_0708b.jpg w=254px ew=100%
.ca DARAB KHAN, MEWATTI.
.dv-
.dv class='column'
.il fn=illo_0708c.jpg w=224px ew=100%
.ca BUDDUN SING, RAHTORE.
.il fn=illo_0708d.jpg w238px ew=100%
.ca SUDRAM GOSAEN.
.dv-
PORTRAITS OF A RĀJPUTNI, A RĀJPUT, A MEWĀTI AND GUSĀĪN.
To face page 708.
.dv-
Treatment of Women by the Rājputs.—It is universally admitted
that there is no better criterion of the refinement of a nation
than the condition Of the fair sex therein. As it is elegantly
expressed by Comte Ségur, “Leur sort est pour
le premier regard d’un étranger qui arrive dans un pays inconnu.”[4.23.3]
Unfortunately, the habitual seclusion of the higher classes of
females in the East contracts the sphere of observation in regard
to their influence on society; but, to borrow again from our
ingenious author, “les hommes font les lois, les femmes font
les m[oe]urs”; and their incarceration in Rajasthan by no means
lessens the application of the adage to that country. Like the
magnetic power, however latent, their attraction is not the less
certain. “C’est aux hommes à faire des grandes choses, c’est
aux femmes à les inspirer,” is a maxim to which every Rajput
cavalier would subscribe, with whom the age of chivalry is not
fled, though ages of oppression have passed over him. He knows
there is no retreat into which the report of a gallant action will
not penetrate, and set fair hearts in motion to be the object of
his search. The bards, those chroniclers of fame, like the Jongleurs
of old, have everywhere access, to the palace as to the hamlet;
and a brilliant exploit travels with all the rapidity of a comet,
and clothed with the splendid decorations of poetry, from the
.bn 160.png
.pn +1
Indian desert to the valley of the Jumna. If we cannot paint
the Rajput dame as invested with all the privileges which Ségur
assigns to the first woman, “compagne de l’homme et son égale,
vivant par lui, pour lui, associée à son bonheur, à ses plaisirs,
à la puissance qu’il exerçait sur ce vaste univers,” she is
far removed from the condition which demands commiseration
\[610].
.fn 4.23.3
Les Femmes, leur condition et leur influence dans l’ordre social, vol. i.
p. 10.
.fn-
The Seclusion of Women.—Like the ancient German or Scandinavian,
the Rajput consults her in every transaction; from her
ordinary actions he draws the omen of success, and he appends
to her name the epithet of devi, or ‘godlike.’ The superficial
observer, who applies his own standard to the customs of all
nations, laments with an affected philanthropy the degraded
condition of the Hindu female, in which sentiment he would find
her little disposed to join. He particularly laments her want of
liberty, and calls her seclusion imprisonment. Although I
cordially unite with Ségur, who is at issue with his compatriot
Montesquieu on this part of discipline, yet from the knowledge
I do possess of the freedom, the respect, the happiness, which
Rajput women enjoy, I am by no means inclined to deplore
their state as one of captivity. The author of the Spirit of Laws,
with the views of a closet philosopher, deems seclusion necessary
from the irresistible influence of climate on the passions; while
the chivalrous Ségur, with more knowledge of human nature,
draws the very opposite conclusion, asserting all restraints to
be injurious to morals. Of one thing we are certain, seclusion
of females could only originate in a moderately advanced stage
of civilization. Amongst hunters, pastors, and cultivators, the
women were required to aid in all external pursuits, as well as
internal economy. The Jews secluded not their women, and
the well, where they assembled to draw water, was the place
where marriages were contracted, as with the lower classes in
Rajputana. The inundations of the Nile, each house of whose
fertile valleys was isolated, is said to have created habits of
secluding women with the Egyptians; and this argument might
apply to the vast valleys of the Indus and Ganges first inhabited,
and which might have diffused example with the spread of population.
Assuredly, if India was colonized from the cradle of nations,
Central Asia, they did not thence bring these notions within the
Indus; for the Scythian women went to the opposite extreme,
.bn 161.png
.pn +1
and were polyandrists.[4.23.4] The desire of eradicating those impure
habits, described by Herodotus, that the slipper at the tent-door
should no longer be a sign, may have originated the opposite
extreme in a life of entire seclusion. Both polygamy and polyandry
originated in a mistaken view of the animal economy,
and of the first great command to people the earth: the one
was general amongst all the nations \[611] of antiquity; the
other rare, though to be found in Scythia, India, and even amongst
the Natchez, in the new world; but never with the Rajput, with
whom monogamy existed during the patriarchal ages of India,
as amongst the Egyptians.[4.23.5] Of all the nations of the world who
have habituated the female to a restricted intercourse with
society, whether Grecian, Roman, Egyptian, or Chinese, the
Rajput has given least cause to provoke the sentiment of pity;
for if deference and respect be proofs of civilization, Rajputana
must be considered as redundant in evidence of it. The uxoriousness
of the Rajput might be appealed to as indicative of the
decay of national morals; “chez les barbares (says Ségur) les
femmes ne sont rien: les m[oe]urs de ces peuples s’adoucissent-t’-elles,
on compte les femmes pour quelque chose: enfin, se
corrompent-elles, les femmes sont tout”; and whether from this
decay, or the more probable and amiable cause of seeking, in
their society, consolation for the loss of power and independence,
the women are nearly everything with the Rajput.
.fn 4.23.4
So are some of the Hindu races in the mountainous districts about the
Himalaya, and in other parts of India. This curious trait in ancient manners
is deserving of investigation: it might throw some light on the early history
of the world. [“Each man has but one wife, yet all the women are held
in common: for this is a custom of the Massagetae, and not of the Scythians,
as the Greeks wrongly say” (Herodotus i. 216). For polyandry in India
see Risley, The People of India, 2nd ed. 206 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.5
[Polygamy does to some extent prevail (Census Report, Rājputāna,
1911, i. 157 f.)]
.fn-
It is scarcely fair to quote Manu as an authority for the proper
treatment of the fair sex, since many of his dicta by no means
tend to elevate their condition. In his lengthened catalogue of
things pure and impure he says, however, “The mouth of a
woman is constantly pure,”[4.23.6] and he ranks it with the running
waters and the sunbeam; he suggests that their names should
be “agreeable, soft, clear, captivating the fancy, auspicious,
ending in long vowels, resembling words of benediction.”[4.23.7]
.fn 4.23.6
Laws, v. 130.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.7
Ibid. ii. 33.
.fn-
.bn 162.png
.pn +1
“Where females are honoured” (says Manu), “there the
deities are pleased; but where dishonoured, there all religious
rites become useless”: and he declares, “that in whatever
house a woman not duly honoured pronounces an imprecation,
that house, with all that belongs to it, shall utterly perish.”[4.23.8]
“Strike not, even with a blossom, a wife guilty of a hundred
faults,”[4.23.9] says another sage: a sentiment so delicate, that Reginald
de Born, the prince of troubadours, never uttered any more
refined.
.fn 4.23.8
Digest of Hindu Law, Colebrooke, vol. ii. p. 209 [Manu iii. 55-8].
.fn-
.fn 4.23.9
Of all the religions which have diversified mankind, whatever man
might select, woman should choose the Christian. This alone gives her
just rank in the scale of creation, whether arising from the demotic principle
which pervades our faith, or the dignity conferred on the sex in being
chosen to be the mother of the Saviour of man. In turning over the pages
of Manu we find many mortifying texts, which I am inclined to regard as
interpolations; as the following, so opposed to the beautiful sentiment
above quoted: “A wife, a son, a servant, a pupil, and a younger brother,
may be corrected when they commit faults with a rope, or the small thong
of a cane” [viii. 299]. Such texts might lead us to adopt Ségur’s conclusions,
that ever since the days of the patriarchs women were only brilliant
slaves—victims, who exhibited, in the wreaths and floral coronets which
bedecked them, the sacrifices to which they were destined. In the
patriarchal ages their occupations were to season the viands, and bake the
bread, and weave cloth for the tents: their recreations limited to respire
the fresh evening air under the shade of a fig tree, and sing canticles to the
Almighty. Such a fate, indeed, must appear to a Parisian dame, who
passes her time between the Feydeau and Tivoli, and whose daily promenade
is through the Champs Élysées, worse than death: yet there is no positive
hardships in these employments, and it was but the fair division of labour
in the primitive ages, and that which characterizes the Rajputni of the
present day.
.fn-
However exalted the respect of the Rajput for the fair, he
nevertheless holds that
.pm start_poem
Nothing lovelier can be found
In woman, than to study household good \[612].
.pm end_poem
The Chief of Sādri and his Wife.—In the most tempestuous
period of the history of Mewar, when the Ranas broke asunder
the bonds which united them to the other chiefs of Rajasthan,
and bestowed their daughters on the foreign nobles incorporated
with the higher class of their own kin, the chief of Sadri, so often
mentioned, had obtained a princess to wife. There was a hazard
to domestic happiness in such unequal alliance, which the lord
.bn 163.png
.pn +1
of Sadri soon experienced. To the courteous request, “Ranawatji,
fill me a cup of water,” he received a contemptuous refusal,
with the remark, that “The daughter of a hundred kings would
not become cup-bearer to the chieftain of Sadri.”—“Very well,”
replied the plain soldier, “you may return to your father’s house,
if you can be of no use in mine.” A messenger was instantly
sent to the court, and the message, with every aggravation, was
made known; and she followed on the heels of her messenger.
A summons soon arrived for the Sadri chief to attend his sovereign
at the capital. He obeyed; and arrived in time to give his
explanation just as the Rana was proceeding to hold a full court.
As usual, the Sadri chief was placed on his sovereign’s right hand,
and when the court broke up, the heir-apparent of Mewar, at a
preconcerted sign, stood at the edge of the carpet, performing
the menial office of holding the slippers of the chief. Shocked
at such a mark of extreme respect, he stammered forth some
words of homage, his unworthiness, etc.; to which the Rana
replied, “As my son-in-law, no distinction too great can be
conferred: take home your wife, she will never again refuse
you a cup of water” \[613].[4.23.10]
.fn 4.23.10
Manu lays down some plain and wholesome rules for the domestic
conduct of the wife; above all, he recommends her to “preserve a cheerful
temper,” and “frugality in domestic expenses” [Laws, v. 150]. Some
of his texts savour, however, more of the anchorite than of a person conversant
with mankind; and when he commands the husband to be reverenced
as a god by the virtuous wife, even though enamoured of another woman,
it may be justly doubted if ever he found obedience thereto; or the scarcely
less difficult ordinance, “for a whole year let a husband bear with his wife
who treats him with aversion,” after which probation he is permitted to
separate [ix. 77]. It is very likely the Rajputs are more in the habit of
quoting the first of these texts than of hearing the last: for although they
have a choice at home, they are not ashamed to be the avowed admirers
of the Aspasias and Phrynes of the capital; from the same cause which
attracted Socrates and made Pericles a slave and which will continue until
the united charms of the dance and the song are sanctioned to be practised
by the légitimes within.
.fn-
Could authority deemed divine ensure obedience to what is
considered a virtue in all ages and countries, the conjugal duties
of the Rajputs are comprehended in the following simple text:
“Let mutual fidelity continue to death; this, in few words,
may be considered as the supreme law between husband and wife.”[4.23.11]
.fn 4.23.11
Manu ix. 101.
.fn-
Devotion of Rājput Women.—That this law governed the
.bn 164.png
.pn +1
Rajputs in past ages, as well as the present, in as great a degree
as in other stages of society and other countries, we cannot doubt.
Nor will the annals of any nation afford more numerous or more
sublime instances of female devotion, than those of the Rajputs;
and such would never have been recorded, were not the incentive
likely to be revered and followed. How easy would it be to cite
examples for every passion which can actuate the human mind!
Do we desire to see a model of unbounded devotion, resignation,
and love, let us take the picture of Sita, as painted by the Milton
of their silver age, than which nothing more beautiful or sentimental
may be culled even from Paradise Lost. Rama was
about to abandon his faithful wife for the purpose of becoming
a Vana-prastha or hermit, when she thus pours out her ardent
desire to partake of his solitude.
.pm start_poem
A woman’s bliss is found, not in the smile
Of father, mother, friend, nor in herself:
Her husband is her only portion here,
Her heaven hereafter. If thou indeed
Depart this day into the forest drear,
I will precede, and smooth the thorny way.
A gay recluse
On thee attending, happy shall I feel
Within the honey-scented grove to roam,
For thou e’en here canst nourish and protect;
And therefore other friend I cannot need.
To-day most surely with thee will I go,
And thus resolved, I must not be deny’d.
Roots and wild fruit shall be my constant food;
Nor will I near thee add unto thy cares,
Nor lag behind, nor forest-food refuse,
But fearless traverse every hill and dale.
Thus could I sweetly pass a thousand years;
But without thee e’en heaven would lose its charms \[614].
Pleased to embrace thy feet, I will reside
In the rough forest as my father’s house.
Void of all other wish, supremely thine,
Permit me this request—I will not grieve,
I will not burden thee—refuse me not.
But shouldst thou, Raghuvu, this prayer deny
Know, I resolve on death.
.pm end_poem
.sp 1
.nf r
Vide Ward, On the History, Literature, and Mythology of the Hindus,
ed. 1815, ii. p. 308 ff. [Cp. Manu, vi. 2 ff.]
.nf-
.bn 165.png
.pn +1
The publication of Mr. Wilson’s specimens of the Hindu drama
has put the English public in possession of very striking features
of ancient Hindu manners, amongst which conjugal fidelity and
affection stand eminently conspicuous. The Uttara Rama
Charitra, the Vikrama and Urvasi, and the Mudra Rakshasa,
contain many instances in point. In the latter piece occurs an
example, in comparatively humble life, of the strong affection
of a Hindu wife. Chandana Das, like Antonio in the Merchant
of Venice, is doomed to die, to save his friend. His wife follows
him to the scene of execution, with their only child, and the
succeeding dialogue ensues:
.dl tindent=4
Chand.| Withdraw, my love, and lead our boy along.
Wife. | Forgive me, husband,—to another world
Thy steps are bound, and not to foreign realms,
Whence in due time thou homeward wilt return;
No common farewell our leave-taking now
Admits, nor must the partner of thy fate
Leave thee to trace thy solitary way.
Chand.| What dost thou mean?
Wife.| To follow thee in death.
Chand.| Think not of this—our boy’s yet tender years
Demand affectionate and guardian care.
Wife. | I leave him to our household gods, nor fear
They will desert his youth:—come, my dear boy,
And bid thy sire a long and last farewell.
.dl-
The Tale of Dewaldai.—The annals of no nation on earth record
a more ennobling or more magnanimous instance of female
loyalty than that exemplified by Dewaldai, mother of the
Bannaphar brothers, which will at once illustrate the manners
of the Rajput fair, and their estimation and influence in society.
The last Hindu emperor of Delhi, the chivalrous Prithiraj of
the Chauhan race, had abducted the daughter of the prince of
Sameta. Some of the wounded who had covered his retreat
were assailed and put to death by Parmal, the Chandel prince of
Mahoba.[4.23.12] In order to avenge this insult, the emperor had no
sooner conveyed his bride to Delhi than he invaded the territory
of the Chandel, whose troops were cut to pieces at Sirswa,[4.23.13] the
.bn 166.png
.pn +1
advanced post of his kingdom. While \[615] pursuing his success,
the Chandel called a council, and by the advice of his queen
Malandevi demanded a truce of his adversary, on the plea of the
absence of his chieftains Alha and Udala. The brother of the
bard of Mahoba was the envoy, who found the Chauhan ready
to cross the Pahuj. He presented his gifts, and adjured him,
“as a true Rajput, not to take them at such disadvantage.”
The gifts were accepted, and the Chauhan pledged himself, “albeit
his warriors were eager for the fight,” to grant the truce demanded;
and having dismissed the herald, he inquired of his own bard, the
prophetic Chand, the cause of the disaffection which led to the
banishment of the Bannaphar; to which he thus replies: “Jasraj
was the leader of the armies of Mahoba when his sovereign was
defeated and put to flight by the wild race of Gonds; Jasraj
repulsed the foe, captured Garha their capital, and laid his head
at his sovereign’s feet. Parmal returning with victory to Mahoba,
in gratitude for his service, embraced the sons of Jasraj, and
placed them in his honours and lands, while Malandevi the queen
made no distinction between them and her son.” The fief of
the young Bannaphar[4.23.14] chieftains was at the celebrated fortress
Kalanjar, where their sovereign happening to see a fine mare
belonging to Alha, desired to possess her, and being refused, so
far forgot past services as to compel them to abandon the country.
On retiring they fired the estates of the Parihara chief who had
instigated their disgrace. With their mother and families they
repaired to Kanauj, whose monarch received them with open
arms, assigning lands for their maintenance. Having thus
premised the cause of banishment, Chand conducts us to Kanauj,
at the moment when Jagnakh the bard was addressing the exiles
on the dangers of Mahoba.
.fn 4.23.12
Parmāl or Paramardi Chandel (A.D. 1165-1203). He was defeated by
Prithirāj Chauhān in 1182.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.13
On the Pahuj, and now belonging to the Bundela prince of Datia.
The author has been over this field of battle.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.14
[On the Bannāphar sept, from which sprang the heroes Alha and Udal,
see Crooke, Tribes and Castes North-West Provinces, i. 137 ff.; their bravery
forms the subject of numerous ballads (ASR, ii. 455 ff.).]
.fn-
War with Prithirāj.—“The Chauhan is encamped on the
plains of Mahoba; Narsingh and Birsingh have fallen, Sirswa is
given to the flames, and the kingdom of Parmal laid waste by
the Chauhan. For one month a truce has been obtained: while
to you I am sent for aid in his griefs. Listen, O sons of Bannaphar;
sad have been the days of Malandevi since you left Mahoba!
Oft she looks towards Kanauj; and while she recalls you to
.bn 167.png
.pn +1
mind, tears gush from her eyes and she exclaims, ‘The fame of
the Chandel is departing’; but when gone, O sons of Jasraj,
great will be your self-accusing sorrow: yet, think of Mahoba.”
“Destruction to Mahoba! Annihilation to the Chandel who,
without fault \[616], expelled us our home: in whose service fell
our father, by whom his kingdom was extended. Send the
slanderous Parihara—let him lead your armies against the heroes
of Delhi. Our heads were the pillars of Mahoba; by us were
the Gonds expelled, and their strongholds Deogarh and Chandbari
added to his sway. We maintained the field against the Jadon,
sacked Hindaun,[4.23.15] and planted his standard on the plains of
Katehr.[4.23.16] It was I (continued Alha) who stopped the sword of
the conquering Kachhwaha[4.23.17]—The amirs of the Sultan fled
before us.—At Gaya we were victorious, and added Rewa[4.23.18] to
his kingdom. Antarved[4.23.19] I gave to the flames, and levelled to
the ground the towns of Mewat.[4.23.20] From ten princes did Jasraj
bring spoil to Mahoba. This have we done; and the reward is
exile from our home! Seven times have I received wounds in
his service, and since my father’s death gained forty battles;
and from seven has Udala conveyed the record of victory[4.23.21] to
Parmal. Thrice my death seemed inevitable. The honour of
his house I have upheld—yet exile is my reward!”
.fn 4.23.15
Hindaun was a town dependent on Bayana, the capital of the Jadons,
whose descendants still occupy Karauli and Sri Mathura.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.16
[The modern Rohilkhand Division.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.17
Rao Pajun of Amber, one of the great vassals of the Chauhan, and
ancestor of the present Raja of Jaipur.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.18
In the original, “the land of the Baghel to that of the Chandel.” Rewa
is capital of [or leading State in] Baghelkhand, founded by the Baghela
Rajputs, a branch of the Solanki kings of Anhilwara.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.19
Antarved, the Duab, or Mesopotamia of the Jumna and Ganges.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.20
A district S.W. of Delhi, notorious for the lawless habits of its inhabitants:
a very ancient Hindu race, but the greater part forced proselytes
to the faith of Islam. In the time of Prithiraj the chief of Mewat was one
of his vassals.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.21
Jayapattra, or ‘bulletin of victory.’
.fn-
The bard replies—“The father of Parmal left him when a
child to the care of Jasraj. Your father was in lieu of his own;
the son should not abandon him when misfortune makes him call
on you. The Rajput who abandons his sovereign in distress will
be plunged into hell. Then place on your head the loyalty of
your father. Can you desire to remain at Kanauj while he is in
.bn 168.png
.pn +1
trouble, who expended thousands in rejoicings for your birth?
Malandevi (the queen), who loves you as her own, presses your
return. She bids me demand of Dewaldai fulfilment of the oft-repeated
vow, that your life and Mahoba, when endangered, were
inseparable. The breaker of vows, despised on earth, will be
plunged into hell, there to remain while sun and moon endure.”
Dewaldai heard the message of the queen. “Let us fly to
Mahoba,” she \[617] exclaimed. Alha was silent, while Udala said
aloud, “May evil spirits seize upon Mahoba!—Can we forget
the day when, in distress, he drove us forth?—Return to Mahoba—let
it stand or fall, it is the same to me; Kanauj is henceforth
my home.”
“Would that the gods had made me barren,” said Dewaldai,
“that I had never borne sons who thus abandon the paths of
the Rajput, and refuse to succour their prince in danger!” Her
heart bursting with grief, and her eyes raised to heaven, she
continued: “Was it for this, O universal lord, thou mad’st me
feel a mother’s pangs for these destroyers of Bannaphar’s fame?
Unworthy offspring! the heart of the true Rajput dances with
joy at the mere name of strife—but ye, degenerate, cannot be
the sons of Jasraj—some carl must have stolen to my embrace,
and from such ye must be sprung.” The young chiefs arose,
their faces withered in sadness. “When we perish in defence
of Mahoba, and covered with wounds, perform deeds that will
leave a deathless name; when our heads roll in the field—when
we embrace the valiant in fight, and treading in the footsteps
of the brave, make resplendent the blood of both lines, even in
the presence of the heroes of the Chauhan, then will our mother
rejoice.”
The envoy having, by this loyal appeal of Dewaldai, attained
the object of his mission, the brothers repair to the monarch of
Kanauj,[4.23.22] in order to ask permission to return to Mahoba; this
is granted, and they are dismissed with magnificent gifts, in which
the bardic herald participated;[4.23.23] and the parting valediction was
.bn 169.png
.pn +1
“preserve the faith of the Rajputs.” The omens during the
march were of the worst kind: as Jagnakh expounded them,
Alha with a smile replied, “O bard, though thou canst dive into
the dark recesses of futurity, to the brave all omens are happy,[4.23.24]
even though our heroes shall fall, and the fame of the Chandel
must depart; thus in secret does my soul assure me.” The
saras[4.23.25] was alone on the right—the eagle as he flew dropped his
prey—the chakwa[4.23.26] from his mate—drops fell from
the eyes of the warlike steed—the siyal[4.23.27] sent forth sounds of
lamentation; spots were seen on the disc of the sun” \[618].
The countenance of Lakhan fell;[4.23.28] these portents filled his soul
with dismay: but Alha said, “though these omens bode death,
yet death to the valiant, to the pure in faith, is an object of desire
not of sorrow. The path of the Rajput is beset with difficulties,
rugged, and filled with thorns; but he regards it not, so it but
conducts to battle.”—“To carry joy to Parmala alone occupied
their thoughts: the steeds bounded over the plain like the swift-footed
deer.” The brothers, ere they reached Mahoba, halted
to put on the saffron robe, the sign of “no quarter” with the
Rajput warrior. The intelligence of their approach filled the
Chandela prince with joy, who advanced to embrace his defenders,
and conduct them to Mahoba; while the queen Malandevi came
to greet Dewaldai, who with the herald bard paid homage, and
returned with the queen to the city. Rich gifts were presented,
gems resplendent with light. The queen sent for Alha, and
extending her hands over his head, bestowed the asis[4.23.29]
as kneeling he swore his head was with Mahoba, and then waved
a vessel filled with pearls over his head, which were distributed
to his followers.[4.23.30]
.fn 4.23.22
Jaichand was then king of this city, only second to Delhi. He was
attacked in 1193 (A.D.) by Shihabu-d-din, after his conquest of the Chauhan,
driven from his kingdom, and found a watery grave in the Ganges. [The
battle was fought at Chandāwar in the Etāwa District, A.D. 1194 (Smith,
EHI, 385).]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.23
Jagnakh had two villages conferred upon him, besides an elephant
and a dress.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.24
[Compare Iliad, xii. 237 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.25
The phenicopteros. [The great crane, Grus antigone.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.26
A large red duck, the emblem of fidelity with the Rajputs. [The
Brahmani duck, Anas casarca.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.27
The jackal.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.28
Commander of the succours of Kanauj.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.29
Asis is a form of benediction only bestowed by females and priests:
it is performed by clasping both hands over the person’s head, and waving
a piece of silver or other valuable over him, which is bestowed in charity
[the object being to disperse evil influence].
.fn-
.fn 4.23.30
This is a very ancient ceremony, and is called Nicharavali [or ārti.
The Author has frequently had a large salver filled with silver coin waved
over his head, which was handed for distribution amongst his attendants.
It is most appropriate from the fair, from whom also he has had this performed
by their proxies, the family priest or female attendants.
.fn-
.bn 170.png
.pn +1
The bardic herald was rewarded with four villages. We are
then introduced to the Chauhan camp and council, where Chand
the bard is expatiating on the return of the Bannaphars with the
succours of Kanauj. He recommends his sovereign to send a
herald to the Chandel to announce the expiration of the truce,
and requiring him to meet him in the field, or abandon Mahoba.
According to the bard’s advice, a dispatch was transmitted to
Parmal, in which the cause of war was recapitulated—the murder
of the wounded; and stating that, according to Rajput faith,
he had granted seven days beyond the time demanded, “and
although so many days had passed since succour had arrived
from Kanauj, the lion-horn had not yet sounded (singhnad)”:
adding, “if he abandon all desire of combat, let him proclaim
his vassalage to Delhi, and abandon Mahoba.”
Parmal received the hostile message in despair; but calling
his warriors around him, he replied to the herald of the Chauhan,
that “on the day of the sun, the first of the month, he would join
him in strife” \[619].
“On the day sacred to Sukra (Friday), Prithiraj sounded the
shell, while the drums thrice struck proclaimed the truce concluded.[4.23.31]
The standard was brought forth, around which the
warriors gathered; the cup circulated, the prospect of battle
filled their souls with joy. They anointed their bodies with
fragrant oils, while the celestial Apsaras with ambrosial oils and
heavenly perfumes anointed their silver forms, tinged their eyelids,
and prepared for the reception of heroes.[4.23.32] The sound of the
war-shell reached Kailas; the abstraction of Iswara was at an
end—joy seized his soul at the prospect of completing his chaplet
of skulls (mundamala). The Yoginis danced with joy, their faces
sparkled with delight, as they seized their vessels to drink the
blood of the slain. The devourers of flesh, the Palankashas, sung
.bn 171.png
.pn +1
songs of triumph at the game of battle between the Chauhan and
Chandel.”
.fn 4.23.31
The sankh, or war-shell, is thrice sounded, and the nakkaras strike
thrice, when the army is to march; but should it after such proclamation
remain on its ground, a scape-goat is slain in front of the imperial tent.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.32
This picture recalls the remembrance of Hacon and the heroes of the
north; with the Valkyries or choosers of the slain; the celestial maids of
war of Scandinavia.
.fn-
In another measure, the bard proceeds to contrast the occupations
of his heroes and the celestials preparatory to the combat,
which descriptions are termed rupaka. “The heroes gird on
their armour, while the heavenly fair deck their persons. They
place on their heads the helm crowned with the war-bell (viragantha),
these adjust the corset; they draw the girths of the war-steed,
the fair of the world of bliss bind the anklet of bells; nets
of steel defend the turban’s fold, they braid their hair with golden
flowers and gems; the warrior polishes his falchion—the fair
tints the eyelid with anjan;[4.23.33] the hero points his dagger, the fair
paints a heart on her forehead; he braces on his ample buckler—she
places the resplendent orb in her ear; he binds his arms
with a gauntlet of brass—she stains her hands with the henna.
The hero decorates his hand with the tiger-claw[4.23.34]—the Apsaras
ornaments with rings and golden bracelets; the warrior shakes
the ponderous lance—the heavenly fair the garland of love[4.23.35] to
decorate those who fall in the fight; she binds on a necklace
of pearls, he a mala of the tulasi.[4.23.36] The warrior strings his
bow—the fair assume their killing \[620] glances. Once more
the heroes look to their girths, while the celestial fair prepare
their cars.”
.fn 4.23.33
[Collyrium.]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.34
Baghnakh or Naharnakh. [This weapon is best known by its use
by Sivaji when he slew Afzu-l Khān in 1659 at Pratāpgarh (Grant Duff,
Hist. Mahrattas, 78). Four specimens in the Indian Museum are described,
with an illustration, by Hon. W. Egerton (Illustrated Handbook of Indian
Arms, 115).]
.fn-
.fn 4.23.35
Barmala.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.36
Mala, a necklace. The tulasi [the plant Olymum sanctum] or rudraksha
[the nuts of Elaeocarpus ganitrus, the former worn by Vaishnavas, the latter
by Saivas] had the same estimation amongst the Hindus that the mistletoe
had amongst the ancient Britons, and was always worn in battle as a charm.
.fn-
After the bard has finished his rupaka, he exclaims, “Thus
says Chand, the lord of verse; with my own eyes have I seen
what I describe.” It is important to remark, that the national
faith of the Rajput never questions the prophetic power of their
chief bard, whom they call Trikala, or cognoscent of the past,
the present, and the future—a character which the bard has
enjoyed in all ages and climes; but Chand was the last whom
they admitted to possess supernatural vision.
.bn 172.png
.pn +1
We must now return to Mahoba, where a grand council had
assembled at a final deliberation; at which, shaded by screens,
the mother of the Bannaphars, and the queen Malandevi, were
present. The latter thus opens the debate: “O mother of Alha,
how may we succeed against the lord of the world?[4.23.37] If defeated,
lost is Mahoba; if we pay tribute, we are loaded with
shame.” Dewaldai recommends hearing seriatim the opinions
of the chieftains, when Alha thus speaks: “Listen, O mother,
to your son; he alone is of pure lineage who, placing loyalty on
his head, abandons all thoughts of self, and lays down his life for
his prince; my thoughts are only for Parmal. If she lives she
will show herself a woman, or emanation of Parvati.[4.23.38] The
warriors of Sambhar shall be cut in pieces. I will so illustrate
the blood of my fathers, that my fame shall last for ever. My
son Indal, O prince! I bequeath to you, and the fame of Dewaldai
is in your keeping.”
.fn 4.23.37
Prithiraj.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.38
A Rajput never names his wife. Here it is evidently optional to the
widow to live or die, though Alha shows his wish for her society above. See
chapter on Satis, which will follow.
.fn-
The queen thus replies: “The warriors of the Chauhan are
fierce as they are numerous; pay tribute, and save Mahoba.”
The soul of Udala inflamed, and turning to the queen, “Why
thought you not thus when you slew the defenceless? but then
I was unheard. Whence now your wisdom? thrice I beseeched
you to pardon. Nevertheless, Mahoba is safe while life remains
in me, and in your cause, O Parmal! we shall espouse celestial
brides.”
“Well have you spoken, my son,” said Dewaldai, “nothing
now remains but to make thy parent’s milk resplendent by thy
deeds. The call of the peasant driven \[621] from his home meets
the ear, and while we deliberate, our villages are given to the
flames.” But Parmal replied: “Saturn[4.23.39] rules the day, to-morrow
we shall meet the foe.” With indignation Alha turned
to the king: “He who can look tamely on while the smoke
ascends from his ruined towns, his fields laid waste, can be no
Rajput—he who succumbs to fear when his country is invaded,
his body will be plunged into the hell of hells, his soul a wanderer
in the world of spirits for sixty thousand years; but the warrior
.bn 173.png
.pn +1
who performs his duty will be received into the mansion of the
sun, and his deeds will last for ever.”
.fn 4.23.39
Sanichar.
.fn-
But cowardice and cruelty always accompany each other,
nor could all the speeches of the brothers “screw his courage to
the sticking place.” Parmal went to his queen, and gave fresh
vent to his lamentation. She upbraided his unmanly spirit, and
bid him head his troops and go forth to the fight. The heroes
embraced their wives for the last time, and with the dawn performed
their pious rites. The Bannaphar offered oblations to the
nine planets, and having adored the image of his tutelary god,
he again put the chain round his neck;[4.23.40] then calling his son
Indal, and Udala his brother, he once more poured forth his vows
to the universal mother “that he would illustrate the name of
Jasraj, and evince the pure blood derived from Dewaldai, whene’er
he met the foe.”—“Nobly have you resolved,” said Udala, “and
shall not my kirwan[4.23.41] also dazzle the eyes of Sambhar’s lord?
shall he not retire from before me?”—“Farewell, my children,”
said Dewaldai, “be true to your salt, and should you lose your
heads for your prince, doubt not you will obtain the celestial
crown.” Having ceased, the wives of both exclaimed, “What
virtuous wife survives her lord? for thus says Gauriji,[4.23.42] ‘the
woman, who survives her husband who falls in the field of battle,
will never obtain bliss, but wander a discontented ghost in the
region of unhallowed spirits.’”
.fn 4.23.40
It was a jantar or phylactery of Hanuman the monkey deity; probably
a magical stanza, with his image.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.41
A crooked scimitar.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.42
One of the names of Mena or Parvati. This passage will illustrate
the subject of Satis in a future chapter.
.fn-
This is sufficient to exhibit the supreme influence of women,
not only on, but also in society.
The extract is taken from the Bardic historian, when Hindu
customs were pure, and the Chauhan was paramount sovereign
of India. It is worth while to compare it with another written
six centuries after the conquest by the Muhammadans; although
six dynasties—namely, Ghazni, Ghor, Khilji \[622], Sayyid, Lodi,
and Mogul, numbering more than thirty kings, had intervened,
yet the same uncontrollable spirit was in full force, unchangeable
even in misfortune. Both Hindu and Persian historians expatiate
with delight on the anecdote; but we prefer the narrative of the
ingenuous Bernier, under whose eye the incident occurred.
.bn 174.png
.pn +1
Jaswant Singh and his Wife.—In the civil war for empire
amongst the sons of Shah Jahan, when Aurangzeb opened his
career by the deposal of his father and the murder of his brothers,
the Rajputs, faithful to the emperor, determined to oppose him.
Under the intrepid Rathor Jaswant Singh, thirty thousand
Rajputs, chiefly of that clan, advanced to the Nerbudda, and with
a magnanimity amounting to imprudence, they permitted the
junction of Murad with Aurangzeb, who, under cover of artillery
served by Frenchmen, crossed the river almost unopposed.
Next morning the action commenced, which continued throughout
the day. The Rajputs behaved with their usual bravery;
but were surrounded on all sides, and by sunset left ten thousand
dead on the field.[4.23.43] The Maharaja retreated to his own country,
but his wife, a daughter of the Rana of Udaipur, “disdained (says
Ferishta) to receive her lord, and shut the gates of the castle.”
.fn 4.23.43
“’Tis a pleasure (says Bernier) to see them with the fume of opium
in their heads, embrace each other when the battle is to begin, and give
their mutual farewells, as men resolved to die.” [Ed. 1914, p. 40. The
battle of Dharmāt was fought on the banks of the river Sipra (IGI, xxi.
14 f.) on 15th April, 1658. Manucci was not present, but gives an account
derived from Aurangzeb’s artillery officers of the battle at Dharmātpur,
about 14 miles from Ujjain (i. 259 f., and see Jadunath Sarkar, Life of
Aurangzeb, ii. 1 ff.). The latter (ii. 20 f.) speaks highly of the valour of
Jaswant Singh, but Khāfi Khan (Elliot-Dowson vii. 219) says that he
acted in a cowardly way. The account quoted by the author is not in the
original work of Ferishta, but in Dow’s continuation (ed. 1812, iii. 206 f).].
.fn-
Bernier, who was present, says, “I cannot forbear to relate
the fierce reception which the daughter of the Rana gave to her
husband Jeswunt Singh [Jessom Seingue], after his defeat and
flight. When she heard he was nigh, and had understood what
had passed in the battle; that he had fought with all possible
courage; that he had but four or five hundred men left; and at
last, no longer able to resist the enemy, had been forced to retreat;
instead of sending some one to condole him in his misfortunes,
she commanded in a dry mood to shut the gates of the castle, and
not to let this infamous man enter; that he was not her husband;
that the son-in-law of the great Rana could not have so mean a
soul; that he was to remember, that being grafted into so
illustrious a house, he was to imitate its virtue; in a word, he
was to vanquish, or to die. A moment after, she was of another
humour; she commands a pile of wood to be laid, that she might
.bn 175.png
.pn +1
burn herself; that they abused her; that her husband must
needs be dead; that it could not be otherwise. And a little
while after, she was seen to change countenance, to \[623] fall into
a passion, and break into a thousand reproaches against him. In
short, she remained thus transported eight or nine days, without
being able to resolve to see her husband, till at last her mother
coming, brought her in time to herself, composed by assuring her
that as soon as the Raja had but refreshed himself he would raise
another army to fight Aurangzeb, and repair his honour. By
which story one may see,” says Bernier, “a pattern of the
courage of the women in that country”; and he adds this philosophical
corollary on this and the custom of satis, which he had
witnessed: “There is nothing which opinion, prepossession,
custom, hope, and the point of honour, may not make men do or
suffer.”[4.23.44]
.fn 4.23.44
Bernier’s History of the Late Revolution the Empire of the Mogul,
fol. p. 13, ed. 1684 [ed. 1914, p. 40 f., where a somewhat different version
is given].
.fn-
The Tale of Sanjogta.—The romantic history of the Chauhan
emperor of Delhi abounds in sketches of female character; and
in the story of his carrying off Sanjogta, the princess of Kanauj,
we have not only the individual portrait of the Helen of her
country, but in it a faithful picture of the sex. We see her, from
the moment when, rejecting the assembled princes, she threw the
“garland of marriage” round the neck of her hero, the Chauhan,
abandon herself to all the influences of passion—mix in a combat
of five days’ continuance against her father’s array, witness his
overthrow, and the carnage of both armies, and subsequently,
by her seductive charms, lulling her lover into a neglect of every
princely duty. Yet when the foes of his glory and power invade
India, we see the enchantress at once start from her trance of
pleasure, and exchanging the softer for the sterner passions, in
accents not less strong because mingled with deep affection, she
conjures him, while arming him for the battle, to die for his fame,
declaring that she will join him in “the mansions of the sun.”
Though it is difficult to extract, in passages sufficiently condensed,
what may convey a just idea of this heroine, we shall attempt it
in the bard’s own language, rendered into prose. He announces
the tidings of invasion by the medium of a dream, which the
Chauhan thus relates:
.bn 176.png
.pn +1
“‘This night, while in the arms of sleep, a fair, beautiful as
Rambha, rudely seized my arm; then she assailed you, and
while you were struggling, a mighty elephant,[4.23.45] infuriated, and
hideous as a demon, bore down upon me. Sleep fled—nor
Rambha nor demon remained—but my heart was panting, and
\[624] my quivering lips muttering Har! Har![4.23.46] What is decreed
the gods only know.’
.fn 4.23.45
It is deemed unlucky to see this emblem of Ganesa in sleep.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.46
The battle-shout of the Rajput. [Hara, a title of Siva.]
.fn-
“Sanjogta replied, ‘Victory and fame to my lord! O, sun
of the Chauhans, in glory, or in pleasure, who has tasted so deeply
as you? To die is the destiny not only of man but of the gods:
all desire to throw off the old garment; but to die well is to live
for ever. Think not of self, but of immortality; let your sword
divide your foe, and I will be your ardhanga[4.23.47] hereafter.’
.fn 4.23.47
‘Half-body,’ which we may render, in common phraseology, ‘other
half.’
.fn-
king sought the bard, who expounded the dream, and the
Guru wrote an incantation, which he placed in his turban. A
thousand brass vessels of fresh milk were poured in libations to
the sun and moon. Ten buffaloes were sacrificed to the supporters
of the globe, and gifts were made to all. But will offerings of
blood or libations of milk arrest what is decreed? If by these
man could undo what is ordained, would Nala or the Pandus
have suffered as they did?”
While the warriors assemble in council to consult on the best
mode of opposing the Sultan of Ghazni, the king leaves them to
deliberate, in order to advise with Sanjogta. Her reply is
curious:
“Who asks woman for advice? The world deems their
understanding shallow; even when truths issue from their lips,
none listen thereto. Yet what is the world without woman?
We have the forms of Sakti[4.23.48] with the fire of Siva; we are at once
thieves and sanctuaries; we are vessels of virtue and of vice—of
knowledge and of ignorance. The man of wisdom, the
astrologer, can from the books calculate the motion and course
of the planets; but in the book of woman he is ignorant: and
this is not a saying of to-day, it ever has been so: our book has
not been mastered, therefore, to hide their ignorance, they say,
.bn 177.png
.pn +1
in woman there is no wisdom! Yet woman shares your joys and
your sorrows. Even when you depart from the mansion of the
sun, we part not. Hunger and thirst we cheerfully partake with
you; we are as the lakes, of which you are the swans; what are
when absent from our bosoms?”
.fn 4.23.48
[The impersonation of the female energy.]
.fn-
The army having assembled, and all being prepared to march
against the Islamite, in the last great battle which subjugated
India, the fair Sanjogta armed her lord for the encounter.
vain she sought the rings of his corslet; her eyes were \[625] fixed
on the face of the Chauhan, as those of the famished wretch who
finds a piece of gold. The sound of the drum reached the ear of
the Chauhan; it was as a death-knell on that of Sanjogta: and
as he left her to head Delhi’s heroes, she vowed that henceforward
water only should sustain her. “I shall see him again in the
region of Surya, but never more in Yoginipur.”[4.23.49] Her prediction
was fulfilled: her lord was routed, made captive and slain; and,
faithful to her vow, she mounted the funeral pyre.
.fn 4.23.49
Delhi [“the city of the witch or sorceress”].
.fn-
The Queen of Ganor.—Were we called upon to give a pendant
for Lucretia, it would be found in the queen of Ganor.[4.23.50] After
having defended five fortresses against the foe, she retreated to
her last stronghold on the Nerbudda, and had scarcely left the
bark, when the assailants arrived in pursuit. The disheartened
defenders were few in number, and the fortress was soon in
possession of the foe, the founder of the family now ruling in
Bhopal. The beauty of the queen of Ganor was an allurement
only secondary to his desire for her country, and he invited her
to reign over it and him. Denial would have been useless, and
would have subjected her to instant coercion, for the Khan
awaited her reply in the hall below; she therefore sent a message
of assent, with a complimentary reflection on his gallant conduct
and determination of pursuit; adding, that he merited her hand
for his bravery, and might prepare for the nuptials, which should
be celebrated on the terrace of the palace. She demanded two
hours for unmolested preparation, that she might appear in
appropriate attire, and with the distinction her own and his rank
demanded.
.fn 4.23.50
[The “Ganore” of the text possibly represents the town of Ganora
in the Bānswāra State. There is another place of the same name in
Gwalior.]
.fn-
.bn 178.png
.pn +1
Ceremonials, on a scale of magnificence equal to the shortness
of the time, were going on. The song of joy had already stifled
the discordant voice of war, and at length the Khan was summoned
to the terrace. Robed in the marriage garb presented to him by
the queen, with a necklace and aigrette of superb jewels from the
coffers of Ganor, he hastened to obey the mandate, and found that
fame had not done justice to her charms. He was desired to be
seated, and in conversation full of rapture on his side, hours were
as minutes while he gazed on the beauty of the queen. But
presently his countenance fell—he complained of heat; punkas
and water were brought, but they availed him not, and he began
to tear the bridal garments from his frame, when the queen thus
addressed him \[626]: “Know, Khan, that your last hour is
come; our wedding and our death shall be sealed together. The
vestments which cover you are poisoned; you had left me no
other expedient to escape pollution.” While all were horror-struck
by this declaration, she sprung from the battlements into
the flood beneath. The Khan died in extreme torture, and was
buried on the road to Bhopal; and, strange to say, a visit to his
grave has the reputation of curing the tertian of that country.[4.23.51]
.fn 4.23.51
[Several of our best authorities—Sir Lauder Brunton, Sir G. Birdwood,
Professors A. Keith and A. Doran of the Royal College of Surgeons—have
kindly investigated the question of death by poisoned robes, of which
various instances are reported in this work. The general result is that it
is doubtful if any known poison could be used in this way. Sir Lauder
Brunton remarks that a paste of the seeds of Abrus precatorius is used for
killing animals. Dr. N. Chevers (Manual of Medical Jurisprudence in
India, p. 299) writes: “Any one who has noticed how freely a robust
person in India perspires through a thin garment can understand that,
if a cloth were thoroughly impregnated with the cantharidine of that very
powerful vesicant, the Telini, the result would be as dangerous as an extensive
burn.” For telini (Mylabris punctum), used as a substitute for Cantharis
vesicatoria, see Sir G. Watt (Dict. Economic Products of India, v. 309).
Manucci (i. 149) says that Akbar placed such poisons in charge of a special
officer. The stock classical case is that of Herakles killed by an ointment
made from the blood of Nessus. An old writer, W. Ramesey (Of Poisons
(1660), p. 14 f.) speaks of poisoning done in this way: but he regards some
of “these and the like storeyes to be merely Fabulous ... and rather
to be attributed to the Subtilty, Craft, and Malice of the Devill” (12 series,
Notes and Queries, i. (1916) p. 417).]
.fn-
Rāja Jai Singh and his Wife.—We may give another anecdote
illustrative of this extreme delicacy of sentiment, but without
so tragical a conclusion. The celebrated Raja Jai Singh of Amber
.bn 179.png
.pn +1
had espoused a princess of Haraoti, whose manners and garb,
accordant with the simplicity of that provincial capital, subjected
her to the badinage of the more refined court of Amber,
whose ladies had added the imperial costume to their own native
dress. One day being alone with the prince, he began playfully
to contrast the sweeping jupe of Kotah with the more scanty
robe of the belles of his own capital; and taking up a pair of
scissors, said he would reduce it to an equality with the latter.
Offended at such levity, she seized his sword, and assuming a
threatening attitude, said, “that in the house to which she had
the honour to belong, they were not habituated to jests of this
nature; that mutual respect was the guardian, not only of
happiness but of virtue”; and she assured him, that if he ever
again so insulted her, he would find that the daughter of Kotah
could use a sword more effectively than the prince of Amber the
scissors; adding, that she would prevent any future scion of
her house from being subjected to similar disrespect, by declaring
such intermarriages talak, or forbidden, which interdict I believe
yet exists.[4.23.52]
.fn 4.23.52
The physician (unless he unite with his office that of ghostly comforter)
has to feel the pulse of his patient with a curtain between them, through a
rent, in which the arm is extended. [See the amusing account by Fryer
(New Account of E. India and Persia, Hakluyt Society, ed. i. 326 f.).]
.fn-
A Courageous Rājput Woman.—I will append an anecdote
related by the celebrated Zalim Singh, characteristic of the
presence of mind, prowess, and physical strength of the Rajput
women. To attend and aid in the minutiae of husbandry is by
no means uncommon with them, as to dress and carry the meals
of their husbands to the fields is a general practice. In the jungle
which skirts the knolls of Pachpahar, a huge bear assaulted a
Rajputni as she was carrying her husband’s dinner. As he
approached with an air of gallantry upon his hind-legs, doubting
whether the food or herself \[627] were the intended prey, she
retreated behind a large tree, round the trunk of which Bruin,
still in his erect attitude, tried all his powers of circumvention
to seize her. At length, half exhausted, she boldly grasped his
paws, and with so vigorous a hold that he roared with pain, while
in vain, with his short neck, did he endeavour to reach the powerful
hand which fixed him. While she was in this dilemma, a
Pardesi (a foreign soldier of the State) happened to be passing
.bn 180.png
.pn +1
to the garrison of Gagraun, and she called out to him in a voice
of such unconcern to come and release her for a time, that he
complied without hesitation. She had not retired, however,
above a dozen yards ere he called loudly for her return, being
scarcely able to hold his new friend; but laughingly recommending
perseverance, she hastened on, and soon returned with her
husband, who laid the monster prostrate with his matchlock,
and rescued the Pardesi from his unpleasing predicament.[4.23.53]
.fn 4.23.53
[This is a stock story (Risley, The People of India, 2nd ed. 179 f.; Rose,
Glossary, ii. 220; cf. Herodotus v. 12).]
.fn-
Such anecdotes might be multiplied ad infinitum; but I will
conclude with one displaying the romantic chivalry of the Rajput,
and the influence of the fair in the formation of character; it
is taken from the annals of Jaisalmer, the most remote of the
States of Rajasthan, and situated in the heart of the desert, of
which it is an oasis.
The Wedding of Sādhu.—Raningdeo was lord of Pugal, a fief
of Jaisalmer; his heir, named Sadhu, was the terror of the
desert, carrying his raids even to the valley of the Indus, and on
the east to Nagor. Returning from a foray, with a train of
captured camels and horses, he passed by Aurint, where dwelt
Manik Rao, the chief of the Mohils, whose rule extended over
1440 villages. Being invited to partake of the hospitality of
the Mohil, the heir of Pugal attracted the favourable regards of
the old chieftain’s daughter:
.pm start_poem
She loved him for the dangers he had passed;
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
for he had the fame of being the first riever of the desert. Although
betrothed to the heir of the Rathor of Mandor, she signified
her wish to renounce the throne to be the bride of the chieftain
of Pugal; and in spite of the dangers he provoked, and contrary
to the Mohil chief’s advice, Sadhu, as a gallant Rajput, dared
not reject the overture, and he promised “to accept the coco,”[4.23.54]
if sent in form to Pugal \[628]. In due time it came, and the
nuptials were solemnized at Aurint. The dower was splendid;
gems of high price, vessels of gold and silver, a golden bull, and a
train of thirteen dewadharis,[4.23.55] or damsels of wisdom and penetration.
.fn 4.23.54
Sriphala.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.55
Literally ‘lamp-holders’; such is the term applied to these handmaids;
who invariably form a part of the daeja or ‘dower.’ [The custom
of sending handmaids with the bride, the girls often becoming concubines
of the bridegroom, is common (Russell, Tribes and Castes Central Provinces,
i. 63, ii. 77). In Gujarāt they are known as Goli or Vadhāran, and are
sometimes married to the Khawās, or male slaves of the harem (BG, ix.
Part i. 147, 235).]
.fn-
.bn 181.png
.pn +1
Arankanwal, the slighted heir of Mandor, determined on
revenge, and with four thousand Rathors planted himself in
the path of Sadhu’s return, aided by the Sankhla Mehraj, whose
son Sadhu had slain. Though entreated to add four thousand
Mohils to his escort, Sadhu deemed his own gallant band of seven
hundred Bhattis sufficient to convey his bride to his desert abode,
and with difficulty accepted fifty, led by Meghraj, the brother
of the bride.
The rivals encountered at Chondan, where Sadhu had halted
to repose; but the brave Rathor scorned the advantage of
numbers, and a series of single combats ensued, with all the forms
of chivalry. The first who entered the lists was Jaitanga, of
the Pahu clan, and of the kin of Sadhu. The enemy came upon
him by surprise while reposing on the ground, his saddle-cloth
for his couch, and the bridle of his steed twisted round his arm;
he was soon recognized by the Sankhla, who had often encountered
his prowess, on which he expatiated to Arankanwal, who sent an
attendant to awake him; but the gallant Panch Kalyan (for
such was the name of his steed) had already performed this
service, and they found him upbraiding white-legs[4.23.56] for treading
upon him. Like a true Rajput, “toujours prêt,” he received the
hostile message, and sent the envoy back with his compliments,
and a request for some amal or opium, as he had lost his own
supply. With all courtesy this was sent, and prepared by the
domestics of his antagonist; after taking which he lay down
to enjoy the customary siesta. As soon as he awoke, he prepared
for the combat, girt on his armour, and having reminded Panch
Kalyan of the fields he had won, and telling him to bear him well
that day, he mounted and advanced. The son of Chonda admiring
his sang-froid, and the address with which he guided his steed,
commanded Jodha Chauhan, the leader of his party, to encounter
the Pahu. “Their two-edged swords soon clashed in combat”;
but the gigantic Chauhan fell beneath the Bhatti, who, warmed
.bn 182.png
.pn +1
with the fight, plunged amidst his foes, encountering all he
deemed worthy of his assault.
.fn 4.23.56
Panch Kalyan is generally, if not always, a chestnut, having four
white legs, with a white nose and list or star.
.fn-
The fray thus begun, single combats and actions of equal
parties followed, the \[629] rivals looking on. At length Sadhu
mounted: twice he charged the Rathor ranks, carrying death
on his lance; each time he returned for the applause of his bride,
who beheld the battle from her car. Six hundred of his foes
had fallen, and nearly half his own warriors. He bade her a last
adieu, while she exhorted him to the fight, saying, “she would
witness his deeds, and if he fell, would follow him even in death.”
Now he singled out his rival Arankanwal,[4.23.57] who was alike eager
to end the strife, and blot out his disgrace in his blood. They
met: some seconds were lost in a courteous contention, each
yielding to his rival the first blow, at length dealt out by Sadhu
on the neck of the disappointed Rathor. It was returned with
the rapidity of lightning, and the daughter of the Mohil saw the
steel descend on the head of her lover. Both fell prostrate to
the earth: but Sadhu’s soul had sped; the Rathor had only
swooned. With the fall of the leaders the battle ceased; and
the fair cause of strife, Karamdevi, at once a virgin, a wife, and
a widow, prepared to follow her affianced. Calling for a sword,
with one arm she dissevered the other, desiring it might be conveyed
to the father of her lord—“tell him such was his daughter.”
The other she commanded to be struck off, and given, with her
marriage jewels thereon, to the bard of the Mohils. The pile
was prepared on the field of battle; and taking her lord in her
embrace, she gave herself up to the devouring flames. The dissevered
limbs were disposed of as commanded; the old Rao of
Pugal caused the one to be burnt, and a tank was excavated on
the spot, which is still called after the heroine, “the lake of
Karamdevi.”
.fn 4.23.57
Arankanwal, ‘the lotos of the desert,’ from aranya (Sanskrit), ‘a waste,’
and kamala (pronounced kanwal), ‘a lotos’: classically it should be written
aranykamala; I write it as pronounced.
.fn-
This encounter took place in S. 1462, A.D. 1406. The brunt
of the battle fell on the Sankhlas, and only twenty-five out of
three hundred and fifty left the field with their leader, Mehraj,
himself severely wounded. The rejected lover had four brothers
dangerously hurt; and in six months the wounds of Arankanwal
opened afresh: he died, and the rites to the manes of these rivals
.bn 183.png
.pn +1
in love, the chhamasa[4.23.58] of Sadhu, and the duadasa[4.23.59] of Arankanwal,
were celebrated on the same day.
.fn 4.23.58
The rites to the manes on the completion of the ‘sixth month.’
.fn-
.fn 4.23.59
The rites to the manes on the ‘twelfth day.’
.fn-
Without pausing to trace the moral springs of that devotion
which influenced the Mohila maiden, we shall relate the sequel
to the story (though out of place)[4.23.60] in illustration of the prosecution
of feuds throughout Rajasthan. The fathers \[630] now took
up the quarrel of their sons; and as it was by the prowess of the
Sankhla vassal of Mandor that the band of Sadhu was discomfited,
the old Rao, Raningdeo, drew together the lances of Pugal, and
carried destruction into the fief of Mehraj. The Sankhlas yield in
valour to none of the brave races who inhabit the “region of
death”; and Mehraj was the father of Harbuji Sankhla, the
Palladin of Marudes, whose exploits are yet the theme of the
erratic bards of Rajasthan. Whether he was unprepared for the
assault, or overcome by numbers, three hundred of his kin and
clan moistened the sand-hills of the Luni with their blood. Raningdeo,
flushed with revenge and laden with spoil, had reached
his own frontier, when he was overtaken by Chonda of Mandor,
alike eager to avenge the loss of his son Arankanwal, and this
destructive inroad on his vassal. A desperate conflict ensued,
in which the Rao of Pugal was slain; and the Rathor returned
in triumph to Mandor.
.fn 4.23.60
The greater portion of these anecdotes, the foundation of national
character, will appear in the respective annals.
.fn-
Unequal to cope with the princes of Mandor, the two remaining
sons of Raningdeo, Tana and Mera, resolved to abandon their
faith, in order to preserve the point of honour, and “to take up
their father’s feud.”[4.23.61] At this period the king, Khizr Khan,[4.23.62]
was at Multan; to him they went, and by offers of service and
an open apostacy, obtained a force to march against Chonda,
who had recently added Nagor to his growing dominions. While
the brothers were thus negotiating, they were joined by Kilan,
the third son of their common sovereign, the Rawal of Jaisalmer,
who advised the use of chal, which with the Rajput means indifferently
stratagem or treachery, so that it facilitates revenge.
With the ostensible motive of ending their feuds, and restoring
tranquillity to their borderers, whose sole occupation was watching,
.bn 184.png
.pn +1
burning, and devastating, Kilan offered a daughter in
marriage to Chonda, and went so far as to say, that if he suspected
aught unfair, he would, though contrary to custom and his own
dignity, send the Bhatti princess to Nagor. This course being
deemed the wisest, Chonda acquiesced in his desire “to extinguish
the feud (wair bujhana).”
.fn 4.23.61
Bap ra wair lena.
.fn-
.fn 4.23.62
[Khizr Khān, of the Sayyid dynasty of Delhi, was left in charge by
Timūr, and died A.D. 1421.]
.fn-
Nāgor taken by Stratagem.—Fifty covered chariots were prepared
as the nuptial cortège, but which, instead of the bride and
her handmaids, contained the bravest men of Pugal.[4.23.63] These
were preceded by a train of horses led by Rajputs, of whom seven
hundred also attended the camels laden with baggage, provisions,
and gifts, while a small armed \[631] retinue brought up the rear.
The king’s troops, amounting to one thousand horse, remained
at a cautious distance behind. Chonda left Nagor to meet the
cavalcade and his bride, and had reached the chariots ere his
suspicions were excited. Observing, however, some matters
which little savoured of festivity, the Rathor commenced his
retreat. Upon this the chiefs rushed from their chariots and
camels, and the royal auxiliaries advancing, Chonda was assailed
and fell at the gate of Nagor; and friend and foe entering the
city together, a scene of general plunder commenced.
.fn 4.23.63
[For this legend see Vol. I. p. vol1_308 above.]
.fn-
Once more the feud was balanced; a son and a father had
fallen on each side, and the petty Rao of Pugal had bravely maintained
the wair against the princes of Mandor. The point of
honour had been carried to the utmost bound by both parties,
and an opportunity of reconciliation was at hand, which prevented
the shadow of disgrace either to him who made or him
who accepted the overture. The Rathors dreaded the loss of
the recent acquisition, Nagor, and proposed to the Bhattis to
seal their pacification with the blood of their common foe. United,
they fell on the spoil-encumbered Tatars, whom they slew to a
man.[4.23.64] Their father’s feud thus revenged, the sons of Raningdeo
(who, as apostates from their faith, could no longer hold Pugal
in fief, which was retained by Kilan, who had aided their revenge)
retired amongst the Aboharia Bhattis, and their descendants are
now styled Momin Musalman Bhatti.
.fn 4.23.64
Khizr Khan succeeded to the throne of Delhi in A.D. 1414 [or rather,
was left in charge of Delhi by Timūr, and died A.D. 1421], and according to
the Jaisalmer annals the commencement of these feuds was in A.D. 1406.
.fn-
.bn 185.png
.pn +1
From such anecdotes it will be obvious wherein consists the
point of honour with the Rajputs; and it is not improbable that
the very cause which has induced an opinion that females can
have no influence on the lords of the creation, namely, their
seclusion, operates powerfully in the contrary way.
Influence of Women on Rājput Society.—In spite of this
seclusion, the knowledge of their accomplishments and of their
personal perfections, radiates wherever the itinerant bard can
travel. Though invisible themselves, they can see; and accident
often favours public report, and brings the object of renown
within the sphere of personal observation: as in the case of Sadhu
and the Mohila maiden. Placed behind screens, they see the
youths of all countries, and there are occasions when permanent
impressions are made, during tournaments and other martial
exercises. Here we have just seen that the passion of the \[632]
daughter of the Mohil was fostered at the risk of the destruction
not only of her father’s house, but also that of her lover; and as
the fourteen hundred and forty towns, which owned the sway
of the former, were not long after absorbed into the accumulating
territory of Mandor, this insult may have been the cause
of the extirpation of the Mohils, as it was of the Bhattis of
Pugal.
The influence of women on Rajput society is marked in every
page of Hindu history, from the most remote periods. What
led to the wars of Rama? the rape of Sita. What rendered
deadly the feuds of the Yadus? the insult to Draupadi. What
made prince Nala an exile from Narwar? his love for Damayanti.
What made Raja Bhartari abandon the throne of Avanti? the
loss of Pingali. What subjected the Hindu to the dominion of
the Islamite? the rape of the princess of Kanauj. In fine, the
cause which overturned kingdoms, commuted the sceptre to the
pilgrim’s staff, and formed the groundwork of all their grand
epics, is woman. In ancient, and even in modern times, she had
more than a negative in the choice of a husband, and this choice
fell on the gallant and the gay. The fair Draupadi was the prize
of the best archer, and the Pandu Bhima established his fame,
and bore her from all the suitors of Kampila. The princess of
Kanauj, when led through ranks of the princes of Hind, each
hoping to be the object of her choice, threw the marriage-garland
(barmala) over the neck of the effigy of the Chauhan, which her
.bn 186.png
.pn +1
father in derision had placed as porter at the gate. Here was
incense to fame and incentive to gallantry![4.23.65]
.fn 4.23.65
The Samnite custom, so lauded by Montesquieu as the reward of youthful
virtue, was akin in sentiment to the Rajput, except that the fair Rajputni
made herself the sole judge of merit in her choice. It was more calculated
for republican than aristocratic society: “On assembloit tous les jeunes
gens, et on les jugeoit; celui qui était déclaré le meilleur de tout prenoit
pour sa femme la fille qu’il vouloit: l’amour, la beauté, la chastité, la vertu,
la naissance, les richesses même, tout cela était, pour ainsi dire, la dot de
la vertu.” It would be difficult, adds Montesquieu, to imagine a more
noble recompense, or one less expensive to a petty State, or more influential
on the conduct of both sexes (L’Esprit des Lois, chap. xvi. livre vii.).
.fn-
In the same manner, as related in another part of this work,
did the princess of Kishangarh invite Rana Raj Singh to bear her
from the impending union with the emperor of the Moguls; and
abundant other instances could be adduced of the free agency
of these invisibles.
It were superfluous to reason on the effects of traditional
histories, such as these, on the minds and manners of the females of
Rajasthan. They form the amusement of their lives, and the
grand topic in all their conversaziones; they read them with
the Purohit, and they have them sung by the itinerant bard or
Dholi minstrel \[633], who disseminates them wherever the Rajput
name extends. The Rajput mother claims her full share in the
glory of her son, who imbibes at the maternal fount his first
rudiments of chivalry; and the importance of this parental
instruction cannot be better illustrated than in the ever-recurring
simile, “make thy mother’s milk resplendent”; the full force
of which we have in the powerful, though overstrained expression
of the Bundi queen’s joy on the announcement of the heroic
death of her son: “the long-dried fountain at which he fed,
jetted forth as she listened to the tale of his death, and the marble
pavement, on which it fell, rent asunder.” Equally futile would
it be to reason on the intensity of sentiment thus implanted in
the infant Rajput, of whom we may say without metaphor, the
shield is his cradle, and daggers his playthings; and with whom
the first commandment is, “avenge thy father’s feud”; on
which they can heap text upon text, from the days of the great
Pandu moralist Vyasa to the not less influential bard of their
nation, the Trikala Chand.
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 187.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 24
.sp 2
The Immolation of Women.—We now proceed to consider
another trait of Rajput character, exemplified in the practice of
female immolation, and to inquire whether religion, custom, or
affection has most share in such sacrifice. To arrive at the
origin of this rite, we must trace it to the recesses of mythology,
where we shall discover the precedent in the example of Sati,
who to avenge an insult to Iswara, in her own father’s omission
to ask her lord to an entertainment, consumed herself in the
presence of the assembled gods. With this act of fealty (sati)
the name of Daksha’s daughter has been identified; and her
regeneration and reunion to her husband, as the mountain-nymph
Mena, or Parvati, furnish the incentive to similar \[634] acts.
In the history of these celestial beings, the Rajputni has a memorable
lesson before her, that no domestic differences can afford
exemption from this proof of faith: for Jupiter and Juno were
not more eminent examples of connubial discord than Mena and
Siva, who was not only alike unfaithful, but more cruel, driving
Mena from his Olympus (Kailas), and forcing her to seek refuge
in the murky caverns of Caucasus. Female immolation, therefore,
originated with the sun-worshipping Saivas, and was common
to all those nations who adored this the most splendid object of
the visible creation. Witness the Scythic Gete or Jat warrior of
the Jaxartes, who devoted his wife, horse, arms, and slaves, to
the flames; the “giant Gete” of Scandinavia, who forgot not
on the shores of the Baltic his Transoxianian habits; and the
Frisian Frank and Saxon descended from him, who ages after
omitted only the female. Could we assign the primary cause
of a custom so opposed to the first law of nature with the same
certainty that we can prove its high antiquity, we might be
enabled to devise some means for its abolition. The chief characteristic
of Satiism is its expiating quality: for by this act of
faith, the Sati not only makes atonement for the sins of her
husband, and secures the remission of her own, but has the joyful
assurance of reunion to the object whose beatitude she procures.
Having once imbibed this doctrine, its fulfilment is powerfully
aided by that heroism of character inherent to the Rajputni;
though we see that the stimulant of religion requires no aid even
.bn 188.png
.pn +1
in the timid female of Bengal, who, relying on the promise of
regeneration, lays her head on the pyre with the most philosophical
composure.
Nothing short of the abrogation of the doctrines which pronounce
such sacrifices exculpatory can be effectual in preventing
them; but this would be to overturn the fundamental article of
their creed, the notion of metempsychosis. Further research
may disclose means more attainable, and the sacred Shastras are
at once the surest and the safest. Whoever has examined these
is aware of the conflict of authorities for and against cremation;
but a proper application of them (and they are the highest who
give it not their sanction) has, I believe, never been resorted to.
Vyasa, the chronicler of the Yadus, a race whose manners were
decidedly Scythic, is the great advocate for female sacrifice: he
(in the Mahabharata) pronounces the expiation perfect. But
Manu inculcates no such doctrine \[635]; and although the state
of widowhood he recommends might be deemed onerous by the
fair sex of the west, it would be considered little hardship in the
east. “Let her emaciate her body, by living voluntarily on pure
flowers, roots, and fruit; but let her not, when her lord is deceased,
even pronounce the name of another man.” Again he says, “A
virtuous wife ascends to heaven, if, after the decease of her lord,
she devote herself to pious austerity; but a widow, who slights her
deceased husband by marrying again, brings disgrace on herself
here below, and shall be excluded from the seat of her lord.”[4.24.1]
.fn 4.24.1
Manu, Laws, v. 157, 160, 161.
.fn-
These and many other texts, enjoining purity of life and
manners to the widow, are to be found in this first authority, but
none demanding such a cruel pledge of affection. Abstinence
from the common pursuits of life, and entire self-denial, are
rewarded by “high renown in this world, and in the next the
abode of her husband”; and procure for her the title of “sadhwi,
or the virtuous.” These are deemed sufficient pledges of affection
by the first of sages.[4.24.2] So much has been written on this subject
that we shall not pursue it further in this place; but proceed to
consider a still more inhuman practice, infanticide.
.fn 4.24.2
Were all Manu’s maxims on this head collected, and with other good
authorities, printed, circulated, and supported by Hindu missionaries, who
might be brought to advocate the abolition of Satiism, some good might be
effected. Let every text tending to the respectability of widowhood be
made prominent, and degrade the opponents by enumerating the weak
points they abound in. Instance the polyandry which prevailed among
the Pandus, whose high priest Vyasa was an illegitimate branch; though
above all would be the efficacy of the abolition of polygamy, which in the
lower classes leaves women destitute, and in the higher condemns them to
mortification and neglect. Whatever result such a course might produce,
there can be no danger in the experiment. Such sacrifices must operate
powerfully on manners; and, barbarous as is the custom, yet while it
springs from the same principle, it ought to improve the condition of women,
from the fear that harsh treatment of them might defeat the atonement
hereafter. Let the advocate for the abolition of this practice by the hand
of power read attentively Mr. Colebrooke’s essay, “On the Duties of a
Faithful Hindu Widow,” in the fourth volume of the Asiatic Researches
[Essays on the Religion and Philosophy of the Hindus, ed. 1858, p. 70 ff.],
to correct the notion that there is no adequate religious ordinance for the
horrid sacrifice. Mr. C. observes (p. 220): “Though an alternative be
allowed, the Hindu legislators have shown themselves disposed to encourage
widows to burn themselves with their husband’s corpse.” In this paper
he will find too many authorities deemed sacred for its support; but it is
only by knowing the full extent of the prejudices and carefully collecting
the conflicting authorities, that we can provide the means to overcome it.
Jahangir legislated for the abolition of this practice by successive ordinances.
At first he commanded that no woman, being mother of a family, should
under any circumstances be permitted, however willing, to immolate herself;
and subsequently the prohibition was made entire when the slightest
compulsion was required, “whatever the assurances of the people might
be.” The royal commentator records no reaction. We might imitate
Jahangir, and adopting the partially prohibitive ordinance, forbid the
sacrifice where there was a family to rear. [The early texts on the subject
of Sati have been collected by H. H. Wilson, Essays and Lectures chiefly on
the Religion of the Hindus, 1881, ii. 270 ff. Also see Max Müller, Selected
Essays on Language, Mythology, and Religion, 1881, i. 332 ff.
.fn-
.bn 189.png
.pn +1
Although custom sanctions, and religion rewards, a Sati, the
victim to marital selfishness, yet, to the honour of humanity,
neither traditionary adage nor religious text can be quoted in
support of a practice so revolting as infanticide. Man alone, of
the whole animal creation, is equal to the task of destroying his
offspring \[636]: for instinct preserves what reason destroys.
The wife is the sacrifice to his egotism, and the progeny of her
own sex to his pride; and if the unconscious infant should escape
the influence of the latter, she is only reserved to become the
victim of the former at the period when life is most desirous of
extension. If the female reasoned on her destiny, its hardships
are sufficient to stifle all sense of joy, and produce indifference to
life. When a female is born, no anxious inquiries await the
mother—no greetings welcome the newcomer, who appears an
.bn 190.png
.pn +1
intruder on the scene, which often closes in the hour of its birth.
But the very silence with which a female birth is accompanied
forcibly expresses sorrow; and we dare not say that many
compunctious visitings do not obtrude themselves on those
who, in accordance with custom and imagined necessity, are
thus compelled to violate the sentiments of nature. Families
may exult in the Satis which their cenotaphs portray,[4.24.3] but
none ever heard a Rajput boast of the destruction of his infant
progeny.
.fn 4.24.3
[On Sati shrines and records of their deaths at Bikaner see General G.
Hervey, Some Records of Crime, i. 209 f., 238 ff.]
.fn-
The Origin of Infanticide.—What are the causes, we may ask,
sufficiently powerful to induce the suppression of a feeling which
every sentient being has in common for its offspring? To
suppose the Rajput devoid of this sentiment would argue his
deficiency in the ordinary attributes of humanity: often is he
heard to exclaim, “Accursed the day when a woman child was
born to me!” The same motive which studded Europe with
convents, in which youth and beauty were immured until liberated
by death, first prompted the Rajput to infanticide: and, however
revolting the policy, it is perhaps kindness compared to
incarceration. There can be no doubt that monastic seclusion,
practised by the Frisians in France, the Langobardi in Italy, and
the Visigoths in Spain, was brought from Central Asia, the cradle
of the Goths.[4.24.4] It is, in fact, a modification of the same feeling
which characterizes the Rajput and the ancient German warrior—the
dread of dishonour to the fair: the former raises the poniard
.bn 191.png
.pn +1
to the breast of his wife rather than witness her captivity, and he
gives the opiate to the infant, whom, if he cannot portion and
marry to her equal, he dare not see degraded \[637].
.fn 4.24.4
The Ghakkars, a Scythic race inhabiting the banks of the Indus, at
an early period of history were given to infanticide. “It was a custom
among them,” says Ferishta, “as soon as a female child was born, to carry
her to the market-place and there proclaim aloud, holding the child in one
hand and a knife in the other, that any person who wanted a wife might
now take her; otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this
means they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of
several husbands to one wife. When this wife was visited by one of her
husbands, she set up a mark at the door, which being observed by any of
the others who might be coming on the same errand, he immediately withdrew
till the signal was taken away.”
[This quotation from Ferishta is taken from Dow (2nd ed. i. 138 f.).
Compare Briggs’ trans., i. 183 f. This account is denied by the present
members of the tribe (Rose, Glossary, ii. 275). Much that is said about
them refers to the Khokhar tribe (Elliot-Dowson v. 166, note).]
.fn-
Infanticide.—Although religion nowhere authorizes this barbarity,
the laws which regulate marriage amongst the Rajputs
powerfully promote infanticide. Not only is intermarriage prohibited
between families of the same clan (khanp), but between
those of the same tribe (got); and though centuries may have
intervened since their separation, and branches thus transplanted
may have lost their original patronymic, they can never be regrafted
on the original stem: for instance, though eight centuries
have separated the two grand subdivisions of the Guhilots, and
the younger, the Sesodia, has superseded the elder, the Aharya,
each ruling distinct States, a marriage between any of the branches
would be deemed incestuous: the Sesodia is yet brother to the
Aharya, and regards every female of the race as his sister. Every
tribe has therefore to look abroad, to a race distinct from its own,
for suitors for the females. Foreign war, international feuds,
or other calamities affect tribes the most remote from each other;
nor can war or famine thin the clans of Marwar, without diminishing
the female population of Amber: thus both suffer in a twofold
degree. Many virtuous and humane princes have endeavoured
to check or mitigate an evil, in the eradication of which every
parental feeling would co-operate. Sumptuary edicts alone can
control it; and the Rajputs were never sufficiently enamoured
of despotism to permit it to rule within their private dwellings.
The plan proposed, and in some degree followed by the great
Jai Singh of Amber, might with caution be pursued, and with
great probability of success. He submitted to the prince of
every Rajput State a decree, which was laid before a convocation
of their respective vassals, in which he regulated the daeja or
dower, and other marriage expenditure, with reference to the
property of the vassal, limiting it to one year’s income of the
estate. This plan was, however, frustrated by the vanity of
the Chondawat of Salumbar, who expended on the marriage of
his daughter a sum even greater than his sovereign could have
afforded; and to have his name blazoned by the bards and
genealogists, he sacrificed the beneficent views of one of the
wisest of the Rajput race. Until vanity suffers itself to be
controlled, and the aristocratic Rajput submit to republican
.bn 192.png
.pn +1
simplicity,[4.24.5] the evils arising from nuptial profusion will not cease.
Unfortunately, those who could check it find their interest in
stimulating it, namely, the whole class of Mangtas \[638] (mendicants),
bards, minstrels, jugglers, Brahmans who assemble on these
occasions, and pour forth their epithalamiums in praise of the
virtue of liberality. The Bardais are the grand recorders of fame,
and the volume of precedent is always recurred to, in citing the
liberality of former chiefs; while the dread of their satire (visarva,
literally ‘poison’)[4.24.6] shuts the eyes of the chiefs to consequences,
and they are only anxious to maintain the reputation of their
ancestors, though fraught with future ruin. “The Dahima
emptied his coffers” (says Chand, the pole-star of the Rajputs)
“on the marriage of his daughter with Prithiraj; but he filled
them with the praises of mankind.” The same bard retails every
article of these daejas or ‘dowers,’ which thus become precedents
for future ages; and the “lakh pasarna,”[4.24.7] then established for
the chief bardai, has become a model to posterity. Even now
the Rana of Udaipur, in his season of poverty, at the recent
marriage of his daughters bestowed “the gift of a lakh” on the
chief bard; though the articles of gold, horses, clothes, etc., were
included in the estimate, and at an undue valuation, which
rendered the gift not quite so precious as in the days of the
Chauhan. Were bonds taken from all the feudal chiefs, and a
penal clause inserted, of forfeiture of their fief by all who exceeded
a fixed nuptial expenditure, the axe would be laid to the root,
the evil would be checked, and the heart of many a mother (and
we may add father) be gladdened, by preserving at once the point
of honour and their child. When ignorance declaims against
the gratuitous love of murder amongst these brave men, our
contempt is excited equally by its short-sighted conclusions, and
the affected philanthropy which overlooks all remedy but the
“sic volo.” Sir John Shore,[4.24.8] when acting on the suggestions of
.bn 193.png
.pn +1
the benevolent Duncan for the suppression of this practice
amongst the Rajkumars, judged more wisely as a politician, and
more charitably in his estimate of human motives. “A prohibition,”
says he, “enforced by the denunciation of the severest
temporal penalties, would have had little efficacy in abolishing a
custom which existed in opposition to the feelings of humanity
and natural affection”; but “the sanction of that religion which
the Rajkumars professed was appealed to in aid of the ordinances
of civil authority; and an engagement binding themselves to
desist from the barbarous practice was prepared, and circulated
for signature amongst the Rajkumars.” It may well be doubted
how far this influence could extend, when the root of the evil \[639]
remained untouched, though not unseen, as the philanthropic
Duncan pointed out in the confession of the Rajkumars: “all
unequivocally admitted it, but all did not fully acknowledge its
atrocity; and the only reason they assigned for the inhuman
practice was the great expense of procuring suitable matches for
their daughters, if they allowed them to grow up.” The Rajkumar
is one of the Chauhan sakha, chief of the Agnikulas, and in
proportion to its high and well-deserved pretensions on the score of
honour, it has more infanticides than any other of the “thirty-six
royal races.” Amongst those of this race out of the pale of
feudalism, and subjected to powers not Rajput, the practice is
fourfold greater, from the increased pressure of the cause which
gave it birth, and the difficulty of establishing their daughters
in wedlock. Raja Jai Singh’s enactment went far to remedy
this. Conjoin his plan with Mr. Duncan’s, provide dowers, and
infanticide will cease. It is only by removing the cause that the
consequences can be averted.[4.24.9]
.fn 4.24.5
Could they be induced to adopt the custom of the ancient Marsellois,
infanticide might cease: “Marseille fut la plus sage des républiques de son
temps: les dots ne pourraient passer cents écus en argent, et cinq en habits,
dit Strabon” (De l’Esprit des Lois, chap. xv. liv. v. 21).
.fn-
.fn 4.24.6
[Dr. L. P. Tesitori writes that the true form of this word is visar, ‘satire,’
which has no connexion with vis, ‘poison.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.7
[This term and the custom of extravagant gifts at marriages still prevail.
Pasārna means ‘to scatter, display’ (Russell, Tribes and Castes
Central Provinces, ii. 256).]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.8
[Asiatic Researches, iv. 353 f.; Calcutta Review, i. 377.]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.9
[For recent measures proposed for reduction of marriage expenses,
see Risley, The People of India, 2nd ed. 195 ff.]
.fn-
As to the almost universality of this practice amongst the
Jarejas, the leading cause, which will also operate to its continuance,
has been entirely overlooked. The Jarejas were
Rajputs, a subdivision of the Yadus; but by intermarriage with
the Muhammadans, to whose faith they became proselytes, they
lost their caste. Political causes have disunited them from the
Muhammadans, and they desire again to be considered as pure
Rajputs; but having been contaminated, no Rajput will intermarry
with them. The owner of a hyde of land, whether Sesodia,
.bn 194.png
.pn +1
Rathor, or Chauhan, would scorn the hand of a Jareja princess.
Can the “sic volo” be applied to men who think in this fashion?
Johar.—Having thus pointed out the causes of the sacrifice of
widows and of infants, I shall touch on the yet more awful rite
of Johar, when a whole tribe may become extinct, of which
several instances have been recorded in the annals of Mewar.
To the fair of other lands the fate of the Rajputni must appear
one of appalling hardship. In each stage of life death is ready
to claim her; by the poppy at its dawn, by the flames in riper
years; while the safety of the interval depending on the uncertainty
of war, at no period is her existence worth a twelve-month’s
purchase. The loss of a battle, or the capture of a city,
is a signal to avoid captivity and its horrors, which to the Rajputni
are worse than death. To the doctrines of Christianity
Europe owes the boon of protection to the helpless and the fair,
who are \[640] comparatively safe amidst the vicissitudes of war;
to which security the chivalry of the Middle Ages doubtless contributed.
But it is singular that a nation so refined, so scrupulous
in its ideas with regard to females, as the Rajput, should not have
entered into some national compact to abandon such proof of
success as the bondage[4.24.10] of the sex. We can enter into the feeling,
and applaud the deed, which ensured the preservation of their
honour by the fatal johar, when the foe was the brutalized Tatar.
But the practice was common in the international wars of the
Rajputs; and I possess numerous inscriptions (on stone and on
brass) which record as the first token of victory the captive wives
of the foeman. When “the mother of Sisera looked out of the
window, and cried through the lattice, Why tarry the wheels of
his chariot—have they not sped? have they not divided the prey;
to every man a damsel or two?”[4.24.11] we have a perfect picture of
the Rajput mother expecting her son from the foray.
.fn 4.24.10
Banda is ‘a bondsman’ in Persian; Bandi, ‘a female slave’ in Hindi.
[These words have no connexion with “bondage.”]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.11
Judges v. 28-30.
.fn-
The Jewish law with regard to female captives was perfectly
analogous to that of Manu; both declare them “lawful prize,”
and both Moses and Manu establish rules sanctioning the marriage
of such captives with the captors. “When a girl is made captive
by her lover, after a victory over her kinsman,” marriage “is
permitted by law.”[4.24.12] That forcible marriage in the Hindu law
.bn 195.png
.pn +1
termed Rakshasa, namely, “the seizure of a maiden by force
from her house while she weeps and calls for assistance, after her
kinsman and friends have been slain in battle,”[4.24.13] is the counterpart
of the ordinance regarding the usage of a captive in the
Pentateuch,[4.24.14] excepting the “shaving of the head,” which is the
sign of complete slavery with the Hindu.[4.24.15] When Hector, anticipating
his fall, predicts the fate which awaits Andromache, he
draws a forcible picture of the misery of the Rajput; but the
latter, instead of a lachrymose and enervating harangue as he
prepared for the battle with the same chance of defeat, would
have spared her the pain of plying the “Argive loom” by her
death. To prevent such degradation, the brave \[641] Rajput
has recourse to the johar, or immolation of every female of the
family: nor can we doubt that, educated as are the females of
that country, they gladly embrace such a refuge from pollution.
Who would not be a Rajput in such a case? The very term
widow (rand) is used in common parlance as one of reproach.[4.24.16]
.fn 4.24.12
Manu, Laws, iii. 26.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.13
Manu, Laws, iii. 33.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.14
“When thou goest forth to war against thine enemies, and the Lord
thy God hath delivered them into thine hands, and thou hast taken them
captive, and seest among the captives a beautiful woman, and hast a desire
unto her, that thou wouldest have her to thy wife; then thou shalt bring
her home to thine house, and she shall shave her head, and pare her nails;
and she shall put the raiment of her captivity from off her, and shall remain
in thine house, and bewail her father and her mother a full month: and
after that thou shalt go in unto her, and be her husband, and she shall be
thy wife” (Deut. xxi. 10, 11, 12, 13).
.fn-
.fn 4.24.15
[On head-shaving as a mark of slavery see Jātaka, Cambridge trans.,
v. 125; Anantha Krishna Iyer, Tribes and Castes of Cochin, ii. 337; BG, ix.
Part i. 232.]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.16
I remember in my subaltern days, and wanderings through countries
then little known, one of my Rajput soldiers at the well, impatient for
water, asked a woman for the rope and bucket by the uncivil term of rand:
“Main Rajputni che,” ‘I am a Rajputni,’ she replied in the Hara dialect,
to which tribe she belonged, “aur Rajput ki ma cho,” ‘and the mother of
Rajputs.’ At the indignant reply the hands of the brave Kalyan were
folded, and he asked her forgiveness by the endearing and respectful epithet
of “mother.” It was soon granted, and filling his brass vessel, she dismissed
him with the epithet of “son,” and a gentle reproof. Kalyan was
himself a Rajput, and a bolder lives not, if he still exists; this was in 1807,
and in 1817 he gained his sergeant’s knot, as one of the thirty-two firelocks
of my guard, who led the attack, and defeated a camp of fifteen hundred
Pindaris.
.fn-
Manu commands that whoever accosts a woman shall do so
.bn 196.png
.pn +1
by the title of “sister,”[4.24.17] and that “way must be made for her,
even as for the aged, for a priest, a prince, or a bridegroom”;
and in the admirable text on the laws of hospitality, he ordains
that “pregnant women, brides, and damsels shall have food
before all the other guests”[4.24.18]; which, with various other texts,
appears to indicate a time when women were less than now
objects of restraint; a custom attributable to the paramount
dominion of the Muhammadans, from whose rigid system the
Hindus have borrowed. But so many conflicting texts are to be
found in the pages of Manu, that we may pronounce the compilation
never to have been the work of the same legislator:
from whose dicta we may select with equal facility texts tending
to degrade as to exalt the sex. For the following he would meet
with many plaudits: “Let women be constantly supplied with
ornaments at festivals and jubilees, for if the wife be not elegantly
attired, she will not exhilarate her husband. A wife gaily
adorned, the whole house is embellished.”[4.24.19] In the following
text he pays an unequivocal compliment to her power: “A
female is able to draw from the right path in this life, not a fool
only, but even a sage, and can lead him in subjection to desire
or to wrath.” With this acknowledgment from the very fountain
of authority, we have some ground for asserting that les
femmes font les m[oe]urs, even in Rajputana; and that though
immured and invisible, their influence on society is not less
certain than if they moved in the glare of open day.
.fn 4.24.17
Laws, ii. 129.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.18
Ibid. iii. 114.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.19
Ibid. iii. 57, 60, 61, 62, 63.
.fn-
Position of Rājput Women.—Most erroneous ideas have been
formed of the Hindu female from the pictures drawn by those
who never left the banks of the Ganges. They are represented
\[642] as degraded beings, and that not one in many thousands
can even read. I would ask such travellers whether they know
the name of Rajput, for there are few of the lowest chieftains
whose daughters are not instructed both to read and write;
though the customs of the country requiring much form in
epistolary writing, only the signature is made to letters. But
of their intellect, and knowledge of mankind, whoever has had
to converse with a Rajputni guardian of her son’s rights, must
draw a very different conclusion.[4.24.20] Though excluded by the
.bn 197.png
.pn +1
Salic law of India from governing, they are declared to be fit
regents during minority; and the history of India is filled with
anecdotes of able and valiant females in this capacity.[4.24.21]
.fn 4.24.20
I have conversed for hours with the Bundi queen-mother on the affairs
of her government and welfare of her infant son, to whom I was left guardian
by his dying father. She had adopted me as her brother; but the conversation
was always in the presence of a third person in her confidence, and a
curtain separated us. Her sentiments showed invariably a correct and
extensive knowledge, which was equally apparent in her letters, of which I
had many. I could give many similar instances.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.21
Ferishta in his history [ii. 217 ff.] gives an animated picture of Durgavati,
queen of Garha, defending the rights of her infant son against Akbar’s
ambition. Like another Boadicea, she headed her army, and fought a
desperate battle with Asaf Khan, in which she was wounded and defeated;
but scorning flight, or to survive the loss of independence, she, like the
antique Roman in such a predicament, slew herself on the field of battle.
[For Durgāvati see Badaoni, trans. W. H. Lowe, ii. 65; Elliot-Dowson
v. 169, 288, vi. 118 ff.; Sleeman, Rambles, 190 f.
Whoever desires to judge of the comparative fidelity of the translations
of this writer, by Dow [ii. 224 ff.] and Briggs, cannot do better than refer
to this very passage. The former has clothed it in all the trappings of
Ossianic decoration: the latter gives “a plain unvarnished tale,” which
ought to be the aim of every translator.
.fn-
Rājput Character.—The more prominent traits of character
will be found disseminated throughout the annals; we shall
therefore omit the customary summaries of nationalities, those
fanciful debtor and creditor accounts, with their balanced amount,
favourable or unfavourable according to the disposition of the
observer; and from the anecdotes through these pages leave
the reader to form his own judgement of the Rajput. High
courage, patriotism, loyalty, honour, hospitality, and simplicity
are qualities which must at once be conceded to them; and if
we cannot vindicate them from charges to which human nature
in every clime is obnoxious; if we are compelled to admit the
deterioration of moral dignity, from the continual inroads of,
and their consequent collision with, rapacious conquerors; we
must yet admire the quantum of virtue which even oppression
and bad example have failed to banish. The meaner vices of
deceit and falsehood, which the delineators of national character
attach to the Asiatic without distinction, I deny to be universal
with the Rajputs, though some tribes may have been obliged
from position to use these shields of the weak against continuous
oppression. Every court in Rajasthan has \[643] its characteristic
epithet; and there is none held more contemptible than the affix
.bn 198.png
.pn +1
of jhutha darbar, ‘the lying court,’ applied to Jaipur; while the
most comprehensive measure of praise is the simple epithet of
sachha,[4.24.22] ‘the truth-teller.’ Again, there are many shades
between deceit and dissimulation: the one springs from natural
depravity; the other may be assumed, as with the Rajput, in
self-defence. But their laws, the mode of administering them,
and the operation of external causes, must be attentively considered
before we can form a just conclusion of the springs which
regulate the character of a people. We must examine the
opinions of the competent of past days, when political independence
yet remained to the Rajputs, and not found our judgment
of a nation upon a superficial knowledge of individuals.
To this end I shall avail myself of the succinct but philosophical
remarks of Abu-l-fazl, the wise minister of the wise Akbar, which
are equally applicable to mankind at large, as to the particular
people we are treating of. “If,” he says, speaking of the Hindus,
“a diligent investigator were to examine the temper and disposition
of the people of each tribe, he would find every individual
differing in some respect or other. Some among them are
virtuous in the highest degree, and others carry vice to the
greatest excess. They are renowned for wisdom, disinterested
friendship, obedience to their superiors, and many other virtues:
but, at the same time, there are among them men whose hearts
are obdurate and void of shame, turbulent spirits, who for the
merest trifle will commit the greatest outrages.”[4.24.23]
.fn 4.24.22
Sachha is very comprehensive; in common parlance it is the opposite
of ‘untrue’; but it means ‘loyal, upright, just.’
.fn-
.fn 4.24.23
[Āīn, iii. 114.]
.fn-Ā
Again: “The Hindus are religious, affable, courteous to
strangers, cheerful, enamoured of knowledge, lovers of justice,
able in business, grateful, admirers of truth, and of unbounded
fidelity in all their dealings. Their character shines brightest in
adversity. Their soldiers (the Rajputs) know not what it is to
fly from the field of battle; but when the success of the combat
becomes doubtful, they dismount from their horses, and throw
away their lives in payment of the debt of valour.”[4.24.24]
.fn 4.24.24
[Ibid. iii. 8.]
.fn-
I shall conclude this chapter with a sketch of their familiar
habits, and a few of their indoor and outdoor recreations.
Introduction of Melons, Grapes, Tobacco, Opium: the Use of
Opium.—To Babur, the founder of the Mogul dynasty, India is
.bn 199.png
.pn +1
indebted for the introduction \[644] of its melons and grapes;
and to his grandson Jahangir for tobacco.[4.24.25] For the introduction
of opium we have no date, and it is not even mentioned in the
poems of Chand.[4.24.26] This pernicious plant has robbed the Rajput
of half his virtues; and while it obscures these, it heightens his
vices, giving to his natural bravery a character of insane ferocity,
and to the countenance, which would otherwise beam with
intelligence, an air of imbecility. Like all stimulants, its effects
are magical for a time; but the reaction is not less certain: and
the faded form or amorphous bulk too often attest the debilitating
influence of a drug which alike debases mind and body. In the
more ancient epics we find no mention of the poppy-juice as now
used, though the Rajput has at all times been accustomed to his
madhava ra piyala, or ‘intoxicating cup.’ The essence,[4.24.27] whether
of grain, of roots, or of flowers, still welcomes the guest, but is
secondary to the opiate. Amal lar khana, ‘to eat opium together,’
is the most inviolable pledge; and an agreement ratified by this
ceremony is stronger than any adjuration. If a Rajput pays a
visit, the first question is, amal khaya? ‘have you had your
opiate?’—amal khao, ‘take your opiate.’ On a birthday, when
all the chiefs convene to congratulate their brother on another
‘knot to his years,’ the large cup is brought forth, a lump of
opiate put therein, upon which water is poured, and by the aid
of a stick a solution is made, to which each helps his neighbour,
not with a glass, but with the hollow of his hand held to his mouth.
To judge by the wry faces on this occasion, none can like it, and
to get rid of the nauseous taste, comfit-balls are handed round.
It is curious to observe the animation it inspires; a Rajput is
.bn 200.png
.pn +1
fit for nothing without his amal, and I have often dismissed their
men of business to refresh their intellects by a dose, for when its
effects are dissipating they become mere logs \[645].[4.24.28] Opium to
the Rajput is more necessary than food, and a suggestion to the
Rana to tax it highly was most unpopular. From the rising
generation the author exacted promises that they would resist
initiation in this vice, and many grew up in happy ignorance of
the taste of opium. He will be the greatest friend to Rajasthan
who perseveres in eradicating the evil. The valley of Udaipur
is a poppy garden, of every hue and variety, whence the Hindu
Sri may obtain a coronet more variegated than ever adorned
the Isis of the Nile.
.fn 4.24.25
The autobiography of both these noble Tatar princes are singular
compositions, and may be given as standards of Eastern intellectual acquirement.
They minutely note the progress of refinement and luxury. [The
sweet melon was probably introduced from Persia, but some varieties of the
plant seem to be indigenous. India, however, has a strong claim to ancient
cultivation of the vine. Doubtless to the Portuguese may be assigned the
credit of having conveyed both the tobacco plant and the knowledge of its
properties to India and China (Watt, Econ. Dict. ii. 626, 628, vi. Part iv. 263,
v. 361; Id. Comm. Prod. 437 f., 796, 1112; Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed.
924 ff.)].
.fn-
.fn 4.24.26
[If the Greeks discovered opium, the Arabs were chiefly concerned in
disseminating in the East the knowledge of the plant and its uses (Watt,
Econ. Dict. vi. Part i. 24 ff.; Comm. Prod. 846).]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.27
‘Araq, ‘essence’; whence arrack and rack.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.28
Even in the midst of conversation, the eye closes and the head nods as
the exciting cause is dissipating, and the countenance assumes a perfect
vacuity of expression. Many a chief has taken his siesta in his chair while
on a visit to me: an especial failing of my good friend Raj Kalyan of Sadri,
the descendant of the brave Shama, who won “the right hand” of the
prince at Haldighat. The lofty turban worn by the Raj, which distinguishes
this tribe (the Jhala), was often on the point of tumbling into my lap, as
he unconsciously nodded. When it is inconvenient to dissolve the opium,
the chief carries it in his pocket, and presents it, as we would a pinch of
snuff in Europe. In my subaltern days the chieftain of Senthal, in Jaipur,
on paying me a visit, presented me with a piece of opium, which I took and
laid on the table. Observing that I did not eat it, he said he should like to
try the Farangi ka amal, ‘the opiate of the Franks.’ I sent him a bottle
of powerful Schiedam, and to his inquiry as to the quantity of the dose,
I told him he might take from an eighth to the half, as he desired exhilaration
or oblivion. We were to have hunted the next morning; but having
no sign of my friend, I was obliged to march without ascertaining the effect
of the barter of aphim for the waters of Friesland; though I have no doubt
that he found them quite Lethean. [The Rājputs ascribed a divine power
to opium owing to the mental exhilaration caused by the drug: hence the
taking of it with a chief was a form of solemn communion, and a renewal
of the pledge of loyalty (Russell, Tribes and Castes, Central Provinces, i. 170,
iii. 164, iv. 425). For opium drinking among Rājputs see Malcolm, Memoir,
Central India, 2nd ed. ii. 146 f.; Forbes, Rāsmāla, .]
.fn-
Pledge by eating Opium.—A pledge once given by the Rajput,
whether ratified by the “eating opium together,” “an exchange
of turbans,” or the more simple act of “giving the right hand,”
is maintained inviolable under all circumstances.
Hunting and other Sports.—Their grand hunts have been
described. The Rajput is fond of his dog and his gun. The
former aids him in pulling down the boar or hare, and with the
stalking-horse he will toil for hours after the deer. The greater
.bn 201.png
.pn +1
chieftains have their ramnas or preserves, where poaching would
be summarily punished, and where the slaughter of all kinds of
beasts, elk, hog, hyena, tiger, boar, deer, wild-dog, wolf, or hare,
is indiscriminate. Riding in the ring with the lance in tournaments,
without the spike, the point being guarded; defence of
the sword against the lance, with every variety of “noble horsemanship,”
such as would render the most expert in Europe an
easy prey to the active Rajput, are some of the chief exercises.
Firing at a mark with a matchlock, in which they attain remarkable
accuracy of aim; and in some parts of the country throwing
a dart or javelin from horseback, are favourite amusements. The
practice of the bow is likewise a main source of pastime, and in
the manner there adopted it requires both dexterity and strength[4.24.29]
\[646]. The Rajput is not satisfied if he cannot bury his arrow either
in the earthern target, or in the buffalo, to the feather. The use
of the bow is hallowed; Arjuna’s bow in the “great war,” and
that of the Chauhan king, Prithiraj, with which the former gained
Draupadi and the latter the fair Sanjogta, are immortalized like
that of Ulysses. In these martial exercises the youthful Rajput
is early initiated, and that the sight of blood may be familiar,
he is instructed, before he has strength to wield a sword, to
practise with his boy’s scimitar on the heads of lambs and kids.
His first successful essay on the animals ‘ferae naturae’ is a source
of congratulation to his whole family.[4.24.30] In this manner the spirit
of chivalry is continually fed, for everything around him speaks
of arms and strife. His very amusements are warlike; and the
dance and the song, the burthen of which is the record of his
successful gallantry, so far from enervating, serve as fresh incitements
to his courage.
.fn 4.24.29
[The use of the bow has now disappeared except among forest tribes.
For its use in Mogul times see Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 91 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.30
The author has now before him a letter written by the queen-mother
of Bundi desiring his rejoicings on Lalji, ‘the beloved’s,’ coup d’essai on a
deer, which he had followed most pertinaciously to the death. On this
occasion a court was held, and all the chiefs presented offerings and
congratulations.
.fn-
Wrestling.—The exhibition of the Jethis, or wrestlers,[4.24.31] is
another mode of killing time. It is a state concern for every
prince or chief to entertain a certain number of these champions
.bn 202.png
.pn +1
of the glove. Challenges are sent by the most celebrated from
one court to another; and the event of the akhara, as the arena
is termed, is looked to with great anxiety.
.fn 4.24.31
[For the Jethi wrestlers in S. India see Thurston, Tribes and Castes, ii.
456 ff.]
.fn-
Armouries.—No prince or chief is without his silah-khana, or
armoury, where he passes hours in viewing and arranging his
arms. Every favourite weapon, whether sword, matchlock,
spear, dagger, or bow, has a distinctive epithet. The keeper of
the armoury is one of the most confidential officers about the
person of the prince. These arms are beautiful and costly. The
sirohi,[4.24.32] or slightly curved blade, is formed like that of Damascus,
and is the greatest favourite of all the variety of sabres throughout
Rajputana. The long cut-and-thrust, like the Andrea
Ferrara, is not uncommon; nor the khanda, or double-edged
sword. The matchlocks both of Lahore and the country are
often highly finished and inlaid with mother-of-pearl and gold:
those of Bundi are the best. The shield of the rhinoceros-hide
offers the best resistance, and is often ornamented with animals,
beautifully painted, and enamelled in gold and silver. The bow
is of buffalo-horn, and the arrows of reed, and barbed in a variety
of fashions, as the crescent, the trident, the snake’s tongue, and
other fanciful forms.
.fn 4.24.32
[It takes its name from the town where they were made. The blade
is slightly curved, one specimen being rather narrower and lighter than the
ordinary sword (talwār), (Egerton, Handbook of Indian Arms, 1880, p. 105;
Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 76 f.).]
.fn-
Sheodān Singh. Music.—The Maharaja Sheodan Singh
(whose family are heirs presumptive to the throne) was one of
my constant visitors; and the title of ‘adopted brother,’ which
he conferred upon me, allowed him to make his visits unreasonably
long. The Maharaja had many excellent qualities. He
was the best shot in Mewar; he was well read in the classic
literature of his nation; deeply versed in the secrets of the
chronicles, not only of Mewar but of all Rajwara; conversant
with all the mysteries of the bard, and could improvise on every
occasion. He was a proficient in musical science \[647], and could
discourse most fluently on the whole theory of Sangita, which
comprehends vocal and instrumental harmony. He could explain
each of the ragas, or musical modes, which issued from the five
mouths of Siva and his consort Mena, together with the almost
endless variations of the ragas, to each of which are allotted six
.bn 203.png
.pn +1
consorts or raginis. He had attached to his suite the first vocalists
of Mewar, and occasionally favoured me by letting them sing at
my house. The chief cantatrice had a superb voice, a contralto
of great extent, and bore the familiar appellation of ‘Catalani.’
Her execution of all the basant or ‘spring-songs,’ and the megh
or ‘cloud-songs’ of the monsoon, which are full of melody, was
perfect. But she had a rival in a singer from Ujjain, and we
made a point of having them together, that emulation might
excite to excellence. The chieftain of Salumbar, the chief of
the Saktawats, and others, frequently joined these parties, as
well as the Maharaja: for all are partial to the dance and the
song, during which conversation flows unrestrained. Saadatu-lla,
whose execution on the guitar would have secured applause even
at the Philharmonic, commanded mute attention when he played
a tan or symphony, or when, taking any of the simple tappas of
Ujjain as a theme, he wandered through a succession of voluntaries.
In summer these little parties were held on the terrace or the
house-top, where carpets were spread under an awning, while
the cool breezes of the lake gave life after the exhaustion of a
day passed under 96° of Fahrenheit. The subjects of their songs
are various, love, glory, satire, etc. I was invited to similar
assemblies by many of the chiefs; though none were so intellectual
as those of the Maharaja. On birthdays or other festivals the
chief Bardai often appears, or the bard of any other tribe who may
happen to be present. Then all is mute attention, broken only by
the emphatic “wah, wah!” the measured nod of the head, or fierce
curl of the moustache, in token of approbation or the reverse.[4.24.33]
.fn 4.24.33
Poetic impromptus pass on these occasions unrestricted by the fear of
the critic, though the long yawn now and then should have given the hint
to my friend the Maharaja that his verses wanted Attic. But he had
certainly talent, and he did not conceal his light, which shone the stronger
from the darkness that surrounded him: for poverty is not the school of
genius, and the trade of the schoolmaster has ever been the least lucrative
in a capital where rapine has ruled.
.fn-
The Maharaja’s talents for amplification were undoubted,
and by more than one of his friends this failing was attributed to
his long residence at the court of Jaipur, whose cognomen will
not have been forgotten. He had one day been amusing us with
feats of his youth, his swimming from island to island, and \[648]
bestriding the alligators for an excursion.[4.24.34] Like Tell, he had
.bn 204.png
.pn +1
placed a mark on his son’s head and hit it successfully. He
could kill an eagle on the wing, and divide a ball on the edge
of a knife, the knife itself unseen. While running on in this
manner, my features betraying some incredulity, he insisted on
redeeming his word. A day was accordingly appointed, and
though labouring under an ague, he came with his favourite
matchlocks. The more dangerous experiment was desisted from,
and he commenced by dividing the ball on the knife. This he
placed perpendicularly in the centre of an earthen vessel filled
with water; and taking his station at about twenty paces, perforated
the centre of the vessel, and allowed you to take up the
fragments of the ball; having previously permitted you to load
the piece, and examine the vessel, which he did not once approach
himself. Another exhibition was striking an orange from a pole
without perforating it. Again, he gave the option of loading to
a bystander, and retreating a dozen paces, he knocked an orange
off untouched by the ball, which, according to a preliminary
proviso, could not be found: the orange was not even discoloured
by the powder. He was an adept also at chess[4.24.35] and chaupar,
and could carry on a conversation by stringing flowers in a peculiar
manner. If he plumed himself upon his pretensions, his vanity
was always veiled under a demeanour full of courtesy and grace;
and Maharaja Sheodan Singh would be esteemed a well-bred and
well-informed man at the most polished court of Europe.
.fn 4.24.34
There are two of these alligators quite familiar to the inhabitants of
Udaipur, who come when called “from the vasty deep” for food; and I
have often exasperated them by throwing an inflated bladder, which the
monsters greedily received, only to dive away in angry disappointment.
It was on these that my friend affirmed he had ventured.
.fn-
.fn 4.24.35
Chaturanga, so called from imitating the formation of an army. The
‘four’ (chatur) ‘bodied’ (anga) array; or elephants, chariots, horse, and foot.
His chief antagonist at chess was a blind man of the city. [Chaupar is
played with oblong dice on a board with two transverse bars in the form
of a cross, like chausar and pachīsī.]
.fn-
Every chief has his band, vocal and instrumental; but Sindhia,
some years since, carried away the most celebrated vocalists of
Udaipur. The Rajputs are all partial to music. The tappa is
the favourite measure. Its chief character is plaintive simplicity;
and it is analogous to the Scotch, or perhaps still more to the
Norman.[4.24.36]
.fn 4.24.36
The tappa belongs to the very extremity of India, being indigenous
as far as the Indus and the countries watered by its arms; and though the
peculiar measure is common in Rajasthan, the prefix of panjabi shows its
origin. I have listened at Caen to the viola or hurdy-gurdy, till I could
have fancied myself in Mewar.
.fn-
.bn 205.png
.pn +1
The Rana, who is a great patron of the art, has a small band
of musicians, whose only instrument is the shahna, or hautboy.
They played their national \[649] tappas with great taste and
feeling; and these strains, wafted from the lofty terrace of the
palace in the silence of the night, produced a sensation of delight
not unmixed with pain, which its peculiarly melancholy character
excites. The Rana has also a few flute or flageolet players, who
discourse most eloquent music. Indeed, we may enumerate this
among the principal amusements of the Rajputs; and although
it would be deemed indecorous to be a performer, the science
forms a part of education.[4.24.37]
.fn 4.24.37
Chand remarks of his hero, the Chauhan, that he was “master of the
art,” both vocal and instrumental. Whether profane music was ever
common may be doubted; but sacred music was a part of early education
with the sons of kings. Rama and his brothers were celebrated for the
harmonious execution of episodes from the grand epic, the Ramayana.
The sacred canticles of Jayadeva were set to music, and apparently by
himself, and are yet sung by the Chaubes. The inhabitants of the various
monastic establishments chant their addresses to the deity; and I have
listened with delight to the modulated cadences of the hermits, singing
the praises of Pataliswara from their pinnacled abode of Abu. It would
be injustice to touch incidentally on the merits of the minstrel Dholi, who
sings the warlike compositions of the sacred Bardai of Rajasthan.
.fn-
Who that has marched in the stillness of night through the
mountainous regions of Central India, and heard the warder
sound the turai from his turreted abode, perched like an eyrie
on the mountain-top, can ever forget its graduated intensity of
sound, or the emphatic ham! ham! which follows
the lengthened blast of the cornet reverberating in every
recess.[4.24.38]
.fn 4.24.38
The turai is the sole instrument of the many of the trumpet kind which
is not dissonant. The Kotah prince has the largest band, perhaps, in these
countries; instruments of all kinds—stringed, wind, and percussion. But
as it is formed by rule, in which the sacred and shrill conch-shell takes
precedence, it must be allowed that it is anything but harmonious.
.fn-
Bagpipes.—A species of bagpipe, so common to all the Celtic
races of Europe, is not unknown to the Rajputs. It is called the
mashak,[4.24.39] but is only the rudiment of that instrument whose
.bn 206.png
.pn +1
peculiar influence on the physical, through the moral agency of
man, is described by our own master-bard. They have likewise
the double flageolet; but in the same ratio of perfection to that
of Europe as the mashak to the heart-stirring pipe of the north.
As to their lutes, guitars, and all the varieties of tintinnabulants
(as Dr. Johnson would call them), it would fatigue without interesting
the reader to enumerate them.
.fn 4.24.39
[Mashak is the name of the leather water-bag. One of the late Rājas
of Jind in the Panjāb had a bagpipe band, the musicians wearing kilts and
pink leggings to make them look like their Highland originals. The Yanādis,
a forest tribe in Madras, play the bagpipe (Thurston, Tribes and Castes, vii.
431).]
.fn-
Literature among the Rajputs. Observatories.—We now come
to the literary attainments of the lords of Rajasthan, of whom
there is none without sufficient clerkship to read his grant or
agreement for rakhwali or blackmail; and none either so ignorant,
or so proud, as the boasted ancestral wisdom of England, whose
barons could not even sign their names to the great charter of
their liberties. The Rana of Udaipur has unlimited command
of \[650] his pen, and his letters are admirable; but we may
say of him nearly what was remarked of Charles the Second—“he
never wrote a foolish thing, and seldom did a wise one.”
The familiar epistolary correspondence of the princes and nobles
of Rajasthan would exhibit abundant testimony of their powers
of mind: they are sprinkled with classical allusions, and evince
that knowledge of mankind which constant collision in society
must produce. A collection of these letters, which exist in the
archives of every principality, would prove that the princes of
this country are upon a par with the rest of mankind, not only
in natural understanding, but, taking their opportunities into
account, even in its cultivation. The prince who in Europe
could quote Hesiod and Homer with the freedom that the Rana
does on all occasions Vyasa and Valmiki, would be accounted a
prodigy; and there is not a divine who could make application
of the ordinances of Moses with more facility than the Rana of
those of their great lawgiver Manu. When they talk of the
wisdom of their ancestors, it is not a mere figure of speech. The
instruction of their princes is laid down in rules held sacred, and
must have been far more onerous than any system of European
university education, for scarcely a branch of human knowledge
is omitted. But the cultivation of the mind, and the arts of
polished life, must always flourish in the ratio of a nation’s
.bn 207.png
.pn +1
prosperity, and from the decline of the one, we may date the
deterioration of the other with the Rajput. The astronomer
has now no patron to look to for reward; there is no Jai Singh
to erect such stupendous observatories as he built at Delhi,
Benares, Ujjain, and at his own capital;[4.24.40] to construct globes
and armillary spheres, of which, according to their own and our
system, the Kotah prince has two, each three feet in diameter.
The same prince (Jai Singh) collated De la Hire’s tables with
those of Ulugh Beg, and presented the result to the last emperor
of Delhi, worthy the name of the Great Mogul. To these tables
he gave the name of Zij Muhammad Shahi. It was Jai Singh
who, as already mentioned, sought to establish sumptuary laws
throughout the nation, to regulate marriages, and thereby prevent
infanticide; and who left his name to the capital he founded,
the first in Rajasthan.
.fn 4.24.40
[For these observatories see A. ff. Garrett, Pandit Chandradhar Guleri,
The Jaipur Observatory and its Builder, Allahabad, 1902; Fanshawe, Delhi
Past and Present, 247 f.; M. A. Sherring, The Sacred City of the Hindus,
131 ff.; Asiatic Researches, v. 177 ff.]
.fn-
But we cannot march over fifty miles of country without
observing traces of the genius, talent, and wealth of past days:
though—whether the more abstruse sciences, or the lighter arts
which embellish life—all are now fast disappearing \[651]. Whether
in the tranquillity secured to them by the destruction of their
predatory foes, these arts and sciences may revive, and the nation
regain its elevated tone, is a problem which time alone can solve.
Household Furniture.—In their household economy, their
furniture and decorations, they remain unchanged during the
lapse of a thousand years. No chairs, no couches adorn their
sitting apartments, though the painted and gilded ceiling may
be supported by columns of serpentine, and the walls one mass
of mirrors, marble, or china;—nothing but a soft carpet, hidden
by a white cloth, on which the guests seat themselves according
to rank. In fine, the quaint description of the chaplain to the
first embassy which England sent to India, more than two hundred
years ago, applies now, as it probably will two hundred years
hence. “And now for the furniture the greatest men have in
them [their houses], it is curta supellex, very little, they (the
rooms) being not beautified with hangings, nor with anything
besides to line their walls; for they have no chairs, stools, couches,
.bn 208.png
.pn +1
tables, beds enclosed with canopies, or curtains, in any of their
rooms. And the truth is, that if they had them, the extreme
heat would forbid the use of many of them; all their bravery
is upon their floors, on which they spread most excellent carpets.”[4.24.41]
.fn 4.24.41
[E. Terry, A Voyage to East India, ed. 1777, p. 185.] Those who wish
for an opinion “of the most excellent moralities which are to be observed
amongst the people of these nations” cannot do better than read the 14th
section of the observant, intelligent, and tolerant chaplain, who is more
just, at least on one point, than the modern missionary, who denies to the
Hindu filial affection. “And here I shall insert another most needful
particular to my present purpose which deserves a most high commendation
to be given unto that people in general, how poor and mean soever they
be; and that is, the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to
their parents, that notwithstanding they serve for very little, but five
shillings a moon for their whole livelihood and subsistence, yet if their
parents be in want, they will impart, at the least, half of that little towards
their necessities, choosing rather to want themselves than that their parents
should suffer need.” It is in fact one of the first precepts of their religion.
The Chaplain thus concludes his chapter “On the Moralities of the Hindu”
[232 f.]: “O! what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of Indians,
even in moralities; come short of those, who themselves believe to come
short of heaven!” The Chaplain closes his interesting and instructive
work with the subject of Conversion, which is as remote from accomplishment
at this day as it was at that distant period. “Well known it is that
the Jesuits there, who, like the Pharisees that would ‘compass sea and land
to make one proselyte’ (Matt. xxiii. 15), have sent into Christendom many
large reports of their great conversions of infidels in East India. But all
these boastings are but reports; the truth is, that they have there spilt the
precious water of Baptism upon some few faces, working upon the necessity
of some poor men, who for want of means, which they give them, are contented
to wear crucifixes; but for want of knowledge in the doctrine of
Christianity are only in name Christians.”[4.24.41.A]
.fn-
.fn 4.24.41.A
A Voyage to East India, 427.
.fn-
Dress.—It were useless to expatiate on dress, either male or
female, the fashion varying in each province and tribe, though
the texture and materials are everywhere the same: cotton in
summer, and quilted chintz or broadcloth in winter. The ladies
have only three articles of parure; the ghaghra, or ‘petticoat’;
the kanchuli, ‘or corset’; and the dopatta, or ‘scarf,’ which is
occasionally thrown over \[652] the head as a veil. Ornaments
are without number. For the men, trousers of every shape and
calibre, a tunic girded with a ceinture, and a scarf, form the wardrobe
of every Rajput. The turban is the most important part
of the dress, and is the unerring mark of the tribe; the form and
.bn 209.png
.pn +1
fashion are various, and its decorations differ according to time
and circumstances. The balaband, or ‘silken fillet,’ was once
valued as the mark of the sovereign’s favour, and was tantamount
to the courtly “orders” of Europe. The colour of the turban
and tunic varies with the season; and the changes are rung upon
crimson, saffron, and purple, though white is by far the most
common. Their shoes are mere slippers, and sandals are worn
by the common classes. Boots are yet used in hunting or war,
made of chamois leather, of which material the warrior often
has a doublet, being more commodious, and less oppressive,
than armour. The dagger or poniard is inseparable from the
girdle.
Cookery, Medicine.—The culinary art will be discussed elsewhere,
together with the medical, which is very low, and usurped
by empyrics, who waste alike the purse and health of the ignorant
by the sale of aphrodisiacs, which are sought after with great
avidity. Gums, metals, minerals, all are compounded, and for
one preparation, while the author was at Udaipur, 7000 rupees
(nearly £1000) were expended by the court-physician.
Superstitions.—Their superstitions, incantations, charms, and
phylacteries against danger, mental or bodily, will appear more
appropriately where the subject is incidently introduced \[653].
.bn 210.png
.pn +1
.il id=i760 fn=illo_0760.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
VALLEY OF UDAIPUR.
To face page 760.
.ca-
.fm rend=th lz=th
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.h2 nobreak
PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE AUTHOR
.h3
CHAPTER 25
.sp 2
Leaving Udaipur.—October 11, 1819.—Two years had nearly
sped since we entered the valley of Udaipur, the most diversified
and most romantic spot on the continent of India. In all this
time none of us had penetrated beyond the rocky barrier which
formed the limit of our horizon, affording the vision a sweep of
six miles radius. Each hill and dale, tower and tree, had become
familiar to us; every altar, cenotaph, and shrine had furnished
its legend, till tradition was exhausted. The ruins were explored,
their inscriptions deciphered, each fantastic pinnacle had a
name, and the most remarkable chieftains and servants of the
court had epithets assigned to them, expressive of some quality
or characteristic. We had our ‘Red Reaver,’ our ‘Roderic Dhu,’
and a ‘Falstaff,’ at the court; our ‘Catalani,’ our ‘Vestris,’ in
the song or the ballet. We had our palace in the city, our cutter
on the lake, our villa in the woods, our fairy-islands in the waters;
streams to angle in, deer to \[654] shoot, much, in short, to please
the eye and gratify the taste:—yet did ennui intrude, and all
panted to escape from the “happy valley,” to see what was in
the world beyond the mountains. In all these twenty moons,
the gigantic portals of Debari, which guard the entrance of the
Girwa,[4.25.1] had not once creaked on their hinges for our egress;
and though from incessant occupation I had wherewithal to
lessen the taedium vitae, my companions not having such resources,
.bn 211.png
.bn 212.png
.bn 213.png
.pn +1
it was in vain that, like the sage Imlac, I urged them not to feel
dull in this “blissful captivity”: the scenery had become
hideous, and I verily believe had there been any pinion-maker
in the capital of the Sesodias, they would have essayed a flight,
though it might have terminated in the lake. Never did Rasselas
sigh more for escape. At length the day arrived, and although
the change was to be from all that constitutes the enchantments
of vision, from wood and water, dale and mountain, verdure and
foliage, to the sterile plains of the sandy desert of Marwar, it was
sufficient that it was change. Our party was composed of Captain
Waugh, Lieutenant Carey, and Dr. Duncan, with the whole of
the escort, consisting of two companies of foot and sixty of
Skinner’s Horse, all alike delighted to quit the valley where each
had suffered more or less from the prevalent fevers of the monsoon,
during which the valley is peculiarly unhealthy, especially
to foreigners, when the wells and reservoirs overflow from the
springs which break in, impregnated with putrid vegetation and
mineral poisons, covering the surface with a bluish oily fluid.
The art of filtrating water to free it from impurities is unknown
to the Rajputs, and with some shame I record that we did not
make them wiser, though they are not strangers to the more
simple process, adopted throughout the desert, of using potash
and alum; the former to neutralize the salt and render the
water more fit for culinary purposes; the latter to throw down
the impurities held suspended. They also use an alkaline nut
in washing, which by simply steeping emits a froth which is a
good substitute for soap.[4.25.2]
.fn 4.25.1
The amphitheatre, or circle. [The valley of Udaipur.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.2
Sabun, in the lingua franca of India, signifies ‘soap.’ [The soap-nut
tree (sapindus mukorossi), the fruit of which is used for washing clothes and
the hair (Watt, Comm. Prod. 979).]
.fn-
On the 12th October, at five A.M., our trumpet sounded to horse,
and we were not slow in obeying the summons; the “yellow
boys” with their old native commandant looking even more
cheerful than usual as we joined them. Skinner’s Horse[4.25.3] wear
a jamah or tunic of yellow broadcloth, with scarlet turbans and
cincture. Who \[655] does not know that James Skinner’s men
are the most orderly in the Company’s service, and that in every
.bn 214.png
.pn +1
other qualification constituting the efficient soldier, they are
second to none? On another signal which reverberated from
the palace, where the drums announced that the descendant of
Surya was no sluggard, we moved on through the yet silent
capital towards the gate of the sun, where we found drawn
up the quotas of Bhindar, Delwara, Amet, and Bansi, sent as
an honorary guard by the Rana, to escort us to the frontiers.
As they would have been an incumbrance to me and an inconvenience
to the country, from their laxity of discipline, after
chatting with their leader, during a sociable ride, I dismissed
them at the pass, with my respects to the Rana and their several
chieftains. We reached the camp before eight o’clock, the
distance being only thirteen miles. The spot chosen (and where
I afterwards built a residence) was a rising ground between the
villages of Merta and Tus, sprinkled with trees, and for a space
of four miles clear of the belt of forest which fringes the granite
barriers of the valley. It commanded an entire view of the
plains in the direction of Chitor, still covered, excepting a patch
of cultivation here and there, with jungle. The tiger-mount, its
preserves of game, and the mouldering hunting-seats of the
Rana and his chieftains, were three miles to the north; to the
south, a mile distant, we had the Berach River, abounding in
trout; and the noble lake whence it issues, called after its founder
the Udai Sagar, was not more than three to the west. For several
reasons it was deemed advisable to choose a spot out of the valley;
the health of the party, though not an unimportant, was not a
principal motive for choosing such a distance from the court.
The wretchedness in which we found it rendered a certain degree
of interference requisite, and it was necessary that they should
shake this off, in order to preserve their independence. It was
dreaded lest the aid requested by the Rana, from the peculiar
circumstances on our first going amongst them, might be construed
as a precedent for the intrusion of advice on after occasions.
The distance between the court and the agent of the British
Government was calculated to diminish this impression, and
obliged them also to trust to their own resources, after the
machine was once set in motion. On the heights of Tus our
tents were pitched, the escort paraded, and St. George’s flag
displayed. Here camels, almost wild, were fitted for the first
time with the pack-saddle, lamenting in discordant gutturals
.bn 215.png
.pn +1
the \[656] hardship of their fate, though luckily ignorant of the
difference between grazing whither they listed in the happy valley,
and carrying a load in “the region of death,” where they would
only find the thorny mimosa or prickly phog[4.25.4] to satisfy their
hunger.
.fn 4.25.3
[Raised by James Skinner (1778-1841), known as “The Yellow Boys,”
in 1823; 1st Irregular Cavalry (Skinner’s Horse), 1840; 1st Bengal Cavalry,
1861 (F. G. Cardew, Sketch of the Services of the Bengal Native Army to the
Year 1895).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.4
[Calligonum polygonoides, a shrub on which camels live for the greater
part of the year.]
.fn-
Pallāna.—October 13.—There being no greater trial of patience
than the preparations for a march after a long halt, we left the
camp at daybreak amidst the most discordant yells from the
throats of a hundred camels, which drowned every attempt to
be heard, while the elephants squeaked their delight in that
peculiar treble which they emit when happy. There was one
little fellow enjoying himself free from all restraints of curbs or
pack-saddles, and inserting his proboscis into the sepoy’s baggage,
whence he would extract a bag of flour, and move off, pursued by
the owner; which was sure to produce shouts of mirth to add
to the discord. This little representative of Ganesa was only
eight years old, and not more than twelve hands high. He was
a most agreeable pet, though the proofs he gave of his wisdom
in trusting himself amidst the men when cooking their dinners,
were sometimes disagreeable to them, but infinitely amusing to
those who watched his actions. The rains having broken up
unusually late, we found the boggy ground, on which we had to
march, totally unable to bear the pressure of loaded cattle; even
the ridges, which just showed their crests of quartz above the
surface, were not safe. Our route was over a fine plain well
wooded and watered, soil excellent, and studded with numerous
large villages; yet all presenting uniformly the effects of warfare
and rapine. The landscape, rendered the more interesting by
our long incarceration in the valley, was abstractedly pleasing.
On our left lay the mountains enclosing the capital, on one of
whose elevated peaks are the ruins of Ratakot, overlooking all
around; while to the east the eye might in vain seek for a boundary.
We passed Deopur, once a township of some consequence, and
forming part of the domain of the Bhanej,[4.25.5] Zalim Singh, the
.bn 216.png
.pn +1
heir of Marwar, whose history, if it could be given here, would
redeem the nobles of Rajputana from the charge of being of uncultivated
intellect. In listening to \[657] his biography, both
time and place were unheeded; the narrator, my own venerable
Guru,[4.25.6] had imbibed much of his varied knowledge from this
accomplished chieftain, to whom arms and letters were alike
familiar. He was the son of Raja Bijai Singh and a princess of
Mewar: but domestic quarrels made it necessary to abandon the
paternal for the maternal mansion, and a domain was assigned
by the Rana, which put him on a footing with his own children.
Without neglecting any of the martial amusements and exercises
of the Rajput, he gave up all those hours, generally devoted to
idleness, to the cultivation of letters. He was versed in philosophical
theology, astronomy, and the history of his country;
and in every branch of poesy, from the sacred canticles of Jayadeva
to the couplets of the modern bard, he was an adept. He
composed and improvised with facility, and his residence was
the rendezvous for every bard of fame. That my respected tutor
did not overrate his acquirements, I had the best proof in his
own, for all which (and he rated them at an immeasurable distance
compared with the subject of his eulogy) he held himself indebted
to the heir of Marwar, who was at length slain in asserting his
right to the throne in the desert.
.fn 4.25.5
Bhanej, or ‘nephew,’ a title of courtesy enjoyed by every chieftain who
marries a daughter or immediate kinswoman of the Rana’s house. [When
Bhīm Singh succeeded in 1793, his first act was to drive his uncle, Zālim
Singh, the son of a Mewār princess, from Jodhpur. He took refuge in
Udaipur, and passed the rest of his days in literary pursuits. He was a
man of charm and ability, a gallant soldier, no mean poet. He died in the
prime of life in British Merwāra in 1799 (Erskine iii. A. 70).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.6
My guide or instructor, Yati Gyanchandra, a priest of the Jain sect,
who had been with me ten years. To him I owe much, for he entered into
all my antiquarian pursuits with zeal.
.fn-
Rām Singh and the Rāja of Narsinghgarh. The Oswāl
Mahājans.—After a four hours’ march, picking our way amidst
swamps and treacherous bogs, we reached the advanced tents
at Pallana. Like Deopur, it presented the spectacle of a ruin,
a corner of which held all its inhabitants; the remains of temples
and private edifices showed what it had once been. Both towns
formerly belonged to the fisc of the Rana, who, with his usual
improvidence, on the death of his nephew included them in the
grant to the temple of Kanhaiya. I found at my tents the
minister’s right hand, Ram Singh Mehta; Manikchand, the
Diwan or factotum of the chieftain of Bhindar; and the ex-Raja
.bn 217.png
.pn +1
of Narsinghgarh, now an exile at Udaipur.[4.25.7] The first was a
fine specimen of the non-militant class of these countries, and
although he had seldom passed the boundaries of Mewar, no
country could produce a better specimen of a courteous gentleman:
his figure tall, deportment easy, features regular and handsome,
complexion fair, with a fine slightly-curled beard and mustachios
jet black. Ram Singh, without being conceited, is aware that
nature has been indulgent to him, and without any foppery he
pays great attention to externals. He is always elegantly attired,
and varies with good taste the colours of his turban and ceinture,
though his loose tunics are always white; the aroma of the itr
is the only mark of the dandy about him: and this forms no
criterion \[658], as our red coats attest, which receive a sprinkling
at every visit. With his dagger and pendent tassel, and the
balaband or purple cordon (the Rana’s gift) round his turban,
behold the servant “whom the king delighteth to honour.” As
he has to support himself by paying court to the Rana’s sister,
the queens, and other fair influentials behind the curtain, his
personal attraits are no slight auxiliaries. He is of the Jain faith,
and of the tribe of Osi, which now reckons one hundred thousand
families, all of Rajput origin, and descendants of the Agnikula
stock. They proselytized in remote antiquity, and settling at
the town of Osi in Marwar, retain this designation, or the still
more common one of Oswal. It was from the Pramara and
Solanki branches of the Agnikula race that these assumed the
doctrines of Buddha or Jaina: not however from the ranks of
the Brahmans, but, as I firmly believe, from that faith, whatever
it was, which these Scythic or Takshak tribes brought from
beyond the Indus. In like manner we found the Chauhan (also
an Agnikula) regenerated by the Brahmans on Mount Abu;
while the fourth tribe, the Parihara (ancient sovereigns of Kashmir),
have left traces in the monuments of their capital, Mandor, that
they espoused the then prevailing faith of Rajasthan, namely,
that of Buddha.[4.25.8]
.fn 4.25.7
[A chiefship in Central India under the Bhopāl Agency. In 1819
Subhāg Singh becoming imbecile was replaced by his son Chain Singh, after
whose death in 1824 he was restored (IGI, xviii. 353).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.8
[As usual, Jainism and Buddhism are confounded.]
.fn-
Mānikchand.—Manikchand, also of the Jain faith, but of a
different tribe (the Sambhari), was in all the reverse of Ram Singh.
.bn 218.png
.pn +1
He was tall, thin, rather bent, and of swarthy complexion, and
his tongue and his beads were in perpetual motion. He had
mixed in all the intrigues of the last quarter of a century, and,
setting Zalim Singh of Kotah aside, had more influenced events
than any individual now alive. He was the organ of the Saktawats,
and the steward and counsellor of the head of this clan,
the Bhindar chief; and being accordingly the irreconcilable foe
of the Chondawats, had employed all the resources of his talents
and his credit to effect their humiliation. To this end, he has
leagued with Sindis, Pathans, and Mahrattas, and would not have
scrupled to coalesce with his Satanic Majesty, could he thereby
have advanced their revenge: in pursuance of which he has been
detained in confinement as a hostage, put to torture from inability
to furnish the funds he would unhesitatingly promise for
aid, and all the while sure of death if he fell into the hands of his
political antagonists. His talent and general information made
him always a welcome guest: which was wormwood to the
Chondawats, who laid claim to a monopoly of patriotism, and
stigmatized the Saktawats as the destroyers \[659] of Mewar,
though in truth both were equally blind to her interests in their
contests for supremacy. He was now beyond fifty, and appeared
much older; but was cheerful, good-humoured, and conversant
in all the varied occurrences of the times. He at length completely
established himself in the Rana’s good graces, who gave
his elder son a confidential employment. Had he lived, he would
have been conspicuous, for he had all the talent of his father,
with the personal adjuncts possessed by Ram Singh; but being
sensitive and proud, he swallowed poison, in consequence it was
said of the severity of an undeserved rebuke from his father, and
died generally regretted. I may here relate the end of poor
Manika. It was on the ground we had just quitted that he
visited me for the last time, on my return from the journey just
commenced. He had obtained the contract for the whole transit
duties of the State, at the rate of 250,000 rupees per annum.
Whether from the corruption of his numerous deputy collectors,
his own cupidity, or negligence, he professed his inability to
fulfil the contract by nearly a sixth of the amount, though from
his talents and promises, a perfect establishment of this important
department, which had been taken from others on his account,
was expected. It was difficult to judge charitably of his assertions,
.bn 219.png
.pn +1
without giving occasion to his enemies to put a wrong
construction on the motives. He pitched his tent near me, and
requested an interview. He looked very disconsolate, and
remarked, that he had seven several times left his tent, and as
often turned back, the bird of omen having each time passed
him on the adverse side; but that at length he had determined
to disregard it, as having forfeited confidence, he was indifferent
to the future. He admitted the profligacy of his inferiors, whom
he had not sufficiently superintended, and took his leave, promising
by assiduity to redeem his engagements, though his past
character for intrigue made his asseverations doubtful. Again
failing to make good his promises, or, as was surmised, having
applied the funds to his own estate, he took saran with the Raja
of Shahpura; where, mortified in all probability by the reflection
of the exultation of his rivals over his disgrace, and having lost
the confidence of his own chief when he obtained that of the
Rana, he had recourse to the usual expedient of these countries
when “perplexed in the extreme,”—took poison and died.
The Rāja of Narsinghgarh.—The last of the trio of visitors on
this occasion, the Raja of Narsinghgarh, is now, as before stated,
in exile. He is of the tribe of Umat, one of thirty-six divisions
\[660] of the Pramaras,[4.25.9] settled during fifteen generations in Central
India, and giving the name of Umatwara to the petty sovereignty
of which Narsinghgarh is the capital. Placed in the very heart
of the predatory hordes, the Pindaris and Mahrattas occupied
almost every village that owned their sway, and compelled him
to the degradation of living under Holkar’s orange standard,
which waved over the battlements of his abode. To one or other
of the great Mahratta leaders, Sindhia and Holkar, all the petty
princes were made tributary dependents, and Umatwara had
early acknowledged Holkar, paying the annual sum of eighty
thousand rupees: but this vassalage did not secure the Raja from
the ravages of the other spoliators, nor from the rapacity of the
myrmidons of his immediate lord paramount. In 1817, when
.bn 220.png
.pn +1
these countries, for the first time in many centuries, tasted the
blessings of peace, Umatwara was, like Mewar, a mass of ruins,
its fertile lands being overgrown with the thorny mimosa or the
useful kesula. The Raja partook of the demoralization around
him; he sought refuge in opium and arak from his miseries, and
was totally unfitted to aid in the work of redemption when happier
days shone upon them. His son Chain Singh contrived to escape
these snares, and was found in every respect competent to cooperate
in the work of renovation, and through the intervention
of the British agent (Major Henley), an arrangement was effected
by which the Raja retired on a stipend and the son carried on
the duties of government in his name.[4.25.10]
.fn 4.25.9
One of the four Agnikulas. [The Umats were not a distinguished
tribe until Achal Singh, Dīwān of Narsinghgarh, married his son to a near
relation of the Mahārāna of Udaipur, and since this alliance many of the
principal Mālwa families eat with the Rājas of Umatwāra (Malcolm, Memoir
of Central India, 2nd ed. ii. 130 f.). For a full and slightly different account
see IGI, xviii. 382 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.10
[Chain Singh quarrelled with the Political Agent, attacked the British
forces at Sehore, and was killed in the battle in 1824 (IGI, xviii. 383).]
.fn-
It was unfortunate for these ancient races, that on the fortunate
occasion presented in 1817-18, when both Sindhia and Holkar
aimed at the overthrow of our power (the one treacherously cloaking
his views, the other disclosing them in the field), our policy
did not readily grasp it, to rescue all these States from ruin and
dependence. Unfortunately, their peculiar history was little
known, or it would have been easily perceived that they presented
the exact materials we required between us and the entire
occupation of the country. But there was then a strong notion
afloat of a species of balance of power, and it was imagined that
these demoralized and often humiliated Mahrattas were the
fittest materials to throw into the scale—against I know not what,
except ourselves: for assuredly the day of our reverses will be a
jubilee to them, and will level every spear that they can bring
against our existence. They would merit contempt if they acted
\[661] otherwise. Can they cease to remember that the orange
flag which waved in triumph from the Sutlej to the Kistna has
been replaced by the cross of St. George? But the snake which
flutters in tortuous folds thereon, fitting crest for the wily Mahratta,
is only scathed, and may yet call forth the lance of the red cross
knight to give the coup de grace.[4.25.11] Let it then be remembered
that, both as regards good policy and justice, we owe to these
States—independence.
.fn 4.25.11
Sindhia’s flag is a snake argent on an orange field.
.fn-
To what does our interference with Umatwara tend, but to
realize the tribute of Holkar; to fix a millstone round their necks,
.bn 221.png
.pn +1
which, notwithstanding the comparative happiness they enjoy,
will keep them always repining, and to secure which will make
our interference eternal. Had a due advantage been taken of
the hostilities in 1817, it might have obviated these evils by sending
the predatory sovereign of half a century’s duration to a
more restricted sphere. It may be said that it is easy to devise
plans years after the events which immediately called for them:
these not only were mine at the time, but were suggested to the
proper authorities; and I am still disposed to think my views
correct.
After chatting some time with the two chiefs described, and
presenting them with itr and pan,[4.25.12] they took leave.
.fn 4.25.12
Pān, ‘the leaf’; parna and pattra, the Sanskrit for ‘a leaf’; and
hence panna, ‘a leaf or sheet of paper’; and patra, ‘a plate of metal or
sacrificial cup,’ because these vessels were first made of leaves. I was
amused with the coincidence between the Sanskrit and Tuscan panna.
That lovely subject by Raphael, the “Madonna impannata,” in the Pitti
Palace at Florence, is so called from the subdued light admitted through
the window, the panes of which are of paper. [The words have no connexion.]
.fn-
Nāthdwāra.—October 14.—Marched at daybreak, and found
the route almost impracticable for camels, from the swampy
nature of the soil. The country is much broken with irregular
low ridges of micaceous schist, in the shape of a chine or hog’s
back, the crest of which has throughout all its length a vein of
quartz piercing the slate, and resembling a back-bone; the
direction of these veins is uniformly N.N.E., and the inclination
about 75° to the east. Crossed the Nathdwara ridge, about four
hundred feet in height, and, like the hills encircling the valley,
composed of a brown granite intersected with protruding veins
of quartz, incumbent on blue compact slate. The ascent was a
mile and a half east of the town, and on the summit, which is
table-land, there are two small lakes, whence water-courses conduct
streams on each side of the road to supply the temple and
the town. There are noble trees planted on either side of these
rivulets, forming a delightful shade. As we passed through the
town to our encampment on the \[662] opposite side of the Banas
River, the inhabitants crowded the streets, shouting their grateful
acknowledgments to the power which had redeemed the sacred
precincts of Kanhaiya from the scenes of turpitude amidst which
they had grown up. They were all looking forward with much
pleasure to the approaching festival of Annakuta.
.bn 222.png
.pn +1
October 15.—Halted to allow the baggage to join, which,
partly from the swamps and partly from the intractable temper
of the cattle, we have not seen since we parted company at Merta.
Received a visit from the Mukhya of the temple, accompanied
by a pilgrim in the person of a rich banker of Surat. A splendid
quilted cloak of gold brocade, a blue scarf with a deep border of
gold, and an embroidered band for the head, were brought to me
as the gift of the god through his high-priest, in testimony of my
zeal. I was also honoured with a tray of the sacred food, which
consisted of all the dried fruits, spices, and aromatics of the East.
In the evening I had a portion of the afternoon repast, consisting
of a preparation of milk; but the days of simplicity are gone, and
the Apollo of Vraj has his curds adulterated with rose-water and
amber. Perhaps, with the exception of Lodi, where is fabricated
the far-famed Parmesan, whose pastures maintain forty thousand
kine, there is no other place known which possesses more than
the city of the Hindu Apollo, though but a tenth of that of Lodi.
But from the four thousand cows, the expenditure of milk and
butter for the votaries of Kanhaiya may be judged. I was entertained
with the opinions of the old banker on the miraculous and
oracular power of the god of Nathdwara. He had just been
permitted to prostrate himself before the car which conveyed the
deity from the Yamuna, and held forth on the impiety of the age,
in withholding the transmission of the miraculous wheels from
heaven, which in former days came once in six months. The
most devout alone are permitted to worship the chariot of
Kanhaiya. The garments which decorate his representative are
changed several times a day, to imitate the different stages of
his existence, from the youthful Bala to the conqueror of Kansa;
or, as the Surat devotee said in broken English, “Oh, sir, he be
much great god; he first of all; and he change from de balak,
or child, to de fierce chief, with de bow and arrow a hees hands”;
while the old Mukhya, whose office it is to perambulate the whole
continent of India as one of the couriers of Kanhaiya, lifted up
his eyes as he ejaculated, “Sri Krishna! Sri Krishna!” I gave
him a paper \[663] addressed to all officers of the British Government
who might pass through the lands of the church, recommending
the protection of the peacocks and pipal trees, and to forbear
polluting the precincts of the god with the blood of animals. To
avoid offending against their prejudices in this particular, I
.bn 223.png
.pn +1
crossed the river, and killed our fowls within our own sanctuary,
and afterwards concealed the murder by burying the feathers.
Sagacity of Elephants. Usarwās.—October 16.—There is
nothing so painful as sitting down inactive when the mind is
bent upon an object. Our escort was yet labouring in the swamps,
and as we could not be worse off than we were, we deemed it
better to advance, and accordingly decamped in the afternoon,
sending on a tent to Usarwas; but though the distance was only
eight miles we were benighted, and had the comfort to find old
Fateh, “the victorious,” floundering with his load in a bog, out
of which he was picking his way in a desperate rage. It is
generally the driver’s fault when such an accident occurs: for
if there be but a foot’s breadth of sound footing, so sensible is the
animal, that he is sure to avoid danger if left to his own discretion
and the free use of his proboscis, with which he thumps the
ground as he cautiously proceeds step by step, giving signals to
his keeper of the safety or the reverse of advancing, as clearly as
if he spoke. Fateh’s signals had been disregarded, and he was
accordingly in a great passion at finding himself abused, and kept
from his cakes and butter, of which he had always thirty pounds’
weight at sunset. The sagacity of the elephant is well known,
and was in no instance better displayed than in the predicament
above described. I have seen the huge monster in a position
which to him must have been appalling; but, with an instinctive
reliance on others, he awaited in tolerable patience the arrival
of materials for his extrication, in the shape of fascines and logs
of wood, which being thrown to him, he placed deliberately in
front, and making a stout resistance with head, teeth, and foot,
pressing the wood, he brought up one leg after the other in a most
methodical and pioneer-like manner, till he delivered himself
from his miry prison. Fateh did not require such aid; but,
aware that the fault was not his, he soon indignantly shook the
load off his back, and left them to get it out in any manner they
chose.
Wolves.—Waited to aid in reloading, and it being already
dusk, pushed on with my dog Belle, who, observing a couple of
animals, darted off into the jungles, and led me after her as fast
as the devious paths in such a savage scene would permit. But
I \[664] soon saw her scampering down the height, the game, in
the shape of two huge wolves, close at her heels, and delighted to
.bn 224.png
.pn +1
find rescue at hand. I have no doubt their retreat from my
favourite greyhound was a mere ruse de guerre to lead her beyond
supporting distance, and they had nearly effected their object:
they went off in a very sulky and leisurely manner. In my
subaltern days, when with the subsidiary force in Gohad, I
remember scouring the tremendous ravines near the Antri Pass
to get a spear at a wolf, my companion (Lieut. now Lieut.-Col.
T. D. Smith) and myself were soon surrounded by many scores
of these hungry animals, who prowled about our camp all night,
having carried off a child the night before. As we charged in
one direction, they gave way; but kept upon our quarters without
the least fear, and seemingly enjoyed the fun. I do not
recollect whether it excited any other feeling than mirth. They
showed no symptom of ferocity, or desire to make a meal of us;
or a retreat from these ravines, with their superior topographical
knowledge, would doubtless have been difficult.
The Banās River. The Fairy Gift Legend.—We passed the
Banas River, just escaping from the rock-bound barriers, our
path almost in contact with the water to the left. The stream
was clear as crystal, and of great depth; the banks low and
verdant, and fringed with wood. It was a lovely, lonely spot,
and well deserved to be consecrated by legendary tale. In
ancient times, ere these valleys were trod by the infidel Tatar,
coco-nuts were here presented to the genius of the river, whose
arm appeared above the waters to receive them; but ever since
some unhallowed hand threw a stone in lieu of a coco-nut, the
arm has been withdrawn.[4.25.13] Few in fact lived, either to supply or
keep alive the traditions which lend a charm to a journey through
these wild scenes, though full of bogs and wolves. We reached
our journey’s end very late, and though no tents were up, we
had the consolation to spy the cook in a snug corner with a leg
of mutton before some blazing logs, round which he had placed
the wall of a tent to check the force of the mountain air. We
all congregated round the cook’s fire, and were infinitely happier
in the prospect before us, and with the heavens for our canopy,
than with all our accustomed conveniences and fare. Every one
this day had taken his own road, and each had his adventure
to relate. Our repast was delicious; nor did any favourable
.bn 225.png
.pn +1
account reach us of tents or other luxuries to mar our enjoyments,
till midnight, when the fly of the doctor’s tent arrived, of which
we availed ourselves as a protection against the heavy dews of
\[665] the night; and though our bivouac was in a ploughed field,
and we were surrounded by wild beasts in a silent waste, they
proved no drawbacks to the enjoyment of repose.
.fn 4.25.13
[A variant of the well-known Fairy Gift legend (Crooke, Popular
Religion and Folklore of N. India, 2nd ed. i. 287 ff.).]
.fn-
Halted the 17th, to collect the dislocated baggage; for
although such scenes, seasoned with romance, might do very well
for us, our followers were ignorant of the name of Ann Radcliffe
or other conjurers; and though admirers of tradition, like myself,
preferred it after dinner. Usarwas is a valuable village, but now
thinly inhabited. It was recently given by the Rana, with his
accustomed want of reflection, to a Charan bard, literally for an
old song. But even this folly was surpassed on his bestowing the
township of Sesoda,[4.25.14] in the valley in advance, the place from
which his tribe takes its appellation, on another of the fraternity,
named Kishna, his master bard, who has the art to make his
royal patron believe that opportunity alone is wanting to render
his name as famed as that of the illustrious Sanga, or the immortal
Partap. I received and returned the visit of an ascetic
Sannyasi, whose hermitage was perched upon a cliff not far from
our tents. Like most of his brethren, he was intelligent, and had
a considerable store of local and foreign legends at command.
He was dressed in a loose orange-coloured anga or tunic, with a
turban of the same material, in which was twisted a necklace of
the lotus-kernel;[4.25.15] he had another in his hand, with which he
repeated the name of the deity at intervals. He expressed his
own surprise and the sentiments of the inhabitants at the tranquillity
they enjoyed, without any tumultuary cause being discoverable;
and said that we must be something more than
human. This superstitious feeling for a while was felt as well by
the prince and the turbulent chief, as by the anchorite of Usarwas.
.fn 4.25.14
[The home of the Rāna branch of Guhilots, who take the name of
Sesodia from it, while Chitor was the capital of the Rāwal branch of the
ruling house (Erskine ii. A. 15).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.15
[Lotus nuts are used for necklaces, but Sannyāsis usually wear those
of the rudrāksha (Elaeocarpus ganitrus) (Watt, Econ. Dict. v. 345; Comm.
Prod. 511).]
.fn-
Samecha.—October 18.—Marched at daybreak to Samecha,
distance twelve miles. Again found our advanced elephant and
.bn 226.png
.pn +1
breakfast-tent in a swamp: halted to extricate him from his
difficulties. The road from Nathdwara is but a footpath, over
or skirting a succession of low broken ridges, covered with prickly
shrubs, as the Khair, the Karil, and Babul.[4.25.16] At the village of
Gaon Gura, midway in the morning’s journey, we entered the
alpine valley called the Shera Nala. The village of Gura is
placed in the opening or break in the range through which the
river flows, whose serpentine meanderings indicate the only road
up this majestic valley. On the banks, or in its bed, which we
frequently crossed, lay \[666] the remainder of this day’s march.
The valley varies in breadth, but is seldom less than half a mile,
the hills rising boldly from their base; some with a fine and even
surface covered with mango trees, others lifting their splintered
pinnacles into the clouds. Nature has been lavish of her beauties
to this romantic region. The gular or wild fig, the sitaphal or
custard-apple, the peach or aru badam (almond-peach),[4.25.17] are indigenous
and abundant; the banks of the stream are shaded by
the withy, while the large trees, the useful mango and picturesque
tamarind, the sacred pipal and bar, are abundantly scattered
with many others, throughout. Nor has nature in vain appealed
to human industry and ingenuity to second her intents.
.fn 4.25.16
[Acacia catechu, Capparis aphylla, Acacia arabica.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.17
[Ficus glomerata, Annona squamosa, Prunus persica.]
.fn-
Terrace Cultivation.—From the margin of the stream on each
side to the mountain’s base they have constructed a series of
terraces rising over each other, whence by simple and ingenious
methods they raise the waters to irrigate the rich crops of sugar-cane,
cotton, and rice, which they cultivate upon them. Here
we have a proof that ingenuity is the same, when prompted by
necessity, in the Jura or the Aravalli. Wherever soil could be
found, or time decomposed these primitive rocks, a barrier was
raised. When discovered, should it be in a hollow below, or on
the summit of a crag, it is alike greedily seized on: even there
water is found, and if you leave the path below and ascend a
hundred feet above the terraces, you will discover pools or
reservoirs dammed in with massive trees, which serve to irrigate
such insulated spots, or serve as nurseries to the young rice-plants.
Not unfrequently, their labour is entirely destroyed,
and the dykes swept away by the periodical inundations; for
we observed the high-water mark in the trees considerably up the
.bn 227.png
.pn +1
acclivity. The rice crop was abundant, and the juar [millet] or
maize was thriving, but scanty; the standard autumnal crop
which preceded it, the makai, or ‘Indian corn,’ had been entirely
devoured by the locust. The sugar-cane, by far the most valuable
product of this curious region, was very fine but sparingly
cultivated, from the dread of this insect, which for the last three
years had ravaged the valley. There are two species of locusts,
which come in clouds, darkening the air, from the desert: the
pharka and the tiri are their names;[4.25.18] the first is the great enemy
of our incipient prosperity. I observed a colony some time ago
proceeding eastward with a rustling, rushing sound, like a distant
torrent, or the wind in a forest at the fall of the leaf. We have
thus to struggle against natural and artificial obstacles to the
rising energies of the country; and dread of the pharkas deters
speculators \[667] from renting this fertile tract, which almost
entirely belongs to the fisc. Its natural fertility cannot be better
demonstrated than in recording the success of an experiment,
which produced five crops, from the same piece of ground, within
thirteen months. It must, however, be understood that two of
these are species of millet, which are cut in six weeks from the
time of sowing. A patch of ground, for which the cultivator
pays six rupees rent, will produce sugar-cane six hundred rupees
in value: but the labour and expense of cultivation are heavy,
and cupidity too often deprives the husbandman of the greater
share of the fruits, ninety rupees having been taken in arbitrary
taxes, besides his original rent.
.fn 4.25.18
[Our knowledge of Indian locusts is still imperfect, the best-known
varieties being the Bombay and the North-West (Watt, Econ. Dict. vi.
Part i. 154 f.; Comm. Prod. 686).]
.fn-
The air of this elevated region gave vigour to the limbs, and
appetite to the disordered stomach. There was an exhilarating
fraîcheur, which made us quite frantic; the transition being from
96° of Fahrenheit to English summer heat. We breakfasted in a
verdant spot under the shade of a noble fig-tree fanned by the
cool breezes from the mountains.
Samecha Town. Rājpūt Bhūmias.—Samecha consists of three
separate hamlets, each of about one hundred houses. It is
situated at the base of a mountain distinctively termed Rana
Pag, from a well-known path, by which the Ranas secured their
retreat to the upland wilds when hard pushed by the Moguls.
.bn 228.png
.pn +1
It also leads direct to the capital of the district, avoiding the
circuitous route we were pursuing. Samecha is occupied by the
Kumbhawats, descendants of Rana Kumbha, who came in a
body with their elders at their head to visit me, bringing the famed
kakri[4.25.19] of the valley (often three feet in length), curds, and a kid
as gifts. I rose to receive these Rajaputras, the Bhumias or
yeomen of the valley; and though undistinguishable in dress
from the commonest cultivator, I did homage to their descent.
Indeed, they did not require the auxiliaries of dress, their appearance
being so striking as to draw forth the spontaneous exclamation
from my friends, “what noble-looking fellows!” Their
tall and robust figures, sharp aquiline features, and flowing beards,
with a native dignity of demeanour (though excepting their
chiefs, who wore turbans and scarfs, they were in their usual
labouring dresses, immense loose breeches and turbans), compelled
respect and admiration. Formerly they gave one hundred
matchlocks for garrison duty at Kumbhalmer; but the Mahrattas
have pillaged and impoverished them. These are the real allodial
tenants of the land, performing personal local service, and paying
an annual quit-rent. I conciliated their good opinion by \[668]
talking of the deeds of old days, the recollection of which a Rajput
never outlives. The assembly under the fig-tree was truly
picturesque, and would have furnished a good subject for Gerard
Dow. Our baggage joined us at Samecha; but many of our
camels were already worn out by labouring through swamps, for
which they are by nature incapacitated.
.fn 4.25.19
[A kind of cucumber, Cucumis utilissimus (Watt, Comm. Prod. 439).]
.fn-
October 19.—Marched to Kelwara, the capital of this mountainous
region, and the abode of the Ranas when driven from
Chitor and the plains of the Banas; on which occasion these
valleys received and maintained a great portion of the population
of Mewar. There is not a rock or a stream that has not some
legend attached to it, connected with these times. The valley
presents the same features as already described. Passed a cleft
in the mountain on the left, through which a stream rushes,
called the “elephant’s pool”; a short cut may be made by the
foot passenger to Kelwara, but it is too intricate for any unaccustomed
to these wilds to venture. We could not ascertain
the origin of the “elephant’s pool,” but it is most likely connected
with ancient warfare. Passed the village of Murcha, held by a
.bn 229.png
.bn 230.png
.bn 231.png
.pn +1
Rathor chieftain. On the margin of a small lake adjoining the
village, a small and very neat sacrificial altar attracted my regard;
and not satisfied with the reply that it was sati ka makan, ‘the
place of faith,’ I sent to request the attendance of the village
seer. It proved to be that of the ancestor of the occupant: a
proof of devotion to her husband, who had fallen in the wars
waged by Aurangzeb against this country; when, with a relic of
her lord, she mounted the pyre. He is sculptured on horseback,
with lance at rest, to denote that it is no churl to whom the record
is devoted.
.il id=i776 fn=illo_0776.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
CITADEL OF THE HILL FORTRESS OF KŪMBHALMER.
To face page 776.
.ca-
Near the “elephant’s pool,” and at the village of Kherli, two
roads diverge: one, by the Bargula nal or pass, conducts direct
to Nathdwara; the other, leading to Rincher, and the celebrated
shrine of the four-armed god,[4.25.20] famed as a place of pilgrimage.
The range on our left terminating abruptly, we turned by Uladar
to Kelwara, and encamped in a mango-grove, on a tableland half
a mile north of the town. Here the valley enlarges, presenting
a wild, picturesque, and rugged appearance. The barometer
indicated about a thousand feet of elevation above the level of
Udaipur, which is about two thousand above the sea: yet we
were scarcely above the base of the alpine cliffs which towered
around us on all sides. It was the point of divergence for the
waters, which, from the numerous fountains in \[669] these uplands,
descended each declivity, to refresh the arid plains of
Marwar to the west, and to swell the lakes of Mewar to the east.
Previous to the damming of the stream which forms that little
ocean, the Kankroli lake, it is asserted that the supply to the
west was very scanty, nearly all flowing eastward, or through the
valley; but since the formation of the lake, and consequent
saturation of the intermediate region, the streams are ever
flowing to the west. The spot where I encamped was at least
five hundred feet lower than Aret pol, the first of the fortified
barriers leading to Kumbhalmer, whose citadel rose more than
seven hundred feet above the terre-pleine of its outworks beneath.
.fn 4.25.20
[Chaturbhuja Vishnu.]
.fn-
Kūmbhalmer Fort. Mahārāja Daulat Singh.—The Maharaja
Daulat Singh, a near relative of the Rana, and governor of
Kumbhalmer, attended by a numerous suite, the crimson standard,
trumpets, kettledrums, seneschal, and bard, advanced several
miles to meet and conduct me to the castle. According to
.bn 232.png
.pn +1
etiquette, we both dismounted and embraced, and afterwards
rode together conversing on the affairs of the province, and the
generally altered condition of the country. Daulat Singh, being
of the immediate kin of his sovereign, is one of the Babas or
infants of Mewar, enumerated in the tribe called Ranawat, with
the title of Maharaja. Setting aside the family of Sheodan
Singh, he is the next in succession to the reigning family. He is
one of the few over whom the general demoralization has had
no power, and remains a simple-minded straightforward honest
man; blunt, unassuming, and courteous. His rank and character
particularly qualify him for the post he holds on this western
frontier, which is the key to Marwar. It was in February 1818
that I obtained possession of this place (Kumbhalmer), by
negotiating the arrears of the garrison. Gold is the cheapest,
surest, and most expeditious of all generals in the East, amongst
such mercenaries as we had to deal with, who change masters
with the same facility as they would their turban. In twenty-four
hours we were put in possession of the fort, and as we had not
above one-third of the stipulated sum in ready cash, they without
hesitation took a bill of exchange, written on the drum-head, on
the mercantile town of Pali in Marwar: in such estimation is
British faith held, even by the most lawless tribes of India! Next
morning we saw them winding down the western declivity, while
we quietly took our breakfast in an old ruined temple. During
this agreeable employment, we were joined by Major Macleod,
of the artillery, sent by General Donkin to report on the facilities
of reducing the place by siege, and \[670] his opinion being, that
a gun could not be placed in position in less than six weeks, the
grilling spared the European force in such a region was well worth
the £4000 of arrears. My own escort and party remained in
possession for a week, until the Rana sent his garrison. During
these eight days our time was amply occupied in sketching and
deciphering the monumental records of this singularly diversified
spot. It would be vain to attempt describing the intricacies of
approach to this far-famed abode, whose exterior is delineated
by the pencil. A massive wall, with numerous towers and
pierced battlements, having a strong resemblance to the Etruscan,
encloses a space of some miles extent below, while the pinnacle
or sikhara rises, like the crown of the Hindu Cybele, tier above
tier of battlements, to the summit, which is crowned with the
.bn 233.png
.pn +1
Badal Mahall, or ‘cloud-palace’ of the Ranas. Thence the
eye ranges over the sandy deserts and the chaotic mass of
mountains, which are on all sides covered with the cactus, which
luxuriates amidst the rocks of the Aravalli. Besides the Aret[4.25.21]
pol, or barrier thrown across the first narrow ascent, about one
mile from Kelwara, there is a second called the Halla[4.25.22] pol,
intermediate to the Hanuman[4.25.23] pol, the exterior gate of the fortress,
between which and the summit there are three more, viz. the
gate of victory, the sanguinary gate, and that of Rama, besides
the last, or Chaugan[4.25.24] pol. The barometer stood, at half-past
seven A.M., 26° 65´; thermometer 58° Fahr. at the Aret pol: and
on the summit at nine, while the thermometer rose to 75°, the
barometer had only descended 15´, and stood at 26° 50´,[4.25.25] though
we had ascended full six hundred feet.
.fn 4.25.21
[‘The Barrier.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.22
[‘The Onset.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.23
[‘That of the monkey god,’ a common guardian of forts.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.24
[Chaugān, ‘the Parade Ground.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.25
At four o’clock P.M., same position, thermometer 81°; barometer,
26° 85´.
.fn-
A Jain Temple.—Admitting the last range as our guide, the peak
of Kumbhalmer will be 3353[4.25.26] feet above the level of the ocean.
Hence I laid down the positions of many towns far in the desert.
Here were subjects to occupy the pencil at least for a month; but
we had only time for one of the most interesting views, the Jain
temple before the reader, and a sketch of the fortress itself, both
finished on the spot. The design of this temple is truly classic.
It consists only of the sanctuary, which has a vaulted dome and
colonnaded portico all round. The architecture is undoubtedly
Jain, which is as distinct in character from the Brahmanical
as their religion. There is a chasteness and simplicity in this
specimen of monotheistic worship, affording a wide contrast to
the elaborately sculptured shrines of the Saivas, and \[671] other
polytheists of India. The extreme want of decoration best
attests its antiquity, entitling us to attribute it to that period
when Samprati Raja, of the family of Chandragupta, was paramount
sovereign over all these regions (two hundred years before
Christ);[4.25.27] to whom tradition ascribes the most ancient monuments
.bn 234.png
.pn +1
of this faith, yet existing in Rajasthan and Saurashtra.
The proportions and forms of the columns are especially distinct
from the other temples, being slight and tapering instead of
massive, the general characteristic of Hindu architecture; while
the projecting cornices, which would absolutely deform shafts
less slight, are peculiarly indicative of the Takshak architect.[4.25.28]
Samprati was the fourth prince in descent from Chandragupta,
of the Jain faith, and the ally of Seleucus, the Grecian sovereign
of Bactriana. The fragments of Megasthenes, ambassador from
Seleucus, record that this alliance was most intimate; that the
daughter of the Rajput king was married to Seleucus, who, in
return for elephants and other gifts, sent a body of Greek soldiers
to serve Chandragupta. It is curious to contemplate the possibility,
nay the probability, that the Jain temple now before the
reader may have been designed by Grecian artists, or that the
taste of the artists among the Rajputs may have been modelled
after the Grecian. This was our temple of Theseus in Mewar.
A massive monolithic emblem of black marble of the Hindu
Pitrideva had been improperly introduced into the shrine of the
worshippers of the “spirit alone.” Being erected on the rock,
and chiselled from the syenite on which it stands, it may bid
defiance to time. There was another sacred structure in its
vicinity, likewise Jain, but of a distinct character; indeed,
offering a perfect contrast to that described. It was three stories
in height; each tier was decorated with numerous massive low
columns, resting on a sculptured panelled parapet, and sustaining
the roof of each story, which, being very low, admitted but a
broken light to break the pervading gloom. I should imagine
that the sacred architects of the East had studied effect equally
with the preservers of learning and the arts in the dark period of
Europe, when those monuments, which must ever be her pride,
arose on the ruins of paganism. How far the Saxon or Scandinavian
pagan contributed to the general design of such structures
may be doubted; but that their decorations, especially the
.bn 235.png
.bn 236.png
.bn 237.png
.pn +1
grotesque, have a powerful resemblance to the most ancient
Hindu-Scythic, there is no question, as I shall hereafter more
particularly point out \[672].
.fn 4.25.26
[3658 feet.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.27
[Samprati was grandson of Asoka, and he is credited with the erection
of many Jain buildings (Smith, EHI, 192 f.; BG, i. Part i. 15). From the
picture of the temple given by the author, and from an inscription of the
reign of Rāna Sangrām Singh (A.D. 1508-27), it could not have been more
than three centuries old when he saw it (IA, ii. 205). There are two temples,
one consisting of a square sanctuary with a vaulted dome, and surrounded
by a colonnade of elegant pillars: the second is of peculiar design, having
three stories, each tier being decorated with massive low columns (Erskine
ii. A. 116).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.28
See #note:vol1_f2.2.17#, p. vol1_37, above.
.fn-
.il id=i780 fn=illo_0780.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
JAIN TEMPLE.
In the Fortress of Kūmbhalmer.
To face page 780.
.ca-
Who, that has a spark of imagination, but has felt the indescribable
emotion which the gloom and silence of a Gothic
cathedral excites? The very extent provokes a comparison
humiliating to the pigmy spectator, and this is immeasurably
increased when the site is the mountain pinnacle, where man and
his works fade into nothing in contemplating the magnificent
expanse of nature. The Hindu priest did not raise the temple
for heterogeneous multitudes: he calculated that the mind
would be more highly excited when left to its solitary devotions,
amidst the silence of these cloistered columns, undisturbed save
by the monotony of the passing bell, while the surrounding gloom
is broken only by the flare of the censer as the incense mounts
above the altar.
Temple of Māma Devi.—It would present no distinct picture
to the eye were I to describe each individual edifice within the
scope of vision, either upwards towards the citadel, or below.
Looking down from the Jain temple towards the pass, till the
contracting gorge is lost in distance, the gradually diminishing
space is filled with masses of ruin. I will only notice two of the
most interesting. The first is dedicated to Mama Devi, ‘the
mother of the gods,’ whose shrine is on the brow of the mountain
overlooking the pass. The goddess is placed in the midst of her
numerous family, including the greater and lesser divinities.
They are all of the purest marble, each about three feet in height,
and tolerably executed, though evidently since the decline of
the art, of which very few good specimens exist executed within
the last seven centuries. The temple is very simple and primitive,
consisting but of a long hall, around which the gods are ranged,
without either niche or altar.
The most interesting portion of this temple is its court, formed
by a substantial wall enclosing a tolerable area. The interior
of this wall had been entirely covered with immense tables of
black marble, on which was inscribed the history of their gods,
and, what was of infinitely greater importance, that of the mortal
princes who had erected the tablets in their honour. But what
a sight for the antiquary! Not one of the many tables was
entire; the fragments were strewed about, or placed in position
.bn 238.png
.pn +1
to receive the flesh-pots of the sons of Ishmael, the mercenary
Rohilla Afghan \[673].[4.25.29]
.fn 4.25.29
These people assert their Coptic origin: being driven from Egypt by
one of the Pharaohs, they wandered eastwards till they arrived under that
peak of the mountains west of the Indus called Sulaiman-i-koh, or ‘Hill of
Solomon,’ where they halted. Others draw their descent from the lost
tribes. They are a very marked race, and as unsettled as their forefathers,
serving everywhere. They are fine gallant men, and, when managed by
such officers as Skinner, make excellent and orderly soldiers; but they
evince great contempt for the eaters of swine, who are their abomination.
[The Rohillas, ‘Highlanders,’ are a Pathān tribe which occupied Rohilkhand
after the death of Aurangzeb, A.D. 1707 (Crooke, Tribes and Castes
N.W.P. and Oudh, iv. 165 f.).]
.fn-
Memorial of Prithirāj and Tāra Bāi.—On quitting the temple
of Mama Devi, my attention was attracted by a simple monumental
shrine on the opposite side of the valley, and almost
in the gorge of the pass. It was most happily situated, being
quite isolated, overlooking the road leading to Marwar, and
consisted of a simple dome of very moderate dimensions, supported
by columns, without any intervening object to obstruct
the view of the little monumental altar arising out of the centre
of the platform. It was the Sybilline temple of Tivoli in miniature.
To it, over rock and ruin, I descended. Here repose the
ashes of the Troubadour of Mewar, the gallant Prithiraj and his
heroine wife, Tara Bai, whose lives and exploits fill many a page
of the legendary romances of Mewar.
.il id=i782 fn=illo_0782.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
RUINS IN KŪMBHALMER.
To face page 782.
.ca-
This fair ‘star’ (tara) was the daughter of Rao Surthan, the
chieftain of Badnor. He was of the Solanki tribe, the lineal
descendant of the famed Balhara kings of Anhilwara. Thence
expelled by the arms of Ala in the thirteenth century, they
migrated to Central India, and obtained possession of Tonk-Toda
and its lands on the Banas, which from remote times
had been occupied (perhaps founded) by the Taks, and hence
bore the name of Taksilanagar, familiarly Takatpur and Toda.[4.25.30]
Surthan had been deprived of Toda by Lila the Afghan, and now
.bn 239.png
.bn 240.png
.bn 241.png
.pn +1
occupied Badnor at the foot of the Aravalli, within the bounds
of Mewar. Stimulated by the reverses of her family, and by the
incentives of its ancient glory, Tara Bai, scorning the habiliments
and occupations of her sex, learned to guide the war-horse, and
throw with unerring aim the arrow from his back, even while at
speed. Armed with the bow and quiver, and mounted on a fiery
Kathiawar, she joined the cavalcade in their unsuccessful
attempts to wrest Toda from the Afghan. Jaimall, the third son
of Rana Raemall, in person made proposals for her hand.
“Redeem Toda,” said the star of Badnor, “and my hand is
thine.” He assented to the terms: but evincing a rude determination
to be possessed of the prize ere he had earned it, he was
slain by the indignant father. Prithiraj, the brother of the
deceased, was then in exile in Marwar; he had just signalized
his valour, and ensured his father’s forgiveness, the redemption
of Godwar,[4.25.31] and the \[674] catastrophe at Badnor determined
him to accept the gage thrown down to Jaimall. Fame and the
bard had carried the renown of Prithiraj far beyond the bounds
of Mewar; the name alone was attractive to the fair, and when
thereto he who bore it added all the chivalrous ardour of his
prototype, the Chauhan, Tara Bai, with the sanction of her father,
consented to be his, on the simple asseveration that “he would
restore to them Toda, or he was no true Rajput.” The anniversary
of the martyrdom of the sons of Ali was the season chosen
for the exploit.[4.25.32] Prithiraj formed a select band of five hundred
cavaliers, and accompanied by his bride, the fair Tara, who
insisted on partaking his glory and his danger, he reached Toda
at the moment the ta’aziya or bier containing the martyr-brothers
was placed in the centre of the chauk or ‘square.’ The prince,
Tara Bai, and the faithful Sengar chief, the inseparable companion
of Prithiraj, left their cavalcade and joined the procession as it
passed under the balcony of the palace in which the Afghan was
putting on his dress preparatory to descending. Just as he had
asked who were the strange horsemen that had joined the throng,
the lance of Prithiraj and an arrow from the bow of his Amazonian
bride stretched him on the floor. Before the crowd recovered
from the panic, the three had reached the gate of the town, where
their exit was obstructed by an elephant. Tara Bai with her
.bn 242.png
.pn +1
scimitar divided his trunk, and the animal flying, they joined
their cavalcade, which was close at hand.
.fn 4.25.30
From the ruins of its temples, remnants of Takshak architecture, the
amateur might speedily fill a portfolio. This tract abounds with romantic
scenery: Rajmahall on the Banas, Gokaran, and many others. Herbert
calls Chitor the abode of Taxiles, the ally of Alexander. The Taks were
all of the race of Puru, so that Porus is a generic, not a proper name. This
Taksilanagar has been a large city. We owe thanks to the Emperor Babur,
who has given us the position of the city of Taxiles, where Alexander left
it, west of the Indus. [The Tāk tribe had no connexion with Chitor.]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.31
See p. vol1_344 [Vol. I.].
.fn-
.fn 4.25.32
[The Muharram festival.]
.fn-
The Afghans were encountered, and could not stand the attack.
Those who did not fly were cut to pieces; and the gallant
Prithiraj inducted the father of his bride into his inheritance. A
brother of the Afghans, in his attempt to recover it, lost his life.
The Nawab Mallu Khan then holding Ajmer determined to
oppose the Sesodia prince in person; who, resolved upon being the
assailant, advanced to Ajmer, encountered his foe in the camp
at daybreak, and after great slaughter entered Garh Bitli, the
citadel, with the fugitives. “By these acts,” says the chronicle,
“his fame increased in Rajwara: one thousand Rajputs, animated
by the same love of glory and devotion, gathered round the
nakkaras of Prithiraj. Their swords shone in the heavens, and
were dreaded on the earth; but they aided the defenceless.”
Another story is recorded and confirmed by Muhammadan
writers as to the result, though they are ignorant of the impulse
which prompted the act. Prithiraj on some \[675] occasion
found the Rana conversing familiarly with an ahadi[4.25.33] of the
Malwa king, and feeling offended at the condescension, expressed
himself with warmth. The Rana ironically replied: “You are
a mighty seizer of kings; but for me, I desire to retain my land.”
Prithiraj abruptly retired, collected his band, made for Nimach,
where he soon gathered five thousand horse, and reaching Dipalpur,
plundered it, and slew the governor. The king on hearing
of the irruption left Mandu at the head of what troops he could
collect; but the Rajput prince, in lieu of retreating, rapidly
advanced and attacked the camp while refreshing after the
march. Singling out the royal tent, occupied by eunuchs and
females, the king was made captive, and placed on an express
camel beside the prince, who warned the pursuers to follow
peaceably, or he would put his majesty to death; adding that
he intended him no harm, but that after having made him “touch
his father’s feet,” he should restore him to liberty. Having
carried him direct to Chitor and to his father’s presence, he
turned to him saying, “Send for your friend the ahadi, and ask
.bn 243.png
.pn +1
him who this is?” The Malwa king was detained a month
within the walls of Chitor, and having paid his ransom in horses,
was set at liberty with every demonstration of honour.[4.25.34] Prithiraj
returned to Kumbhalmer, his residence, and passed his life in
exploits like these from the age of fourteen to twenty-three, the
admiration of the country and the theme of the bard.
.fn 4.25.33
[Ahadi, ‘single, alone,’ like our warrant-officer, a gentleman trooper
in the Mughal service, so called because they offered their services singly,
and did not attach themselves to any chief (Āīn, i. 20, note; Irvine, Army
of the Indian Moghuls, 43).]
.fn-
.fn 4.25.34
[This is the Rājput story which lacks confirmation from Muhammadan
sources. The captive may have been Ghiyāsū-d-dīn of Mālwa, or Muzaffar
Shāh of Gujarāt; but it is probably fiction invented by the Mewār bards
(Erskine ii. A. 18).]
.fn-
It could not be expected that long life would be the lot of one
who thus courted distinction, though it was closed neither by
shot nor sabre, but by poison, when on the eve of prosecuting
his unnatural feud against his brother Sanga, the place of whose
retreat was made known by his marriage with the daughter of
the chieftain of Srinagar, who had dared to give him protection
in defiance of his threats.
At the same time he received a letter from his sister, written
in great grief, complaining of the barbarous treatment of her lord,
the Sirohi prince, from whose tyranny she begged to be delivered
and to be restored to the paternal roof; since whenever he had
indulged too freely in the ‘essence of the flower,’ or in opium, he
used to place her under the bedstead, and leave her to sleep on
the floor. Prithiraj instantly departed, reached Sirohi at midnight,
scaled the palace, and interrupted the repose of Pabhu
Rao by placing his poniard at his throat. His wife, notwithstanding
his cruelty, complied with his humiliating appeal for
mercy, and begged his life, which was granted on condition of
his standing as a suppliant with his wife’s \[676] shoes on his head,
and touching her feet, the lowest mark of degradation. He
obeyed, was forgiven, and embraced by Prithiraj, who became
his guest during five days. Pabhu Rao was celebrated for a confection,
of which he presented some to his brother at parting.
He partook of it as he came in sight of Kumbhalmer; but on
reaching the shrine of Mama Devi was unable to proceed. Here
he sent a message to the fair Tara to come and bid him farewell;
but so subtle was the poison, that death had overtaken him ere
she descended from the citadel. Her resolution was soon formed;
the pyre was erected, and with the mortal remains of the chivalrous
Prithiraj in her embrace, she sought “the regions of the sun.”
.bn 244.png
.pn +1
Such the end of the Sesodia prince, and the star of Badnor.
From such instances we must form our opinion of the manners
of these people. But for the poisoned confection of the chief
of Sirohi, Prithiraj would have had the glory of opposing himself
to Babur, instead of his heroic brother and successor, Sanga.[4.25.35]
Whether, from his superior ardour of temperament, and the love
of military glory which attracted similarly constituted minds to
his fortunes, he would have been more successful than his brother,
it is futile to conjecture.
.fn 4.25.35
See Annals, p. 353.
.fn-
The Frontier of Mārwār.—October 20.—Halted till noon, that
the men might dress their dinners, and prepare for the descent
into “the region of death,” or Marwar. The pass by which we
had to gain it was represented as terrific; but as both horse and
elephant, with the aid of the hatchet, will pick their way wherever
man can go, we determined to persevere. Struck the camp at
noon, when the baggage filed off, halting ourselves till three;
the escort and advanced tents, and part of the cuisine being
ordered to clear the pass, while we designed to spend the night
midway, in a spot forming the natural boundary of Mewar and
Marwar, reported to be sufficiently capacious. Rumour had not
magnified the difficulties of the descent, which we found strewed
with our baggage, arresting all progress for a full hour. For
nearly a mile there was but just breadth sufficient to admit the
passage of a loaded elephant, the descent being at an angle of 55°
with the horizon, and streams on either side rushing with a
deafening roar over their rugged beds. As we gained a firmer
footing at the base of this first descent, we found that the gallant
Manika, the gift of my friend the Bundi prince, had missed his
footing and rolled down the steep, breaking the cantle of the
saddle; a little farther appeared the cook, hanging in dismay
over the scattered implements of his art, his camel remonstrating
against the \[677] replacing of his kajavas or panniers. For
another mile it became more gentle, when we passed under a
tower of Kumbhalmer, erected on a scarped projection of the
rock, full five hundred feet above us. The scenery was magnificent;
the mountains rising on each side in every variety of form,
and their summits, as they caught a ray of the departing sun,
reflecting on our sombre path a momentary gleam from the
masses of rose-coloured quartz which crested them. Noble
.bn 245.png
.pn +1
forest trees covered every face of the hills and the bottom of the
glen, through which, along the margin of the serpentine torrent
which we repeatedly crossed, lay our path. Notwithstanding
all our mishaps, partly from the novelty and grandeur of the
scene, and partly from the invigorating coolness of the air, our
mirth became wild and clamorous: a week before I was oppressed
with a thousand ills; and now I trudged the rugged path, leaping
the masses of granite which had rolled into the torrent.
There was one spot where the waters formed a pool or dah.
Little Carey determined to trust to his pony to carry him across,
but deviating to the left, just as I was leaping from a projecting
ledge, to my horror, horse and rider disappeared. The shock
was momentary, and a good ducking the only result, which in the
end was the luckiest thing that could have befallen him. On
reaching the Hathidarra, or ‘barrier of the elephant’ (a very
appropriate designation for a mass of rock serving as a rampart
to shut up the pass), where we had intended to remain the night,
we found no spot capacious enough even for a single tent. Orders
accordingly passed to the rear for the baggage to collect there,
and wait the return of day to continue the march. The shades
of night were fast descending, and we proceeded almost in utter
darkness towards the banks of the stream, the roar of whose
waters was our guide, and not a little perplexed by the tumultuous
rush which issued from every glen, to join that we were seeking.
Towards the termination of the descent the path became wider,
and the voice of the waters of a deeper and hoarser tone, as they
glided to gain the plains of Marwar. The vault of heaven, in
which there was not a cloud, appeared as an arch to the perpendicular
cliffs surrounding us on all sides, and the stars beamed
with peculiar brilliancy from the confined space through which
we viewed them. As we advanced in perfect silence, fancy busily
at work on what might befall our straggling retinue from the
ferocious tiger or plundering mountaineer, a gleam of light
suddenly flashed upon us on emerging from the brushwood, and
disclosed a party of dismounted cavaliers seated round their
night-fires under some magnificent fig-trees \[678].[4.5.36]
.fn 4.5.36
The bar or banyan tree, Ficus Indica.
.fn-
Meeting with the Mers.—Halted, and called a council of war
to determine our course: we had gained the spot our guides had
assigned as the only fitting one for bivouac before we reached the
.bn 246.png
.pn +1
plains beyond the mountains; it afforded shade from the dews,
and plenty of water. The munitions de bouche having gone on
was a good argument that we should follow; but darkness and
five miles more of intricate forest, through a path from which
the slightest deviation, right or left, might lead us into the jaws
of a tiger, or the toils of the equally savage Mer, decided us to
halt. We now took another look at the group above-mentioned.
Though the excitement of the morning was pretty well chilled
by cold and hunger (poor sharpeners of the imagination), it was
impossible to contemplate the scene before us without a feeling
of the highest interest. From twenty-five to thirty tall figures,
armed at all points, were sitting or reposing in groups round their
watch-fires, conversing and passing the pipe from hand to hand,
while their long black locks, and motley-fashioned turbans, told
that they belonged to Marudesa. A rude altar, raised in honour
of some “gentle blood” shed by the murky mountaineer, served
as a place of rest for the chief of the party, distinguished by the
gold band in his turban, and his deer-skin doublet. I gave the
usual salutation of “Rama, Rama,” to the chief and his party,
and inquired after the health of their chieftain of Ghanerao, to
whose courtesy I found I owed this mark of attention. This
was the boundary between the two States of Marwar and Mewar,
since the district of Godwar was lost by the latter about fifty
years ago. The spot has been the scene of many a conflict, and
a closer approach disclosed several other altars raised in honour
of the slain; each represented a cavalier mounted on his war-steed,
with his lance poised, denoting that in such attitude he
fell in defending the pass, or redeeming the cattle from the
plundering mountain Mer. A square tablet placed on each contained
the date on which he gained “the mansions of the sun.”
Midnight being past, and bringing no hope of our appetites
growing by what they might feed upon, Dr. Duncan and Captain
Waugh took the jhul, or broadcloth-housing, from the elephant,
and rolling themselves in it, followed the example of the chieftain
and reposed upon the ashes of the brave, on an altar adjoining
the one he occupied. I soon left them in happy forgetfulness of
tigers, Meras, hunger, and all the fatigues of the day, and joined
the group to listen to the tale with which they enlivened the
midnight hour. This I can repeat, but it would have required
the pencil of a master to paint the scene. It was a subject for
.bn 247.png
.bn 248.png
.bn 249.png
.pn +1
Salvator Rosa; though I should \[679] have been perfectly
satisfied with one of Captain Waugh’s delineations, had he been
disposed at that moment to exert the pictorial art. Several of
my friends had encountered the mountaineer on this very spot;
and these humble cenotaphs, covering the ashes of their kin,
recalled events not likely to be repeated in these halcyon days,
when the names of Bhil and Mer cease to be the synonyms of
plunderer. As there may be no place more appropriate for a
sketch of the mountaineers, the reader may transport himself to
the glen of Kumbhalmer, and listen to the history of one of the
aboriginal tribes of Rajasthan \[680].
.dv class='column-container'
.dv class='column'
.il id=i788 fn=illo_0788l.jpg w=300px ew=100%
.ca KOLI AND BHIL.
.dv-
.dv class='column'
.il fn=illo_0788r.jpg w=300px ew=100%
.ca CHĀRAN OR BARD.
.dv-
.nf c
(The Foresters of Rājputana.)
To face page 788.
.nf-
.dv-
.fm rend=ht lz=ht
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 26
.sp 4
The Mer Tribe.—The Mer or Mera is the mountaineer of Rajputana,
and the country he inhabits is styled Merwara, or ‘the
region of hills.’ The epithet is therefore merely local, for the
Mer is but a branch of the Mina or Maina, one of the aborigines
of India. He is also called Merot and Merawat; but these
terminations only more correctly define his character of mountaineer.[4.26.1]
Merwara is that portion of the Aravalli chain between
Kumbhalmer and Ajmer, a space of about ninety miles in length,
and varying in breadth from six to twenty. The general character
of this magnificent rampart, in the natural and physical geography
of Rajputana, is now sufficiently familiar. It rises from three to
four thousand feet above the level of the sea, and abounds with a
variety of natural productions. In short, I know no portion of
the globe which would yield to the scientific traveller more
abundant materials for observation than the alpine Aravalli.
The architectural antiquary might fill his portfolio, and natural
history would receive additions to her page in every department,
.bn 250.png
.pn +1
and especially in botany and zoology.[4.26.2] I \[681] should know no
higher gratification than to be of a scientific party to anatomize
completely this important portion of India. I would commence
on the Gujarat, and finish on the Shaikhawat frontier. The
party should consist of a skilful surveyor, to lay down on a large
scale a topographical chart of the mountains; several gentlemen
thoroughly versed in natural history; able architectural and
landscape draughtsmen, and the antiquary to transcribe ancient
inscriptions, as well as to depict the various races. The “Aravalli
delineated,” by the hand of science, would form a most instructive
and delightful work.
.fn 4.26.1
Meru is ‘a [fabulous] mountain’ in Sanskrit; Merawat and Merot, ‘of
or belonging to the mountain.’ I have before remarked that the name of
the Albanian mountaineer, Mainote, has the same signification. I know
not the etymology of Mina, of which the Mer is a branch. [Needless to say,
whatever the meaning of the title Mer may be, it has no connexion with
Mt. Meru. The traditions of the Mers point to Mīna ancestry. For the
Mīna tribe see Rose, Glossary, iii. 102 ff.; Watson, Rajputāna Gazetteer, i. A.
29 ff.]
.fn-
A minute account of the Mer, his habits and his history, would
be no unimportant feature: but as this must be deferred, I will,
in the meanwhile, furnish some details to supply the void.
The Mers are a branch of the Chitas, an important division of
the Minas.[4.26.3] I shall elsewhere enter at large into the history of
this race, which consists of as many branches as their conquerors,
the Rajputs. All these wild races have the vanity to mingle
their pedigree with that of their conquerors, though in doing so
they stigmatize themselves. The Chita-Minas accordingly claim
descent from a grandson of the last Chauhan emperor of Delhi.
Anhul and Anup were the sons of Lakha, the nephew of the
Chauhan king. The coco-nut was sent from Jaisalmer, offering
princesses of that house in marriage: but an investigation into
their maternal ancestry disclosed that they were the issue of a
.bn 251.png
.pn +1
Mina concubine: and their birth being thus revealed, they became
exiles from Ajmer, and associates with their maternal relatives.
.fn 4.26.2
I had hoped to have embodied these subjects with, and thereby greatly
to have increased the interest, of my work; but just as Lord Hastings had
granted my request, that an individual eminently qualified for those pursuits
should join me, a Higher Power deemed it fit to deny what had been long
near my heart.
The individual, John Tod, was a cousin of my own, and possessed an
intellect of the highest order. He was only twenty-two years of age when
he died, and had only been six months in India. He was an excellent
classical scholar, well versed in modern languages and every branch of
natural history. His manners, deportment, and appearance were all in
unison with these talents. Had it pleased the Almighty to have spared
him, this work would have been more worthy of the public notice. [An
officer named Tod was murdered at Nāhar Magra, near Udaipur, in May
1804 (Malcolm, Memoir Central India, 2nd ed. i. 237).]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.3
[The Mers are supposed to be a foreign tribe, like the Gurjaras and
Mālavas, which passed into Kāthiāwār through the Panjāb, Sind, and
N. Gujarāt (BG, i. Part i. 136 ff.; Elliot-Dowson i. 519 ff.).]
.fn-
Anhul espoused the daughter of a Mina chieftain, by whom
he had Chita, whose descendants enjoy almost a monopoly of
power in Merwara. The sons of Chita, who occupied the northern
frontier near Ajmer, became Muhammadans about fifteen generations
ago, when Duda, the sixteenth from the founder of the race,
was created Dawad Khan by the Hakim of Ajmer; and as
Hathun was his residence, the “Khan of Hathun” signified the
chief of the Merots. Chang, Jhak, and Rajosi are the principal
towns adjoining Hathun. Anup also took a Mina wife, by whom
he had Barar, whose descendants have continued true \[682] to
their original tenets. Their chief places are Barar, Berawara,
Mandila, etc. Though the progeny of these Minas may have been
improved by the infusion of Rajput blood, they were always
notorious for their lawless habits, and for the importance attached
to them so far back as the period of Bisaldeo, the celebrated prince
of Ajmer, whom the bard Chand states to have reduced them to
submission, making them “carry water in the streets of Ajmer.”
Like all mountaineers, they of course broke out whenever the
hands of power were feeble. In the battle between the Chauhans
of Ajmer and the Parihars of Mandor, a body of four thousand
Mer bowmen served Nahar Rao, and defended the pass of the
Aravalli against Prithiraj in this his first essay in arms. Chand
thus describes them:[4.26.4] “Where hill joins hill, the Mer and Mina
thronged. The Mandor chief commanded that the pass should
be defended—four thousand heard and obeyed, each in form as
the angel of death—men who never move without the omen,
whose arrow never flies in vain—with frames like India’s bolt—faithful
to their word, preservers of the land and the honour[4.26.5] of
Mandor; whose fortresses have to this day remained unconquered—who
bring the spoils of the plains to their dwellings. Of these
in the dark recesses of the mountains four thousand lay concealed,
their crescent-formed arrows beside them. Like the envenomed
serpent, they wait in silence the advance of the foe.
.fn 4.26.4
I cannot discover by what part of the range the invasion of Mandor
was attempted; it might have been the pass we are now in, for it is evident
it was not from the frontier of Ajmer.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.5
Laj is properly ‘shame,’ which word is always used in lieu of honour:
laj rakho, ‘preserve my shame,’ i.e. my honour from shame.
.fn-
.bn 252.png
.pn +1
Prithirāj attacks the Mers.—“Tidings reached the Chauhan
that the manly Mina, with bow in hand, stood in the mountain’s
gorge. Who would be bold enough to force it? his rage was like
the hungry lion’s when he views his prey. He called the brave
Kana, and bade him observe those wretches as he commanded
him to clear the pass. Bowing he departed, firm as the rock on
which he trod. He advanced, but the mountaineer (Mer) was
immovable as Sumeru. Their arrows, carrying death, fly like
Indra’s bolts—they obscure the sun. Warriors fall from their
steeds, resounding in their armour as a tree torn up by the blast.
Kana quits the steed; hand to hand he encounters the foe; the
feathery shafts, as they strike fire, appear like birds escaping
from the flames. The lance flies through the breast, appearing
at the back \[683], like a fish escaping through the meshes of a
net. The evil spirits dance in the mire of blood. The hero of
the mountain[4.26.6] encountered Kana, and his blow made him reel;
but like lightning it was returned, and the mountaineer fell: the
crash was as the shaking of Sumeru. At this moment Nahar
arrived, roaring like a tiger for his prey: he called aloud to
revenge their chief, his brother,[4.26.7] and fresh vigour was infused
into their souls. On the fall of the mountain-chief, the Chauhan
commanded the ‘hymn of triumph’[4.26.8] to be sounded; it startled
the mountaineer, but only to nerve his soul afresh. In person
the Chauhan sought his foe. The son of Somesa is a bridegroom.
His streaming standards flutter like the first falls of rain in Asarh,
and as he steps on the bounds which separate Mandor from
Ajmer, ‘Victory! victory!’ is proclaimed. Still the battle
rages. Elephants roar, horses neigh, terror stalks everywhere.
The aids of Girnar[4.26.9] and of Sind now appeared for Mandor,
bearing banners of every colour, varied as the flowers of the
spring. Both arrays were clad in mail; their eyes and their
finger-nails alone were exposed; each invoked his tutelary protector
as he wielded the dodhara.[4.26.10] Prithiraj was refulgent as
Indra; the Parihar’s brightness was as the morning star; each
was clad in armour of proof, immovable as gods in mortal form.
The sword of the Chauhan descended on the steed of the Parihar;
.bn 253.png
.pn +1
but as he fell, Nahar sprung erect, and they again darted on
each other, their warriors forming a fortress around the persons
of their lords. Then advanced the standards of the Pramar,
like a black rolling cloud, while the lightnings flashed from his
sword. Mohana, the brother of Mandor, received him; they
first examined each other—then joining in the strife, the helm
of the Pramar was cleft in twain. Now advanced Chawand, the
Dahima; he grasped his iron lance,[4.26.11]—it pierced the Parihar,
and the head appeared like a serpent looking through the door
in his back. The flame (jyot) united with the fire from which it
sprung, while the body fell on its parent earth. By his devotion
the sins of his life were forgiven. Nobly did the tiger (Nahar)
of Mandor meet the lion of the world. He called aloud, ‘Hold
your ground as did Bal Raja of old.’ Again the battle rages—Durga
gluts herself with blood \[684]—the air resounds with the
clash of arms and the rattling of banners—the Aswar[4.26.12] rains on
the foe—Khetrpal[4.26.13] sports in the field of blood—Mahadeva fills
his necklace—the eagle gluts itself on the slain—the mien of
the warriors expands as does the lotos at the sunbeam—the
war-song resounds—with a branch of the tulasi on the helm,
adorned in the saffron robe, the warriors on either side salute
each other.” The bard here exclaims, “But why should I
enlarge on this encounter?”—but as this digression is merely
for breathing time, we shall not follow him, the object being
to introduce the mountain Mer, whom we now see hors de
combat.
.fn 4.26.6
Parbat Vira.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.7
The Parihar prince bestowed this epithet merely in compliment.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.8
Sindhu Raga.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.9
[The sacred Jain mountain in Kāthiāwār.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.10
With two (do) edges (dhara).
.fn-
.fn 4.26.11
Sang is the iron lance, either wholly of iron, or having plates for about
ten feet; these weapons are much used in combats from camels in the
Desert.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.12
‘Sword’—Aswar in the dialect.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.13
[The field guardian deity.]
.fn-
Character of the Mers.—Admitting the exaggeration of the
poet, the Mer appears to have been in the twelfth century what
he is in the nineteenth, a bold, licentious marauder. He maintained
himself throughout the whole of the Mogul domination,
alternately succumbing and depredating; and since the Mahrattas
crippled these countries, the Mer had regained all his consequence,
and was rapidly encroaching upon his Rajput suzerain. But
when in 1821 their excesses made it imperative to reduce their
holds and fastnesses, they made no stand against the three
battalions of sepoys sent against them, and the whole tract was
.bn 254.png
.pn +1
compelled to obedience; not, however, till many of the descendants
of Chita and Barar had suffered both in person and property.[4.26.14]
The facility with which we reduced to entire subjection this
extensive association of plunderers, for centuries the terror of
these countries, occasioned no little astonishment to our allies.
The resistance was indeed contemptible, and afforded a good
argument against the prowess of those who had tolerated the
existence of a gang at once so mischievous and weak. But this
was leaping to a conclusion without looking beneath the surface,
or to the moral and political revolution which enervated the arms
of Mer and Mahratta, Pindari and Pathan. All rose to power
from the common occupation of plunderers, aided by the national
jealousies of the Rajputs. If the chieftains of Mewar leagued
to assault the mountaineers, they found refuge and support in
Marwar; and as their fortresses at all times presented a sanctuary,
their Rawats or leaders obtained consequence amongst all parties
by granting it. Every Mer community, accordingly, had a
perfect understanding with the chieftain whose lands were contiguous
to their own, and who enjoyed rights granted by the
Rana over these nominal subjects. These rights were all of a
feudal nature, as rakhwali or ‘blackmail’ \[685], and those petty
proofs of subordination, entitled in the feudal law of Europe
“petit serjanterie.” The token might be a colt, a hawk, or a
bullock, and a nazarana, or pecuniary acknowledgement, perhaps
only of half-a-crown on the chieftain’s birthday, or on the Rajput
Saturnalia, the Holi. But all these petty causes for assimilation
between the Rajput and the lawless Mer were overlooked, as well
as the more powerful one which rendered his arms of no avail.
Every door was hermetically sealed against him; wherever he
looked he saw a foe—the magical change bewildered him; and
when their Khan and his adherents were assailed while in fancied
security, and cut off in a midnight attack, his self-confidence
was annihilated—he saw a red-coat in every glen, and called
aloud for mercy.
.fn 4.26.14
[For an account of the Mer rebellion in 1820 and its suppression see
Watson, Rājputāna Gazetteer, i. A. 14.]
.fn-
The Merwāra Battalion.—A corps of these mountaineers, commanded
by English officers, has since been formed, and I have
no doubt may become useful.[4.26.15] Notwithstanding their lawless
.bn 255.png
.pn +1
habits, they did not neglect agriculture and embanking, as
described in the valley of Shera Nala, and a district has been
formed in Merwara which in time may yield a lakh of rupees
annually to the state.
.fn 4.26.15
[The 44th Merwāra Infantry, formerly known as the Merwāra Battalion,
formed in 1822, did good service in the Mutiny of 1857, and in the Afghān
campaign of 1878 (Watson, Gazetteer, i. A. 119 ff.; Cardew, Sketch of the
Services of the Bengal Native Army, 338 ff.)].
.fn-
Marriage Customs.—Some of their customs are so curious,
and so different from those of their lowland neighbours, that we
may mention a few. Leaving their superstitions as regards
omens and auguries, the most singular part of their habits, till
we give a detailed sketch of the Minas hereafter, I will notice
the peculiarity of their notions towards females. The Mer,
following the customary law handed down from his rude ancestry,
and existing long before the written law of Manu, has no objection
to a widow as a wife. This contract is termed nata, and his
civilized master levies a fine or fee of a rupee and a quarter for
the licence, termed kagli. On such marriage the bridegroom
must omit in the maur, or nuptial coronet, the graceful palmyra
leaf, and substitute a small branch of the sacred pipal wreathed
in his turban. Many of the forms are according to the common
Hindu ritual. The sat-phera, or seven perambulations round
the jars filled with grain, piled over each other—the ganth-jora, or
uniting the garments—and the hathleva, or junction of hands of
bride and bridegroom, are followed by the Mers. Even the
northern clans, who are converts to Islam, return to their ancient
habits on this occasion, and have a Brahman priest to officiate.
I discovered, on inquiring into the habits of the Mers, that they
are not the only race which did not refuse to wed a widow, and
that both Brahmans and Rajputs have from ancient times been
accustomed not to consider it derogatory \[686].[4.26.16] Of the former,
the sacerdotal class, the Nagda[4.26.17] Brahmans, established at this
town long before the Guhilots obtained power in Mewar. Of
the Rajputs, they are all of the most ancient tribes, now the
allodial vassals or Bhumias of Rajputana, as the Chinana, Kharwar,
Uten, Daya, names better known in the mystic page of the
.bn 256.png
.pn +1
chronicle than now, though occasionally met with in the valleys
of the Aravalli. But this practice, so little known, gives rise to
an opinion, that many of the scrupulous habits regarding women
are the inventions of the priests of more modern days. The
facilities for separation are equally simple. If tempers do not
assimilate, or other causes prompt them to part, the husband
tears a shred from his turban, which he gives to his wife, and
with this simple bill of divorce, placing two jars filled with water
on her head, she takes whatever path she pleases, and the first
man who chooses to ease her of her load becomes her future
lord. This mode of divorce is practised not only amongst all
the Minas, but by Jats, Gujars, Ahirs, Malis, and other Sudra
tribes. Jehar le aur nikali, ‘took the jar and went forth,’ is a
common saying amongst the mountaineers of Merwara.
.fn 4.26.16
[No class of Brāhmans or Rājputs, claiming respectability, now permits
widow marriage.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.17
[Nāgda, near the shrine of Eklingji, one of the most ancient places in
Mewār.]
.fn-
Oaths, Food, Omens.—Their invocations and imprecations are
peculiar. The Chita or northern Mer, since he became acquainted
with the name of the prophet, swears by ‘Allah,’ or by his first
proselyte ancestor, ‘Duda Dawad Khan,’ or the still more ancient
head of the races, ‘Chita, Barar ka an‘. The southern Mers
also use the latter oath: “By my allegiance to Chita and Barar”;
and they likewise swear by the sun, ‘Suraj ka Sagun,’ and ‘Nath
ka Sagun’; or their ascetic priest, called the Nath. The
Muhammadan Mer will not now eat hog; the southron refuses
nothing, though he respects the cow from the prejudices of those
around him, and to please the Nath or Jogi, his spiritual guide.
The partridge and the maloli,[4.26.18] or wag-tail, are the chief birds of
omen with him, and the former ‘clamouring’ on the left, when
he commences a foray, is a certain presage of success. To conclude;
colonies of the Mers or Meras will be found as far north as
the Chambal, and even in the peninsula of Saurashtra. Merwara
is now in subjection to the Rana of Mewar, who has erected small
forts amidst the most influential communities to overawe them.
The whole tract has been assessed; the chiefs of the districts
being brought to the Rana’s presence presented nazarana, swore
fidelity, and received according to their rank gold bracelets or
turbans. It was an era in the annals of Mewar to see the accumulated
arms of Merwara piled upon the \[687] terrace of the palace
at the capital; but these measures were subsequent to our sojourn
.bn 257.png
.pn +1
in the glen of Kumbhalmer, from which we have yet to issue to
gain Marwar.
.fn 4.26.18
[Elsewhere known as Khanjarīt or Khanjan, a well-known bird of
omen.]
.fn-
The Chief of Gokulgarh.—October 21.—All hailed the return
of daylight with reverence. Captain Waugh and the Doctor
uncoiled from the elephant’s jhul, and I issued from my palki,
which had proved a welcome retreat against the chills of the
night air. By thirst and hunger our appetite for the picturesque
was considerably abated, and the contemplation of the spot
where we had bivouaced in that philosophical spirit of silence,
which all have experienced who have made a long march before
breakfast, lost much of its romantic interest. Nevertheless,
could I have consulted merely my own wishes, I would have
allowed my friends and escort to follow the canteen, and have
pursued an intricate path which branched off to the right, to
have had the chance of an interview with the outlaw of Gokulgarh.
This petty chieftain, who enjoyed the distinctive epithet of
outlaw (barwatia), was of the Sonigira clan (a branch of the
Chauhans), who for centuries were the lords of Jalor. He was
a vassal of Marwar, now sovereign of Jalor, and being expelled
for his turbulence by his prince, he had taken post in the old
ruined castle of Gokulgarh, on a cliff of the Aravalli, and had
become the terror of the country. By his knowledge of the
intricacies of the mountains, he eluded pursuit; and his misdeeds
being not only connived at, but his spoils participated by
the chief of Deogarh, in whose fief was his haunt, he was under
no apprehension of surprise. Inability either to seize the Barwatia,
or drive him from his retreat, formed a legitimate excuse for the
resumption of Gokulgarh, and the dues of ‘blackmail’ he derived
from its twelve dependent villages. The last act of the Sonigira
was most flagrant; he intercepted in the plains of Godwar a
marriage procession, and made captives the bridegroom and
bride, whom he conveyed to Gokulgarh, where they long languished
for want of ransom. A party was formed to lie in wait
for him; but he escaped the snare, and his retreat was found
empty. Such was the state of society in these districts. The
form of outlawry is singular in this country, where the penal
laws are satisfied with banishment, even in cases of treason,
instead of the sanguinary law of civilization. The criminal
against whom the sentence of exile is pronounced being called
into his prince’s presence, is clad in black vestments, and placed
.bn 258.png
.pn +1
upon a black steed, his arms and shield all of the same sombre
hue of mourning and \[688] disgrace; he is then left to gain the
frontier by himself. This custom is very ancient: the Pandu
brothers were ‘Barwatias’[4.26.19] from the Jumna three thousand years
ago. The Jaisalmer annals relate the solemnity as practised
towards one of their own princes; and the author, in the domestic
dissensions of Kotah, received a letter from the prince, wherein
he demands either that his rights should be conceded, or that
the government would bestow the “black garment,” and leave
him to his fate.
.fn 4.26.19
This term is a compound of bāhar and watan, literally ‘ex patria.’
.fn-
The Chief of Ghānērāo.—Conversing on these and similar
subjects with my Marwari friends, we threaded our way for five
miles through the jungles of the pass, which we had nearly cleared,
when we encountered the chieftain of Ghanerao at the head of
his retinue, who of his own accord, and from a feeling of respect
to his ancient sovereign the Rana, advanced thus far to do me
honour. I felt the compliment infinitely the more, as it displayed
that spirit of loyalty peculiar to the Rajput, though the step was
dangerous with his jealous sovereign, and ultimately was prejudicial
to him. After dismounting and embracing, we continued
to ride to the tents, conversing on the past history of the province,
of his prince, and the Rana, after whom he affectionately inquired.
Ajit Singh is a noble-looking man, about thirty years of age, tall,
fair, and sat his horse like a brave Rathor cavalier. Ghanerao
is the chief town of Godwar, with the exception of the commercial
Pali, and the garrison-post Desuri. From this important district
the Rana could command four thousand Rathors holding lands
on the tenure of service, of whom the Ghanerao chief, then one
of the sixteen nobles of Mewar, was the head. Notwithstanding
the course of events had transferred the province, and consequently
his services, from the Rana of Udaipur to the Raja of
Jodhpur, so difficult is it to eradicate old feelings of loyalty and
attachment, that the present Thakur preferred having the sword
of investiture bound on him by his ancient and yet nominal
suzerain, rather than by his actual sovereign. For this undisguised
mark of feeling, Ghanerao was denuded of its walls,
which were levelled to the ground; a perpetual memento of
disgrace and an incentive to vengeance: and whenever the day
arrives that the Rana’s herald may salute him with the old motto,
.bn 259.png
.pn +1
“Remember Kumbhalmer,” he will not be deaf to the call. To
defend this post was the peculiar duty of his house, and often
have his ancestors bled in maintaining it against the Mogul.
Even now \[689], such is the inveteracy with which the Rajput
clings to his honours, that whenever the Ghanerao chief, or any
of his near kin, attend the Rana’s court, he is saluted at the porte,
or at the champ de Mars, by a silver mace-bearer from the Rana,
with the ancient war-cry, “Remember Kumbhalmer,” and he
still receives on all occasions of rejoicing a khilat from that
prince. He has to boast of being of the Rana’s blood, and is
by courtesy called “the nephew of Mewar.” The Thakur
politely invited me to visit him; but I was aware that compliance
would have involved him in difficulties with his jealous prince,
and made excuses of fatigue, and the necessity of marching next
morning, the motives of which he could not misunderstand.
Our march this morning was but short, and the last two miles
were in the plains of Marwar, with merely an occasional rock.
Carey joined us, congratulating himself on the ducking which
had secured him better fare than we had enjoyed in the pass of
Kumbhalmer, and which fastened both on Waugh and myself
violent colds. The atmospheric change was most trying: emerging
from the cold breezes of the mountains to 96° of Fahrenheit,
the effect was most injurious: it was 58° in the morning of our
descent into the glen. Alas! for my surviving barometer!
Mahesh, my amanuensis, who had been entrusted with it, joined
us next day, and told me the quicksilver had contrived to escape;
so I lost the opportunity of comparing the level of the desert
with the plains of Marwar.
The Chief of Rūpnagar.—October 27.—Halted to collect the
scattered baggage, and to give the men rest; the day was nearly
over before the whole came up, each party bringing lamentable
reports of the disastrous descent. I received a visit from the
chief of Rupnagar, who, like the Thakur of Ghanerao, owes a
divided allegiance to the courts on each side the mountains.
His castle, which gives him rank as one of the most conspicuous
of the second grade of the Rana’s nobles, was visible from the
camp, being placed on the western face of the mountains, and
commanding a difficult passage across them. From thence he
looks down upon Desuri and his ancient patrimony, now transferred
with Godwar to the Rathor prince; and often has he
.bn 260.png
.pn +1
measured his lance with the present occupants to retain his ancient
bhum, the right derived from the cultivating proprietor of the
soil. The chief of Rupnagar is of the Solanki race, a lineal
descendant of the sovereigns of Nahrwala, and the inheritor \[690]
of the war-shell of the celebrated monarch Siddhraj,[4.26.20] one of the
most powerful who ever sat on an eastern throne, and who occupied
that of Anhilwara from A.D. 1094, during half a century, celebrated
as a patron of literature and the arts. When in the
thirteenth century this State was destroyed, the branches found
refuge, as already described, in Mewar; for the ancestor of
Rupnagar was brother to the father of “the star of Badnor,”
and was invested with the estate and lands of Desuri by the same
gallant prince who obtained her hand by the recovery of her
father’s estates. The anecdote is worthy of relation, as showing
that the Rajput will stop at nothing “to obtain land.” The
intestine feuds amongst Rana Raemall’s sons, and his constant
warfare with the kings of Delhi and Malwa, made his authority
very uncertain in Godwar. The Mina and Mer possessed themselves
of lands in the plains, and were supported by the Madrecha
descendant of the once independent Chauhan sovereigns of Nadol,
the ancient capital of this region. Sand, the Madrecha, had
obtained possession of Desuri, the garrison town. To expel him,
the prince had recourse to Sada, the Solanki, whose son was
married to the daughter of the Madrecha. The bribe for the
reward of this treachery was to be the grant in perpetuity of
Desuri and its lands. Sada’s son readily entered into the scheme;
and to afford facilities for its execution he went with his wife
to reside at Desuri. It was long before an opportunity offered;
but at length the marriage of the young Madrecha to the daughter
of Sagra the Balecha was communicated to the Solanki by his
son; who told his father “to watch the smoke ascending from
the tower of Desuri,” as the signal for the attempt to get possession.
Anxiously did Sand watch from his castle of Sodhgarh
the preconcerted sign, and when the volume of black smoke
ascended, he rushed down from the Aravalli at the head of his
retainers. The mother-in-law of the young Solanki sent to know
why he should make a smoke as if he were burning a corpse,
when her son must be returning with his bride. Soon she heard
the clash of arms; the Solankis had entered and fired the town,
.bn 261.png
.pn +1
and the bridal party appeared before success was attained. Spears
and swords were plied. “’Ware the bull!” (sand), said the
Madrecha, as he encountered his foe. “My name is the lion
(singh) who will \[691] devour the bull,” replied the Solanki.
The contest was fierce, but the Madrechas were slain, and in the
morn Prithiraj was put in possession of Desuri. He drew out a
grant upon the spot, inserting in it a curse against any of Sesodia
blood who might break the bond which had restored the Rathor
authority in Godwar. Although seventeen generations have
passed since this event, the feud has continued between the
descendants of the lion of Sodhgarh and the bull of Desuri, though
the object of dissension is alienated from both.
.fn 4.26.20
He ruled from A.D. 1094 to 1143.
.fn-
The Chief of Ghānērāo. The Rājputs of Mewār and Mārwār
compared.—I could well have dispensed with visits this day, the
thermometer being 96°; I was besides devoured with inflammatory
cold; but there was no declining another polite visit
of the chieftain of Ghanerao. His retinue afforded a good opportunity
of contrasting the Sesodia Rajput of fertile Mewar with
the Rathors of Marwar, and which on the whole would have been
favourable to the latter, if we confined our view to those of the
valley of Udaipur, or the mountainous region of its southern limit,
where climate and situation are decidedly unfavourable. There
the Rajput may be said not only to deteriorate in muscular form
and strength, but in that fairness of complexion which distinguishes
him from the lower orders of Hindus. But the danger
of generalizing on such matters will be apparent when it is known
that there is a cause continually operating to check and diminish
the deteriorating principle arising from the climate and situation
(or, as the Rajput would say, from the hawa pani, ‘air and
water’) of these unhealthy tracts; namely, the continual influx
of the purest blood from every region in Rajputana: and the
stream which would become corrupt if only flowing from the
commingling of the Chondawats of Salumbar and the Jhalas of
Gogunda (both mountainous districts), is refreshed by that of
the Rathors of Godwar, the Chauhans of Haraoti, or the Bhatti
of the desert. I speak from conviction, the chieftains above
mentioned affording proofs of the evil resulting from such repeated
intermarriages; for, to use their own adage, “a raven will produce
a raven.” But though the personal appearance of the
chieftain of Gogunda might exclude him from the table of the
.bn 262.png
.pn +1
sixteen barons of Mewar, his son by a Rathor mother may be
exhibited as a redeeming specimen of the Jhalas, and one in every
way favourable of the Rajput of Mewar. On such occasion,
also, as a formal visit, both chieftain and retainers appear under
every advantage of dress and decoration; for even the form of
the turban may improve the contour of the face, though \[692]
the Mertias of Ghanerao have nothing so decidedly peculiar in
this way as those of other clans.
After some discourse on the history of past days, with which,
like every respectable Rajput, I found him perfectly conversant,
the Ghanerao chief took his leave with some courteous and
friendly expressions. It is after such a conversation that the
mind disposed to reflection will do justice to the intelligence of
these people: I do not say this with reference to the baron of
Ghanerao, but taking them generally. If by history we mean
the relation of events in succession, with an account of the leading
incidents connecting them, then are all the Rajputs versed in
this science; for nothing is more common than to hear them
detail their immediate ancestry or that of their prince for many
generations, with the events which have marked their societies.
It is immaterial whether he derives this knowledge from the
chronicle, the chronicler, or both: it not only rescues him from
the charge of ignorance, but suggests a comparison between him
and those who constitute themselves judges of nationalities by
no means unfavourable to the Rajput.
Godwār.—October 28.—Marched at daybreak. The Thakur
sent a confidential vassal to accompany me through his domain.
We could now look around us, as we receded from the Alpine
Aravalli, with nothing to obstruct the vision, over the fertile
plains of Godwar. We passed near Ghanerao, whose isolated
portals, without tower or curtain to connect them, have a most
humiliating appearance. It is to Raja Bhim, some twenty years
ago, that their chieftains owe this degradation, in order to lessen
their ability to recover the province for its ancient master the
Rana. It was indeed one of the gems of his crown, as it is the
only dazzling one in that of Marwar. While we marched over
its rich and beautiful plains, well watered, well wooded, and
abounding in fine towns, I entered into conversation with the
Rana’s envoy, who joined me on the march. Kishandas has
already been mentioned as one of the few men of integrity and
.bn 263.png
.pn +1
wisdom who had been spared to be useful to his country. He
was a mine of ancient lore, and his years, his situation, and his
character gave force to his sentiments of determined independence.
He was as quick as touchwood, which propensity occasionally
created a wordy war between me and my friend, who knew
my respect for him. “Restore us Godwar,” was his abrupt
salutation as he joined me on the march: to which, being a little
vexed, as the point could not be agitated by our government, I
said in reply, “Why did you \[693] let them take it?—where has
the Sesodia sword slept this half century?” Adding, “God
Almighty never intended that the region on this side the mountains
should belong to Mewar;—nature’s own hand has placed
the limit between you.” The old envoy’s blood was roused as
he exclaimed, “Even on this principle Godwar is ours, for
nature has marked our limit by stronger features than mountains.
Observe, as you advance, and you will find to the further limit
of the province every shrub and flower common to Mewar; pass
that limit but a few yards, and they are lost:
.pm start_poem
“Ānwal, ānwal Mewār:
Bāwal, bāwal Mārwār.
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
“Wherever the anwal puts forth its yellow blossoms, the land is
of right ours; we want nothing more. Let them enjoy their
stunted babuls, their karil, and the ak; but give us back our
sacred pipal, and the anwal of the border.”[4.26.21] In truth, the transition
is beyond credence marked: cross but a shallow brook, and
you leave all that is magnificent in vegetation; the pipal, bar,
and that species of the mimosa resembling the cypress, peculiar
to Godwar, are exchanged for the prickly shrubs, as the wild
caper, jawas, and many others, more useful than ornamental, on
which the camel browses.[4.26.22] The argument was, however, more
ingenious than just, and the old envoy was here substituting the
effect for the cause; but he shall explain in his own words why
Flora should be permitted to mark the line of demarcation instead
of the rock-enthroned (Durga) Cybele. The legend now repeated
is historical, and the leading incidents of it have already been
touched upon;[4.26.23] I shall therefore condense the Pancholi’s description
.bn 264.png
.pn +1
into a summary analysis of the cause why the couplet of the
bard should be deemed “confirmation strong” of the bounds of
kingdoms. These traditionary couplets, handed down from
generation to generation, are the most powerful evidence of the
past, and they are accordingly employed to illustrate the Khyats,
or annals, of Rajputana. When, towards the conclusion of the
fourteenth century, the founder of the Chondawats repaid the
meditated treachery of Ranmall of Mandor by his death, he took
possession of that capital and the entire country of the Rathors
(then but of small extent), which he held for several years. The
heir of Mandor became a fugitive, concealing himself in the fastnesses
of the Aravalli, with little hope that \[694] his name (Jodha)
would become a patronymic, and that he would be honoured as
the second founder of his country: that Mandor itself should be
lost in Jodhpur. The recollection of the feud was almost extinct;
the young Rana of Chitor had passed the years of Rajput minority,
and Jodha continued a fugitive in the wilds of Bhandak-parao,
with but a few horse in his train, indebted to the resources of
some independents of the desert for the means of subsistence.
He was discovered in this retreat by a Charan or bard, who,
without aspiring to prophetic powers, revealed to him that the
intercession of the queen-mother of Chitor had determined the
Rana to restore him to Mandor. Whether the sister of Jodha,
to give éclat to the restoration, wished it to have the appearance
of a conquest, or whether Jodha, impatient for possession, took
advantage of circumstances to make his entrance one of triumph,
and thereby redeem the disgrace of a long and humiliating exile,
it is difficult to decide; for while the annals of Mewar make the
restoration an act of grace, those of Marwar give it all the colours
of a triumph. Were the point worthy of discussion, we should
say both accounts were correct. The Rana had transmitted the
recall of Chonda from Mandor, but concealed from him the
motive, and while Jodha even held in his possession the Rana’s
letter of restoration, a concatenation of circumstances, in which
“the omen” was predominant, occurred to make him anticipate
his induction by a measure more consonant to the Rajput, a
brilliant coup de main. Jodha had left his retreat in the Run[4.26.34]
to make known to Harbuji Sankhla, Pabuji, and other rievers
.bn 265.png
.pn +1
of the desert, the changes which the bard had communicated.
While he was there, intelligence was brought that Chonda, in
obedience to his sovereign’s command, had proceeded to Chitor.
That same night “the bird of omen perched on Jodha’s lance,
and the star which irradiated his birth shone bright upon it.”
The bard of Mandor revealed the secret of heaven to Jodha, and
the heroes in his train: “Ere that star descends in the west,
your pennon will wave on the battlements of Mandor.” Unless,
however, this “vision of glory” was merely mental, Jodha’s
star must have been visible in daylight; for they could never
have marched from the banks of the Luni, where the Sankhla
resided, to Mandor, between its rising and setting. The elder son
of Chonda had accompanied his father, and they had proceeded
two coss in their \[695] journey, when a sudden blaze appeared in
Mandor: Chonda pursued his route, while his son Manja returned
to Mandor. Jodha was already in possession; his an had been
proclaimed, and the two other sons of Chonda had fallen in its
defence. Manja, who fled, was overtaken and slain on the
border. These tidings reached Chonda at the pass of the Aravalli;
he instantly returned to Mandor, where he was met by Jodha,
who showed him the letters of surrender for Mandor, and a command
that he should fix with him the future boundary of each
State. Chonda thought that there was no surer line of demarcation
than that chalked out by the hand of nature; and he accordingly
fixed that wherever the “yellow blossom” was found, the
land should belong to his sovereign, and the bard was not slow in
perpetuating the decree. Such is the origin of
.pm start_poem
Ānwal, ānwal Mewār:
Bāwal, bāwal Mārwār.
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.26.21
[Ānwal, āonla, Phyllanthus emblica; bāwal, babūl, Acacia arabica;
karīl, Capparis aphylla; āk, Calotropis gigantea; pīpal, Ficus religiosa.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.22
[Bar, Ficus bengalensis; jawās, Hedysarum alhagi.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.23
See p. vol1_325.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.34
An alp, or spot in these mountainous regions, where springs, pasture,
and other natural conveniences exist.
.fn-
The brave and loyal founder of the Chondawats, who thus
sacrificed his revenge to his sovereign’s commands, had his
feelings in some degree propitiated by this arrangement, which
secured the entire province of Godwar to his prince: his son
Manja fell, as he touched the region of the anwalas, and this cession
may have been in ‘mundkati,’ the compromise of the price of
blood. By such traditional legends, not less true than strange,
and to which the rock sculptures taken from Mandor bear evidence,
even to the heroes who aided Jodha in his enterprise, the anwal
of the Rajputs has been immortalized, like the humble broom of
.bn 266.png
.pn +1
the French, whose planta-genesta has distinguished the loftiest
name in chivalry, the proudest race emblazoned on the page of
heraldry.
Notwithstanding the crops had been gathered, this tract contrasted
favourably with Mewar, although amidst a comparative
prosperity we could observe the traces of rapine; and numerous
stories were rehearsed of the miseries inflicted on the people by
the rapacious followers of Amir Khan. We crossed numerous
small streams flowing from the Aravalli, all proceeding to join
the “Salt River,” or Luni. The villages were large and more
populous; yet was there a dulness, a want of that hilarity which
pervaded the peasantry of Mewar, in spite of their misfortunes.
The Rajputs partook of the feeling, the cause of which a little
better acquaintance with their headquarters soon revealed.
Mewar had passed through the period \[696] of reaction, which in
Marwar was about to display itself, and was left unfortunately
to its own control, or with only the impulse of a long suppressed
feeling of revenge in the bosom of its prince, and the wiles of a
miscreant minister, who wished to keep him in durance, and the
country in degradation.
Nādol.—It creates a refreshing sensation to find the camp
pitched in a cool and shaded spot; and at Nadol[4.26.35] we had this
satisfaction. Here again there was no time for recreation, for
there was abundant, nay, overwhelming matter both for the pen
and the pencil; but my readers must be satisfied with the imperfect
delineations of the first. Nadol is still a place of some
consequence, though, but for its temples, we should not have
supposed it to have been the capital of a province. With its
neighbour, Narlai, five miles to the westward, it was the abode
of a branch of the Chauhans of Ajmer, established at a very early
period. From Nadol sprung the Deoras of Sirohi, and the
Sonigiras of Jalor. The former still maintain their ground, in
spite of all attempts of the Rathors; but the Sonigira, who was
immortalized by his struggle against the second Ala, is blotted
from the list of independent States; and this valuable domain,
consisting of three hundred and sixty towns, is now incorporated
with Jodhpur.
.fn 4.26.35
[About seventy miles south-south-west of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
There is no spot in Rajputana that does not contain some
record of the illustrious Chauhan; and though every race has
.bn 267.png
.pn +1
had its career of glory, the sublimity of which, the annals of the
Sesodias before the reader sufficiently attest, yet with all my
partiality for those with whom I long resided, and with whose
history I am best acquainted, my sense of justice compels me to
assign the palm of martial intrepidity to the Chauhan over all
the “royal races” of India. Even the bards, to whatever family
they belong, appear to articulate the very name as if imbued with
some peculiar energy, and dwell on its terminating nasal with
peculiar complacency. Although they had always ranked high
in the list of chivalry, yet the seal of the order was stamped on
all who have the name of Chauhan, since the days of Prithiraj,
the model of every Rajput, and who had a long line of fame to
maintain. Of the many names familiar to the bard is Guga of
Bhatinda, who with forty-seven sons “drank of the stream of
the sword” on the banks of the Sutlej, in opposing Mahmud.[4.26.36]
This conqueror proceeded through the desert to the attack of
Ajmer, the chief abode of this race, where his arms were disgraced,
the invader wounded, and forced to relinquish his enterprise \[697].
In his route to Nahrwala and Somnath he passed Nadol,[4.26.37] whose
prince hesitated not to measure his sword even with Mahmud.
I was fortunate enough to obtain an inscription regarding this
prince, the celebrated Lakha, said to be the founder of this
branch from Ajmer, of which it was a fief—its date S. 1039
(A.D. 983).[4.26.38] The fortress attributed to Lakha is on the declivity
.bn 268.png
.pn +1
of a low ridge to the westward of the town, with square towers
of ancient form, and built of a very curious conglomerate of
granite and gneiss, of which the rock on which it stands is composed.
There was a second inscription, dated S. 1024 (A.D. 968),
which made him the contemporary of the Rana’s ancestor,
Sakti Kumar of Aitpur, a city also destroyed, more probably
by the father of Mahmud. The Chauhan bards speak in very
lofty terms of Rao Lakha, who “collected transit dues from the
further gate of Anhilwara, and levied tribute from the prince
of Chitor.”
.fn 4.26.36
[Bhatinda, now Govindgarh, in the Patiāla State (IGI, xii. 343). The
author’s accounts of Gūga or Gugga are contradictory (see Index, s.v.).
For this famous saga see Temple, Legends of the Panjāb, i. 121 ff., iii. 261 ff.
The cult of the hero has passed as far south as Gujarāt, his festival being
held on 9th dark half of Bhādon (Aug.-Sept.), known as Gūga navami (BG,
ix. Part i. 524 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.37
Ferishta, or his copyist, by a false arrangement of the points, has lost
Nadole in Buzule, using the ب for the ن and the ذ for the د. [It was
Kutbu-d-dīn who, on his way to Gujarāt, passed the forts of “Tilli and
Buzule” (Dow, ed. 1812, i. 147). Briggs (Ferishta i. 196) writes “Baly and
Nadole.” In the Tāju-l-Ma-āsir of Hasan Nizāmi the names are given as
“Pāli and Nandūl” (Elliot-Dowson ii. 229). This illustrates the difficulty
of tracing place names in the Muhammadan historians.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.38
[Towards the end of the tenth century, Lākhan or Lakshman Singh, a
younger brother of Wākpatirāj, the Chauhān Rāja of Sāmbhar, settled at
Nādol, and his descendants ruled the territory till their defeat by Kutbu-d-dīn
Ibak in 1206-10 (Erskine iii. A. 181 f.).]
.fn-
Remains at Nādol.—It is impossible to do full justice to the
architectural remains, which are well worthy of the pencil. Here
everything shows that the Jain faith was once predominant,
and that their arts, like their religion, were of a character quite
distinct from those of Siva. The temple of Mahavira, the
last of their twenty-four apostles, is a very fine piece of
architecture. Its vaulted roof is a perfect model of the most
ancient style of dome in the East; probably invented anterior
to the Roman. The principle is no doubt the same as the
first substitute of the arch, and is that which marked the genius
of Caesar in his bridge over the Rhone, and which appears
over every mountain torrent of the ancient Helvetii, from
whom he may have borrowed it.[4.26.39] The principle is that of a
horizontal instead of a radiating pressure. At Nadol the stones
are placed by a gradual projection one over the other, the
apex being closed by a circular key-stone. The angles of
all these projections being rounded off, the spectator looking
up can only describe the vault as a series of gradually diminishing
amulets or rings converging to the apex. The effect is
very pleasing, though it furnishes a strong argument that the
Hindus first became acquainted with the perfect arch through
their conquerors. The toran, in front of the altar of Mahavira,
is exquisitely sculptured, as well as several statues of marble,
discovered about one hundred and fifty years ago in the bed of
the river, when it changed its course. It is not unlikely that
they were buried during Mahmud’s invasion. But \[698] the
.bn 269.png
.pn +1
most singular structure of Nadol is a reservoir, called the chana
ki baoli, from the cost of it being paid by the return of a single
grain of pulse (chana). The excavation is immense; the descent
is by a flight of grey granite steps, and the sides are built up from
the same materials by piling blocks upon blocks of enormous
magnitude, without the least cement.
.fn 4.26.39
[The temple of Mahāvīra contains three inscriptions, dated A.D. 1609,
recording its construction from charitable funds. Garrett disputes the
author’s reference to Caesar, as the buildings are not superior to many
others in Rājputāna (ASR, xxiii. (1887) 93).]
.fn-
Inscriptions and Coins.—My acquisitions here were considerable.
Besides copies of inscriptions made by my Sanskrit scribes,
I obtained two originals on brass. Of one of these, dated S. 1218,
the memorial of Alandeva, I append a translation,[4.26.40] which may
be considered curious as a formula of endowment of the Jains.
I likewise procured several isolated MS. leaves of very great
value, relative to the thirty-six royal races, to the ancient geography
of India, and to the founding of ancient cities; also a
catalogue of longevity of plants and animals, and an extract
from a work concerning the descendants of Srenika and Samprati,
the potent princes of the Jain faith between Mahavira and
Vikrama. However meagre these fragments may be, I have
incorporated their contents into my mosaic. I also made valuable
additions to my collection of medals, for I obtained coins of
Mahmud, Balban, and Ala, surnamed Khuni, or ‘the sanguinary’;
and another of a conqueror equally meriting that title, Nadir
Shah. But these were of little consequence compared with what
one of my envoys brought from Narlai—a small bag full of
curious hieroglyphical (if I may so use the term) medals of the
Chauhan princes.[4.26.41] One side represents a warrior on horseback,
compounded out of a character to which I have applied the above
term; on some there was a bull; while others, retaining the
original reverse, have on the obverse the titles of the first Islamite
conquerors, in the same manner as the currency of France bears
the effigies of Louis XVI. and the emblems of the Republic.
Whoever will pay a visit to Nadol will find his labour amply
rewarded; I had only leisure to glean a few of these relics, which
yet formed a rich harvest. Narlai, Bali, Desuri, Sadri, all
ancient seats of the Jains, will yield medals, MSS., and rare
specimens of the architectural art. From Abu to Mandor, the
.bn 270.png
.pn +1
antiquary might fill many portfolios, and collect matter for
volumes of the ancient history of this people, for this is the cradle
of their faith. That I was enabled to obtain so much during a
rapid march through the country arose partly from previous
\[699] knowledge, partly from the extent of my means, for I had
flying detachments to the right and left of my route, consisting
of intelligent natives of each city, accompanied by pandits for
deciphering, and others for collecting whatever was the object of
research; who, at the close of each day, brought me the fruits
of their inquiries. When any remarkable discovery was made,
I followed it up in person, or by sending those in whom I could
confide. This is not mentioned from a spirit of egotism, but to
incite others to the pursuit by showing the rewards which await
such research.
.fn 4.26.40
See Appendix, No. #VII:a4.20.7#.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.41
These will appear more appropriately in a disquisition on Hindu
medals found by me in India, in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society.
[The well-known “Bull and Horseman” type (IGI, ii. 142 f.).]
.fn-
Indara.—October 29.—Camp at Indara, eleven miles. This
small town, placed on the north bank of one of the nameless
feeders of the ‘salt river,’ is the boundary of Godwar; here the
reign of the yellow anwal terminates, and here commences Marusthali,
or ‘the region of death.’ The transition is great. We can
look back upon fertility, and forward on aridity, which does not,
however, imply sterility: for that cunning artist, nature, compensates
the want of verdure and foliage to the inhabitants of the
desert by many spontaneous bounties. An entire race of cucurbitaceous
plants is the eleemosynary equivalent for the mango and
exotics of the central lands of Rajputana; while indigenous
poverty sends forth her commercial sons from Osi, Pali, and
Pokaran, to bring wealth from the Ganges and the Kistna, to the
Luni, or to the still more remote oasis, Jaisalmer. From Indara
everything assumed a new character: the sand, of which we had
before scarcely a sprinkling, became occasionally heavy; the
shallow beds of the numerous streams were white with saline
incrustations; and the vegetable creation had been gradually
diminishing, from the giant race of the sacred fig-tree with leaf
“broad as Amazonian targe,” to the dwarfish shrubs of the
desert. At once the satiric stanza of the bard of a more favoured
region was brought to my mind, and as I repeated it to my old
friend the Rana’s envoy, he enjoyed the confession, and afresh
urged his wish that nature should decide the question of their
boundaries:
.bn 271.png
.pn +1
.pm start_poem
Āk ra jhonpra,
Phog ra vār,
Bājra ri roti,
Motham hari dāl,
Dekho ho Raja, teri Marwar.
‘Huts of the āk,
Barriers of thorns,
Bread of maize,
Lentils of the vetch,
Behold Raja, your Marwar!’ \[700].
.pm end_poem
Construction of Villages.—The villages are of a construction
totally distinct from anything we have seen, and more approaching
the wigwam of the western world. Every commune is
surrounded with a circumvallation of thorns, kanta ka kot, and
the stacks of bhus, or ‘chaff,’ which are placed at intervals, give
it the appearance of a respectable fortification. These bhus
stacks are erected to provide provender for the cattle in scanty
rainy seasons, when the parched earth denies grass, or full crops
of maize. They are erected to the height of twenty or thirty
feet, coated with a cement of earth and cow-dung, and with a
sprinkling of thorns, to prevent the fowls of the air from reposing
in them. In this manner, with a little fresh coating, they will
exist ten years, being only resorted to on emergencies, when the
kine may be said to devour the village walls. Their appearance
is a great relief to the monotony of the march through the desert;
which, however, cannot strictly be said to commence till you
cross the Luni.
Pāli.—October 30.—A long march of twenty-one miles, in which
there was little to record, brought us to Pali, the great commercial
mart of western Rajwara. Like everything else in these regions
it bore the marks of rapine; and as in the civil wars of this State
its possession was of great importance to either party, the fortifications
were razed at the desire of the inhabitants, who did not
admire the noise of war within their gates. From the same
feeling, when it was proposed to gird the sister mart, Bhilwara,
with walls, the opposition to it was universal. The remnants of
the walls lend it an air of desolation.[4.26.42] The town is overrated at
ten thousand houses. As an emporium its reputation is of ancient
.bn 272.png
.pn +1
date: and, politically, it is connected with the establishment of
the reigning family in these regions. A community of Brahmans
then held Pali in grant from the princes of Mandor: whence comes
a numerous class, termed Paliwal, who follow mercantile pursuits.
It was in S. 1212 (A.D. 1156) that Siahji, the founder of the Rathor
dynasty and son to the emperor of Kanauj, passed Pali on his
return from a pilgrimage from Dwarka to the Ganges. The
Brahmans sent a deputation to relieve them from two great
enemies to their repose, namely, the Minas of the Aravalli, and
the lions, which had become very numerous. Siahji relieved
them from both; but the opportunity “to acquire land” was
too good to be lost, and on the festival of the Holi he put the
leading Brahmans to death, and took possession of Pali.
.fn 4.26.42
[All traces of those walls have disappeared, but in Jūna or ‘Old’
Pāli there are some fine temples (ASR, xxiii. (1887) 86 ff.).]
.fn-
The Commerce of Pāli.—Commerce, in these regions, is the
basis of liberty: even despotism is \[701] compelled to leave it
unrestrained. Pali, like Bhilwara, Jhalrapatan, Rani, and other
marts, enjoys the right of electing its own magistrates, both for
its municipal regulations, and the arbitration of all matters connected
with commercial pursuits. It was commerce which freed
Europe from the bondage of feudality; and the towns above
cited only require the same happy geographical position, to play
the part of the Hanse towns of Europe. Like Bhilwara, Pali has
its own currency, which, amidst universal deterioration, it has
retained undebased. From remote times, Pali has been the
connecting link between the sea-coast and northern India. Commercial
houses established at Muskat-Mandavi, Surat, and
Navanagar transmit the products of Persia, Arabia, Africa, and
Europe, receiving those of India and Thibet. To enumerate all
the articles, it would be necessary to name the various products
of each: from the coast, elephants’ teeth, rhinoceros’ hides,
copper, tin, pewter, dates dried and moist,[4.26.43] of which there is an
immense consumption in these regions; gum-arabic, borax, coco-nuts,
broad-cloths, striped silks, called patang; various dyes,
particularly the kermes or crimson; drugs, especially the oxides
of arsenic and quicksilver; spices, sandal-wood, camphor, tea,
momiai or mummy,[4.26.44] which is much sought after in medicine, and
.bn 273.png
.bn 274.png
.bn 275.png
.pn +1
green glass (kanch). From Bahawalpur, soda (sajji),[4.26.45] the dyes
called al[4.26.46] and majith,[4.26.47] matchlocks, dried fruits, asafoetida,
Multan chintzes, and wood for household furniture. From
Kotah and Malwa, opium and chintzes. From Jaipur, various
cloths and sugars. From Bhuj, swords and horses.
.fn 4.26.43
The kharak and pind khajūr. [Kharak is the stage when the date
becomes red or yellow, according to variety; pind, when it is quite ripe
(Watt, Econ. Dict. vi. Part i. 205).]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.44
Mom in the language of Egypt signifies ‘wax,’ says some ancient
authority: so it is the usual name of that article in Persian. Mummy is
probably thence derived. I remember playing a trick on old Silu, our
khabardar [spy] at Sindhia’s camp, who had been solicited to obtain a piece
of momiai for a chieftain’s wife. As we are supposed to possess everything
valuable in the healing art, he would take no refusal; so I substituted a
piece of indiarubber. [For the virtues of momiāi see Crooke, Popular
Religion and Folklore of N. India, ii. 176 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.45
[Barilla, Watt, Econ. Prod. 112 f.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.46
[Morinda citrifolia, ibid. 783 f.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.47
[Madder, Rubia cordifolia, ibid. 926 f.]
.fn-
.dv class='column-container'
.dv class='column'
.il id=i812 fn=illo_0812l.jpg w=300px ew=100%
.ca JĀT PEASANT OF MĀRWĀR.
.dv-
.dv class='column'
.il fn=illo_0812r.jpg w=300px ew=100%
.ca RĀJPUT FOOT-SOLDIER OF MĀRWĀR.
.dv-
.rj
To face page 812.
.dv-
The exports of home production are the two staple articles
of salt and woollens; to which we may add coarse cotton cloths,
and paper made in the town of Pali. The lois, or blankets, are
disseminated throughout India, and may be had at from four
to sixty rupees per pair; scarfs and turbans are made of the same
material, but not for exportation. But salt is the chief article
of export, and the duties arising therefrom equal half the land
revenue of the country. Of the agars, or ‘salt lakes,’ Pachbhadra,
Phalodi, and Didwana are the principal, the first being several
miles in circuit \[702].
The commercial duties of Pali yielded 75,000 rupees annually,
a large sum in a poor country like Marwar.
Chāran and Bhāt Carriers.—The Charans and Bhats, or bards
and genealogists, are the chief carriers of these regions: their
sacred character overawes the lawless Rajput chief; and even
the savage Koli and Bhil, and the plundering Sahariya of the
desert, dread the anathema of these singular races, who conduct
the caravans through the wildest and most desolate regions.
The traveller avails himself of such convoy who desires to proceed
to the coast by Jalor, Bhinmal, Sanchor, and Radhanpur, whence
he may pursue his route to Surat, or Muskat-Mandavi.
Pungiri Temple.—To the east of Pali about ten miles, there
is an isolated hill, called Pungiri, ‘the hill of virtue,’ which is
crowned with a small temple, said to have been conveyed by a
Buddhist magician from Palitana in Saurashtra. Wherever this
ancient and numerous sect exists, magical skill is always asserted.
.bn 276.png
.pn +1
Here we found our old friend, Gough, who had been rambling to
the south-west amongst Sahariya, Khosas,[4.26.48] and all the wild beings
of these uncivilized tracts, in search of new breeds of horses.
Halted to enjoy his society.
Kairla, 30th.
Rohat, 31st.
.fn 4.26.48
[The Khosa is a Baloch tribe, many of them found in Sind, where,
it is said, they were given lands by the Emperor Humāyūn (Census Report,
Baluchistan, 1901, i. 95 f.).]
.fn-
Khānkāni.—November 1.—Khankani, on the north bank of
the Luni. There was nothing to arrest attention between Pali
and the Luni: all is flat and lonely in the thirty miles which
intervene. Our halts were at Kairla, which has two small salt
lakes, whence its name; in fact, this superabundant product,
khar, or salt, gives its name to streams and towns. Both Kairla
and Rohat, the intermediate places of halt, are feudal estates,
and both chiefs had been involved in the recent civil dissensions:
Rohat was under the ban.
Bhāt Customs. Coercion by Threat of Human Sacrifice.—Here
I had an exemplification of the vulgar adage, “two of a trade,”
etc. Pema Naik, the leader of one of the largest tandas, or
caravans, which frequent the desert for salt, had left his convoy,
and with his brethren came to exhibit his wounds and fractures
received in a fray with the leaders of another caravan. Both
were Bhats; Pema was the head of the Bamania Bhats, so called
from the place of their abode, and he counted forty thousand
beasts of burthen under his control. Shama had no distinctive
epithet: he had no home separate from \[703] his tanda. His
little State when not in motion was on the highways; hence those
who dwell entirely with their cattle are styled upapanti, ‘on the
road.’ Shama had taken advantage of the greater portion of
Pema’s caravan being detached to revenge an ancient feud;
and had shown himself quite an adept in club-law, as the broken
heads of his opponents disclosed. To reconcile them was impossible;
and as the case was to be decided, not by the scales
of abstract justice but by calculating which contributed most in
duties, Pema by this summary process, more than from sympathy
to his wounded honour, gained a victory by the exclusion of his
rival. As before observed, these classes take advantage of their
sacred character amongst the Rajputs to become the general
.bn 277.png
.pn +1
carriers of the country: but the advantage which might result
to the State from the respect paid to them is neutralized by their
avarice and constant evasion of the payment of all established
duties. A memorable example of this kind occurred during the
reign of Amra the First with the ancestor of this same Pema.
The Rana would not submit to the insolent demands of the Bhats,
when they had recourse to one of the most sanguinary sacrifices
ever recorded—the threat alone of which is generally sufficient
to extort acquiescence and concession. But the firmness of Amra
has been recorded: and he braved them. Collecting the elder
portion of their community, men, women, and youths of both
sexes, they made a sacrifice to the number of eighty souls with
their daggers in the court of the palace. The blood of the victims
was on the Rana’s head.[4.26.49] It was a species of excommunication,
which would have unsettled a weaker reason; for the Rajput
might repose after the murder of a Brahman, but that of the
prophetic Vates would rise against him here and hereafter. For
once they encountered a mind too strong to be shaken; Amra
banished the whole fraternity of Bamania Bhats from his
dominions, and the town of Bamani reverted to the fisc. The
edict remained uncancelled until these days, when amongst the
industrious of all classes whom the proclamations[4.26.50] brought once
more to Mewar, came Pema and his brethren. Although tradition
had preserved the causes of their exile, it had made no alteration
in their sentiments and opinions, and the dagger was always
at hand, to be sheathed in their own flesh whenever provocation
called it from the girdle. Pema beset the Rana in all his rides,
demanding a reduction \[704] or rather abolition of duties for his
tanda; and at length he took up a position on the terrace fronting
the ‘balcony of the sun,’ threatening a chandni,[4.26.51] for such is the
.bn 278.png
.pn +1
term applied to this suicidal revenge. The Rana, who had not
the nerve of his ancestor, sent to me to beseech my interference:
with his messenger, one from me returned to invite the Bhats to
a settlement. They came, as fine, robust, intrepid a set as I
ever saw. We soon came to issue: I urged that duties must be
paid by all who chose to frequent the passes of Mewar, and that
they would get nothing by their present silly mode of endeavouring
to obtain remission; that if they would give a written agreement
to abide by the scale of duties laid down, they should receive
exemption for five hundred out of the forty thousand bullocks
of their tanda, and be reinducted into Bamani; if not, there were
daggers (showing them some on the table), and they might begin
as soon as they pleased. I added that, in addition to Rana
Amra’s penalty of banishment, I would recommend confiscation
of their entire caravan. Pema was no fool: he accepted Bamani,
and the muafi for five hundred, and that day received his
gold bracelets and clothes of investiture for Bamani from the
Rana.
.fn 4.26.49
[Numerous instances of this custom among Bhāts will be found in
BG, ix. Part i. 209 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.50
See Vol. I. p. vol1_561.
.fn-
.fn 4.26.51
[Platts (Hindustāni Dict., s.v.) gives chāndni, ‘moonlight’; chāndni
mār-jāna, ‘to be moonstruck, paralysed by a stroke of the moon’; chāndni
karan, ‘the practice of Brāhmans and others wounding themselves in
order to extort the payment of a debt.’ Here the threat is fear of the
ghost of the man who took his life. Sir G. Grierson notes that in Gujarāti
and Marāthi chāndi karan means ‘to reduce to white ashes,’ hence ‘to
ruin or destroy completely.’ Here chāndi, usually meaning ‘silver,’ means
‘anything white,’ and hence ‘white ashes.’ This, he suggests, seems to
be a more probable explanation than ‘moonstruck.’]
.fn-
Jhālamand.—November 2.—Jhalamand, ten miles. Although
within one march of Jodhpur, we were obliged to make an intermediate
halt, in order to arrange the ceremonials of reception;
a grave matter with all the magnates of the East, who regulate
all such affairs by slavish precedent and ancestral wisdom. On
such a novel occasion as the reception of an English envoy at
this desert court, they were a good deal puzzled how to act. They
could very well comprehend how an ambassador direct from
majesty should be received, and were not unfamiliar with the
formula to be observed towards a viceregal legation. But the
present case was an anomaly: the Governor of all India, of course,
could appear only as the first servant of a commercial body,
which, with whatever privileges invested, never could be made to
rank with royalty or its immediate emanation. Accordingly, this
always proved a clog to our diplomatic missions, until the diffusion
of our power from the Indus to the ocean set speculation at rest
on the formalities of reception of the Company’s ambassadors.
On the other hand, the eternal rotation of military adventurers
enjoying ephemeral power, such as the commanders of the myrmidons
of Sindhia and Holkar, compelled all the Rajput princes
to forgo much of their dignity; and men like Amir Khan, Jean
Baptiste, or Bapu Sindhia, who but a \[705] short time ago would
.bn 279.png
.pn +1
have deemed themselves honoured with a seat in the ante-chamber,
claimed equality of reception with princes. Each made it a
subject for boasting, how far he had honoured himself by the
humiliation of the descendant of the emperor of Kanauj, or the
scion of Rama. At the same time, as the world is always deceived
by externals, it was difficult to concede a reception less distinguished
than that granted to the leader of a Mahratta horde;
and here their darling precedent was available. To what distance
did the Raja send the istikbal to meet Amir Khan? what was the
rank of the chieftains so deputed? and to what point did the
“offspring of the sun” condescend to advance in person to
receive this “lord of the period”? All these, and many similar
questions, were propounded through the Wakil, who had long
been with me, to his sovereign, to whose presence he proceeded
in order that they might be adjusted, while I halted at Jhalamand,
only five miles from the capital. However individually we may
despise these matters, we have no option, as public servants, but
to demand the full measure of honour for those we represent.
As the present would also regulate future receptions, I was compelled
to urge that the Raja would best consult his own dignity
by attending to that of the government I represented, and distinctly
signified that it could never be tolerated that he should
descend to the very foot of his castle to honour Amir Khan, and
await the English envoy almost on the threshold of his palace.
It ended, as such matters generally do in those countries, by a
compromise: it was stipulated that the Raja should receive the
mission in his palki or litter, at the central barrier of descent.[4.26.52]
These preliminaries being arranged, we left Jhalamand in the
afternoon, that we might not derange the habits of slumber of
those who were to conduct us to the capital. About half-way
we were met by the great feudatory chieftains of Pokaran and
Nimaj, then lords of the ascendant, and the joint advisers of their
sovereign. We dismounted, embraced, complimented each other
in the customary phraseology; then remounted, and rode together
until we reached the tents, where, after I had requested them to
be the bearers of my homage to their sovereign, we mutually
saluted and parted.
.fn 4.26.52
Mr. Wilder, the superintendent of Ajmer, was deputed by General
Sir D. Ochterlony, in December 1818, to the court of Jodhpur, and was very
courteously received by the Raja.
.fn-
.bn 280.png
.pn +1
The Chief of Pokaran.—Salim Singh[4.26.53] was the name of the lord
of Pokaran, the most wealthy and the \[706] most powerful of
all the baronies of Marwar. His castle and estate (wrested from
Jaisalmer) are in the very heart of the desert; the former is
strong both by position and art. It is a family which has often
shaken the foundation of the throne of Marwar. During four
generations have its bold and turbulent chiefs made the most
resolute of these monarchs tremble. Deo Singh, the great grandfather
of the present chief, used to sleep in the hall of the royal
palace, with five hundred of his Champawats, of which clan he
is the chief. “The throne of Marwar is within the sheath of
my dagger,” was the boast, as elsewhere mentioned, of this
haughty noble to his sovereign. His son, Sabal Singh, followed
his father’s steps, and even dethroned the great Bijai Singh: a
cannon-shot relieved the prince from this terror of his reign.
Sawai Singh, his son and successor, acted the same part towards
Raja Bhim, and was involved in the civil wars which commenced
in 1806, when he set up the pretender, Dhonkal Singh. The
catastrophe of Nagor, in which Amir Khan acted the assassin of
the Champawat and all his associates, relieved Raja Man from
the evil genius of his house; and the honours this prince heaped
on the son of the Champawat, in giving him the first office in
the State, were but a trap to ensnare him. From this he escaped,
or his life and the honours of Pokaran would have been
lost together. Such is a rapid sketch of the family of the
chief who was deputed to meet me. He was about thirty-five
years of age; his appearance, though not prepossessing, was
dignified and commanding. In person he was tall, but more
powerful than athletic; his features were good, but his complexion
was darker than in general amongst the chieftains of
Marwar.
.fn 4.26.53
The sibilant is the Shibboleth of the Rajput of Western India, and will
always detect him. The ‘lion’ (singh) of Pokaran is degraded into
‘asafoetida’ (hing); as Halim Hing. [Pokaran, 85 miles N.W. of Jodhpur
city, held by the premier noble of the Champāwat clan of Rāthors.]
.fn-
The Chief of Nīmāj.—His companion, and associate in the
councils of his prince, was in every point of personal appearance
the reverse of this portrait. Surthan Singh was chief of the
Udawats, a clan which can muster four thousand swords, all
residing on the land skirting the Aravalli; and of which his
.bn 281.png
.pn +1
residence Nimaj,[4.26.54] Raepur, and Chandawal are the principal fiefs.
Surthan was a fine specimen of the Rajput; his figure tall and
graceful; his complexion fair; his deportment manly and mild;
in short, he was a thorough gentleman in appearance, understanding,
and manners.
.fn 4.26.54
[Nīmāj, about 60 miles E.S.E. of Jodhpur city, fief of a noble of the
Udāwat Rāthors.]
.fn-
It would be impossible to relate here all the causes which
involved him in the catastrophe from which his coadjutor escaped.
It was the misfortune of Surthan to have been associated with
Salim Singh; but his past services to his prince amply counterbalanced
this party bias. It was he who prevented his sovereign
from \[707] sheathing a dagger in his heart on the disgraceful day
at Parbatsar; and he was one of the four chieftains of all Marwar
who adhered to his fortunes when beset by the united force of
Rajputana. He was also one of the same four who redeemed
the spoils of their country from the hands of the multitudinous
array which assaulted Jodhpur in 1806, and whose fate carried
mourning into every house of Rajasthan.[4.26.55] The death of Surthan
Singh was a prodigal sacrifice, and caused a sensation of universal
sorrow, in which I unfeignedly participated. His gallant bearing
was the theme of universal admiration; nor can I give a better
or a juster idea of the chivalrous Rajput than by inserting a
literal translation of the letter conveying the account of his
death, about eight months after my visit to Jodhpur.
.fn 4.26.55
See Vol. I. p. vol1_539 for the murder of the princess of Udaipur, one of its
results.
.fn-
.sp 2
.ll 68
.rj
“Jodhpur, 2d Asarh, or 28th June 1820.
.ll
“On the last day of Jeth (the 26th June), an hour before daybreak,
the Raja sent the Aligols,[4.26.56] and all the quotas of the chiefs,
to the number of eight thousand men, to attack Surthan Singh.
They blockaded his dwelling in the city, upon which for three
watches they kept up a constant fire of great guns and small arms.
Surthan, with his brother Sur Singh, and his kindred and clan,
after a gallant defence, at length sallied forth, attacked the
foreigners sword in hand, and drove them back. But who can
oppose their prince with success? The odds were too great,
.bn 282.png
.pn +1
and both brothers fell nobly. Nagoji and forty of the bravest
of the clan fell with the Thakur brothers, and forty were severely
wounded. Eighty, who remained, made good their retreat with
their arms to Nimaj.[4.26.57] Of the Raja’s troops, forty were killed
on the spot, and one hundred were wounded. Twenty of the
townsfolk suffered in the fray.
.sp 2
.fn 4.26.56
The mercenary Rohilla battalions, who are like the Walloons and
independent companies which formed the first regular armies of Europe.
[‘Alīgol, ‘noble troop’ (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, ]
.fn-
.fn 4.26.57
Which they afterwards nobly defended during many months.
.fn-
“The Pokaran chief, hearing of this, saddled; but the Maharaja
sent Sheonath Singh of Kuchaman, the chief of Bhadrajan,
and others, to give him confidence, and induce him to stay; but
he is most anxious to get away. My nephew and fifteen of my
followers were slain on this occasion. The Nimaj chief fell as
became a Rathor. The world exclaims ‘applause,’ and both
Hindu and Turk say he met \[708] his death nobly. Sheonath
Singh, Bakhtawar Singh, Rup Singh, and Anar Singh,[4.26.58] performed
the funeral rites.”
.fn 4.26.58
The last, a brave and excellent man, was the writer of this letter.
He, who had sacrificed all to save his prince, and, as he told me himself,
supported him, when proscribed by his predecessor, by the sale of all his
property, even to his wife’s jewels, yet became an exile, to save his life
from an overwhelming proscription. To the anomalous state of our
alliances with these States is to be ascribed many of these mischiefs.
.fn-
Such is the Rajput, when the point of honour is at stake!
Not a man of his clan would have surrendered while their chief
lived to claim their lives; and those who retreated only preserved
them for the support of the young lord of the Udawats \[709]!
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.il id=i820 fn=illo_0820.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
TOWN AND FORT OF JODHPUR.
(From the south-east.)
To face page 820.
.ca-
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 27
.sp 2
City and Fort of Jodhpur.—The sand, since we crossed the Luni,
had become gradually heavier, and was quite fatiguing as we
approached the capital of “the region of death”; but the
Marwaris and the camels appeared to move through it as briskly
as our men would on the plains of the Ganges. The view before
the reader will give a more correct idea of the ‘city of Jodha’
than the most laboured description. The fort is erected on a
mole projecting from a low range of hills, so as to be almost
isolated, while, being higher than the surrounding objects, it is
not commanded. This table-ridge (mountain we can scarcely
term it, since its most elevated portion is not more than three
hundred feet in height) is a curious feature in these regions of
.bn 283.png
.bn 284.png
.bn 285.png
.pn +1
uninterrupted aridity. It is about twenty-five miles in length,
and, as far as I could determine from a bird’s-eye view and from
report, between two and three in breadth, the capital being placed
on the highest part at the southern extremity, and may be said
to be detached from it. The northern point, which is the highest,
and on which the palace is built, is less than three hundred feet.
Everywhere it is scarped, but especially at this point, against
which the batteries of the League[4.27.1] were directed in 1806, at least
a hundred and twenty feet of perpendicular height. Strong walls
and numerous round and square towers encircle the crest of the
hill, encompassing a space of great extent, as may be judged from
the dimensions of the base, said to be four miles in circuit. Seven
barriers are thrown across the circuitous ascent, each having
immense portals and their separate guards. There are two small
lakes under the walls: the Rani Talab, or ‘Queen’s Lake,’ to the
east; and the Gulab Sagar, or ‘Rose-water Sea,’ to the south,
from \[710] which the garrison draws up water in buckets. There
is also inside a kund, or reservoir, about ninety feet in depth,
excavated from the rock, which can be filled from these tanks;
and there are likewise wells within, but the water is brackish.
Within are many splendid edifices, and the Raja’s residence is a
succession of palaces, each prince since the founder having left
memorials of his architectural taste. The city to the eastward
of the citadel is encompassed by a strong wall, three coss, or
nearly six miles, in extent, on which a hundred and one bastions
or towers are distributed; on the rampart are mounted several
rahkalas[4.27.2] or swivels. There are seven gates to the capital, each
bearing the name of the city to which it leads. The streets are
very regular, and adorned with many handsome edifices of freestone,
of which the ridge is composed. The number of families
some years ago was stated to be 20,000, probably 80,000 souls,
an estimate far too great for the present day.[4.27.3] The Gulab Sagar
is the favourite lounge of the inhabitants, who recreate amongst
its gardens; and, strange to say, the most incomparable pomegranates
(anar) are produced in it, far superior even to those of
Kabul, which they resemble in the peculiarity of being be-dana,
.fn 4.27.1
[Of Jagat Singh of Jaipur and Amīr Khān.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.2
[Rahkala is properly the carriage on which a field-piece is mounted:
then, a swivel-gun (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 140).]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.3
[The population of the city in 1911 was 79,756.]
.fn-
.bn 286.png
.pn +1
‘without grain’: rather a misnomer for a fruit, the characteristic
of which is its granulations; but this is in contradistinction to
those of India, which are all grain and little pulp. The anars of
the Kagli-ka-bagh, or ‘Ravens’ Garden,’ are sent to the most
remote parts as presents. Their beautiful ruby tint affords an
abundant resource for metaphor to the Rajput bard, who describes
it as “sparkling in the ambrosial cup.”[4.27.4]
.fn 4.27.4
Amrit ra piyala.
.fn-
Reception by the Rāja.—On the 4th the Raja received us with
due form, advancing beyond the second gate of descent; when,
after salutations and greetings, he returned according to etiquette.
Giving him time to make his arrangements, we advanced slowly
through lines of his clansmen to the upper area, where a display
of grandeur met our view for which we were totally unprepared,
and far eclipsing the simple and unostentatious state of the Rana.
Here everything was imitative of the imperial court of Delhi,
where the Rathor, long pre-eminent, had “the right hand of the
king of the world.” Lines of gold and silver mace-bearers
deafened us with the titles of “Raj-Raj-Iswara!” ‘the king,
the lord of kings!’ into whose presence, through mazes of intricate
courts filled with his chivalry, all hushed into that mysterious
silence which is invariably observed on such occasions, we were
at length ushered \[711].
Rāja Mān Singh.—The King of Maru arose from his throne,
and advanced a few paces, when he again courteously received
the envoy and suite, who were here introduced. The hall of
reception was of great extent: from its numerous square columns
it is styled Sahas stambha, ‘the thousand-columned hall.’ They
were more massive than elegant; and being placed in parallel
rows, at not more than twelve feet from each other, they gave
an air of cumbrous, if not clumsy grandeur to an immense apartment,
the ceiling of which was very low. About the centre, in a
niche or recess, the royal gaddi or ‘cushion’ was placed, over
which was raised a richly embroidered canopy, supported by
silver-gilt columns. On the Rana’s right hand were placed those
whom the king honoured, the chieftains of Pokaran and Nimaj,
who would have been less at their ease had they known that all
the distinctions they then enjoyed were meshes to ensnare them.
Several other chieftains and civil officers, whose names would but
little interest the reader, were placed around. The wakil, Bishan
.bn 287.png
.pn +1
Ram, was seated near me, almost in front of the Raja. The
conversation was desultory and entirely complimentary; affording,
however, abundant opportunity to the Raja to display his
proficiency in that mixed language, the Hindustani, which he
spoke with great fluency and much greater purity than those who
resided about the court at Delhi. In person the Raja is above
the common height, possessing considerable dignity of manner,
though accompanied by the stiffness of habitual restraint. His
demeanour was commanding and altogether princely; but there
was an entire absence of that natural majesty and grace which
distinguished the prince of Udaipur, who won without exertion
our spontaneous homage. The features of Raja Man are good:
his eye is full of intelligence; and though the ensemble of his
countenance almost denotes benevolence, yet there is ever and
anon a doubtful expression, which, with a peculiarly formed
forehead, gave a momentary cast of malignity to it. This might
have been owing to that deep dissimulation, which had carried
him through a trial of several years’ captivity, during which he
acted the maniac and the religious enthusiast, until the assumed
became in some measure his natural character.
The biography of Man Singh would afford a remarkable picture
of human patience, fortitude, and constancy, never surpassed in
any age or country. But in this school of adversity he also took
lessons of cruelty: he learned therein to master or rather disguise
his passions; and though he showed not the ferocity of the tiger,
he acquired \[712] the still more dangerous attribute of that
animal—its cunning. At that very time, not long after he had
emerged from his seclusion, while his features were modelled into
an expression of complaisant self-content, indicative of a disdain
of human greatness, he was weaving his web of destruction for
numberless victims who were basking in the sunshine of his
favour. The fate of one of them has been already related.[4.27.5]
.fn 4.27.5
See p. #820#.
.fn-
Descent of the Rāthors.—The Rathor, like many other dynasties
not confined to the East, claims celestial descent. Of their Bhat,
we may say what Gibbon does of the Belgic genealogist who
traced the illustrious house of Este from Romulus, that “he riots
in all the lust of fiction, and spins from his own bowels a lineage
of some thousand years.” We are certain that there were
sovereigns of Kanauj in the fifth century, and it is very probable
.bn 288.png
.pn +1
that they ruled there prior to the era of Christianity. But this is
accounted nothing by these lovers of antiquity, who never stop
short of Swayambhuva,[4.27.6] and the ark, in which the antediluvian
records of the Rathors may have been preserved with those of
the De Courcys. But we will not revert to those “happy times,
when a genealogical tree would strike its root into any soil, and
the luxuriant plant could flourish and fructify without a seed of
truth.” Then the ambition of the Rathor for a solar pedigree
could be gratified without difficulty.
.fn 4.27.6
[‘The self-existent.’]
.fn-
But it requires neither Bhat nor bard to illustrate its nobility:
a series of splendid deeds which time cannot obliterate has
emblazoned the Rathor name on the historical tablet. Where
all these races have gained a place in the temple of fame, it is
almost invidious to select; but truth compels me to place the
Rathor with the Chauhan, on the very pinnacle. The names of
Chonda and Jodha are sufficient to connect Siahji, the founder,
a scion of Kanauj, with his descendant, Raja Man:[4.27.7] the rest
.pm start_poem
Were long to tell; how many battles fought;
How many kings destroyed, and kingdoms won.
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.27.7
[The Rāthor dynasty of Kanauj is a myth (Smith, EHI, 385, note 1).]
.fn-
Let us, therefore, put forth our palm to receive the itr from his
august hand, and the pan, acknowledged by a profound salaam,
and bringing the right hand to my cocked hat, which etiquette
requires we should “apply to the proper use:—’tis for the head,”
even in the presence. At all the native courts the head is covered,
and the en bas left bare. It would be sadly indecorous to walk
in soiled boots over their \[713] delicate carpets, covered with
white linen, the general seat. The slippers are left at the door,
and it is neither inconvenient nor degrading to sit in your socks.
The Raja presented me with an elephant and horse caparisoned,
an aigrette, necklace, brocades, and shawls, with a portion according
to rank to the gentlemen who accompanied me.
On the 6th I paid the Raja another visit, to discuss the affairs
of his government. From a protracted conversation of several
hours, at which only a single confidential personal attendant of
the prince was present, I received the most convincing proofs of
his intelligence, and minute knowledge of the past history, not of
his own country alone, but of India in general. He was remarkably
.bn 289.png
.pn +1
well read; and at this and other visits he afforded me much
instruction. He had copies made for me of the chief histories of
his family, which are now deposited in the library of the Royal
Asiatic Society. He entered deeply into the events of his personal
history, and recounted many of the expedients he was obliged to
have recourse to in order to save his life, when, in consequence of
the murder of his Guru (not only his spiritual but his temporal
guide, counsellor, and friend), he relinquished the reins of power,
and acquiesced in their assumption by his son. The whole transaction
is still involved in mystery, which the Raja alone can
unravel. We must enter so far into the State secrets of the court
as to disclose the motive for such an act as the destruction of
the brave Surthan, and introduce to the reader another high
priest of the Rajputs as a pendant for the oracle of the Apollo of
Nathdwara.
The parricidal murder of Raja Ajit has been the destruction of
Marwar, and even “unto the third and fourth generation”
Providence would seem to have visited the act with its vengeance.
The crown, which in a few years more would have been transmitted
by nature’s law, was torn from the brow of this brave
prince, who has redeemed his lost inheritance from Aurangzeb,
by the unhallowed arm of his eldest son Abhai Singh; instigated
thereto by an imperial bribe of the viceroyalty of Gujarat. His
brother, Bakhta Singh, was made almost independent in Nagor
by the concession of Abhai and the sanad and titles of his
sovereign; and the contests between their issue have moistened
the sands of Marwar with the richest blood of her children. Such
is the bane of feudal dominion—the parent of the noblest deeds
and the deepest crimes.
Deonāthji, the High Priest.—Raja Man, accordingly, came to
the throne with all the advantages and \[714] disadvantages of
such a state of things; and he was actually defending his existence
in Jalor against his cousin and sovereign, when an unexpected
event released him from his perils, and placed him on the throne.
Bhim Singh had destroyed almost every branch of the blood-royal,
which might have served as a nucleus for those intestine
wars which desolated the country, and young Man, the sole intervening
obstacle to the full accomplishment of his wishes, was
reduced to the last extremity, and on the eve of surrendering
himself and Jalor to this merciless tyrant, when he was relieved
.bn 290.png
.pn +1
from his perilous situation. He attributed his escape to the
intercession of the high priest of Marwar, the spiritual leader of
the Rathors. This hierarch bore the title of divinity, or Nathji:
his praenomen of Deo or Deva was almost a repetition of his title;
and both together, Deonath, cannot be better rendered than by
‘Lord God.’ Whether the intercession of this exalted personage
was purely of a moral nature, as asserted, or whether Raja Bhim
was removed from this vain world to the heaven of Indra by
means less miraculous than prayer is a question on which various
opinions are entertained; but all agree that nothing could have
been better timed for young Man, the sole victim required to fill
up the measure of Bhim’s sanguinary policy. When suicide was
the sole alternative to avoid surrender to the fangs of this Herod
of the Desert, the high priest, assuming the mantle of prophecy,
pronounced that no capitulation was inscribed in the book of
fate—whose page revealed brighter days for young Man. Such
prophets are dangerous about the persons of princes, who seldom
fail to find the means to prevent their oracles from being demented.
A dose of poison, it is said, was deemed a necessary
adjunct to render efficacious the prayers of the pontiff; and
they conjointly extricated the young prince from a fate which
was deemed inevitable, and placed him on the regal cushion of
Marwar. The gratitude of Raja Man had no limits—no honours,
no grants were sufficient to mark his sense of obligation. The
royal mantle was hallowed by the tread of this sainted being;
and the throne itself was exalted when Deonath condescended
to share it with his master, who, while this proud priest muttered
forth his mysterious benedictions, with folded hands stood before
him to receive the consecrated garland. Lands in every district
were conferred upon the Nath, until his estates, or rather those
of the church of which he was the head, far exceeded in extent
those of the proudest nobles of the land, his income \[715]
amounting to a tenth of the revenues of the State. During the
few years he held the keys of his master’s conscience, which were
conveniently employed to unlock the treasury, he erected no less
than eighty-four mandirs, or places of worship, with monasteries
adjoining them, for his well-fed lazy chelas or disciples, who
lived at free quarters on the labour of the industrious. Deonath
was a striking example of the identity of human nature, under
whatever garb and in whatever clime; whether under the cowl
.bn 291.png
.pn +1
or the coronet, in the cold clime of Europe, or in the deserts of
India. This Wolsey of Marudes exercised his hourly-increasing
power to the disgust and alienation of all but his infatuated
prince. He leagued with the nominal minister, Induraj, and
together they governed the prince and country. Such characters,
when exceeding the sphere of their duties, expose religion to
contempt. The degradation which the haughty grandees of
Marwar experienced made murder in their eyes a venial offence,
provoked as they were by the humiliations they underwent
through the influence of this arrogant priest, whose character
may be given in the language of Gibbon, merely substituting
Deonath of Marwar for Paul of Samosata: “His ecclesiastical
jurisdiction was venal and rapacious; he extorted frequent
contributions from the most opulent of the faithful, and converted
to his own use a considerable part of the public revenue.
His council chamber and his throne, the splendour with which
he appeared in public, the suppliant crowd who solicited his
attention, and the perpetual hurry of business in which he was
involved, were circumstances much better suited to the state of
a civil magistrate than to the humility of a primitive bishop.”[4.27.8]
But his “full-blown pride” at length burst under him. Sequestrations
from the estates of the chief barons of Maru became frequent
in order to swell his rent-roll for the support of his establishments;
his retinue on ordinary occasions surpassed that of any chieftain,
and not unfrequently he was attended by the whole insignia of
the State—the prince attending on such ceremonies. On these
occasions the proud Rajput felt that he folded his hands, not to
his sovereign, but to his sovereign’s sovereign; to a vindictive
and vainglorious priest, who, amidst the mummeries and artifices
of religious rites, gratified an inordinate vanity, while he mortified
their pride and diminished their revenues. The hatred of such
men is soon followed by their vengeance; and though they
would not dye their own daggers in his blood, they soon found
agents in a race who know not mercy, the myrmidons of \[716]
that villain Amir Khan, under whose steel, and within the precincts
of the palace, Deonath fell a victim. It has been surmised
that Raja Man was privy to the murder; that if he did not
command or even sanction it, he used no means to prevent it.
There are but two in this life who can reveal this mystery—the
.bn 292.png
.pn +1
Raja, and the bourreau en chéf of Rajasthan, the aforesaid Amir
Khan.
.fn 4.27.8
[Decline and Fall, ed. W. Smith, ii. 262.]
.fn-
The murder of the high priest was but a prolongation of the
drama, in which we have already represented the treacherous
destruction of the chieftain of Pokaran and his kindred; and
the immolation of Krishna Kunwari, the Helen of Rajasthan.
The attack on the gallant Surthan, who conducted us from
Jhalamand to the capital, sprung from the seed which was
planted so many years back; nor was he the last sacrifice:
victim after victim followed in quick succession until the Caligula
of the Desert, who could “smile and stab,” had either slain
or exiled all the first chieftains of his State. It would be a
tedious tale to unravel all these intrigues; yet some of them
must be told, in order to account for the ferocity of this
man, now a subordinate ally of the British Government in the
East.
Accession of Rāja Mān Singh.—It was in A.D. 1804[4.27.9] that Raja
Man exchanged the defence of Jalor for the throne of Jodhpur.
His predecessor, Raja Bhim, left a widow pregnant; she concealed
the circumstance, and when delivered, contrived to convey
the child in a basket to Sawai Singh of Pokaran. During two
years he kept the secret: he at length convened the Marwar
chieftains, with whose concurrence he communicated it to Raja
Man, demanding the cession of Nagor and its dependencies as a
domain for this infant, named Dhonkal Singh, the heir-apparent
of Marwar. The Raja promised compliance if the mother confirmed
the truth of the statement. Whether her personal fears
overcame her maternal affection, or the whole was an imposture
of Pokaran, she disclaimed the child. The chiefs, though not
satisfied, were compelled to appear contented with the result of
this appeal; and for some years the matter seemed at rest. But
this calm was only the presage of a storm, which shook to its
base the political edifice of Marwar, and let loose upon her cities
a torrent of predatory foes; it dethroned her prince, and, what
the planner could not have contemplated, involved his own
destruction. The effects of this treachery have for ever destroyed
all confidence between the chief and the entire feudal interest.
The Pokaran chief, after failing to establish the \[717] claims of
Dhonkal Singh as pretender to the throne, sent him for safety
.bn 293.png
.pn +1
to the Shaikhawat chief of Khetri,[4.27.10] one of the independent nobles
of the Jaipur family. Here he left him till an opportunity again
arrived to bring him upon the scene, which was afforded by the
contest between the princes of Marwar and Jaipur for the hand
of the Rana’s daughter. This rivalry, the effects of which are
already related, and which brought into conflict all the northern
powers of India, was, in fact, only the under-plot of the deep-laid
policy of Sawai. When once the gauntlet was thrown down
for the hand of this fair lady, the Pokaran chief stepped in with
the pretended son of Raja Bhim, whose cause, from the unpopularity
of Raja Man, soon brought to his standard almost all
the feudality of Marwar. The measures which followed, and
the catastrophe, the death of Krishna Kunwari, have already
been related.[4.27.11] The assassination of the chief of Pokaran was
simultaneous with these events; and it was shortly after that
the murder of the pontiff Deonath took place.
.fn 4.27.9
The date of his accession is the 5th of the month Margsir, S. 1860 [A.D. 1803].
.fn-
.fn 4.27.10
[About 80 miles N. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.11
Vol. I. page vol1_535.
.fn-
Insanity of Rāja Mān Singh.—After being relieved from all
external foes by his own strength of mind, and the aid of a few
friends whom no reverse could estrange from him, Raja Man
either fell, or affected to fall, into a state of mental despondency
bordering on insanity. Suspicious of every one, he would only
eat from the hands of his wife, who prepared his food herself;
he became sullen and morose; he neglected public business;
and finally withdrew entirely from the world. The attempt to
rouse him from this real or pretended stupor was fruitless; he
did nothing but lament the death of Deonath, and pour forth
prayers to the deity. In this state, he was easily induced to
associate his son in the government, and he bestowed upon him
with his own hand the tika of command. Chhattar Singh was
the name of the prince, who was still in his minority; thoughtless,
and of dissolute habits, he soon gave himself up to the guidance
of a junta of the chiefs, who proclaimed Akhai Chand, of the
mercantile caste, the chief civil minister of the State.
British Control of Mārwār. Restoration and Policy of Rāja
Mān Singh.—Such was the condition of Marwar from A.D. 1809
to 1817. At this period the progress of events made the English
arbiters of the destinies of Rajasthan. The regent of Marwar
sent an ambassador to treat; but before the treaties were ratified
and exchanged the young regent was dead. Various causes were
.bn 294.png
.pn +1
assigned \[718] for his death: by some his dissolute habits, occasioning
premature decay; by others, with more probability, the
dagger of an indignant Rajput, the honour of whose daughter
he had clandestinely attempted. Upon this event, and the
change of political circumstances, the chiefs had no alternative
but to turn to the secluded prince. If but one half is true that
I have heard, and from authority of high credit, the occupations
of the years which the Raja passed between the murder of the
priest and the death of his son might be deemed an atonement
for the deepest crimes. When messengers announced the fate
of his son, and that State necessity recalled him to the helm of
affairs, he appeared unable to comprehend them. He had so
long acted the maniac that he had nearly become one: his beard
was never touched, and his hair, clotted and foul, gave him an
expression of idiocy; yet throughout these long years he was
resolutely tenacious of life. The party who governed the son
and the State had their own menials to wait upon him, and many
were the attempts to poison him by their means; in avoiding
which his simulated madness was so perfect that they deemed
he had “a charmed life.” But he had one faithful servant, who
throughout this dreadful trial never forsook him, and who carried
him food in his turban to replace that which was suspected.
When by degrees he was led to understand the emergency, and
the necessity of leaving his prison, he persevered in his apparent
indifference to everything earthly, until he gathered information
and the means for a terrible reaction. The treaty with the
English put the ball at his foot: he very soon perceived that he
might command a force to put down disorder—such was even
volunteered; but with admirable penetration he trusted to the
impression of this knowledge amongst his chiefs, as a sufficient
auxiliary. By disseminating it, he paralysed that spirit which
maintained rights in the soil of Marwar nearly concurrent with
those of the sovereign. No higher compliment could be paid to
British ascendancy than the sentiments of Raja Man and his
nobles; and no better illustration is on record of the opinion of
our power than that its name alone served the Raja’s purpose
in subjugating men, who, scarcely knowing fear, yet reposing
partly on our justice, though mainly on the utter hopelessness of
resisting us, were deprived of all moral courage.
In refusing the aid of a mere physical force, the Raja availed
.bn 295.png
.pn +1
himself of another weapon; for by this artifice he threw the
chiefs off their guard, who confided in his \[719] assumed desire
to forget the past. Intrigues for power and patronage seemed
to strengthen this confidence; and Salim Singh of Pokaran, the
military Maire du palais or Bhanjgarh, and Akhai Chand, retained
as civil prime minister, were opposed by Jodhraj Singwi, who
headed the aspirants to supplant them. The Raja complained
of their interested squabbles, but neither party dreamed that
they were fostered by him to cloak his deep-laid schemes. Akhai
Chand had been minister throughout the son’s administration;
the political and pecuniary transactions of the State were known
chiefly to him; to cut him off would have been poor revenge,
and Raja Man was determined not only to extract from him all
the knowledge of State matters transacted during his seclusion,
but to make himself master of his coffers, and neither would have
been attained by simple murder. Akhai Chand was not blind
to the dangers of his position; he dreaded the appui his sovereign
derived from the English, and laboured to inspire the Raja with
distrust of their motives. It suited his master’s views to flatter
this opinion; and the minister and his adherents were lulled into
a fatal security.
Maladministration of Rāja Mān Singh.—Such were the schemes
concocting when I visited this court, which were revealed by
succeeding events. At this time the Raja appeared in a state
of mental depression, involved in difficulties, cautious, fearful
of a false step, and surrounded by the satellites of the miscreant
Akhai Chand, who, if he could no longer incarcerate his person,
endeavoured to seal up the mind of his prince from all communication
with those who might stimulate him to exertion. But all
his arts only served to entangle him in the web then weaving for
his life. The Raja first made him the means of destroying the
most powerful of his chieftains, Surthan being the primary sacrifice
to his sanguinary proscription; many others followed, until the
best of the feudal chieftains sought refuge from his fury in exile,
and found the saran (sanctuary) they sought in the surrounding
States, the majority in Mewar. The day of vengeance at length
arrived, and the minister and his partisans were transferred from
their position at the helm of the State to a dungeon. Deceived
with hopes of life, and compelled by the application of some
summary methods of torture, Akhai Chand gave in a schedule
.bn 296.png
.pn +1
of forty lakhs of property, of which the Raja realized a large
portion, and then dismissed him to the other world. Nagoji, the
kiladar,[4.27.12] and Mulji Dandal, both favourites and advisers of the
Raja’s \[720] late son, returned on the strength of a general amnesty,
and forgot they had been traitors. The wealth which prodigality
had heaped upon them, consisting of many of the crown jewels,
being recovered, their worldly accounts were settled by a cup of
poison, and their bodies thrown over the battlements. Success,
and the taste of blood, whetted rather than appeased the appetite
of Raja Man. He was well seconded by the new minister, Fateh
Raj, the deadly opponent of Akhai Chand, and all the clan of
Champawats, whom he deemed the authors of the murder of his
brother Induraj, slain at the same time with Deonath. Each
day announced a numerous list of victims, either devoted to
death, or imprisoned and stripped of their wealth. The enormous
sum of a crore of rupees has been stated as the amount of the
confiscations.
.fn 4.27.12
Commandant of the fortress [qil’adār].
.fn-
All these atrocities occurred within six months after my visit
to this court, and about eighteen from the time it was received
into protective alliance with the British Government. The
anomalous condition of all our connexions with the Rajput
States has already been described: and if illustration of those
remarks be required, it is here in awful characters. We had tied
up our own hands: “internal interference” had been renounced,
and the sequestration of every merchant’s property, who was
connected with the Mehta faction, and the exile of the nobles,
had no limit but the will of a bloodthirsty and vindictive tyrant.
The objects of his persecution made known everywhere the unparalleled
hardships of their case, and asserted that nothing but
respect for the British Government prevented their doing themselves
justice. In no part of the past history of this State could
such proscription of the majority of the kin and clan of the prince
have taken place. The dread of our intervention, as an umpire
favourable to their chief, deprived them of hope; they knew that
if we were exasperated there was no saran to protect them. They
had been more than twelve months in this afflicting condition
when I left the country; nor have I heard that anything has been
done to relieve them, or to adjust these intestine broils. It is
abandoning them to that spirit of revenge which is a powerful
.bn 297.png
.pn +1
ingredient in their nature, and held to be justifiable by any means
when no other hope is left them. In all human probability, Raja
Man will end his days by the same expedient which secured him
from the fury of his predecessor.[4.27.13]
.fn 4.27.13
[In 1839, in consequence of the misgovernment of Mān Singh, a force
was sent by the British Government and Jodhpur was occupied. He
entered into a treaty securing a cessation of his tyrannical acts. He died
on September 5, 1843.]
.fn-
Interview with Rāja Mān Singh.—Having lifted the mantle
which veiled the future, my reader must forget all that \[721] has
been said to the disadvantage of Raja Man, and see only the
dignified, the courteous, and the well-instructed gentleman and
prince. I cannot think that the Raja had coolly formed to himself
the plan of the sanguinary measures he subsequently pursued,
and which it would require a much more extended narrative to
describe. We discoursed freely on past history, in which he was
well read, as also in Persian, and his own native dialects. He
presented me with no less than six metrical chronicles of his house;
of two, each containing seven thousand stanzas, I made a rough
translation. In return, I had transcribed and sent to him Ferishta’s
great History of the Mahomedan Power in India, and Khulasatu-t-tawarikh,[4.27.14]
a valuable epitome of the history of Hindustan. I
little imagined that I should then have to exhibit him otherwise
than his demeanour and instructive discourse made him appear
to me. In our graver conversation I was amused with a
discourse on the rules of government, and instructions for the
guidance of ambassadors, which my better acquaintance with
Chand discovered to be derived from that writer. He carried me,
accompanied by a single domestic, to various apartments in the
palace, whence he directed my view across the vast plains of the
desert, whose monarch I envied not. The low hills in the vicinity
alone broke the continuity of this arid region, in which a few
isolated nim trees were thinly scattered, to remind one of the
absence of all that is grand in vegetation. After a visit of several
hours, I descended to my tent, and found my friends, Captain
Waugh and Major Gough, just returned from a successful chase
of an antelope, which, with the aid of some Rohilla greyhounds,
they had run down. I attributed their success to the heavy
.bn 298.png
.pn +1
sands, on which I have witnessed many pulled down by dogs of
little speed; but the secret was revealed on this animal being
sent to the cuisinier. On depriving him of his hide, between it
and the flesh the whole carcase was covered with a large, inert,
amorphous white maggot. The flesh was buried in the sands,
and no venison appeared again on my table while in India.[4.27.15]
.fn 4.27.14
[An abstract of the Khulāsatu-t-tawārīkh of Subhān Rāe is given in
Elliot-Dowson viii. 5 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.15
[Professor E. B. Poulton kindly sends a note from Colonel J. W.
Yerbury, who writes: “Although no record exists of the occurrence of
Hypoderma in Hindustan, I think there is no doubt that the maggots are
the larvae of either H. diaua or H. acteon. They have been found in antelopes—Antelope
saiga—and dorcas brought to Italy from the East.”]
.fn-
Mandor. Rāthor Cenotaphs.—November 8.—I set out early this
morning to ramble amidst the ruins of the ancient capital, Mandor,
an important link in the chain of archaeological research, before
the panchranga, or ‘five-coloured banner’ of Maru was prostrated
to the crescent. Attended by an escort provided by the Raja,
I left the perambulator behind; but as the journey occupied an
hour and a quarter, and at a very slow pace, the distance must be
under five miles. I proceeded through the Sojat gate, to \[722]
gain the road leading to Nagor; shortly after which I passed the
Maha Mandir, or ‘Grand Minster,’ the funds for the erection of
which were provided by Raja Man on his escape from ruin at
Jalor. I skirted the range, gradually decreasing in height for
three miles, in a N.N.E. direction. We then altered our course
to N.N.W., and entered the gorge of the mountains which envelop
all that is hallowed of the relics of the princes of this house. The
pass is narrow; the cliffs are almost perpendicular, in which are
numerous caves, the abodes of ascetics. The remains of fortifications
thrown across, to bar the entrance of the foe to the ancient
capital of the Pariharas, are still visible: a small stream of pure
and sweet water issues from this opening, and had a watercourse
under an archway. After proceeding a little farther, the interval
widened, and passing through the village, which does not exceed
two hundred houses, our attention was attracted by a line of
lofty temples, rising in graduated succession. These proud
monuments proved to be the cenotaphs of the Rathors, erected
on the spots where the funeral pyre consumed the crowned heads
of Maru, who seldom burnt alone, but were accompanied by all
that made life agreeable or poisoned its enjoyment. The small
brook already mentioned flows past the southern extremity of
.bn 299.png
.pn +1
the chief line of monuments, which extend from south to north.
At the former point stands that of Rao Maldeo, the gallant
opponent of Sher Shah, the brave usurper of the throne of the
Moguls. The farther point terminates with that of Maharaja
Ajit Singh; while the princes in regular succession, namely, Sur
Singh, Udai Singh, Gaj Singh, and Jaswant Singh, fill up the
interval.
These dumb recorders of a nation’s history attest the epochs
of Marwar’s glory, which commenced with Maldeo, and ended
with the sons of Ajit. The temple-monument of Maldeo, which
yet throws into shade the still more simple shrines of Chonda,
and Jodha, contrasted with the magnificent mausoleum of Raja
Ajit, reads us a lesson on the advancement of luxurious pomp in
this desert State. The progression is uniform, both in magnitude
and elegance, from Maldeo’s who opposed on equal terms the
Afghan king (whose memorable words, “I had nearly lost the
throne of India for a handful of barley,”[4.27.16] mark at once the
gallantry and the poverty of those whom he encountered), to the
last great prince Ajit. Even that of Raja Gaj is plain, compared
to his successor’s. These monuments are all erected of a very
close-grained freestone, of a dark brown or red \[723] tint, with
sufficient hardness to allow the sculptor to indulge his fancy.
The style of architecture, or rather the composition, is mixed,
partaking both of the Saivite and the Buddhist; but the details
are decidedly Jain, more especially the columns, which are of the
same model as those in Kumbhalmer. I speak more especially
of those of Rajas Jaswant and Ajit, drawings of which, on a large
scale, executed by the Raja’s chief architect, I brought to Europe;
but which it would be too expensive to have engraved. They are
raised on immense terraces, faced with large blocks of well-polished
freestone. That of Jaswant is somewhat ponderous and massive;
but Ajit’s rises with great elegance and perfect symmetry of
proportion.
.fn 4.27.16
[Sher Shāh, after his victory over Rāja Māldeo in A.D. 1544, said that
“for a handful of millet (juār) he had almost lost the empire of India”
(Ferishta ii. 123; Manucci i. 117). The author quotes this saying twice
later on.]
.fn-
On ascending the terrace you enter through a lofty vaulted
porch supported by handsome columns to the sanctum, which is
a pyramidal temple, four stories in height, in the Saivite style,
.bn 300.png
.pn +1
crowned by the sikhar and kalas, elsewhere described. The
sculptural ornaments are worthy of admiration, both for their
design and effect; and the numerous columns on the basement,
and different stages of ascent, give an air of so much majesty
that one might deem these monuments more fitting sepulture for
the Egyptian Cheops than a shrine—over what? not even the
ashes of the desert king, which were consigned in an urn to the
bosom of the Ganges. If the foundations of these necrological
monuments have been equally attended to with the superstructure,
they bid fair to convey to remote posterity the recollection of as
conspicuous a knot of princely characters as ever followed each
other in the annals of any age or country. Let us place them in
juxtaposition with the worthies of Mewar and the illustrious scions
of Timur, and challenge the thrones of Europe to exhibit such a
contemporaneous display of warriors, statesmen, or scholars.
.if t
.ta l:15 c:2 l:20 c:2 l:20
Mewar. | | Marwar. | | Delhi.
| | | |
Rana Sanga | | Rao Maldeo | | Babur and Sher Shah.
┌──────────┐ | | | |
│ │ | | Rao Sur Singh | | Humayun.
└──────────┘ | | | |
Rana Partap | | Raja Udai Singh | | Akbar.
| | | |
Rana Amra I. |┐| Raja Gaj Singh |┌| Jahangir and
Rana Karan |┘| |└| Shah Jahan.
| | | |
Rana Raj | | Raja Jaswant Singh| | Aurangzeb.
| | |┌ |All the competitors
Rana Jai Singh |┐| Raja Ajit Singh |┤ | for the throne after
Rana Amra II. |┘| |└ | Farrukhsiyar \[724].
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Mewar. |
|
Marwar. |
|
Delhi. |
Rana Sanga |
|
Rao Maldeo |
|
Babur and Sher Shah. |
|
Rao Sur Singh |
|
Humayun. |
Rana Partap |
|
Raja Udai Singh |
|
Akbar. |
Rana Amra I. Rana Karan |
} |
Raja Gaj Singh |
{ |
Jahangir and Shah Jahan. |
Rana Raj |
|
Raja Jaswant Singh |
|
Aurangzeb. |
Rana Jai Singh Rana Amra II. |
} |
Raja Ajit Singh |
{ |
All the competitors for the throne after Farrukhsiyar \[724]. |
.li-
.if-
From Maldeo to Udai le gros the first Raja (hitherto Raos) of
Marwar, and the friend of Akbar, to Jaswant, the implacable foe
of Aurangzeb, and Ajit, who redeemed his country from oppression,
all were valiant men and patriotic princes.
“Where were the lions’ cubs,” I asked of my conductor, “the
brave sons of Ajit, who erected this monument to his manes, and
who added provinces to his dominions?” He pointed to two
sheds, where the kriya karma[4.27.17] was performed; there was
.pm start_poem
No funeral urn
To mark their obsequies:
.pm end_poem
.bn 301.png
.pn +1
.ti 0
but these lowly sheds told, in more forcible, more emphatic
language, the cause of this abrupt transition from grandeur to
humility than pen ever wrote; and furnished the moral epilogue
to the eventful drama of the lives of these kings of the desert.
Abhai Singh’s parricidal hand bereft his father of life; yet though
his career was one splendid tissue of success and honour, leaving
his dominions more than doubled, the contentions of his issue
with that of his brother Bakhta Singh, alike accessory, it is said,
to the crime, have entailed endless misery upon Marwar, and left
them not the power, if they had the inclination, to house his
ashes. In the same line with the parricide and his brave brother
is the humble monument of the great Bijai Singh, whose life till
towards its close was a continued tide of action. I could not
avoid an exclamation of surprise: “Shame to the country,” I
said, “that has neglected to enshrine the ashes of a name equal
to the proudest!” His three sons, amongst them Zalim Singh,
with the sketch of whom this narrative opened, have their shrines
close to his; and but a few yards removed are those of Raja
Bhim, and his elder brother Guman (who died in his minority),
the father of the reigning prince, Raja Man. The last, which
closed the line, pertained to Chhattar Singh, who, in all probability,
was saved by death from the murder of his parent. I passed it
in disgust, asking who had been so foolish as to entomb his ashes
better than those of some of the worthies of his race? I found
that it was the act of maternal fondness.
.fn 4.27.17
[Funeral rite.]
.fn-
Ancestor Worship. Sati.—The Amavas (the Ides) and the
Sankrantis (when the sun enters a new sign of the Zodiac) of
every month are sacred to the Pitrideva, on which days it is
incumbent on the reigning prince to “give water” to his ancestors.
But the ignorance of my conductor deprived me of much information
which I anticipated \[725]; and had I not been pretty well
read in the chronicles of the Rathors, I should have little enjoyed
this visit to a “nation’s dust.” They related one fact, which was
sufficient to inspire horror. No less than sixty-four females
accompanied the shade of Ajit to the mansion of the sun. But
this is twenty short of the number who became Satis when Raja
Budh Singh of Bundi was drowned! The monuments of this
noble family of the Haras are far more explicit than those of the
Rathors, for every such Sati is sculptured on a small altar in the
centre of the cenotaph: which speaks in distinct language the all-powerful
.bn 302.png
.pn +1
motive, vanity, the principal incentive to these tremendous
sacrifices. Budh Singh was a contemporary of Ajit, and one
of the most intrepid generals of Aurangzeb; the period elapsed
is about one hundred and twenty years. Mark the difference!
When his descendant, my valued friend, the Rao Raja Bishan
Singh, died in 1821, his last commands were that none should give
such a proof of their affection. He made me guardian of his
infant heir;—in a few days I was at Bundi, and his commands
were religiously obeyed.
In this account are enumerated the monumental relics below
the fort. Upon the mountain, and beyond the walls of the
fortress of Mandor, are the dewals of Rao Ranmall, Rao Ganga,
and Chonda, who conquered Mandor from the Parihars. Within
a hundred yards of this trio of worthies of this house is a spot
set apart for the queens who die natural deaths. But this is
anticipating; let me in form conduct my readers step by step
from the cemetery of the Rathors to the Cyclopean city of the
Parihars.
Whoever has seen Cortona, Volterra, or others of the ancient
Tuscan cities can form a correct idea of the walls of Mandor,
which are precisely of the same ponderous character. It is
singular that the ancient races of India, as well as of Europe (and
whose name of Pali is the synonym of Galati or Keltoi) should,
in equal ignorance of the mechanical arts, have piled up these
stupendous monuments, which might well induce their posterity
to imagine “there were giants in those days.” This western
region, in which I include nearly all Rajputana and Saurashtra,
has been the peculiar abode of these “pastor kings,” who have
left their names, their monuments, their religion and sacred
character as the best records of their supremacy. The Rajpali,
or ‘Royal Pastors,’ are enumerated as one of the thirty-six royal
races of ancient days: the city of Palitana, ‘the abode of the
Pali,’ in Saurashtra (built \[726] at the foot of Mount Satrunjaya,
sacred to Buddha), and Pali in Godwar, are at once evidences of
their political consequence and the religion they brought with
them; while the different nail-headed characters are claimed by
their descendants, the sectarian Jains of the present day.[4.27.18] There
is scarcely an ancient city in Rajputana whence I have not
.bn 303.png
.pn +1
obtained copies of inscriptions from columns and rocks, or medals,
gold, silver, and copper, bearing this antique character. All are
memorials of these races, likewise termed Takshak, the Scythic
conquerors of India, ancestors of many of the Rajputs, whose
history the antiquary will one day become better acquainted
with. The Parihara, it will be recollected, is one of the four
Agnikulas: races who obtained a footing in India posterior to
the Suryas and Indus. I omitted, however, to mention, in the
sketch of the Pariharas, that they claim Kashmir as the country
whence they migrated into India: the period is not assigned, but
it was when the schismatic wars between the Saivites and
Buddhists were carrying on; and it would appear that the
former found proselytes and supporters in many of these Agnikulas.
But of the numerical extent of the followers of this faith we
have this powerful evidence, namely, that three-fourths of the
mercantile classes of these regions are the descendants of the
martial conquerors of India, and that seven out of the ten and a
half niyats or tribes, with their innumerable branches, still profess
the Jain faith, which, beyond controversy, was for ages paramount
in this country.
.fn 4.27.18
[There is no evidence that the name Pālitāna is connected with a
Pāli tribe.]
.fn-
The Walls of Mandor.—Let us now ascend the paved causeway
to this gigantic ruin, and leave the description of the serpentine
Nagda, which I threaded to its source in the glen of Panchkunda,
till our return. Half-way up the ascent is a noble baoli, or
‘reservoir,’ excavated from the solid rock, with a facing of cut
stone and a noble flight of steps: on which, however, two
enormous gulars[4.27.19] or wild fig-trees have taken root, and threaten
it with premature destruction. This memorial bears the name
of Nahar Rao, the last of the Parihars.[4.27.20] As I looked up to the
stupendous walls,
.pm start_poem
Where time hath leant his hand, but broke his scythe,
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
I felt the full force of the sentiment of our heart-stricken Byron:
.pm start_poem
there is a power
And magic in the ruined battlement,
For which the palace of the present hour
Must yield its pomp, and wait till ages are its dower.
.pm end_poem
.bn 304.png
.pn +1
.ti 0
Ages have rolled away since these were raised, and ages will yet
roll on, and find \[727] them immovable, unchanged. The immense
blocks are piled upon, and closely fitted to, each other
without any cement, the characteristic of all the Etruscan cities
termed Cyclopean. We might indeed smuggle a section of
Mandor into the pages of Micali,[4.27.21] amongst those of Todi or
Volterra, without fear of detection. The walls, following the
direction of the crest of the ridge, are irregular; and having been
constructed long before artillery was thought of, the Parihar or
Pali engineer was satisfied with placing the palace on the most
commanding eminence, about the centre of the fortress. The
bastions or towers are singularly massive, and like all the most
antique, their form is square. Having both fever and ague upon
me, I was incapable of tracing the direction of the walls, so as to
form any correct judgement of the space they enclose; but
satisfied with gaining the summit, I surveyed the ruin from the
site of the palace of the Parihars. The remains, though scanty,
are yet visible; but the materials have been used in the construction
of the new capital Jodhpur, and in the cenotaphs
described. A small range of the domestic temples of the palace,
and some of the apartments, are yet distinctly to be traced; the
sculptured ornaments of their portals prove them to have been
the work of a Takshak or Buddhist architect. Symbolical figures
are frequently seen carved on the large blocks of the walls, though
probably intended merely as guides to the mason. These were
chiefly Buddhist or Jain: as the quatre-feuille, the cross; though
the mystic triangle, and triangle within a triangle ✡[4.27.22] (a sign of
the Saivites, only, I believe), was also to be seen. The chief
memorials of the Parihara are a gateway and magnificent Toran,
or triumphal arch, placed towards the south-east angle of the
castle. It is one mass of sculpture; but the pencil was wanting,
.bn 305.png
.pn +1
and I had not leisure even to bring away a rude resemblance of
this memento of some victory of the ancient lords of Mandor.
.fn 4.27.19
[Ficus glomerata.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.20
[Near the cave an inscription of Kakka Parihār, probably tenth century
A.D., has recently been found (Erskine iii. A. .]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.21
L’Italie avant la domination des Romains.
.fn-
.fn 4.27.22
Amongst ancient coins and medals, excavated from the ruins of Ujjain
and other ancient cities, I possess a perfect series with all the symbolic
emblems of the twenty-four Jain apostles. The compound equilateral
triangle is amongst them: perhaps there were masons in those days amongst
the Pali. It is hardly necessary to state that this Trinitarian symbol (the
double triangle) occurs on our (so-called) Gothic edifices, e.g. the beautiful
abbey gate of Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, erected about A.D. 1377. [See
Count Goblet D’Alviella, The Migration of Symbols, 185 ff.]
.fn-
Thāna Pir.—A little distance to the northward of my position
is the Than or ‘station’ of a Muhammadan saint, a disciple of
the celebrated Khwaja Kutab, whose shrine at Ajmer is celebrated.
This of Thana Pir,[4.27.23] as they call him, was a place of great
resort to the unsanctified Kafirs, the mercenary Sindis and
Afghans, who long prowled about these regions in quest of \[728]
prey, or plunder, or both. Nearly in the same direction, beyond
the walls, are the cenotaphs of the early Rathors and the Satis
already mentioned; but tradition’s voice is mute as to the spot
which contains the ashes of the Parihars. To the east and north-east,
nature has formed at once a barrier to this antique castle,
and a place of recreation for its inhabitants; a lengthened chasm
in the whole face, appearing like a dark line, were it not for the
superb foliage of gular, mango, and the sacred bar and pipal,
which rise above the cleft, planted about the fountain and perpendicular
cliffs of the Nagda, and which must have proved a
luxurious retreat to the princes of Mandor from the reverberation
of the sun’s rays on the rock-built palace; for there is but a
scanty brushwood scattered over the surface, which is otherwise
destitute of all vegetation.
Let us now descend by the same causeway to the glen of
Panchkunda, where there is much to gratify both the lover of the
picturesque and the architectural antiquary. At the foot of the
causeway, terminated by a reservoir of good water, are two gateways,
one conducting to the gardens and their palaces erected by
the Rathors; the other, to the statues of the Paladins of the
desert. Leaving both for a moment, I pursued the ‘serpentine’
rivulet to its fountain, where
.pm start_poem
Couched among fallen columns, in the shade
Of ruined walls that had survived the names
Of those who reared them,
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
I reposed in meditative indolence, overwhelmed with the recollections
such scenes inspire. In a recess or cave is a rude altar
sanctified by the name of Nahar Rao, the famed king of Mandor,
who met in equal combat the chivalrous Chauhan in the pass of
.bn 306.png
.pn +1
the Aravalli.[4.27.24] A Nai, or barber, performs worship to the manes
of this illustrious Rajput, in whose praise Chand is most eloquent.
Whence the choice of a barber as a priest I know not; but as he
has the universal care of the material portion of the Rajput, being
always chosen as the cook, so there may be reasons for his having
had an interest in the immaterial part in olden days, the tradition
of which may have been lost. There is a piece of sculpture containing
nine figures, said to represent Ravana, who came from
“th’utmost isle Taprobane,”[4.27.25] to marry the daughter of the
sovereign of Mandor. There was a lengthened legend to account
for the name of Nagda, or, ‘serpentine,’ being applied to the
\[729] rivulet, but it is too long to relate. We must therefore quit
the fountain, where the gallant Prithiraj and his fair bride, the
cause of strife between the Chauhans and Pariharas, may have
reposed, and visit the most remarkable relic within the precincts
of this singular place.
.fn 4.27.23
[Erskine (iii. A. 197) calls him Tanna Pīr; the shrine was built in the
time of Mahārāja Mān Singh, and is held in high estimation.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.24
See p. #793#.
.fn-
.fn 4.27.25
Tapu Ravana, ‘the isle of Ravana,’ wherever that may be. [Taprobane
represents the river Tāmraparni, ‘the copper-coloured leaf’ (IGI, xxiii.
215).]
.fn-
.il id=i842 fn=illo_0842.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
CHĀMUNDA.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ KANKĀLI.
Rock Sculptures at Mandor.
To face page 842.
.ca-
Images of Heroes.—A short distance from the foot of the
causeway, an archway opens into an enclosed court or area, in
the retired part of which, and touching the mountain, is an
extensive saloon; the roof is supported by a triple row of columns,
of that light form peculiar to the Jains. Here are displayed, in
all “the pomp and circumstance of war,” the statues of the
knights-errant of the desert, armed cap-à-pie, bestriding steeds
whose names are deathless as their riders’, all in the costume of
the times in which they lived. They are cut out of the rock, but
entirely detached from it, and larger than life. Though more
conspicuous for strength than symmetry, the grim visages of
these worthies, apparently frowning defiance, each attended by
his pandu or squire, have a singularly pleasing effect. Each
chieftain is armed with lance, sword, and buckler, with quiver
and arrows, and poniard in his girdle. All are painted; but
whether in the colours they were attached to, or according to the
fancy of the architect, I know not. Before, however, entering
this saloon, we pass a huge statue of Ganesa, placed as the
guardian of the portal, having on each side the two Bhairavas,
sons of the god of war. Then appears the statue of Chamunda
.bn 307.png
.bn 308.png
.bn 309.png
.pn +1
(the goddess of destruction), and that of the terrific mother,
Kankali, treading on the black demon Bhainsasur, in whose flank
her tiger-courser has buried his bloodthirsty tongue: in each of
her eight arms she holds a weapon of destruction. The black
Bhairon (son of Time), with a sable flag, bearing argent a horse
courant, marshals the way through the field of blood to his
mother. Between her and the heroes whose lives passed “in
devotion to the sword,” is a statue of the Nathji, or ‘spiritual
guide’ of the Rathors: in one hand he holds his mala or ‘chaplet’;
in the other his chhari or ‘patriarchal rod,’ for the guidance of
his flock. Mallinath[4.27.26] heads the procession, mounted on a white
charger, with a lance over his shoulder, to which is attached a
flag; his quiver resting on his horse’s right flank, and his mistress,
Padmavati, with a platter of food welcoming him from the raid,
and who accompanied him when slain to Suryaloka, or ‘the
mansion of the sun.’
.fn 4.27.26
[Eldest son of Rāo Salkha, one of the early traditional ancestors of
the Jodhpur chiefs, after whom the Mallāni district is named.]
.fn-
Then follows Pabuji,[4.27.27] mounted on his famous charger ‘Black
Caesar’ (Kesar \[730] Kali), whose exploits are the theme of the
itinerant bard and showman, who annually goes his round, exhibiting
in pictorial delineations, while he recites in rhyme, the
deeds of this warrior to the gossiping villagers of the desert.
.fn 4.27.27
[A Rāthor chief, who first brought the camel into use, and was noted
for protecting cows.]
.fn-
Next comes Ramdeo[4.27.28] Rathor, a name famed in Marudesa,
and in whose honour altars are raised in every Rajput village in
the country.
.fn 4.27.28
[A Tonwar or Tuar Rājput, of the family of Anangpāl of Delhi, now
worshipped under the name of Rāmsāh Pīr.]
.fn-
Then we have the brave Harbuji Sankhla,[4.27.29] to whom Jodha
was indebted for protection in his exile, and for the redemption
of Mandor when seized by the Rana of Chitor.
.fn 4.27.29
[A Panwār Rājput, of Bengti, near Phalodi, where his cart is still
worshipped.]
.fn-
Guga,[4.27.30] the Chauhan, who with his forty-seven sons fell defending
the passage of the Sutlej on Mahmud’s invasion. Mehaji
Mangalia brings up the rear, a famous chieftain of the Guhilot
.bn 310.png
.pn +1
race. It would be tedious to relate any of the exploits of these
worthies.
.fn 4.27.30
[Gūgaji or Guggaji, already mentioned (p. 807 above), said to have
been killed in battle with Fīroz Shāh of Delhi, at the end of the thirteenth
century A.D.]
.fn-
Taintīs Kula Devata Ra Thān.—Another saloon, of similar
architecture and still greater dimensions, adjoins that just
described; it is termed Taintis kula[4.27.31] devata ra than, or ‘abode
of the (tutelary) divinities of the thirty-three races’: in short,
the Pantheon of the Rajputs. The statues are of gypsum, or
stone covered with that substance; they are of large proportions.
First, is the creator, Brahma; then Surya, ‘the sun-god,’ with
his seven-headed steed; then the monkey-faced deity, Hanuman;
Rama, and his beloved Sita; Kanhaiya, in the woods of Vraj,
surrounded by the Gopis; and a most grave figure of Mahadeva,
with a bull in his hand. These six, with the goddesses of life and
death, and of wisdom, constitute the eight chief divinities of the
Hindus; whose qualities and attributes, personified, form an
assemblage for which St. Peter’s and the Vatican to boot would
be a confined dwelling.
.fn 4.27.31
I imagine the word kula, or ‘race,’ of which, as often remarked, there
are not thirty-three but thirty-six, has given rise to the assertion respecting
the thirty-three crore or millions of gods of Hindustan [more probably
only an indefinite number].
.fn-
.il id=i844 fn=illo_0844.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
MALLINĀTH.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ NĀTHJI.
Rock Sculptures at Mandor.
To face page 844.
.ca-
Palace and Gardens.—I now retired to the palace and gardens
built by Raja Ajit; of which, however superb, it is impossible for
the pen to give a definite idea. Suites of colonnaded halls, covered
with sculpture of easy and even graceful execution, some with
screens of lattice-work to secure the ladies from the public gaze,
are on the lower range; while staircases lead to smaller apartments
intended for repose. The gardens, though not extensive,
as may be supposed, being confined within the adamantine walls
reared by the hand of Nature, must be delightfully cool even in
summer. Fountains, reservoirs, and water-courses, are everywhere
interspersed; and though \[731] the thermometer in the open
air was 86°,[4.27.32] the cold within doors (if this be not a solecism, considering
that there were no doors) was excessive. Some attention
was paid to its culture; besides many indigenous shrubs, it
boasted of some exotics. There was the golden champa,[4.27.33] whose
.bn 311.png
.bn 312.png
.bn 313.png
.pn +1
aroma is overpowering, and if laid upon the pillow will produce
headache; the pomegranate, at once “rich in flower and fruit”;
the apple of Sita, or Sitaphala, which, from similitude of taste,
we call the custard-apple; a delicious species of the plantain,
whose broad, verdant, glossy leaf alone inspires the mind with
the sensation of coolness; the mogra;[4.27.34] the chameli, or jessamine;
and the queen of flowers, the barahmasha,[4.27.35] literally the ‘twelve-month,’
because it flowers throughout the year. It is a delightful
spot, and I felt a peculiar interest in it. Let the reader imagine
the picture of a solitary Englishman scribbling amidst the ruins
of Mandor: in front a group of venerable mango-trees; a little
further an enormous isolated tamarind, “planted by the hand of
a juggler in the time of Nahar Rao, the last of the Pariharas,
before whom he exhibited this proof of legerdemain,” and, as the
legend goes, from whose branches the juggler met his death:[4.27.36]
amidst its boughs the long-armed tribe, the allies of Rama, were
skipping and chattering unmolested; while beneath, two Rathor
Rajputs were stretched in sleep, their horses dozing beside them,
standing as sedately as the statue of ‘Black Caesar’: a grenadier
Sepoy of my escort parading by a camp-basket, containing the
provender of the morning, completes the calm and quiet scene.
.fn 4.27.32
Thermometer 55°, 72°, 86°, 80° at daybreak, ten, two, and at sunset;
on the 3rd November, the day of our arrival, the variations were 50°, 72°,
80°, and 75° at those hours.
.fn-
.fn 4.27.33
[Michelia champaka.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.34
[The double jasmine, Jasminum zambak.]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.35
[Sir D. Prain, who has kindly investigated this flower, identifies it with
a species of Bauhinia. He remarks that “B. acuminata, which differs from
B. purpurea and B. variegata, both in being a smaller plant and in beginning
to flower when B. variegata does, goes on flowering all through the rains,
and still continues to flower when B. purpurea is in blossom. It does not
flower all the year round in Bengal, and I doubt if it does so in Rājputāna,
though Balfour in his Cyclopaedia suggests that it does so. My idea is that
the term bārah-māsha in Upper India should not be taken too literally, and
that it is only a figurative way of saying that the particular Bauhinia is
in flower alongside of both the others when flowering seasons are separated
by half the year.”]
.fn-
.fn 4.27.36
See the Autobiography of Jahangir, translated by that able Oriental
scholar, Major Price [p. 96 f.], for the astonishing feats these jugglers perform
in creating not only the tree but the fruit.
.fn-
An Atīt Hermit.—On the summit of the rock, across the narrow
valley, several guphas, or caves, the abode of the hermit Atit,[4.27.37]
were in sight. How the brains of these ascetics can stand the
heat and confined air is a wonder, though, if they possessed any
.bn 314.png
.pn +1
portion of that which is supposed to be necessary to the guidance
of the machine, they would scarcely occupy such a position, nor
consequently, the world’s attention. Mais tout est vanité, a cause
which has produced ten times the number of saints that piety
has, and ten times of ten these troglodyte philosophers. Having
walked out on the terrace or house-top of the palace, to catch a
sunbeam and scare away an ague which tormented me, I discovered
one of these animals coiled up on a heap of bat’s dung
\[732], in a corner of an apartment of the palace. He was dreadfully
emaciated, and but for the rolling of a pair of eyes in a visage
covered with hair, there was nothing which betokened animation,
much less humanity. There was none but the bat to dispute his
reign, or “the spider which weaves its web in this palace of the
Caesars.” I had no inclination to disturb the process of ratiocination,
or to ask to which sect of philosophers belonged this
Diogenes of Mandor, who might, if he had utterance, have desired
me to walk downstairs, and not intercept the sunbeam for whose
warmth we were competitors. The day was now nearly departed,
and it was time for me to return to my friends in camp. I finished
the evening by another visit to the knights of the desert; and
inscribing my name on the foot of ‘Black Caesar,’ bade adieu to
the ancient Mandor.
.fn 4.27.37
[The Atīt is a mendicant follower of Siva, and the term is usually
equivalent to Sannyāsi.]
.fn-
.il id=i846 fn='illo_0846.jpg' w=500px ew=90%
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RĀMDEO RĀTHOR.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ PĀBUJI, MOUNTED ON KESAR KĀLI.
Rock Sculptures at Mandor.
To face page 846.
.ca-
November 13.—The Raja having invited us to a dinner at the
palace, we sallied forth, belted and padded, to partake of Rajput
hospitality. He had made a request which will appear somewhat
strange—that we would send our cuisine, as the fare of the desert
might prove unpalatable; but this I had often seen done at
Sindhia’s camp, when joints of mutton, fowls, and fricassees
would diversify the provender of the Mahratta. I intimated that
we had no apprehension that we should not do justice to the gastronomy
of Jodhpur; however, we sent our tables, and some
claret to drink long life to the king of Marudes. Having paid our
respects to our host, he dismissed us with the complimentary wish
that appetite might wait upon us, and, preceded by a host of gold
and silver sticks, we were ushered into a hall, where we found the
table literally covered with curries, pillaus, and ragouts of every
kind, in which was not forgotten the haria mung Mandor ra, the
‘green pulse of Mandor,’ the favourite dish, next to rabri or maize-porridge,
of the simple Rathor. Here, however, we saw displayed
the dishes of both the Hindu and Musulman, and nearly all were
.bn 315.png
.bn 316.png
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.pn +1
served in silver. The curries were excellent, especially those of
the vegetable tribes made of the pulses, the kakris or cucumbers,
and of a miniature melon not larger than an egg, which grows
spontaneously in these regions, and is transported by kasids, or
runners, as presents, for many hundreds of miles around. The
hall was an entire new building, and scarcely finished; it is
erected on the northern projection of the rock, where the escarpment
is most abrupt, and looks down upon the site of the batteries
of the league of 1806. It is called the Man mahall \[733], and, like
the hall of audience, its flat roof is supported by numerous massive
hewn columns. The view from it to the east is extensive, and we
were told that the pinnacle of Kumbhalmer, though eighty miles
distant, has been seen, in those clear days of the monsoon when
the atmosphere is purified, after heavy showers, from the sand
which is held suspended. Great care was taken that our meal
should be uninterrupted, and that we should not be the lions to
an hour’s amusement of the court. There was but one trivial
occurrence to interrupt the decorum and attention of all present,
and that was so slight that we only knew it after the entertainment
was over. One of the menials of the court, either from
ignorance or design, was inclined to evince contumely or bad
breeding. It will be considered perhaps a singular circumstance
that the Hindu should place before a European the vessels from
which he himself eats: but a little fire purifies any metallic vessels
from all such contamination; and on this point the high-blooded
Rajput is less scrupulous than the bigoted Muhammadan, whom
I have seen throw on the ground with contempt a cup from which
his officer had drunk water on a march. But of earthenware
there can be no purification. Now there was a handsome china
bowl, for which some old dowager fancier of such articles would
have almost become a supplicant, which having been filled with
curds to the Sudra Farangis could no longer be used by the prince,
and it was brought by this menial, perhaps with those words, to
my native butler. Kali Khan, or, as we familiarly called him,
‘the black lord,’ was of a temper not to be trifled with; and as the
domestic held it in his hand, saying, “Take it, it is no longer of
any use to us,” he gave it a tap with his hand which sent it over
the battlements, and coolly resuming his work, observed, “That
is the way in which all useless things should be served”; a hint
which, if reported to Raja Man, he seems to have acted on: for
.bn 318.png
.pn +1
not many months after, the minister, Akhai Chand, who dreaded
lest European influence should release his master from his faction
and thraldom, was treated by him in the same manner as the
china bowl by Kali Khan.
The Rāja visits the Author.—November 16.[4.27.38]—This day had
been fixed for the Raja’s visits to the envoy. In order to display
his grandeur, he sent his own suite of tents, which were erected
near mine \[734]. They were very extensive, modelled in every way
after those of the Emperors of Delhi, and lined throughout with
the royal colour, crimson: but this is an innovation, as will
appear from the formulas yet preserved of his despatches, “from
the foot of the throne, Jodhpur.” The tent, in fact, was a palace
in miniature, the whole surrounded by walls of cloth, to keep at
a distance the profane vulgar. The gaddi, or royal cushion and
canopy, was placed in the central apartment. At three, all was
noise and bustle in the castle and town; nakkaras were reverberating,
trumpets sounding the alarm, that the King of Maru
was about to visit the Farangi Wakil. As soon as the flags and
pennant were observed winding down ‘the hill of strife’ (Jodhagir),
I mounted, and with the gentlemen of my suite proceeded
through the town to meet the Raja. Having complimented him
en route, we returned and received him at the tents. The escort
drawn up at the entrance of the tent presented arms, the officers
saluting; a mark of attention which gratified him, as did the
soldier-like appearance of the men. Hitherto, what he had seen
of regulars belonging to the native powers was not calculated to
give him a favourable impression of foot-soldiers, who are little
esteemed by the equestrian order of Rajputana. His visit continued
about an hour, when the shields were brought in, with
jewels, brocades, shawls, and other finery, in all nineteen trays,
being two less than I presented to the Rana of Udaipur. I likewise
presented him with some arms of English manufacture, a
telescope, and smaller things much valued by the Rajputs. After
the final ceremony of perfumes, and itr-pan (which are admirable
hints when you wish to get rid of a tiresome guest, though not so
in this instance), the exterior wall was removed, and showed the
caparisoned elephant and horses, which were part of the khilat.
At the door of the tent we made our salaam, when the Raja gave
me his hand, which, by the by, was his first salutation on receiving
.bn 319.png
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.bn 321.png
.pn +1
me. It is an ancient Rajput custom, and their bards continually
allude to extending the right hand—“dextra extenta.”
.fn 4.27.38
Thermometer 59°, 82°, 85°, 79°.
.fn-
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GŪGA THE CHAUHĀN.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ HARBUJI SĀNKHLA.
Rock Sculptures at Mandor.
To face page 848.
.ca-
Taking Leave of the Rāja.—November 17.[4.27.39]—I went to take
leave of the Raja: I had a long and interesting conversation on
this our last interview. I left him in the full expectation that his
energy of character would surmount the difficulties by which he was
surrounded, though not without a struggle, and condign punishment
to some of the miscreants, the misleaders of his son, the assassins
of his minister and high priest, and consequently the authors
of his humiliating and protracted incarceration \[735]. Whether
the first gratification of vengeance provoked his appetite, or
whether the torrent of his rage, once impelled into motion, became
too impetuous to be checked, so that his reason was actually
disturbed by the sufferings he had undergone, it is certain he grew
a demoniac; nor could any one, who had conversed with the
bland, the gentlemanly, I might say gentle, Raja Man, have
imagined that he concealed under this exterior a heart so malignant
as his subsequent acts evinced. But the day of retribution must
arrive; the men who wrote that dignified remonstrance, which
is given in another place,[4.27.40] will not tamely bear their wrongs, and
as they dare not levy war against their prince, who reposes under
British protection, the dagger will doubtless find a way to reach
him even in “the thousand-columned hall” of Jodhpur.
.fn 4.27.39
Thermometer 59°, 73°, 89°, 82°; at six, ten, two, and sunset.
.fn-
.fn 4.27.40
See Vol. I. p. vol1_228.
.fn-
Besides the usual gifts at parting, which are matter of etiquette,
and remain untouched by the individual, I accepted as a personal
token of his favour, a sword, dagger, and buckler, which had
belonged to one of his illustrious ancestors. The weight of the
sword, which had often been “the angel of death,” would convince
any one that it must have been a nervous arm which carried
it through a day. With mutual good wishes, and a request for a
literary correspondence, which was commenced but soon closed,
I bade adieu to Raja Man and the capital of Marwar \[736].
.fm rend=th lz=th
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.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 28
.sp 2
Nāndla.—November 19.—We broke ground for Nandla, distant
six miles. The first two miles from the capital was through deep
sand; for the remainder of the journey the red sandstone protruded,
which gives some relief to the footing of the traveller.
About half-way we passed a small sheet of water, called after the
mother of the pretender, Dhonkal Singh, the Shaikhawat Talao.
This lady has constructed a dharmsala, or ‘hall for travellers,’
on its bank, where she has erected a statue of Hanuman, and a
pillar to commemorate her own good works. Not a shrub of any
magnitude occurs, for even the stunted khair[4.28.1] is rare in this plain
of sand; which does not, however, appear unfavourable to the
moth,[4.28.2] a vetch on which they feed the cattle. Near the village
we crossed the Jogini, the same stream which we passed between
Jhalamand and the capital, and which, joined by the Nagda from
Mandor, falls into the Luni. The only supply of water for Nandla
is procured from two wells dug on the margin of the stream. The
water is abundant, and only four feet from the surface, but
brackish. There are a hundred and twenty-five houses in Nandla,
which is in the fief of the chieftain of Ahor. A few cenotaphs are
on the banks of a tank, now dry. I went to look at them, but
they contained names “unknown to fame.”
.fn 4.28.1
[Acacia catechu.]
.fn-
.fn 4.28.2
[The aconite-leaved kidney-bean, Phaseolus aconitifolius.]
.fn-
Bīsalpur.—Bisalpur, the next place, is distant six estimated
coss of the country, and \[737] thirteen miles one furlong by the
perambulator: heavy sand the whole way. Nevertheless we saw
traces of the last autumnal crop of bajra and juar, two species of
millet, which form the chief food of the people of the desert;
and the vetch was still in heaps. Bisalpur is situated on a rising
ground; the houses are uniform in height and regularly built,
and coated with a compost of mud and chaff, so that its appearance
is picturesque. It is protected by a circumvallation of
thorns, the kanta-ka-kot and the stacks of chaff, as described at
Indara. They are pleasing to the eye, as is everything in such
a place which shows the hand of industry. There was an ancient
city here in former days, which was engulfed by an earthquake,
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.pn +1
though part of a gateway and the fragment of a wall still mark
its site. No inscriptions were observed. The water is obtained
from a lake.
.il id=i850 fn=illo_0850.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.ca
MEHAJI MANGALIA.
Rock Sculptures at Mandor.
To face page 850.
.ca-
Pachkalia, Bīchkalia.—November 21.—Pachkalia, or Bichkalia,
five coss (11 miles 5 furlongs): crossed and encamped on the
Jojri. The soil improving, of a brown sandy texture. Wheat
and barley of excellent quality are grown on the banks of the
river. It was a relief to meet once more a babul or a nim tree;
even our Godwar cypress reared its head on the margin of the
Jojri. Although now only containing a hundred houses, this
was once a place of some importance. I found a defaced inscription,
in which “the son of Sonang, S. 1224,” was still legible;
but the mercenary Pathans have ruined the harvest of the
antiquary. The village is a grant in fee to a Bhatti chieftain.
Water is obtained from wells excavated on the margin of the
river.
Pīpār.—November 22.—Pipar, four coss (8 miles 2 furlongs).
Pursued the course of the river, the most extended arm of the
Luni, coming from the hills near Parbatsar, on the frontiers of
Jaipur. Its course is marked by the trees already mentioned.
The soil, a mixture of black earth and sand, is termed dhamani.
Pipar is a town of 1500 houses, one-third of which are inhabited
by the Oswals of the Jain faith, the chief merchants of all their
country. There are also about two hundred families of Mahesris,
or merchants of the Saiva caste. Pipar carries on a considerable
traffic, and has a chintz manufactory, which employs thirty
families. It is in the grant of the feudal chief of Nimaj, whose
death has been already related. A cenotaph, dedicated to one
of his ancestors, has been half destroyed by the Goths of India.
Pipar is celebrated in the traditions of the desert as one of the
cities \[738] founded by Gandharvasen, the Pramara monarch of
Avanti, prior to the Christian era.[4.28.3] The only inscription I discovered
was in a temple of the sea-goddess Lakshmi. It bore
the names of Bijai Singh and Delanji, Rajputs of the Guhilot
race, with the ancient title of Rawal. It was a happy confirmation
of the most ancient chronicle of Mewar, which divides the
Guhilots into twenty-four sakha or branches, of which one is
called ‘Piparia,’ doubtless from their having conquered this
tract from the Takshak Pramara.
.fn 4.28.3
[See p. #913#, below.]
.fn-
.bn 326.png
.pn +1
There is an abundance of wells, from sixty to eighty feet in
depth. Of one recently excavated, I obtained the following
details of the strata, which may be gratifying to the geologist.
The first twenty feet are composed entirely of that kind of earth
called dhamani, chiefly decomposed sandstone with a mixture
of black earth, in which occurs a stratum of bluish clay mixed
with particles of quartz: this earth is called morar in Marwar,
and morand in Jaipur. It was then necessary to cut through a
rock of red granite[4.28.4] for thirty feet; then several feet of an almost
milk-white steatite, succeeded by stalactitic concretions of sandstone
and quartz.
.fn 4.28.4
Specimens of all these I brought home.
.fn-
Legend of the Sāmpu Lake.—Good water is also obtained from
a lake called the Sampu, which is connected with the tradition of
the foundation of Pipar. A Brahman of the Pali tribe, whose
name was Pipa, was in the habit of carrying milk to a deity of
the Serpent (Takshak) race, whose retreat was on the banks of
this lake, and who deposited two pieces of gold in return for the
Paliwal’s offering. Being compelled to go to Nagor, he gave
instructions to his son to perform his charitable office; but the
youth, deeming it a good opportunity to become master of the
treasure, took a stick with him, and when the serpent issued
forth for his accustomed fare, he struck him violently; but the
snake being “scotched, not killed,” retreated to his hole. The
young Brahman related his adventure to his mother; when
the good woman, dreading the vengeance of the serpentine
deity, prepared a servant and bullock to convey her son to his
father at Nagor. But what was her horror in the morning,
when she went to call the youth, to find, instead of him, the
huge serpent coiled up in his bed! Pipa, on his return, was
inconsolable; but stifling his revenge, he propitiated the serpent
with copious libations of milk. The scaly monster was conciliated,
and revealed the stores he guarded to Pipa, commanding
him to raise a monument which would transmit a knowledge
of the event to future ages \[739]. Hence Pipar arose from
Pipa the Pali, and the name of the lake Sampu, from his benefactor
the ‘serpent’ (sampa). All these allegorical tales regard
the Takshak races, the followers of the religion of Buddha or
Jaina, and their feuds with the Brahmanical sects. It is evident
that Pipa the Pali worshipped both; and the very name
.bn 327.png
.pn +1
induces a belief that the whole Paliwal caste are converts from
Buddhism.[4.28.5]
.fn 4.28.5
[This seems to be merely an instance of serpent-worship.]
.fn-
Lākha Phulāni.—There is a kund or fountain, called after
Lakha Phulani, who ruled in ancient times at Phulra, in the
farther corner of the desert, but carried his arms even to the
ocean. Wherever I have travelled, tradition is loud in praise
of Phulani, from the source of the Luni to its embouchure in the
Delta of the Indus.[4.28.6]
.fn 4.28.6
The traditional stanzas are invaluable for obtaining a knowledge both
of ancient history and geography:
.pm start_poem
“Kasyapgarh, Surajpura,
Basakgarh, Tako,
Udhanigarh, Jagrupura,
Jo Phulgarh, i Lakho.”
.pm end_poem
In this stanza we have the names of six ancient cities in the desert, which
belonged to Lakha, the Tako, Tak, or Takshak, i.e. of the race figuratively
called the ‘serpent.’ [Many tales are told of Lākha Phulāni, who by one
account was a Rāo of Cutch, slain fighting in Kāthiāwār (BG, v. 133, viii.
111 note). Others identify him with Lakha, son of Phulada, who defeated
the Chaulukya king, Mūlarāja, in the eleventh century (ibid. i. Part i. 160).
By another account, he was father-in-law of the great Siddharāja (Tod,
WI, 179). He is mentioned twice later on. He was probably a powerful
king of the desert, round whom many legends have collected.]
.fn-
Mādreo.—November 23.—Madreo, five coss (10 miles 2 furlongs).
Roads good; soil as yesterday, but the country very desolate;
only stunted shrubs since we removed from the margin of the
river. This is a moderate-sized village, with a tank of good water.
Bharūnda.—November 24.—Bharunda, four coss, or eight miles.
The face of the country now changes materially; our route was
over a low undulating ridge of sandstone, in which the stunted
shrubs of this region find a bed. At one time the elevation was
sufficiently great to allow the chasm through which the road
passed to be dignified with the name of the Ghasuria Pass, in
which a party of the Raja’s men is posted for defence, and
the levy of transit duties. Bharunda is in the fief of Gopal
Singh, the chief of Kuchaman, one of the most conspicuous
of the Mertia clan. It consists of one hundred and fifty
houses; the cultivators are Jats, as are those of all the preceding
villages.
I paid a visit to the humble cenotaphs of Bharunda; one of
.bn 328.png
.pn +1
them bore the name of Badan Singh, a sub-vassal of Kuchaman,
who was slain in the heroic charge against De Boigne’s brigades,
in the patriot field of Merta. His name claims the admiration
of all who esteem loyalty and patriotism, the inherent virtues of
the chivalrous Rajput. Raja Bijai Singh had resumed Bharunda,
when the Thakur \[740] retired to the adjacent court of Jaipur,
where he was well received according to the hospitable customs
of the Rajput, and had risen to favour at the period when the
Mahrattas invaded his bapota, ‘the land of his fathers.’ Resentment
was instantly sacrificed at the altar of patriotism; he put
himself at the head of one hundred and fifty horse, and flew to
his sovereign’s and his country’s defence. Unhappily, the whole
Mahratta army interposed between him and his countrymen.
To cut their way through all impediments was the instant resolve
of Badan and his brave companions. They fell sword in hand
upon a multitude; and, with the exception of a few, who forced
their way (amongst whom was the chief whose monument is referred
to), they were cut to pieces. Badan Singh lived to reach his
ancient estate, which was restored to his family in token of his
sovereign’s gratitude for the gallant deed. It is valued at seven
thousand rupees annual rent, and has attached to it, as a condition,
the service of defending this post. There was another small
altar erected to the manes of Partap, who was killed in the defence
of this pass against the army of Aurangzeb.
Indāwar.—November 25.—Indawar, five coss (10 miles 2 furlongs).
This place consists of two hundred houses; the cultivators
are Jats. I have said little of these proprietors of the soil,
a sturdy, independent, industrious race, who “venerate the
plough,” and care little about the votaries of Mars or their concerns,
so that they do not impose excessive taxes on them. They
are a stout, well-built, though rather murky race. The village
is assigned to the ex-prince of Sind, who derives his sole support
from the liberality of the princes of Marwar. He is of the tribe
called Kalhora,[4.28.7] and claims descent from the Abbassides of Persia.
His family has been supplanted by the Talpuris, a branch of the
.bn 329.png
.pn +1
Numris (the foxes) of Baluchistan, who now style themselves
Afghans, but who are in fact one of the most numerous of the
Getae or Jat colonies from Central Asia. But let us not wander
from our subject.
.fn 4.28.7
[The Kalhoras, closely allied to the Dāūdputras, rose to power in the
Lower Indus valley at the end of the seventeenth century A.D. They trace
their origin to Abbās, uncle of the Prophet. They were expelled by Fateh
Ali of Tālpur, and the last of the Kalhoras fled to Jodhpur, where his
descendants now hold distinguished rank (IGI, xxii. 397 ff.).]
.fn-
I will beg the reader to descend seventy or eighty feet with
me to view the stratification of Indawar. First, three feet of good
soil; five feet of red sandy earth, mixed with particles of quartz;
six feet of an unctuous indurated clay;[4.28.8] \[741]—then follows a
sand-rock, through which it was necessary to penetrate about
sixty feet; this was succeeded by twenty feet of almost loose
sand, with particles of pure quartz embedded; nodules and
stalactitic concretions of sandstone, quartz, and mica, agglutinated
together by a calcareous cement. The interior of the well throughout
this last stratum is faced with masonry: the whole depth is
more than sixty-five cubits, or forty yards. At this depth a
spring of excellent water broke in upon the excavators, which
supplies Indawar.
.fn 4.28.8
Mr. Stokes, of the Royal Asiatic Society, pronounces it to be a steatite.
.fn-
Merta.—November 26.—Merta, four coss (9 miles 1 furlong).
The whole march was one extended plain; the Aravalli towering
about twenty-five miles to our right. To the west a wide waste,
consisting of plains gently undulating, and covered with grass
and underwood. Natural sterility is not the cause of this desert
aspect, for the soil is rich; but the water is far beneath the
surface, and they cannot depend upon the heavens. Juar, moth,
and sesamum were cultivated to a considerable extent in the
immediate vicinity of the villages, but the product had this season
been scanty. The appearance of the town is imposing, its site
being on a rising ground. The spires of the mosque which was
erected on the ruins of a Hindu temple by the tyrant Aurangzeb
overtop the more ponderous and unaspiring mandirs which
surround it. Notwithstanding, this monarch was the object of
universal execration to the whole Hindu race, more especially
to the Rathors (whose sovereign, the brave Jaswant, together
with his elder son, he put to death by poison, and kept Ajit twenty
long years from his birthright, besides deluging their fields with
the richest blood of his nobles); still, such is Hindu toleration,
that a marble is placed, inscribed both in Hindi and Persian,
to protect the mosque from violence. This mark of liberality
proceeded from the pretender Dhonkal Singh, as if with a view
.bn 330.png
.pn +1
of catching golden opinions from the demoralized Pathans, by
whose aid he hoped to regain his rights. But how was he deceived!
His advances were met by the foul assassination, at one fell
swoop, of all his party, by the chief of these mercenaries, Amir
Khan.
Merta was founded by Rao Duda of Mandor, whose son, the
celebrated Maldeo, erected the castle, which he called Malkot.[4.28.9]
Merta, with its three hundred and sixty townships, became the
appanage of his son Jaimall, and gave its name of Mertia to the
bravest of the brave clans of the Rathors. Jaimall \[742] was
destined to immortalize his name beyond the limits of Maru.
Distrusted by his father, and likely to be deserving of suspicion,
from the very ruse to which Sher Shah acknowledged he owed
his safety, he was banished from Marwar. He was hospitably
received by the Rana, who assigned to the heir of Mandor the
rich district of Badnor, equalling his own in extent, and far richer
in soil than the plains he had abandoned. How he testified his
gratitude for this reception, nobler pens than mine have related.
The great Akbar claimed the honour of having with his own
hand sealed his fate: he immortalized the matchlock with which
he effected it, and which was also the theme of Jahangir’s praise,
who raised a statue in honour of this defender of Chitor and the
rights of its infant prince.[4.28.10] Abu-l-fazl, Herbert, the chaplain
to Sir T. Roe, Bernier, all honoured the name of Jaimall; and
the chivalrous Lord Hastings, than whom none was better able
to appreciate Rajput valour, manifested his respect by his desire
to conciliate his descendant, the present brave baron of Badnor.[4.28.11]
.fn 4.28.9
Rao Duda had three sons, besides Maldeo; namely: First, Raemall;
second, Birsingh, who founded Amjera in Malwa, still held by his descendants;
third, Ratan Singh, father of Mira Bai, the celebrated wife of Kumbha
Rana.
.fn-
.fn 4.28.10
[See Vol. I. p. vol1_382, above.]
.fn-
.fn 4.28.11
See Vol. I. p. vol1_567.
.fn-
The town of Merta covers a large space of ground, and is enclosed
with a strong wall and bastions, composed of earth to the westward,
but of freestone to the east. All, however, are in a state
of decay, as well as the town itself, which is said to contain twenty
thousand houses. Like most Hindu towns, there is a mixture of
magnificence and poverty; a straw or mud hut adjoins a superb
house of freestone, which “shames the meanness” of its neighbour.
The castle is about a gun-shot to the south-west of the
.bn 331.png
.pn +1
town, and encloses an area of a mile and a half. Some small
sheets of water are on the eastern and western faces. There are
plenty of wells about the town, but the water has an unpleasant
taste, from filtering through a stiff clay. There are but two
strata before water is found, which is about twenty-five feet from
the surface: the first a black mould, succeeded by the clay, incumbent
on a loose sand, filled with quartzose pebbles of all hues,
and those stalactitic concretions which mark, throughout the
entire line from Jodhpur to Ajmer, the stratum in which the
springs find a current. There are many small lakes around the
town, as the Dudasar, or ‘lake (sar) of Duda’; the Bejpa, the
Durani, the Dangolia, etc.
The Battlefield.—The plain of Merta is one continuous sepulchre,
covered with altars to the manes of the warriors who, either in
the civil wars which have distracted this State \[743], or in the
more patriotic strife with the southron Goths, have drenched it
with their blood. It is impossible to pass over this memorable
field without a reference to these acts; but they would be unintelligible
without going to the very root of dissension, which
not only introduced the Mahratta to decide the intestine broils
of the Rajput States, but has entailed a perpetuity of discord
on that of Marwar. I have already succinctly related the parricidal
murder of Raja Ajit, which arose out of the politics of the
imperial court, when the Sayyids of Barha[4.28.12]—the Warwicks of
the East—deposed the Emperor Farrukhsiyar, and set up a
puppet of their own. With his daughter (whose marriage with
the emperor originated, as already recorded, the first grant of
land to the East-India Company), he retired to his dominions,
leaving his son Abhai Singh at court, and refusing his sanction
to the nefarious schemes of the Sayyids. They threatened
destruction to Marwar, declaring to the son of Ajit that the only
mode of averting its ruin was his own elevation, and his subservience
to their views, which object could only be obtained by
his father’s deposal and death. Even the reasoning resorted to,
as well as the dire purpose of the miscreants, is preserved, and
may serve as an illustration of Rajput feeling. When Abhai
Singh refused or hesitated, he was asked, “Ma bap ka sakha, ya
zamin ka sakha?” which, though difficult to render with accuracy,
may be translated: “Are you a branch (sakha) of the land or
.bn 332.png
.pn +1
of your parents?” As before said, land is all in all to the Rajput;
it is preferred to everything: Abhai’s reply may therefore be
inferred. Immediate installation was to be the reward of his
revenging the Sayyids. That nature could produce from the
same stock two such monsters as the brothers who effected the
deed, is, perhaps, hardly conceivable, and would, probably, not
be credited, were not the fact proved beyond doubt. I should
desire, for the honour of the Rajput race, whose advocate and
apologist I candidly avow myself, to suppress the atrocious
record: but truth is dearer even than Rajput character. Of
the twelve sons of Ajit, Abhai Singh and Bakhta Singh were the
two elder; both were by the same mother, a princess of Bundi.
To Bakhta Singh, who was with his father, the eldest brother
wrote, promising him the independent sovereignty of Nagor
(where they then were), with its five hundred and fifty-five townships,
as the price of murdering their common sire. Not only
was the wretch unstartled by the proposition, but he executed
the deed with his own hands, under circumstances of unparalleled
atrocity. His \[744] mother always dreaded the temperament
and disposition of Bakhta, who was bold, haughty, impetuous,
with a perpetual thirst for action; and she cautioned her husband
never to admit him into his presence after dusk, or when unattended.
But the Raja, whose physical strength was equal to
his bravery, ridiculed her fears, observing, “Is he not my child?
Besides, a slap on the face from me would annihilate the stripling.”
Upon receiving the note from his brother, Bakhta, after taking
leave of his father, concealed himself in a chamber adjoining that
where his parents reposed. When all was still the murderer stole
to the bed in which lay the authors of his existence, and from a
pallet, on which were placed the arms of Ajit, he seized his sword,
and coolly proceeded to exhaust those veins which contained
the same blood that flowed in his own. In order that nothing
might be wanting to complete the deed of horror, the mother
was awakened by the blood of her lord moistening her bosom.
Her cries awoke the faithful Rajputs who lay in the adjacent
apartments, and who, bursting into the chamber, discovered their
prince and father dead: “Treason had done its worst.” The
assassin fled to the roof of the palace, barring the gates behind
him, which resisted all attempts to force them until morning,
when he threw into the court below the letter of his brother,
.bn 333.png
.pn +1
exclaiming, “This put the Maharaja to death, not I.” Abhai
Singh was now their sovereign; and it is the actual occupant of
the throne whom the Rajput deems entitled to his devotion.
Eighty-four Satis took place on this dire occasion, the parent of
these unnatural regicidal and parricidal sons leading the funeral
procession. So much was Ajit beloved, that even men devoted
themselves on his pyre. Such was the tragical end of the great
Ajit, lamented by his chiefs, and consecrated by the bard, in
stanzas in honour of him and in execration of the assassins; which
afford proof of the virtuous independence of the poetic chronicler
of Rajasthan.
.pm start_poem
Bakhta, Bakhta, bāhira,
Kyūn māryo Ajmāl[4.28.13]
Hindwāni ro sevro
Turkāni ka sāl?
“Oh Bakhta, in evil hour
Why slew you Ajmāl,
The pillar of the Hindu,
The lance of the Turk?” \[745][4.28.14]
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.28.12
[See Vol. I. p. vol1_467, above.]
.fn-
.fn 4.28.13
The bards give adjuncts to names in order to suit their rhymes: Ajit
is the ‘invincible’; Ajmāl, a contraction of Ajayamāl, ‘wealth invincible.’
.fn-
.fn 4.28.14
[Major Luard’s Pandit gives the word in the third line as sihara or
sihra, the veil worn by the bridegroom to avert the Evil Eye.]
.fn-
The Sons of Ajīt Singh.—Bakhta Singh obtained Nagor; and
Abhai Singh was rewarded with the viceroyalty of Gujarat,
which gift he repaid by aiding in its partition, and annexing the
rich districts of Bhinmal, Sanchor, and others, to Marwar; on
which occasion he added Jalor to the domain of his brother
Bakhta, or, as the bard styles him, bad-bakhta, ‘the unfortunate.’
This additional reward of parricide has been the cause of all the
civil wars of Marwar.
We may slightly notice the other sons of Ajit, whose issue
affected the political society of Rajputana. Of these,
Devi Singh was given for adoption to Maha Singh, head of
the Champawat clan, he having no heirs. Devi Singh then held
Bhinmal, but which he could not retain against the Koli tribes
around him, and Pokaran was given in exchange. Sabal Singh,
Sawai Singh, and Salim Singh (whose escape from the fate of the
chieftain of Nimaj has been noticed) are the lineal issue of this
adoption.
.bn 334.png
.pn +1
Anand Singh, another son of Ajit, was in like manner adopted
into the independent State of Idar, and his issue are heirs-presumptive
to the throne of Marwar.
Effects of Adoption.—From these races we derive the knowledge
of a curious fact, namely, that the issue of the younger
brother maintains a claim, though adopted into a foreign and
independent State; while all such claims are totally extinguished
by adoption into a home clan. Under no circumstances could
the issue of Devi Singh sit on the gaddi of Marwar; when
adopted into the Champawat clan, he surrendered all claims
derived from his birth, which were merged into his vassal
rank. Still the recollection must give weight and influence;
and it is evident from the boast of the haughty Devi Singh,
when his head was on the block, that there is danger in these
adoptions.
Abhai Singh died, leaving a memorial of his prowess in the
splendid additions he made to his territories from the tottering
empire of Delhi. He was succeeded by his son Ram Singh, on
whose accession his uncle Bakhta sent his aged foster-mother,
an important personage in Rajwara, with the tika and other symbols of congratulation. Ram Singh, who had
all the impetuosity of his race, received the lady-ambassador
with no friendly terms, asking her if his uncle had no better
messenger to salute his new sovereign. He refused the gifts,
and commanded her to tell his uncle to surrender Jalor. The
offended dame \[746] extenuated nothing of the insolence of the
message. The reply was, however, courteous, implying that
both Jalor and Nagor were at his disposal. The same sarcastic
spirit soon precipitated matters between them in the following
manner.
Kusal Singh of Awa, the premier noble of Marwar, and of all
the clans of Champawat, more brave than courtly, was short in
stature, sturdy, boorish, and blunt; he became the object of his
young sovereign’s derision, who used to style him the gurji
gandhak, or ‘turnspit dog,’ and who had once the audacity to
say, “Come, gurji”; when he received the laconic reproof:
“Yes; the gurji that dare bite the lion.”
.il id=i860 fn=illo_0860.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.ca
PAIKS OF MĀRWĀR
To face page 860.
.ca-
Brooding over this merited retort, he was guilty of another
sarcasm, which closed the breach against all reconciliation.
Seated one day in the garden of Mandor, he asked the same chief
.bn 335.png
.bn 336.png
.bn 337.png
.pn +1
the name of a tree. “The champa,” was the reply, “and the
pride of the garden, as I am of your Rajputs.” “Cut it down
instantly,” said the prince; “root it out; nothing which bears
the name of champa shall exist in Marwar.”
Kaniram of Asop, the chief of the next most powerful clan,
the Kumpawat, was alike the object of this prince’s ridicule.
His countenance, which was not “cast in nature’s finest mould,”
became a butt for his wit, and he would familiarly say to him,
‘ao budha bandar,’ “Come along, old monkey.” Boiling with
rage, the chief observed, “When the monkey begins to dance,
you will have some mirth.” Leaving the court, with his brother
chieftain of Awa, they collected their retainers and families, and
marched to Nagor. Bakhta Singh was absent, but being advised
by his locum tenens of his visitors, and of their quarrel with his
nephew, he lost no time in joining them. It is said he expostulated
with them, and offered himself as mediator; but they
swore never again to look in the face of Ram Singh as their
sovereign. They offered to place Bakhta Singh on the gaddi of
Jodha; and threatened, if he refused, to abandon Marwar. He
played the part of our Richard for a short time; but the habitual
arrogance of his nephew soon brought matters to a crisis. As
soon as he heard that the two leaders of all his vassals were
received by his uncle, he addressed him, demanding the instant
surrender of Jalor. Again he had the courtly reply: “He dare
not contend against his sovereign; and if he came to visit him,
he would meet him with a vessel of water.”[4.28.15] War, a \[747]
horrid civil war, was now decided on; the challenge was given
and accepted, and the plains of Merta were fixed upon to determine
this mortal strife, in which brother was to meet brother,
and all the ties of kin were to be severed by the sword. The
Mertia clans, the bravest, as they are the most loyal and devoted,
of all the brave clans of Maru, united to a man under the
sovereign’s standard; the chiefs of Rian, Budsa, Mihtri, Kholar,
Bhorawar, Kuchaman, Alniawas, Jusari, Bokri, Bharunda, Irwa,
Chandarun, collected around them every vassal who could wield
a brand. Most of the clans of Jodha, attracted by the name of
.bn 338.png
.pn +1
swamidharma, ‘fidelity to their lord,’ united themselves to the
Mertias; though a few, as Ladnun, Nimbi, were on the adverse
side; but the principal leaders, as Khairwa, Govindgarh, and
Bhadrajun, were faithful to their salt. Of the services of others,
Ram Singh’s insolence deprived him. Few remained neuter.
But these defections were nothing to the loss of a body of five
thousand Jareja auxiliaries, whom his connexion with a daughter
of the prince of Bhuj brought to his aid. When the tents were
moved outside the capital, an incident occurred which, while it
illustrates the singular character of the Rajput, may be regarded
as the real cause of the loss of sovereignty to Ram Singh. An
inauspicious raven had perched upon the kanat, or wall of the
tent in which was the Jareja queen, who, skilled in the art of the
suguni[4.28.16] (augur), determined to avert it. Like all Rajputnis,
who can use firearms on occasion, she seized a matchlock at
hand, and, ere he “thrice croaked,” she shot him dead. The
impetuous Raja, enraged at this instance of audacity and disrespect,
without inquiry ordered the culprit to be dragged before
him; nor was his anger assuaged when the name of the Rani
was given. He reviled her in the grossest terms: “Tell the
Rani,” he said, “to depart my dominions, and to return from
whence she came.” She entreated and conjured him, by a regard
to his own safety, to revoke the decree; but all in vain; and
with difficulty could she obtain a short interview, but without
effecting any change in her obdurate lord. Her last words
were, “With my exile from your presence, you will lose the
crown of Marwar.” She marched that instant, carrying with her
the five thousand auxiliaries whose presence must have ensured
his victory.
.fn 4.28.15
This reply refers to a custom analogous to the Scythic investiture, by
offering “water and soil.” [The Kols and other forest tribes deliver a
handful of soil to a purchaser of a piece of land (Macpherson, Memorials of
Service, 64).]
.fn-
.fn 4.28.16
Sugun pherna means to avert the omen of evil.
.fn-
The Udawat clans, led by their chiefs of Nimaj, Raepur, and
Raus, with all \[748] the Karansots under the Thakur of Khinwasar,
united their retainers with the Champawats and Kumpawats
under the banners of Bakhta Singh.
Battle between Bakhta Singh and Rāja Rām Singh, A.D. 1752.—Ram
Singh’s array fell far short of his rival’s since the defection
of the Jarejas; yet, trusting to the name of sovereign as “a
tower of strength,” he boldly marched to the encounter, and
when he reached the hostile field encamped near the Ajmer gate
of Merta. His rival was not long behind, and marshalled his
.bn 339.png
.pn +1
clans within three miles of the northern portal, called the gate
of Nagor. The spot he chose had a sacred character, and was
called Mataji ka Than, where there was a shrine of the Hindu
Hecate, with a fountain said to have been constructed by the
Pandavas.
Bakhta Singh commenced the battle. Leaving his camp
standing, he advanced against his nephew and sovereign, whom
he saluted with a general discharge of his artillery. A vigorous
cannonade was continued on both sides throughout the day,
without a single man seeking a closer encounter. It is no wonder
they paused ere the sword was literally drawn. Here was no
foreign foe to attack; brother met brother, friend encountered
friend, and the blood which flowed in the veins of all the combatants
was derived from one common fountain. The reluctance
proceeded from the [Greek: storgê/], the innate principle of natural
affection. Evening advanced amidst peals of cannon, when an
incident, which could only occur in an army of Rajputs, stopped
the combat. On the banks of the Bejpa lake, the scene of strife,
there is a monastery of Dadupanti ascetics, built by Raja Sur
Singh. It was nearly midway between the rival armies, and the
shot fell so thick amidst these recluses that they fled in a body,
leaving only the old patriarch. Baba (father) Kishandeo disdained
to follow his disciples, and to the repeated remonstrances
from either party to withdraw, he replied, that if it was his fate
to die by a shot he could not avert it; if not, the balls were
innoxious: but although he feared not for himself, yet his
gardens and monastery were not “charmed,” and he commanded
them to fight no longer on that ground. The approach of night,
and the sacred character of the old abbot Dadupanti, conspired
to make both parties obey his commands, and they withdrew to
their respective encampments.
The dawn found the armies in battle-array, each animated
with a deadly determination. It was Raja Ram’s turn to open
this day’s combat, and he led the van against his uncle. Burning
with the recollection of the indignities he had \[749] suffered, the
chief of Awa, determined to show that “the cur could bite,” led
his Champawats to the charge against his sovereign. Incited by
loyalty and devotion “to the gaddi of Marwar,” reckless who was
its occupant, the brave Mertias met his onset steel in hand. The
ties of kin were forgotten, or if remembered, the sense of the
.bn 340.png
.pn +1
unnatural strife added a kind of frenzy to their valour, and
confirmed their resolution to conquer or die. Here the Mertia,
fighting under the eye of this valiant though intemperate prince,
had to maintain his ancient fame, as “the first sword of Maru.”
There his antagonist, the Champawat, jealous of this reputation,
had the like incentive, besides the obligation to revenge the insults
offered to his chief. The conflict was awful: the chieftains of
each valiant clan met hand to hand, singling out each other by
name. Sher Singh, chief of all the Mertias, was the first who
sealed his devotion by his death. His place was soon filled by
his brother, burning for vengeance. Again he cheered on his
Mertias to avenge the death of their lord, as he propelled his
steed against the chief of the Champawats. They were the sons
of two sisters of the Jaipur house, and had hitherto lived in amity
and brotherly love, now exchanged for deadly hate. They
encountered, when the “cur” bit the dust, and was borne from
the field. The loss of their leaders only inflamed the vassals on
both sides, and it was long before either yielded a foot of ground.
But numbers, and the repeated charges of Bakhta Singh who
led wherever his nephew could be found, at length prevailed;
though not until the extinction of the clan of Mertia, who,
despising all odds, fought unto the death. Besides their head
of Rian, there fell the sub-vassals of Irwa, Sewara, Jusari,
and Mithri, with his three gallant sons, and almost all their
retainers.
The Death of the Mīthri Chief.—There is nothing more chivalrous
in the days of Edward and Cressy than the death of the heir
of Mithri, who, with his father and brothers, sealed his fealty with
his blood on this fatal field. He had long engaged the hand of a
daughter of a chief of the Narukas, and was occupied with the
marriage rites, when tidings reached him of the approach of the
rebels to Merta. The knot had just been tied, their hands had
been joined—but he was a Mertia—he unlocked his hand from
that of the fair Naruki, to court the Apsaras in the field of battle.
In the bridal vestments, with the nuptial coronet (maur) encircling
his forehead, he took his station with his clan in the second day’s
fight, and “obtained a bride in Indra’s \[750] abode.”[4.28.17] The
.bn 341.png
.pn +1
bards of Maru dwell with delight on the romantic glory of the
youthful heir of Mithri, as they repeat in their Doric verse,
.pm start_poem
Kānān moti bulbula
Gal sonē ki māla
Assi kos khariya āya
Kunwar Mīthriwala.[4.28.18]
.pm end_poem
The paraphernalia here enumerated are very foreign to the
cavalier of the west: “with pearls shining in his ears, and a
golden chaplet round his neck, a space of eighty coss came the
heir of Mithri.”
.fn 4.28.17
[The authority quoted by Compton (Military Adventurers, 61) speaks
of the “serd kopperah wallas” (zard kaprawāla, ‘those wearing yellow
wedding garments’), as the forlorn hope in the battle.]
.fn-
.fn 4.28.18
[Major Luard’s Pandit reads in the first line bhalbhala, ‘a lustre,’ and
in the third kharoho, ‘rode hard.’]
.fn-
The virgin bride followed her lord from Jaipur, but instead of
being met with the tabor and lute, and other signs of festivity,
wail and lamentation awaited her within the lands of Mithri,
where tidings came of the calamity which at once deprived this
branch of the Mertias of all its supporters. Her part was soon
taken; she commanded the pyre to be erected; and with the
turban and tora[4.28.19] which adorned her lord on this fatal day, she
followed his shade to the mansions of the sun. I sought out the
cenotaph of this son of honour in the blood-stained field; but
the only couronne immortelle I could wreathe on the sandy plain
was supplied by the Bardai, whose song is full of martial fire as
he recounts the gallantry of Kunwar Mithriwala.
.fn 4.28.19
[A neck ornament.]
.fn-
The Mertias, and their compeers on the side of the prince,
made sad havoc amongst their opponents; and they still maintain
that it was owing to the artillery alone that they were
defeated. Their brave and loyal leader, Sher Singh of Rian, had
fruitlessly endeavoured to recall his brother-in-law from the path
of treason, but ineffectually; he spoke with sarcasm of his means
to supplant Ram Singh by his uncle. The reply of the old baron
of Awa is characteristic: “At least I will turn the land upside
down”; to which Sher Singh rejoined, angrily, he would do his
best to prevent him. Thus they parted; nor did they meet
again till in arms at Merta.
In surveying this field of slaughter, the eye discerns no point
d’appui, no village or key of position, to be the object of a struggle:
nothing to obstruct the doubly-gorged falconet, which has no
.bn 342.png
.pn +1
terrors for the uncontrollable valour of the Rathor; it perceives
but a level plain, extended to the horizon, and now covered with
the memorials of this day’s strife. Here appears the colonnaded
mausoleum, with its airy cupola; there the humble altar, with
its simple record of the name, clan, and sakha of him whose ashes
repose beneath, with the date of the event \[751], inscribed in rude
characters. Of these monumental records I had copies made of
about a score; they furnish fresh evidence of the singular character
of the Rajput.
Ram Singh retired within the walls of the city, which he
barricaded; but it being too extensive to afford the chance of
defence against the enemy, he formed the fatal resolution of
calling to his aid the Mahrattas, who were then rising into notice.
At midnight he fled to the south; and at Ujjain found the
Mahratta leader, Jai Apa Sindhia, with whom he concerted
measures for the invasion of his country. Meantime his uncle
being master of the field, repaired, without loss of time, to the
capital, where he was formally enthroned; and his an was proclaimed
throughout Marwar. As skilful as he was resolute,
he determined to meet on his frontier the threatened invasion,
and accordingly advanced to Ajmer, in order to interpose
between the Mahrattas and Jaipur, whose prince, Isari Singh,[4.28.20]
was to his rival. He wrote him a laconic epistle,
requiring him either instantly to unite with him in attacking
the Mahrattas, or declare himself his foe. The Jaipur prince
had many powerful reasons for not supporting Raja Bakhta, but
he at the same time dreaded his enmity. In this extremity, he
had recourse to an expedient too common in cases of difficulty.
Concerting with his wife, a princess of Idar (then ruled by one of
the sons of Ajit), the best mode of extrication from his difficulties,
he required her aid to revenge the foul murder of Ajit, and to
recover his son’s right. “In either case,” said he, “the sword
must decide, for he leaves me no alternative: against him I
have no hopes of success; and if I march to the aid of an assassin
and usurper, I lose the good opinion of mankind.” In short,
he made it appear that she alone could rescue him from his perils.
It was therefore resolved to punish one crime by the commission
of another. Isari Singh signified his assent; and to lull all
suspicion, the Rathorni was to visit her uncle in his camp on the
.bn 343.png
.bn 344.png
.bn 345.png
.pn +1
joint frontier of the three States of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber.
A poisoned robe was the medium of revenge. Raja Bakhta,
soon after the arrival of his niece, was declared in a fever; the
physician was summoned: but the man of secrets, the Vaidya,
declared he was beyond the reach of medicine, and bade him
prepare for other scenes. The intrepid Rathor, yet undismayed,
received the tidings even with a jest: “What, Suja,” said he,
“no cure? Why do you take my lands and eat their produce,
if you cannot combat my maladies? What is your art good for?”
The Vaidya excavated a \[752] small trench in the tent, which he
filled with water; throwing into it some ingredient, the water
became gelid. “This,” said he, “can be effected by human
skill; but your case is beyond it: haste, perform the offices
which religion demands.” With perfect composure he ordered
the chiefs to assemble in his tent; and having recommended to
their protection, and received their promise of defending the
rights of his son, he summoned the ministers of religion into his
presence. The last gifts to the church, and these her organs,
were prepared; but with all his firmness, the anathema of the
Satis, as they ascended the funeral pyre on which his hand had
stretched his father, came into his mind; and as he repeated
the ejaculation, “May your corpse be consumed in foreign land!”
he remembered he was then on the border. The images which
crossed his mental vision it is vain to surmise: he expired as he
uttered these words; and over his remains, which were burnt
on the spot, a cenotaph was erected, and is still called Bura Dewal,
the ‘Shrine of Evil.’
.fn 4.28.20
[Isari Singh, Mahārāja of Jaipur, A.D. 1742-60.]
.fn-
.il id=i866 fn=illo_0866.jpg w=377px ew=80%
.ca
(1) DURGA DAS.\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ (2) MAHARAJA SHER SINGH OF RIAN.
To face page 866.
.ca-
But for that foul stain, Raja Bakhta would have been one of
the first princes of his race. It never gave birth to a bolder;
and his wisdom was equal to his valour. Before the commission
of that act, he was adored by his Rajputs. He was chiefly
instrumental in the conquests made from Gujarat; and afterwards,
in conjunction with his brother, in defeating the imperial
viceroy, Sarbuland.[4.28.21] His elevation could not be called a usurpation,
since Ram Singh was totally incapacitated, through his
.bn 346.png
.pn +1
ungovernable passions, for sovereign sway; and the brave barons
of Marwar, “all sons of the same father with their prince,” have
always exercised the right of election, when physical incapacity
rendered such a measure requisite. It is a right which their
own customary laws, as well as the rules of justice, have rendered
sacred. According to this principle, nearly all the feudality of
Maru willingly recognized, and swore to maintain, the claims of
his successor, Bijai Singh. The Rajas of Bikaner and Kishangarh,
both independent branches of this house, gave in their
assent. Bijai Singh was accordingly proclaimed and installed
at Marot, and forthwith conducted to Merta.
.fn 4.28.21
[Nawāb Mubārizu-l-mulk, Governor of Gujarāt under Muhammad
Shāh, from which office he was removed because he consented to pay blackmail
(chauth) to the Marāthas. He refused to give up his post, and fell
into disgrace. He was afterwards Governor of Allāhābād, and died A.D.
1745 (Beale, Dict. Oriental Biog. s.v.; BG, i. Part i. 304 ff.).]
.fn-
The ex-prince, Ram Singh, accompanied Jai Apa to the siege
of Kotah, and subsequently through Mewar, levying contributions
as they passed to Ajmer. Here a dispute occurred between
the brave Rathor and Sindhia, whose rapacious spirit for plunder
received a severe reproof: nevertheless they crossed the frontier
\[753], and entered Marwar. Bijai Singh, with all the hereditary
valour of his race, marched to meet the invaders, at the
head of nearly all the chivalry of Maru, amounting to 200,000
men.
Battle of Merta, about A.D. 1756.—The first day both armies
encountered, they limited their hostility to a severe cannonade
and partial actions, the inhabitants of Merta supplying the combatants
with food, in which service many were killed; even the
recluse Dadupantis ran the risk in this patriotic struggle, and
several of the old patriarch’s disciples suffered. The second
day passed in the same manner, with many desperate charges
of cavalry, in which the Mahrattas invariably suffered, especially
from a select body of 5000 select horse, all cased in armour, which
nothing could withstand. The superior numerical strength of
Ram Singh and his allies compelled Bijai Singh not to neglect
the means of retreat. Throughout the first and second days’
combat, the cattle of the train had been kept yoked; on the
third, they had carried them to a small rivulet in the rear to
water. It was at the precise moment of time when the legion
of cuirassiers were returning from a charge which had broken to
pieces the Mahratta line, as they approached their friends, the
word ‘daga’ spread like wildfire; they were mistaken for Ram
Singh’s adherents, and a murderous shower of grape opened
upon the flower of their own army, who were torn to pieces ere
.bn 347.png
.pn +1
the fatal error was discovered. But such was the impression
which this band of heroes had just made on the Mahrattas, that
they feared to take advantage of this disaster. A feeling of
horror pervaded the army of Bijai Singh, as the choice of their
chivalry conveyed the slain and the wounded to the camp. A
council of war was summoned, and the aid of superstition came
to cool that valour which the Mahrattas, in spite of their numbers,
could never subdue. The Raja was young—only twenty years
of age; and being prudent as well as brave, he allowed experience
to guide him. The Raja of Bikaner, of the same kin and clan,
took the lead, and advised a retreat. In the accident related,
he saw the hand of Providence, which had sent it to serve as a
signal to desist. The Raja had a great stake to lose, and doubtless
deemed it wise to preserve his auxiliaries for the defence of
his own dominions. It was a case which required the energy of
Bakhta: but the wavering opinion of the council soon spread
throughout the camp, and was not unobserved by the enemy;
nor was it till Bikaner marched off with his aid, towards the
close of the day, that any advantage was taken of it \[754]. Then
Ram Singh at the head of a body of Rajputs and Mahrattas
poured down upon them, and ‘sauve qui peut’ became the order
of the day. To gain Merta was the main object of the discomfited
and panic-struck Rathors; but many chiefs with their vassals
marched direct for their estates. The guns were abandoned to
their fate, and became the first proud trophy the Mahrattas
gained over the dreaded Rajputs. The Raja of Kishangarh, also
a Rathor, followed the example of his brother prince of Bikaner,
and carried off his bands. Thus deserted by his dispirited and
now dispersed barons, the young prince had no alternative but
flight, and at midnight he took the route of Nagor. In the darkness
he mistook the road, or was misled into that of Rain, whose
chieftain was the companion of his flight. Calling him by name,
Lal Singh, he desired him to regain the right path; but the
orders of a sovereign at the head of a victorious army, and those
of a fugitive prince, are occasionally received, even amongst
Rajputs, with some shades of distinction. The chief begged permission,
as he was near home, to visit his family and bring them
with him. Too dignified to reply, the young prince remained
silent and the Thakur of Rain[4.28.22] loitered in the rear. The Raja
.bn 348.png
.pn +1
reached Kajwana, with only five of his cuirassiers (silahposh) as
an escort. Here he could not halt with safety; but as he left
the opposite barrier, his horse dropped down dead. He mounted
another belonging to one of his attendants, and gained Deswal,
three miles farther. Here the steeds, which had been labouring
throughout the day under the weight of heavy armour, in addition
to the usual burden of their riders, were too jaded to proceed;
and Nagor was still sixteen miles distant. Leaving his worn-out
escort, and concealing his rank, he bargained with a Jat to convey
him before break of day to the gate of Nagor for the sum of five
rupees. The peasant, after stipulating that the coin should be
bijaishahis,[4.28.23] ‘the new currency,’ which still remains the standard,
the common car of husbandry was brought forth, on which the
king of Maru ascended, and was drawn by a pair of Nagori oxen.
The royal fugitive was but little satisfied with their exertions,
though their pace was good, and kept continually urging them,
with the customary cry of “hank! hank!“ The honest Jat,
conscious that his cattle did their best, at length lost all temper.
Repeating the sounds ”hank! hank!” “Who are you,” asked
he, “that are hurrying on at this rate? It were more becoming
\[755] that such a sturdy carl should be in the field with Bijai
Singh at Merta, than posting in this manner to Nagor. One would
suppose you had the southrons (dakkhinis) at your heels. Therefore
be quiet, for not a jot faster shall I drive.” Morning broke,
and Nagor was yet two miles distant: the Jat, turning round to
view more attentively his impatient traveller, was overwhelmed
with consternation when he recognized his prince. He leaped
from the vehicle, horror-struck that he should have been sitting
‘on the same level’ with his sovereign, and absolutely refused
to sin any longer against etiquette. “I pardon the occasion,”
said the prince mildly; “obey.” The Jat resumed his seat,
nor ceased exclaiming hank! hank! until he reached the gate of
Nagor. Here the prince alighted, paid his price of conveyance,
and dismissed the Jat of Deswal, with a promise of further recompense
hereafter. On that day the enemy invested Nagor, but
not before Bijai Singh had dispatched the chief of Harsor to
defend the capital, and issued his proclamations to summon the
ban of Marwar.
.fn 4.28.22
Or Rahin in the map, on the road to Jahil from Merta.
.fn-
.fn 4.28.23
[Coins made in the reign of Bijai Singh (A.D. 1753-93), (Webb, Currencies
of the Hindu States of Rājputāna, 40).]
.fn-
.bn 349.png
.pn +1
Resistance of Bijai Singh.—During six months he defended
himself gallantly in Nagor, against which the desultory Mahrattas,
little accustomed to the operations of a siege, made no impression,
while they suffered from the sallies of their alert antagonist.
Encouraged by their inactivity, the young prince, imbued with
all the native valour of his race, and impelled by that decisive
energy of mind which characterized his father, determined upon
a step which has immortalized his memory. He resolved to cut
his way through the enemy, and solicit succours in person. He
had a dromedary corps five hundred strong. Placing on these
a devoted band of one thousand Rajputs, in the dead of night
he passed the Mahratta lines unobserved, and made direct for
Bikaner. Twenty-four hours sufficed to seat him on the same
gaddi with its prince, and to reveal to him the melancholy fact,
that here he had no hopes of succour. Denied by a branch of
his own house, he resorted to a daring experiment upon the
supporter of his antagonist. The next morning he was on
his way, at the head of his dromedary escort, to the capital
of the Kachhwahas, Jaipur. The “ships of the desert” soon
conveyed him to that city. He halted under the walls, and sent
a messenger to say that in person he had come to solicit his
assistance.
Isari Singh, the son and successor of the great Sawai Jai Singh,
had neither the talents of his father, nor even the firmness which
was the common inheritance \[756] of his race. He dreaded the
rival Rathor; and the pusillanimity which made him become
the assassin of the father, prompted him to a breach of the sacred
laws of hospitality (which, with courage, is a virtue almost inseparable
from a Rajput soul), and make a captive of the son.
But the base design was defeated by an instance of devotion and
resolution, which will serve to relieve the Rajput character from
the dark shades which the faithful historian is sometimes forced
to throw into the picture. Civil war is the parent of every crime,
and severs all ties, moral and political; nor must it be expected
that Rajputana should furnish the exception to a rule, which
applies to all mankind in similar circumstances. The civil wars
of England and France, during the conflicts of the White
and Red Roses, and those of the League, will disclose scenes
which would suffice to dye with the deepest hues an entire
dynasty of the Rajputs. Let such deeds as the following
.bn 350.png
.pn +1
be placed on the virtuous side of the account, and the crimes
on the opposite side be ascribed to the peculiarities of their
condition.
Devotion of the Mertias.—The devoted sacrifice of Sher Singh,
the chief of the Mertia clan, has already been recorded. When
victory declared against the side he espoused, the victorious
Bakhta Singh resumed the estates of Rian from his line, and
conferred them on a younger branch of the family. Jawan Singh
was the name of the individual, and he was now with the chosen
band of the son of his benefactor, soliciting succour from the king
of the Kachhwahas. He had married the daughter of the chief
of Achrol, one of the great vassals of Jaipur, who was deep in
the confidence of his sovereign, to whom he imparted his design
to seize the person of his guest and suppliant at the interview he
had granted. Aware that such a scheme could not be effected
without bloodshed, the Achrol chieftain, desirous to save his
son-in-law from danger, under an oath of secrecy revealed the
plot, in order that he might secure himself. The Jaipur prince
came to the ‘Travellers’ hall’ (dharmsala), where the Rathor
had alighted; they embraced with cordiality, and seated themselves
on the same gaddi together. While compliments were yet
passing, the faithful Mertia, who, true to his pledge, had not
even hinted to his master the danger that threatened him, placed
himself immediately behind the Jaipur prince, sitting, as if
accidentally, on the flowing skirt of his robe. The Raja, turning
round to the leader of “the first of the swords of Maru,” remarked
“Why, Thakur, have you taken a seat in the background to-day?”
“The day requires it, Maharaja” \[757], was the laconic reply:
for the post of the Mertias was the sovereign’s right hand. Turning
to his prince, he said, “Arise, depart, or your life or liberty
is endangered.” Bijai Singh arose, and his treacherous host made
an attempt to follow, but felt his design impeded by the position
the loyal chief had taken on his garment, whose drawn dagger
was already pointed to his heart, where he threatened to sheathe
it if any hindrance was offered to the safe departure of his sovereign,
to whom he coolly said, as the prince left the astonished assembly,
“Send me word when you are mounted.” The brave Bijai Singh
showed himself worthy of his servant, and soon sent to say,
“He now only waited for him”: a message, the import of which
was not understood by the treacherous Kachhwaha. The leader
.bn 351.png
.pn +1
of the Mertias sheathed his dagger—arose—and coming in front
of the Raja, made him a respectful obeisance. The Jaipur prince
could not resist the impulse which such devotion was calculated
to produce; he arose, returned the salutation, and giving vent
to his feelings, observed aloud to his chiefs, “Behold a picture of
fidelity! It is in vain to hope for success against such men
as these.”
Bijai Singh returns to Nāgor.—Foiled in all his endeavours,
Bijai Singh had no resource but to regain Nagor, which he effected
with the same celerity as he quitted it. Six months more passed
away in the attempt to reduce Nagor; but though the siege was
fruitless, not so were the efforts of his rival Ram Singh in other
quarters, to whom almost all the country had submitted: Marot,
Parbatsar, Pali, Sojat had received his flag; and besides the
capital and the town he held in person, Jalor, Siwana, and Phalodi
were the only places which had not been reduced. In this
extremity, Bijai Singh listened to an offer to relieve him from
these multiplied difficulties, which, in its consequences, alienated
for ever the brightest gem in the crown of Marwar.
The Assassination of Jai Āpa Sindhia, A.D. 1759.—A Rajput
and an Afghan, both foot-soldiers on a small monthly pay,
offered, if their families were provided for, to sacrifice themselves
for his safety by the assassination of the Mahratta commander.
Assuming the garb of camp-settlers, they approached the headquarters,
feigning a violent quarrel. The simple Mahratta chief
was performing his ablutions at the door of his tent, and as
they approached they became more vociferous, and throwing a
bundle of statements of account on the ground, begged he would
decide between them. In this manner they came nearer and
nearer, and as he listened to their story, one plunged his dagger in
his side, exclaiming, “This for Nagor!” and “This for Jodhpur!”
said his companion \[758], as he repeated the mortal blow. The
alarm was given; the Afghan was slain; but the Rajput called
out “Thief!” and mingling with the throng, escaped by a drain
into the town of Nagor.[4.28.24] Though the crime was rewarded, the
.bn 352.png
.pn +1
Rathor refused to see the criminal. The siege continued, but in
spite of every precaution, reinforcements both of men and provisions
continued to be supplied. It ill suited the restless Mahratta
to waste his time in these desert regions, which could be
employed so much more profitably on richer lands: a compromise
ensued, in which the cause of Ram Singh was abandoned, on
stipulating for a fixed triennial tribute, and the surrender of the
important fortress and district of Ajmer in full sovereignty to
the Mahratta, in mundkati, or compensation for the blood of Jai
Apa. The monsoon was then approaching; they broke up,
and took possession of this important conquest, which, placed
in the very heart of these regions, may be called the key of
Rajputana.
.fn 4.28.24
[According to Grant Duff (Hist. Mahrattas, 310), Bijai Singh, following
the infamous example of his father in regard to Pīlaji Gāēkwār, engaged
two persons who, on the promise of a rent-free estate (jāgīr), went to Jai
Āpa as accredited envoys, and assassinated him. Hari Charan Dās (Elliot-Dowson
viii. 210) says that the Rājput leader warned Jai Āpa to leave
Mārwār. Jai Āpa abused him, and the Rājput killed him by a blow with
his dagger. Three of the Rājput party were killed, and three, in spite of
their wounds, escaped.]
.fn-
The cross of St. George now waves over the battlements of
Ajmer,[4.28.25] planted, if there is any truth in political declarations,
not for the purpose of conquest, or to swell the revenues of British
India, but to guard the liberties and the laws of these ancient
principalities from rapine and disorder. It is to be hoped that
this banner will never be otherwise employed, and that it may
never be execrated by the brave Rajput.
.fn 4.28.25
[Surrendered to the British by Daulat Rāo Sindhia by treaty of June
25, 1818, and occupied by the Agent, Mr. Wilder, on July 28 of the same
year.]
.fn-
The deserted Ram Singh continued to assert his rights with
the same obstinacy by which he lost them; and for which he
staked his life in no less than eighteen encounters against his
uncle and cousin. At length, on the death of Isari Singh of Jaipur,
having lost his main support, he accepted the Marwar share of
the Salt Lake of Sambhar, and Jaipur relinquishing the other half,
he resided there until his death \[759].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 353.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 29
.sp 2
Mahādaji Sindhia, A.D. 1759-94. Battle of Lālsot, A.D. 1787.—Mahadaji
Sindhia succeeded to the command of the horde led by
his relation, Jai Apa. He had the genius to discover that his
southron horse would never compete with the Rajputs, and he
set about improving that arm to which the Mahrattas finally
owed success. This sagacious chief soon perceived that the
political position of the great States of Rajasthan was most
favourable to his views of establishing his power in this quarter.
They were not only at variance with each other, but, as it has
already appeared, were individually distracted with civil dissensions.
The interference of the Rana of Udaipur had obtained
for his nephew, Madho Singh, the gaddi of Jaipur; but this
advantage was gained only through the introduction of the
Mahrattas, and the establishment of a tribute, as in Marwar.
This brave people felt the irksomeness of their chains, and wished
to shake them off. Madho Singh’s reign was short; he was
succeeded by Partap, who determined to free himself from this
badge of dependence.[4.29.1] Accordingly, when Mahadaji Sindhia
invaded his country, at the head of a powerful army, he called
on the Rathors for aid. The cause was their own; and they
jointly determined to redeem what had been lost. As the bard
of the Rathors observes, they \[760] forgot all their just grounds
of offence[4.29.2] against the Jaipur court, and sent the flower of their
chivalry under the chieftain of Rian, whose fidelity has been so
recently recorded. At Tonga (the battle is also termed that of
Lalsot), the rival armies encountered. The celebrated Mogul
chiefs, Ismail Beg and Hamdani, added their forces to those of
the combined Rajputs, and gained an entire victory, in which
.bn 354.png
.pn +1
the Rathors had their full share of glory. The noble chief of
Rian formed his Rathor horse into a dense mass, with which he
charged and overwhelmed the flower of Sindhia’s army, composed
of the regulars under the celebrated De Boigne.[4.29.3] Sindhia was
driven from the field, and retired to Mathura; for years he did not
recover the severity of this day. The Rathors sent a force under
the Dhaibhai, which redeemed Ajmer, and annulled their tributary
engagement.
.fn 4.29.1
[Mādho Singh, A.D. 1760-78: Prithi Singh II. was succeeded within
a year by Partāp Singh, 1778-1803.]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.2
.pm start_poem
Pat rakhi Partāp ki
No koti ka nāth.
Gunha agla bagasnē
Abē pakriyo hāth.
.pm end_poem
“The lord of the nine castles preserved the honour of Partāp. He
forgave former offences, and again took him by the hand.” [In the third
line Major Luard’s Pandit reads bakhas di, ‘forgave.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.3
“A la gauche la cavalerie rhatore, au nombre de dix mille hommes,
fondit sur les bataillons de M. de Boigne malgré le feu des batteries placées
en avant de la ligne. Les pièces bien servies opéraient avec succès; mais
les Rhatores, avec le courage opiniâtre qui les caractérise, s’acharnaient à
poursuivre l’action, et venaient tuer les artilleurs jusques sur leurs pièces.
Alors, les bataillons s’avancèrent, et les Rhatores, qui avaient perdu beaucoup
de monde, commencèrent à s’ébranler. M. de Boigne, les voyant se
retirer en désordre, réclama l’aide du centre; mais les prières et les menaces
furent également inutiles: les vingt-cinq bataillons mogols, restés inactifs
pendant toute la journée, et simples spectateurs du combat, demeurèrent
encore immobiles dans ce moment décisif. Les deux armées se retirèrent
après cette action sanglante, qui n’eut aucun résultat.”
.fn-
Battle of Pātan, June 20, 1790.—The genius of General
Comte de Boigne ably seconded the energetic Sindhia. A
regular force was equipped, far superior to any hitherto known,
and was led into Rajputana to redeem the disgrace of Tonga.
The warlike Rathors determined not to await the attack within
their own limits, but marched their whole force to the northern
frontier of Jaipur, and formed a junction with the Kachhwahas
at the town of Patan (Tuarvati).[4.29.4] The words of the war-song,
which the inspiring bards repeated as they advanced, are still
current in Marwar; but an unlucky stanza, which a juvenile
Charan had composed after the battle of Tonga, had completely
alienated the Kachhwahas from their supporters, to whom they
could not but acknowledge their inferiority:
.nf c
Ūdhalti Amber né rākhi Rāthorān.
“The Rathors guarded the petticoats of Amber.”[4.29.5]
.nf-
.bn 355.png
.pn +1
.ti 0
This stanza was retained in recollection at the battle of Patan;
and if universal \[761] affirmation may be received as proof, it
was the cause of its loss, and with it that of Rajput independence.
National pride was humbled: a private agreement was entered
into between the Mahrattas and Jaipurians, whereby the latter,
on condition of keeping aloof during the fight, were to have their
country secured from devastation. As usual, the Rathors charged
up to the muzzles of De Boigne’s cannon, sweeping all before
them: but receiving no support, they were torn piecemeal by
showers of grape and compelled to abandon the field. Then, it
is recorded, the brave Rathor showed the difference between
fighting on parbhum, or ‘foreign land,’ and on his own native
soil. Even the women, it is averred, plundered them of their
horses on this disastrous day; so heart-broken had the traitorous
conduct of their allies rendered them. The Jaipurians paid
dearly for their revenge, and for the couplet which recorded it:
.pm start_poem
Ghoro, joro, pagri,
Mūcham Khag Mārwār,
Pānch rakam mel līdha
Pātan men Rāthor.[4.29.6]
.pm end_poem
.ce
Verbatim:
.pm start_poem
“Horse, shoes, turban,
Mustachio, sword [of] Marwar,
Five things surrendered were
At Patan by the Rathor.”
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.29.4
[There is some doubt about the exact date. Grant Duff (Hist.
Mahrattas, 497) fixes it on June 20, 1790. See Erskine’s note (iii. A. 68),
which is followed in the margin. For the battle see Compton, Military
Adventurers, 51 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.5
[The translation in the text seems to be wrong. The best authorities
translate: “But for the Rāthors Amber would have run away.”]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.6
[In this version the first and third lines do not scan. According to
Dr. Tessitori, a better text runs:
.pm start_poem
Ghoro, joro, pāgri,
Mūcham tāni maror,
Yān pānchām gun agli,
Rājpūti Rāthor.
.pm end_poem
.fn-
Both these “ribald strains” are still the taunt of either race:
by such base agencies are thrones overturned, and heroism
rendered abortive!
When the fatal result of the battle of Patan was communicated
to Raja Bijai Singh, he called a council of all his nobles, at which
the independent branches of his family, the Rajas of Bikaner,
Kishangarh, and Rupnagarh, assisted, for the cause was a common
one. The Raja gave it as his own opinion, that it was better to
.bn 356.png
.pn +1
fulfil the terms of the former treaty, on the murder of Jai Apa,
acknowledge the cancelled tribute, and restore Ajmer, which they
had recovered by a coup de main. His valorous chieftains opposed
the degrading suggestion, and unanimously recommended that
they should again try the chances of war ere they signed their
humiliation. Their resolution swayed the prince, who issued his
summons to every Rathor in his dominions to assemble under their
Raja’s banner, once more planted on the ensanguined plains of
Merta. A fine army was embodied; not a Rathor who could
wield a sword but brought it for service in the cause of his country;
and full thirty thousand men assembled on the 10th September
1790, determined to efface the recollections of Patan \[762].
Battle of Merta, September 1790 A.D.—There was one miscreant
of Rathor race, who aided on this occasion to rivet his country’s
chains, and his name shall be held up to execration—Bahadur
Singh, the chief of Kishangarh. This traitor to his suzerain and
race held, jointly with his brother of Rupnagarh, a domain of two
hundred and ten townships: not a fief emanating from Marwar,
but all by grant from the kings; still they received the tika, and
acknowledged the supremacy of the head of Jodhpur. The
brothers had quarrelled; Bahadur despoiled his brother of his
share, and being deaf to all offers of mediation, Bijai Singh
marched and re-inducted the oppressed chief into his capital,
Rupnagarh. The fatal day of Patan occurred immediately after;
and Bahadur, burning with revenge, repaired to De Boigne, and
conducted him against his native land. Rupnagarh, it may be
supposed, was his first object, and it will afford a good proof of
the efficiency of the artillery of De Boigne, that he reduced it in
twenty-four hours. Thence he proceeded to Ajmer, which he
invested: and here the proposal was made by the Raja for its
surrender, and for the fulfilment of the former treaty. Mahadaji
in person remained at Ajmer, while his army, led by Lakwa,
Jiwa-dada, Sudasheo Bhao, and other Mahratta leaders of horse,
with the brigades of De Boigne and eighty pieces of cannon,
advanced against the Rathors. The Mahrattas, preceding by
one day’s march the regulars under De Boigne, encamped at
Natria. The Rathor army was drawn out on the plains of Merta,
one flank resting on the village of Dangiwas. Five miles separated
the Rathors from the Mahrattas; De Boigne was yet in the rear,
his guns being deep sunk in the sandy bed of the Luni. Here a
.bn 357.png
.pn +1
golden opportunity was lost, which could never be regained, of
deciding ‘horse to horse’ the claims of supremacy; but the evil
genius of the Rathor again intervened: and as he was the victim
at Patan to the jealousy of the Kachhwaha, so here he became
the martyr to a meaner cause, the household jealousies of the civil
ministers of his prince. It is customary in all the Rajput States,
when the sovereign does not command in person, to send one of
the civil ministers as his representative. Him the feudal chiefs
will obey, but not one of their own body, at least without some
hazard of dissension. Khub Chand Singwi, the first minister,
was present with the Raja at the capital: Gangaram Bhandari
and Bhimraj Singwi were with the army. Eager to efface the
disgrace of Patan, the two great Rathor leaders, Sheo Singh of
Awa, and Mahidas of Asop, who had sworn to free their country
or die in the \[763] attempt, demanded a general movement against
the Mahrattas. This gallant impatience was seconded by all the
other nobles, as well as by a successful attack on the foragers of
the enemy, in which the Mahrattas lost all their cattle. But it
was in vain they urged the raging ardour of their clans, the policy
of taking advantage of it, and the absence of De Boigne, owing
to whose admirable corps and well-appointed park the day at
Patan was lost; Bhimraj silenced their clamour for the combat
by producing a paper from the minister Khub Chand commanding
them on their allegiance not to engage until the junction of Ismail
Beg, already at Nagor. They fatally yielded obedience. De
Boigne extricated his guns from the sands of Alniawas, and joined
the main body. That night the Bikaner contingent, perceiving
the state of things, and desirous to husband their resources to
defend their own altars, withdrew. About an hour before day-break,
De Boigne led his brigade to the attack, and completely
surprised the unguarded Rajputs.[4.29.7] They were awoke by showers
of grape-shot, which soon broke their position: all was confusion;
the resistance was feeble. It was the camp of the irregular
infantry and guns which broke, and endeavoured to gain Merta;
and the civil commanders took to flight. The alarm reached the
more distant quarters of the brothers-in-arms, the chiefs of Awa
and Asop. The latter was famed for the immense quantity of
opium he consumed; and with difficulty could his companion
awake him, with the appalling tidings, “The camp has fled, and
.bn 358.png
.pn +1
we are left alone!” “Well, brother, let us to horse.” Soon the
gallant band of both was ready, and twenty-two chiefs of note
drank opium together for the last time. They were joined by the
leaders of other clans; and first and foremost the brave Mertias
of Rian, of Alniawas, Irwa, Chanod, Govindgarh; in all four
thousand Rathors. When mounted and formed in one dense
mass, the Awa chieftain shortly addressed them: “Where can
we fly, brothers? But can there be a Rathor who has ties stronger
than shame (laj)? If any one exist who prefers his wife and
children to honour, let him retire.” Deep silence was the only
reply to this heroic appeal; and as the hand of each warrior was
raised to his forehead, the Awa chief gave the word “Forward!”
They soon came up with De Boigne’s brigade, well posted, and
defended by eighty pieces of cannon. “Remember Patan!”
was the cry, as, regardless of showers of grape, this heroic band
charged up to the cannon’s mouth, driving everything before
them, cutting \[764] down the line which defended the guns, and
passing on to assault the Mahrattas, who were flying in all directions
to avoid their impetuous valour. Had there been a reserve
at this moment, the day of Merta would have surpassed that of
Tonga. But here the skill of De Boigne, and the discipline of
his troops, were an overmatch for valour unsustained by discipline
and discretion. The Rathor band had no infantry to secure their
victory; the guns were wheeled round, the line was re-formed,
and ready to receive them on their return. Fresh showers of shot
and grape met their thinned ranks; scarcely one of the four
thousand left the field. The chiefs of Asop, Irwa, Chanod,
Govindgarh, Alniawas, Morira, and others of lesser note, were
among the slain; and upon the heaps of wounded, surrounded
by his gallant clan, lay the chief of Awa, pierced with seven-and-twenty
wounds. He had lain insensible twenty-four hours, when
an old servant, during the night, searched for and found him on
the field. A heavy shower had fallen, which increased the
miseries of the wounded. Blind and faint, the Thakur was
dragged out from the bodies of the slain. A little opiate revived
him; and they were carrying him off, when they were encountered
by Lakwa’s harkaras in search of chiefs of note; the wounded
Thakur was conveyed to the headquarters at Merta. Lakwa
sent a surgeon to sew up his wounds; but he disdained the
courtesy, and refused all aid, until the meanest of his wounded
.bn 359.png
.pn +1
vassals was attended to. This brave man, when sufficiently
recovered, refused all solicitation from his sympathizing foes that
the usual rejoicing might be permitted, and that he would shave
and perform the ablutions after sickness, till he could see his
sovereign. The Raja advanced from his capital to meet him,
and lavished encomiums on his conduct. He now took the bath,
preparatory to putting on the honorary dress; but in bathing
his wounds opened afresh, and he expired.
.fn 4.29.7
[See the graphic account in Keene, Fall of the Mogul Empire, 205 f.]
.fn-
Bhimraj Singwi received at Nagor, whither he had fled, a letter
of accusation from his sovereign, on which he swallowed poison;
but although he was indirectly the cause of the defeat, by his
supineness, and subsequent disgraceful flight, it was the minister
at the capital whose treason prevented the destruction of the
Mahrattas: Khub Chand was jealous of Bhimraj; he dreaded
being supplanted by him if he returned from Merta crowned with
success; and he therefore penned the dispatch which paralysed
their energies, enjoining them to await the junction of Ismail
Beg \[765].
Thus, owing to a scurrilous couplet of a bard, and to the
jealousy of a contemptible court-faction, did the valiant Rathors
lose their independence—if it can be called lost—since each of
these brave men still deems himself a host, when “his hour should
come” to play the hero. Their spirit is not one jot diminished
since the days of Tonga and Merta.[4.29.8]
.fn 4.29.8
Three years ago I passed two delightful days with the conqueror of the
Rajputs, in his native vale of Chambéry. It was against the croix blanche
of Savoy, not the orange flag of the Southron, that four thousand Rajputs
fell martyrs to liberty; and although I wish the Comte long life, I may
regret he had lived to bring his talents and his courage to their subjugation.
He did them ample justice, and when I talked of the field of Merta, the
remembrance of past days flitted before him, as he said “all appeared as a
dream.” Distinguished by his prince, beloved by a numerous and amiable
family, and honoured by his fellow-citizens, the years of the veteran, now
numbering more than fourscore, glide in agreeable tranquillity in his native
city, which, with oriental magnificence, he is beautifying by an entire new
street and a handsome dwelling for himself. By a singular coincidence,
just as I am writing this portion of my narrative I am put in possession of a
Mémoire of his life, lately published, written under the eye of his son, the
Comte Charles de Boigne. From this I extract his account of the battle
of Merta. It is not to be supposed that he could then have been acquainted
with the secret intrigues which were arrayed in favour of the “white cross”
on this fatal day.
“Les forces des Rajepoutes se composaient de trente mille cavaliers, de
vingt mille hommes d’infanterie régulière, et de vingt-cinq pièces de canon.
Les Marhattes avaient une cavalerie égale en nombre à celle de l’ennemi,
mais leur infanterie se bornait aux bataillons de M. de Boigne, soutenus, il
est vrai, par quatre-vingts pièces d’artillerie. Le général examina la
position de l’ennemi, il étudia le terrain et arrêta son plan de bataille.
“Le dix, avant le jour, la brigade reçut l’ordre de marcher en avant, et
elle surprit les Rajepoutes pendant qu’ils faisoient leurs ablutions du matin.
Les premiers bataillons, avec cinquante pièces de canon tirant à mitraille,
enfoncèrent les lignes de l’ennemi et enlevèrent ses positions. Rohan, qui
commandait l’aile droite, à la vue de ce premier avantage, sans avoir reçu
aucun ordre, eut l’imprudence de s’avancer hors de la ligne du combat, à la
tête de trois bataillons. La cavalerie Rathore profitant de cette faute,
fondit à l’instant sur lui et faillit lui couper sa retraite sur le gros de l’armée,
qu’il ne parvint à rejoindre qu’avec les plus grandes difficultés. Toute la
cavalerie ennemie se mit alors en mouvement, et se jetant avec impétuosité
sur la brigade, l’attaqua sur tous les côtés à la fois. Elle eût été infailliblement
exterminée sans la présence d’esprit de son chef. M. de Boigne, s’étant
aperçu de l’erreur commise par son aile droite et prévoyant les suites qu’elle
pouvait entraîner, avait disposé sur-le-champ son infanterie en carré vide
(hollow square); et par cette disposition, présentant partout un front à
l’ennemi, elle opposa une résistance invincible aux charges furieuses des
Rathores, qui furent enfin forcés de lâcher prise. Aussitôt l’infanterie
reprit ses positions, et s’avançant avec son artillerie, elle fit une attaque
générale sur toute la ligne des Rajepoutes. Déjà sur les neuf heures,
l’ennemi était complètement battu; une heure après, les Marhattes prirent
possession de son camp avec tous ses canons et bagages; et pour couronner
cette journée, à trois heures après midi la ville de Mirtah fut prise d’assaut”
(Mémoire sur la carrière militaire et politique de M. le Général Comte De
Boigne, Chambéry, 1829).
.fn-
.bn 360.png
.pn +1
British Policy towards the Rajputs.—By a careful investigation
of the circumstances which placed those brave races in their
present political position, the paramount protecting power may
be enabled to appreciate them, either as allies or as foes; and it
will demonstrate more effectually than mere opinions, from whatever
source, how admirably qualified they are, if divested of
control, to harmonize, in a very important respect, with the
British system of government in the East. We have nothing
to dread from them, individually or collectively; and we may
engage their very hearts’ blood in our cause against whatever foes
may threaten us, foreign or domestic, if we only exert our interference
when mediation will be of advantage to them, without
offence to \[766] their prejudices. Nor is there any difficulty in
the task; all honour the peacemaker, and they would court even
arbitration if once assured that we had no ulterior views. But
our strides have been rapid from Calcutta to Rajputana, and it
.bn 361.png
.pn +1
were well if they credit what the old Nestor of India (Zalim Singh
of Kotah) would not, who, in reply to all my asseverations that
we wished for no more territory, said, “I believe you think so;
but the time will come when there will be but one sikka[4.29.9] throughout
India. You stepped in, Maharaj, at a lucky time, the phut[4.29.10]
was ripe and ready to be eaten, and you had only to take it bit
by bit. It was not your power, so much as our disunion, which
made you sovereigns, and will keep you so.” His reasoning is
not unworthy of attention, though I trust his prophecy may never
be fulfilled.
.fn 4.29.9
[‘Seal,’ ‘coinage.’]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.10
Phūt is a species of pumpkin, or melon, which bursts and flies into
pieces when ripe. [Cucumis mormodica, Watt, Comm. Prod. 438 f.] It
also means disunion; and Zalim Singh, who always spoke in parables,
compared the States of India to this fruit.
.fn-
Jharāu.—November 28.—Camp at Jharau, five coss (11 miles).
On leaving Merta, we passed over the ground sacred to “the four
thousand,” whose heroic deeds, demonstrating at once the
Rajput’s love of freedom and his claim to it, we have just related.
We this day altered our course from the N.N.E., which would
have carried us, had we pursued it, to the Imperial city, for a
direction to the southward of east, in order to cross our own
Aravalli and gain Ajmer. The road was excellent, the soil very
fair; but though there were symptoms of cultivation near the
villages, the wastes were frightfully predominant; yet they are
not void of vegetation: there is no want of herbage or stunted
shrubs. The Aravalli towered majestically in the distant horizon,
fading from our view towards the south-east, and intercepted by
rising grounds.
The Mirage.—We had a magnificent mirage this morning: nor
do I ever recollect observing this singularly grand phenomenon
on a more extensive scale, or with greater variety of form. The
morning was desperately cold; the thermometer, as I mounted
my horse, a little after sunrise, stood at 32°, the freezing-point,
with a sharp biting wind from the north-east. The ground was
blanched with frost, and the water-skins, or bihishtis mashaks,
were covered with ice at the mouth. The slender shrubs, especially
the milky ak, were completely burnt up; and as the weather had
been hitherto mild, the transition was severely felt, by things
animate and inanimate \[767].
.bn 362.png
.pn +1
It is only in the cold season that the mirage is visible; the
sojourners of Maru call it the siya-kot, or ‘castles in the air.’[4.29.11] In
the deep desert to the westward, the herdsmen and travellers
through these regions style it chitram, ‘the picture’; while
about the plains of the Chambal and Jumna they term it disasul,
‘the omen of the quarter.’ This optical deception has been
noticed from the remotest times. The prophet Isaiah alludes to
it when he says, “and the parched ground shall become a pool”;[4.29.12]
which the critic has justly rendered, “and the shārābh[4.29.13] shall
become real water.” Quintus Curtius, describing the mirage in
the Sogdian desert, says that “for the space of four hundred
furlongs not a drop of water is to be found, and the sun’s heat,
being very vehement in summer, kindles such a fire in the sands,
that everything is burnt up. There also arises such an exhalation,
that the plains wear the appearance of a vast and deep sea”;
which is an exact description of the chitram of the Indian desert.
But the shārābh and chitram, the true mirage of Isaiah, differ
from that illusion called the siya-kot; and though the traveller
will hasten to it, in order to obtain a night’s lodging, I do not
think he would expect to slake his thirst there.
.fn 4.29.11
Literally, ‘the cold-weather castles.’
.fn-
.fn 4.29.12
Isaiah xxxv. 7.
.fn-
.fn 4.29.13
Sahra is ‘desert’; Arabic sarāb, Hebrew shārābh, ‘the water of the
desert,’ a term which the inhabitants of the Arabian and Persian deserts
apply to this optical phenomenon. The 18th verse, chap. xli. of Isaiah is
closer to the critic’s version: “I will make the wilderness (sahra) a pool of
water.“ Doubtless the translators of Holy Writ, ignorant that this
phenomenon was called shārābh, ‘water of the waste,’ deemed it a tautological
error; for translated literally, “and the water of the desert shall
become real water,” would be nonsense: they therefore lopped off the āb,
water, and read sahra instead of shārābh, whereby the whole force and
beauty of the prophecy is not merely diminished, but lost. [The Author
is mistaken, the words shārābh and sahra having no connexion. See Encyclopaedia
Biblica, i. 1077. The mirage in Sanskrit is called mrigatrish, ‘deer’s
thirst.’ Another name is Gandharvapura, ‘city of the heavenly ]
.fn-
When we witnessed this phenomenon at first, the eye was
attracted by a lofty opaque wall of lurid smoke, which seemed to
be bounded by, or to rise from, the very verge of the horizon.
By slow degrees the dense mass became more transparent, and
assumed a reflecting or refracting power: shrubs were magnified
into trees; the dwarf khair appeared ten times larger than the
gigantic amli of the forest. A ray of light suddenly broke the
.bn 363.png
.pn +1
line of continuity of this yet smoky barrier; and, as if touched
by the enchanter’s wand, castles, towers, and trees were seen in
an aggregated cluster, partly obscured by magnificent foliage.
Every accession of light produced a change in the chitram, which
from the dense wall that it first exhibited had now faded into a
thin transparent film, broken into a thousand masses, each mass
being a huge lens; until at length the \[768] too vivid power of
the sun dissolved the vision: castles, towers, and foliage melted,
like the enchantment of Prospero, into “thin air.”
I had long imagined that the nature of the soil had some effect
in producing this illusory phenomenon; especially as the chitram
of the desert is seen chiefly on those extensive plains productive
of the sajji, or alkaline plant, whence by incineration the natives
produce soda,[4.29.14] and whose base is now known to be metallic. But
I have since observed it on every kind of soil. That these lands,
covered with saline incrustations, tend to increase the effect of
the illusion, may be concluded.[4.29.15] But the difference between the
sarāb or chitram, and the siya-kot or disasul is, that the latter is
never visible but in the cold season, when the gross vapours
cannot rise; and that the rarefaction, which gives existence to
the other, destroys this, whenever the sun has attained 20° of
elevation. A high wind is alike adverse to the phenomenon, and
it will mostly be observed that it covets shelter, and its general
appearance is a long line which is sure to be sustained by some
height, such as a grove or village, as if it required support. The
first time I observed it was in the Jaipur country; none of the
party had ever witnessed it in the British provinces. It appeared
like an immense walled town with bastions, nor could we give
credit to our guides, when they talked of the siya-kot, and assured
us that the objects were merely “castles in the air.” I have
since seen, though but once, this panoramic scene in motion, and
nothing can be imagined more beautiful.
.fn 4.29.14
Properly a carbonate of soda [barilla, Watt, Econ. Prod. 112 f.].
.fn-
.fn 4.29.15
[Mirage is due to variations in the refractive index of the atmosphere,
caused by sporadic variations of temperature (EB, 11th ed. xviii. 573).]
.fn-
It was at Kotah, just as the sun rose, whilst walking on the
terraced roof of the garden-house, my residence. As I looked
towards the low range which bounds the sight to the south-east,
the hills appeared in motion, sweeping with an undulating or
rotatory movement along the horizon. Trees and buildings were
.bn 364.png
.pn +1
magnified, and all seemed a kind of enchantment. Some minutes
elapsed before I could account for this wonder; until I determined
that it must be the masses of a floating mirage, which had
attained its most attenuated form, and being carried by a gentle
current of air past the tops and sides of the hills, while it was itself
imperceptible, made them appear in motion.
But although this was novel and pleasing, it wanted the
splendour of the scene of this morning, which I never saw equalled
but once. This occurred at Hissar, where I went to visit a beloved
friend—gone, alas! to a better world \[769],—whose ardent
and honourable mind urged me to the task I have undertaken.
It was on the terrace of James Lumsdaine’s house, built amidst
the ruins of the castle of Firoz, in the centre of one extended
waste, where the lion was the sole inhabitant, that I saw the
most perfect specimen of this phenomenon: it was really sublime.
Let the reader fancy himself in the midst of a desert plain, with
nothing to impede the wide scope of vision, his horizon bounded
by a lofty black wall encompassing him on all sides. Let him
watch the first sunbeam break upon this barrier, and at once, as
by a touch of magic, shiver it into a thousand fantastic forms,
leaving a splintered pinnacle in one place, a tower in another, an
arch in a third; these in turn undergoing more than kaleidoscopic
changes, until the “fairy fabric” vanishes. Here it was emphatically
called Harchand Raja ki puri, or ‘the city of Raja
Harchand,’ a celebrated prince of the brazen age of India.[4.29.16] The
power of reflection shown by this phenomenon cannot be better
described than by stating that it brought the very ancient
Agroha,[4.29.17] which is thirteen miles distant, with its fort and bastions,
close to my view.
.fn 4.29.16
[For the tale of the sufferings of the righteous Harischandra see J.
Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i. 88 ff.; Dowson, Classical Dict. s.v. For
the mirage city compare “The City of Brass” (Burton, Arabian Nights,
iii. 295).]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.17
This is in the ancient province of Hariana, and the cradle of the Agarwal
race, now mercantile, and all followers of Hari or Vishnu. It might have
been the capital of Aggrames, whose immense army threatened Alexander;
with Agra it may divide the honour, or both may have been founded by
this prince, who was also a Porus, being of Puru’s race. [For Xandrames
or Aggrames see Smith, EHI, 40; McCrindle, Alexander, 409. His capital
is supposed to have been Pātaliputra, the modern Patna.]
.fn-
The difference then between the mirage and the siya-kot is,
.bn 365.png
.pn +1
that the former exhibits a horizontal, the latter a columnar or
vertical stratification; and in the latter case, likewise, a contrast
to the other, its maximum of translucency is the last stage of its
existence. In this stage, it is only an eye accustomed to the
phenomenon that can perceive it at all. I have passed over the
plains of Meerut with a friend who had been thirty years in India,
and he did not observe a siya-kot then before our eyes: in fact
so complete was the illusion, that we only saw the town and fort
considerably nearer. Monge gives a philosophical account of
this phenomenon in Napoleon’s campaign in Egypt; and Dr.
Clarke perfectly describes it in his journey to Rosetta, when
“domes, turrets, and groves were seen reflected on the glowing
surface of the plain, which appeared like a vast lake extending
itself between the city and travellers.” It is on reviewing this
account that a critic has corrected the erroneous translation of
the Septuagint; and further dilated upon it in a review of
Lichtenstein’s travels in Southern Africa,[4.29.18] who exactly describes
our siya-kot, of the magnifying and reflecting powers of which he
gives a \[770] singular instance. Indeed, whoever notices, while
at sea, the atmospheric phenomena of these southern latitudes,
will be struck by the deformity of objects as they pass through
this medium: what the sailors term a fog-bank is the first stage
of our siya-kot. I observed it on my voyage home; but more
especially in the passage out. About six o’clock on a dark
evening, while we were dancing on the waste, I perceived a ship
bearing down with full sail upon us so distinctly, that I gave the
alarm, in expectation of a collision; so far as I recollect, the helm
was instantly up, and in a second no ship was to be seen. The
laugh was against me—I had seen the “flying Dutchman,”[4.29.19]
according to the opinion of the experienced officer on deck; and
I believed it was really a vision of the mind: but I now feel
convinced it was either the reflection of our own ship in a passing
cloud of this vapour, or a more distant object therein refracted.
But enough of this subject: I will only add, whoever has a desire
to see one of the grandest phenomena in nature, let him repair
to the plains of Merta or Hissar, and watch before the sun rises
.bn 366.png
.pn +1
the fairy palace of Harchand, infinitely grander and more imposing
than a sunrise upon the alpine Helvetia, which alone may
compete with the chitram of the desert.
.fn 4.29.18
See Edinburgh Review, vol. xxi. pp. 66 and 138.
.fn-
.fn 4.29.19
This phenomenon is not uncommon; and the superstitious sailor
believes it to be the spectre of a Dutch pirate, doomed, as a warning and
punishment, to migrate about these seas.
.fn-
Cenotaph of a Thākur.—Jharau is a thriving village appertaining
to a sub-vassal of the Mertia chief of Rian. There was a
small sheet of water within a musket-shot to the left of the village,
on whose margin, peeping through a few nims and the evergreen
jhal,[4.29.20] was erected an elegant, though small chhatri, or cenotaph,
of an ancestor of the possessor. The Thakur is sculptured on
his charger, armed at all points; and close beside him, with folded
hands, upon the same stone, his faithful partner, who accompanied
the warrior to Indra’s abode. It bore the following
epitaph: “On the 2d Margsir, S. 1689 (A.D. 1633), Maharaja
Jaswant Singh attacked the enemy’s (Aurangzeb’s) army, in
which battle Thakur Harankarna Das, of the Mertia clan, was
slain. To him was erected this shrine, in the month of Margsir,
S. 1697.”
.fn 4.29.20
[Jhāl, Salvadora persica.]
.fn-
Water from wells is about thirty-five cubits from the surface;
the strata as follows: four cubits of mixed sand and black earth;
five of kankar, or calcareous concretions; twenty of stiff clay
and sand; six of indurated clay, with particles of quartz and
mica \[771].
Alniawās.—November 29.—Alniawas, five coss. Half-way,
passed the town of Rian, so often mentioned as the abode of the
chief of the Mertia clan. It is large and populous, and surrounded
by a well-constructed wall of the calcareous concrete already
described, here called morar, and which resists the action of the
monsoon. The works have a most judicious slope. The Thakur’s
name is Badan Singh, one of the eight great barons of Maru.
The town still bears the name of Sher Singh ka Rian, who so
gallantly defended to the death the rights of his young sovereign
Ram Singh against his uncle. A beautiful landscape is seen from
the high ground on which the town stands, in the direction of the
mountains; the intermediate space being filled with large villages,
relieved by foliage, so unusual in these regions. Here I had a
proof of the audacity of the mountaineers of the Aravalli, in an
inscription on a cenotaph, which I copied: “On Monday the 3d
Magh, S. 1835 (A.D. 1779), Thakur Bhopal Singh fell at the foot
of his walls, defending them against the Mers, having first, with
.bn 367.png
.pn +1
his own hand, in order to save her honour, put his wife to death.”[4.29.21]
Such were the Mers half a century ago, and they had been increasing
in boldness ever since. There was scarcely a family on
either side the range, whose estates lay at its foot, whose cenotaphs
do not bear similar inscriptions, recording the desperate raids of
these mountaineers; and it may be asserted that one of the
greatest benefits we conferred on Rajputana was the conversion
of this numerous banditti, occupying some hundred towns, into
peaceful, tax-paying subjects. We can say, with the great
Chauhan king, Bisiladeva, whose monument still stands in Firoz’s
palace at Delhi, that we made them “carry water in the streets
of Ajmer”; and, still more, deposit their arms on the Rana’s
terrace at Udaipur. We have, moreover, metamorphosed a
corps of them from breakers, into keepers, of the public peace.
.fn 4.29.21
A second inscription recorded a similar end of Sewa, the Baori, who
fell in another inroad of the Mers, in S. 1831.
.fn-
Between Rian and Alniawas we crossed a stream, to which the
name of the Luni[4.29.22] is also given, as well as to that we passed
subsequently. It was here that De Boigne’s guns are said to have
stuck fast.
.fn 4.29.22
I must deprecate criticism in respect to many of my geographical
details. I find I have omitted this branch; but my health totally incapacitated
me from reconstructing my map, which has been composed by
the engraver from my disjointed materials. It is well known to all practical
surveyors and geographers that none can do this properly but their author,
who knows the precise value of each portion. [It is the main stream of
the Lūni river.]
.fn-
The soundings of the wells at Rian and Alniawas presented
the same results as \[772] at Jharau, with the important exception
that the substratum was steatite, which was so universal in the
first part of my journey from Jodhpur.
Alniawas is also a fief of a Mertia vassal. It is a considerable
town, populous, and apparently in easy circumstances. Here
again I observed a trait of devotion, recorded on an altar “to the
memory of Suni Mall,” who fell when his clan was exterminated
in the charge against the rival Champawats, at Merta, in the
civil wars.
Govindgarh.—November 30.—Govindgarh, distance three coss,
or six miles. The roads generally good, though sometimes heavy;
the soil of a lighter texture than yesterday. The castle and town
of Govinda belong to a feudatory of the Jodha clan; its founder,
.bn 368.png
.pn +1
Govind, was grandson to Udai le gros; or, as Akbar dubbed him,
the “Mota Raja,” from his great bulk. Of this clan is the chief
of Khairwa, having sixteen townships in his fief: Banai, and
Masuda, with its “fifty-two townships,” both now in Ajmer;
having for their present suzerain the “Sarkar Company
Bahadur”; though in lapses they will still go to Jodhpur, to be
made “belted knights.” These places are beyond the range;
but Pisangan, with its twelve villages; Bijathal, and other fiefs
west of it, also in Ajmer, might at all events be restored to their
ancient princes, which would be considered as a great boon.
There would be local prepossessions to contend with, on the part
of the British officers in charge of the district; but such objections
must give way to views of general good.
Fox-hunting: Hyaenas.—This was another desperately cold
morning; being unprovided with a great-coat, I turned the
dagla, or ‘quilted brocade tunic,’ sent me by the high priest of
Kanhaiya, to account. We had some capital runs this morning
with the foxes of Maru, which are beautiful little animals, and
larger than those of the provinces. I had a desperate chase after
a hyaena on the banks of the Luni, and had fully the speed of
him; but his topographical knowledge was too much for me,
and he at length led me through a little forest of reeds or rushes,
with which the banks of the river are covered for a great depth.
Just as I was about giving him a spear, in spite of these obstacles,
we came upon a blind nullah or ‘dry rivulet,’ concealed by the
reeds; and Bajraj (the royal steed) was thrown out, with a
wrench in the shoulder, in the attempt to clear it: the jhirak
laughed at us.
We crossed a stream half a mile west of Govindgarh, called
the Sagarmati \[773], which, with another, the Sarasvati, joining
it, issues from the Pushkar lake. The Sagarmati is also called
the Luni; its bed is full of micaceous quartzose rock. The
banks are low, and little above the level of the country. Though
water is found at a depth of twelve cubits from the surface, the
wells are all excavated to the depth of forty, as a precautionary
measure against dry seasons. The stratification here was—one
cubit sand; three of sand and soil mixed; fifteen to twenty of
yellow clayish sand; four of morar, and fifteen of steatite and
calcareous concretions, with loose sand, mixed with particles of
quartz.
.bn 369.png
.pn +1
Pushkar Lake.—December 1.—Lake of Pushkar, four coss: the
thermometer stood at the freezing-point this morning:—heavy
sands the whole way. Crossed the Sarasvati near Nand; its
banks were covered with bulrushes, at least ten feet in height—many
vehicles were lading with them for the interior, to be used
for the purposes of thatching—elephants make a feast among
them. We again crossed the Sarasvati, at the entrance of the
valley of Pushkar, which comes from Old (burha) Pushkar, four
miles east of the present lake, which was excavated by the last
of the Pariharas of Mandor. The sand drifted from the plains
by the currents of air has formed a complete bar at the mouth of
the valley, which is about one mile in breadth; occasionally the
tibas, or sand-hills, are of considerable elevation. The summits
of the mountains to the left were sparkling with a deep rose-coloured
quartz, amidst which, on the peak of Nand, arose a
shrine to ‘the Mother.’ The hills preserve the same character:
bold pinnacles, abrupt sides, and surface thinly covered. The
stratification inclines to the west; the dip of the strata is about
twenty degrees. There is, however, a considerable difference in
the colour of the mountains: those on the left have a rose tint;
those on the right are of greyish granite, with masses of white
quartz about their summits.
Pushkar is the most sacred lake in India; that of Mansarovar
in Tibet may alone compete with it in this respect. It is placed
in the centre of the valley, which here becomes wider, and affords
abundant space for the numerous shrines and cenotaphs with
which the hopes and fears of the virtuous and the wicked amongst
the magnates of India have studded its margin. It is surrounded
by sand-hills of considerable magnitude, excepting on the east,
where a swamp extends to the very base of the mountains. The
form of the lake may be called an irregular ellipse. Around its
margin, except towards the marshy outlet, is a display of \[774]
varied architecture. Every Hindu family of rank has its niche
here, for the purposes of devotional pursuits when they could abstract
themselves from mundane affairs. The most conspicuous
are those erected by Raja Man of Jaipur, Ahalya Bai, the Holkar
queen, Jawahir Mall of Bharatpur, and Bijai Singh of Marwar.
The cenotaphs are also numerous. The ashes of Jai Apa, who
was assassinated at Nagor, are superbly covered; as are those of
his brother Santaji, who was killed during the siege of that place.
.bn 370.png
.pn +1
The Brahma Temple.—By far the most conspicuous edifice is
the shrine of the creator Brahma, erected, about four years ago,
by a private individual, if we may so designate Gokul Parik, the
minister of Sindhia; it cost the sum of 130,000 rupees (about
£15,000), though all the materials were at hand, and labour could
be had for almost nothing. This is the sole tabernacle dedicated
to the One God which I ever saw or have heard of in India.[4.29.23]
The statue is quadrifrons; and what struck me as not a little
curious was that the sikhar, or pinnacle of the temple, is surmounted
by a cross. Tradition was here again at work. Before
creation began, Brahma assembled all the celestials on this very
spot, and performed the Yajna; around the hallowed spot walls
were raised, and sentinels placed to guard it from the intrusion
of the evil spirits. In testimony of the fact, the natives point
out the four isolated mountains, placed towards the cardinal
points, beyond the lake, on which, they assert, rested the kanats,
or cloth-walls of inclosure. That to the south is called Ratnagir,
or ‘the hill of gems,’ on the summit of which is the shrine of
Savitri. That to the north is Nilagir, or ‘the blue mountain.’
East, and guarding the valley, is the Kuchhaturgir; and to the
west, Sonachaura, or ‘the golden.’ Nandi, the bull-steed of
Mahadeva, was placed at the mouth of the valley, to keep away
the spirits of the desert; while Kanhaiya himself performed this
office to the north. The sacred fire was kindled: but Savitri,
the wife of Brahma, was nowhere to be found, and as without a
female the rites could not proceed, a young Gujari took the place
of Savitri; who, on her return, was so enraged at the indignity,
that she retired to the mountain of gems, where she disappeared.
On this spot a fountain gushed up, still called by her name; close
to which is her shrine, not the least attractive in the precincts
of Pushkar. During these rites, Mahadeva, or, as he is called,
Bholanath, represented always in a state of stupefaction from
the use of intoxicating \[775] herbs, omitted to put out the sacred
fire, which spread, and was likely to involve the world in combustion;
when Brahma extinguished it with the sand, and hence
the tibas of the valley. Such is the origin of the sanctity of
.bn 371.png
.bn 372.png
.bn 373.png
.pn +1
Pushkar. In after ages, one of the sovereigns of Mandor, in the
eagerness of the chase, was led to the spot, and washing his hands
in the fountain, was cured of some disorder. That he might
know the place again, he tore his turban into shreds, and suspended
the fragments to the trees, to serve him as guides to the spot—there
he made the excavation. The Brahmans pretend to have
a copper-plate grant from the Parihara prince of the lands about
Pushkar; but I was able to obtain only a Persian translation
of it, which I was heretical enough to disbelieve. I had many
grants brought me, written by various princes and chiefs, making
provision for the prayers of these recluses at their shrines.
.fn 4.29.23
[At least three other temples of Brahma are known: at Khed Brahma
in Mahikāntha (BG, v. 437 f.); Cebrolu and Māla in S. India (Oppert,
Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa, 288 ff.). The Author mentions one
at Chitor (Vol. I. p. vol1_322).]
.fn-
.il id=i892 fn=illo_0892.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
THE SACRED LAKE OF PUSHKAR IN MARWĀR.
To face page 892.
.ca-
The name of Bisaladeva, the famed Chauhan king of Ajmer,
is the most conspicuous here; and they still point out the residence
of his great ancestor, Ajaipal, on the Nagpahar, or ‘serpent-rock,’
directly south of the lake, where the remains of the fortress of
the Pali or Shepherd-king are yet visible. Ajaipal was, as his
name implies, a goatherd, whose piety, in supplying one of the
saints of Pushkar with daily libations of goats’ milk, procured
him a territory. Satisfied, however, with the scene of his early
days, he commenced his castle on the serpent-mount; but his
evil genius knocking down in the night what he erected in the
day, he sought out another site on the opposite side of the range:
hence arose the far-famed Ajamer.[4.29.24] Manika Rae is the most
conspicuous connecting link of the Chauhan Pali kings, from the
goatherd founder to the famed Bisaladeva.[4.29.25] Manika was slain
in the first century of the Hijra, when “the arms of Walid conquered
to the Ganges”; and Bisaladeva headed a confederacy
.bn 374.png
.pn +1
of the Hindu kings, and chased the descendants of Mahmud
from Hindustan, the origin of the recording column at Delhi.
Bisaladeva, it appears from inscriptions, was the contemporary
of Rawal Tejsi, the monarch of Chitor, and grandfather of
the Ulysses of Rajasthan, the brave Samarsi, who fell with
13,000 of his kindred in aid of the last Chauhan Prithiraj,
who, according to the genealogies of this race, is the fourth
in descent from Bisaladeva. If this is not sufficient proof of
the era of this king, be it known that Udayaditya, the prince
of the Pramaras (the period of \[776] whose death, or A.D.
1096, has now become a datum),[4.29.26] is enumerated amongst the
sovereigns who serve under the banners of the Chauhan of
Ajmer.
.fn 4.29.24
[“The name probably suggested the myth [that he was a goatherd,
Ajapāla = ‘goatherd’], and it is more reasonable to suppose that the
appellation was given to him when, at the close of his life, he became a
hermit, and ended his days at the gorge in the hills about ten miles from
Ajmer, which is still venerated as the shrine of Ajaipāl. It has been shown,
however, by more recent research that Aja or Ajāya flourished about
A.D. 1000, and that the foundation of Ajmer must be attributed to this
period” (Watson, Gazetteer, i. A. 9).]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.25
Classically, Visaladeva. [Cunningham remarks that the date of Manik
Rāē is fixed by a memorial verse in Sambat 741 or 747, but of what era is
uncertain. Tod adopts the Vikrama era, and fixes his date twenty years
before the invasion of Muhammad bin Kāsim, A.D. 712. He seems to have
reigned in the beginning of the ninth century (ASR, ii. 253). Visaladeva lived
in the middle of the twelfth century (Smith, EHI, 386). Tej Singh is
mentioned in inscriptions A.D. 1260-67 (Erskine ii. B. 10).]
.fn-
.fn 4.29.26
See Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 223.
.fn-
Bhartrihari.—The ‘serpent-rock’ is also famed as being one
of the places where the wandering Bhartrihari, prince of Ujjain,
lived for years in penitential devotion; and the slab which served
as a seat to this royal saint has become one of the objects of
veneration. If all the places assigned to this brother of Vikrama
were really visited by him, he must have been one of the greatest
tourists of antiquity, and must have lived to an antediluvian old
age. Witness his castle at Sehwan, on the Indus; his cave at
Alwar; his thans at Abu, and at Benares. We must, in fact,
give credit to the couplet of the bards, “the world is the Pramara’s.”
There are many beautiful spots about the serpent-mount, which,
as it abounds in springs, has from the earliest times been the
resort of the Hindu sages, whose caves and hermitages are yet
pointed out, now embellished with gardens and fountains. One
of the latter issuing from a fissure in the rock is sacred to the
Muni Agastya, who performed the very credible exploit of drinking
up the ocean.
St. George’s banner waved on a sand-hill in front of the cross
on Brahma’s temple, from which my camp was separated by the
lake; but though there was no defect of legendary lore to amuse
us, we longed to quit “the region of death,” and hie back to our
own lakes, our cutter, and our gardens.
Ajmer.—December 2.—Ajmer, three coss. Proceeded up the
valley, where lofty barriers on either side, covered with the milky
thor (cactus),[4.29.27] and the “yellow anwla of the border,” showed they
.bn 375.png
.pn +1
were but the prolongation of our own Aravalli. Granite appeared
of every hue, but of a stratification so irregular as to bid defiance
to the geologist. The higher we ascended the valley, the loftier
became the sand-hills, which appeared to aspire to the altitude
of their granitic neighbours. A small rill poured down the valley;
there came also a cold blast from the north, which made our
fingers tingle. Suddenly we changed our direction from north
to east, and ascending the mountain, surveyed through a gap
in the range the far-famed Daru-I-Khair. The view which thus
suddenly burst upon us was magnificent. A noble plain, with
trees, and the expansive lake of Bisaladeva, lay at our feet, while
‘the fortress of the goatherd’ crowned the crest of a majestic
isolated hill. The point of descent affords a fine field for the
mineralogist; on \[777] each side, high over the pass, rise peaks
of reddish granite, which are discovered half-way down the descent
to be reposing on a blue micaceous slate, whose inclination is
westward, at an angle of about 25° with the horizon. The formation
is the same to the southward, but the slate there is more
compact, and freer from mica and quartz. I picked up a fragment
of black marble; its crystals were large and brilliant.
.fn 4.29.27
[Euphorbia neriifolia.]
.fn-
Passed through the city of Ajmer, which, though long a regal
abode, does not display that magnificence we might have expected,
and, like all other towns of India, exhibits poverty and ease in
juxtaposition. It was gratifying to find that the finest part was
rising, under the auspices of the British Government and the
superintendent of the province, Mr. Wilder. The main street,
when finished, will well answer the purpose intended—a place
of traffic for the sons of commerce of Rajasthan, who, in a body,
did me the honour of a visit: they were contented and happy at
the protection they enjoyed in their commercial pursuits. With
the prosperity of Bhilwara, that of Ajmer is materially connected;
and having no interests which can clash, each town views the
welfare of the other as its own: a sentiment which we do not
fail to
Breakfasted with Mr. Wilder,[4.29.28] and consulted how we could
best promote our favourite objects—the prosperity of Ajmer and
Bhilwara \[778].
.fn 4.29.28
[Mr. Wilder was in charge of Ajmer, 1818-24.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 376.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3
CHAPTER 30
.sp 1
Ajmer.—Ajmer has been too long the haunt of Moguls and
Pathans, the Goths and Vandals of Rajasthan, to afford much
scope to the researches of the antiquary. Whatever time had
spared of the hallowed relics of old, bigotry has destroyed, or
raised to herself altars of materials, whose sculptured fragments
serve now as disjointed memorials of two distinct and distant
eras: that of the independent Hindu, and that of the conquering
Muhammadan, whose idgahs and mosques, mausoleums and
country-seats, constructed from the wrecks of aboriginal art,
are fast mouldering to decay. The associations they call forth
afford the only motive to wish their preservation; except one
“relic of nobler days and noblest arts,” which, though impressed
with this double character, every spectator must desire to rescue
from the sweeping sentence—the edifice before the reader, a visit to
which excited these reflections. Let us rather bless than execrate
the hand, though it be that of a Turk, which has spared, from
whatever motive, one of the most perfect, as well as the most
ancient, monuments of Hindu architecture. It is built on the
western declivity of the fortress, and called Arhai din ka jhonpra,
or, ‘the shed of two and a half days,’ from its having occupied
(as tradition tells) its magical builders only this short period.
The skill of the Pali or Takshak architect, the three sacred mounts
of these countries abundantly attest: nor had he occasion for
any mysterious arts, besides those of masonry, to accomplish
them. In discussing the cosmogony of the Hindus, we have had
occasion to convert their years into days; here we must reverse
the method, and understand (as in \[779] interpreting the sacred
prophecies of Scripture) their days as meaning years. Had it,
indeed, been of more humble pretensions, we might have supposed
the monotheistic Jain had borrowed from the Athenian legislator
Cecrops, who ordained that no tomb should consist of more work
than ten men could finish in three days; to which Demetrius,
the Phalerian, sanctioned the addition of a little vessel to contain
the ghost’s victuals.[4.30.1]
.fn 4.30.1
See Archbishop Potter’s Archaeologia, vol. i. p. 192. [Cicero, De
Legibus, ii. 25, 26; Grote, Hist. of Greece, ed. 1869, xii. 184.]
.fn-
.bn 377.png
.il id=i896 fn=illo_0896.jpg w=350px ew=70%
.ca
ANCIENT JAIN TEMPLE AT AJMER.
To face page 896.
.ca-
.bn 378.png
.bn 379.png
.pn +1
Arhāi din ka jhonpra Mosque.—The temple is surrounded by
a superb screen of Saracenic architecture, having the main front
and gateway to the north. From its simplicity, as well as its
appearance of antiquity, I am inclined to assign the screen to
the first dynasty, the Ghorian sultans, who evidently made use
of native architects. The entrance arch is of that wavy kind,
characteristic of what is termed the Saracenic, whether the term
be applied to the Alhambra of Spain, or the mosques of Delhi;
and I am disposed, on close examination, to pronounce it Hindu.[4.30.2]
The entire façade of this noble entrance, which I regret I cannot
have engraved, is covered with Arabic inscriptions. But, unless
my eyes much deceived me, the small frieze over the apex of the
arch contained an inscription in Sanskrit,[4.30.3] with which Arabic
has been commingled, both being unintelligible. The remains
of a minaret still maintain their position on the right flank of the
gate, with a door and steps leading to it for the muazzin to call
the faithful to prayers. A line of smaller arches of similar form
composes the front of the screen. The design is chaste and
beautiful, and the material, which is a compact limestone of a
yellow colour, admitting almost of as high a polish as the jaune
antique, gave abundant scope to the sculptor. After confessing
and admiring the taste of the Vandal architect, we passed under
the arch to examine the more noble production of the Hindu.
Its plan is simple, and consonant with all the more ancient temples
of the Jains. It is an extensive saloon, the ceiling supported by
a quadruple range of columns, those of the centre being surmounted
by a range of vaulted coverings; while the lateral
portion, which is flat, is divided into compartments of the most
elaborate sculpture. But the columns are most worthy of attention;
they are unique in design, and with the exception of the
cave-temples, probably amongst the oldest now existing in India.
On examining them, ideas entirely novel, even in Hindu \[780]
.bn 380.png
.pn +1
art, are developed. Like all these portions of Hindu architecture,
their ornaments are very complex, and the observer will not fail
to be struck with their dissimilarity; it was evidently a rule in
the art to make the ornaments of every part unlike the other,
and which I have seen carried to great extent. There may be
forty columns but no two are alike. The ornaments of the base
are peculiar, both as to form and execution; the lozenges, with
the rich tracery surmounting them, might be transferred, not
inappropriately, to the Gothic cathedrals of Europe. The projections
from various parts of the shaft (which on a small scale
may be compared to the corresponding projections of the columns
in the Duomo at Milan), with the small niches still containing the
statues, though occasionally mutilated, of the Pontiffs of the Jains,
give them a character which strengthens the comparison, and
which would be yet more apparent if we could afford to engrave
the details.[4.30.4] The elegant Kamakumbha, the emblem of the Hindu
Ceres, with its pendent palmyra-branches, is here lost, as are
many emblematical ornaments, curious in design and elegant
in their execution. Here and there occurs a carved corbeille,
which still further sustains the analogy between the two systems
of architecture; and the capitals are at once strong and delicate.
The central vault, which is the largest, is constructed after the
same fashion as that described at Nadol; but the concentric
annulets, which in that are plain, in this are one blaze of ornaments,
which with the whole of the ceiling is too elaborate and complicated
for description. Under the most retired of the compartments,
and nearly about the centre, is raised the mimbar, or
pulpit, whence the Mulla enunciates the dogma of Muhammad,
“there is but one God”: and for which he dispossessed the Jain,
whose creed was like his own, the unity of the Godhead. But
this is in unison with the feeling which dictated the external
metamorphosis. The whole is of the same materials as already
described, from the quarries of the Aravalli close at hand, which
are rich in every mineral as well as metallic production:—
.pm start_poem
I ask’d of Time for whom those temples rose,
That prostrate by his hand in silence lie;
.bn 381.png
.pn +1
His lips disdain’d the myst’ry to disclose,
And borne on swifter wing, he hurried by!
The broken columns whose? I ask’d of Fame:
(Her kindling breath gives life to works sublime;)
With downcast looks of mingled grief and shame,
She heaved the uncertain sigh, and follow’d Time \[781].
Wrapt in amazement o’er the mouldering pile,
I saw Oblivion pass with giant stride;
And while his visage wore Pride’s scornful smile,
Haply thou know’st, then tell me, whose I cried,
Whose these vast domes that ev’n in ruin shine?
I reck not whose, he said: they now are mine.
.pm end_poem
.fn 4.30.2
[Fergusson (Hist. Indian Arch. ii. 210 f.) says it was begun in A.D. 1200,
and completed during the reign of Iyaltimish (1211-36). The temple may
have been originally Jain, but it had been altered by Hindus.]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.3
[Cunningham searched in vain for the Sanskrit inscription. “I am
inclined to believe that Tod may have mistaken some of the square Cufic
writing for ancient Sanskrit. It is, indeed, possible that the square Cufic
inscription which records the building of the mosque in A.H. 596 (A.D. 1200)
may once have occupied the position described by Tod over the apex of
the central arch” (ASR, ii. 262 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.4
[“It is certain that they are not Jain pillars, as I found many four-armed
figures sculptured on them, besides a single figure of the skeleton
goddess, Kāli” (ibid. 259).]
.fn-
Shall we abandon them to cold ‘oblivion’; or restore them
to a name already mentioned, Samprati, or Swampriti, the Shah
Jahan[4.30.5] of a period two centuries before the Christian era, and
to whom the shrine in Kumbhalmer is ascribed? Of one thing
there is no doubt, which is, that both are Jain, and of the most
ancient models: and thus advertised, the antiquary will be able
to discriminate between the architectural systems of the Saivas
and the Jains, which are as distinct as their religions.
.fn 4.30.5
Both epithets imply ‘Lord of the Universe,’ [?] and of which the name
of Prithiraj, that of the last Chauhan emperor, is another version.
.fn-
Having alluded to the analogy between the details in the
columns and those in our Gothic buildings (as they are called),
and surmised that the Saracenic arch is of Hindu origin; I may
further, with this temple and screen before us, speculate on the
possibility of its having furnished some hints to the architects
of Europe. It is well known that the Saracenic arch has crept
into many of those structures called Gothic, erected in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, when a more florid style succeeded to
the severity of the Saxon or Romans; but I believe it has been
doubted whence the Saracens obtained their model; certainly
it was neither from Egypt nor Persia. The early caliphs of
Baghdad, who were as enlightened as they were powerful, kept
alive the light of science when Europe was in darkness; and
the most accomplished noble who accompanied our C[oe]ur de Lion,
though “brave as his sword,” was a clown compared to the
infidel Saladin, in mind as well as manners. The influence of
these polished foes on European society it would be superfluous
to descant upon. The lieutenants of these caliphs, who penetrated
.bn 382.png
.pn +1
from the Delta of the Indus to the Ganges from four to
five centuries prior to this event, when Walid’s arms triumphed
simultaneously on the Indus and the Ebro, produced no trifling
results to the arts. This very spot, Ajmer, according to traditional
couplets and the poetic legends of its ancient princes, the
Chauhans, was visited by the first hostile force which Islam sent
across the Indus, and to which Manika Rae fell a sacrifice. What
ideas might not this Jain temple have afforded to \[782] “the
Light of Ali,” for Roshan Ali is the name preserved of him who,
“in ships landing at Anjar,” marched through the very heart
of India, and took Garh Bitli, the citadel of Ajmer, by assault.
The period is one of total darkness in the history of India, save
for the scattered and flickering rays which emanate from the
chronicles of the Chauhans and Guhilots. But let us leave the
temple, and slightly describe the castle of Manika Rae, on whose
battlements an infidel’s arrow of Roshan’s army reached the
heir of the Chauhan; since which Lot, for such was his name,
has been adopted amongst the lares and penates of this celebrated
race. This was the first Rajput blood which the arms of conversion
shed, and the impression must have been strong to be thus
handed down to posterity.
The mind, after all, retires dissatisfied: with me it might be
from association. Even the gateway, however elegant, is unsuitable
to the genius of the place. Separately considered, they
are each magnificent; together, it is as if a modern sculptor were
(like our actors of the last age) to adorn the head of Cato with
a peruke. I left this precious relic, with a malediction upon all the
spoilers of art—whether the Thane who pillaged Minerva’s portico
at Athens, or the Turk who dilapidated the Jain temple at Ajmer.[4.30.6]
.fn 4.30.6
Chance obtained me the drawing of this temple; I wish it had also
given me the name of its author to grace the page.
.fn-
.il id=i900 fn=illo_0900.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
FORTRESS AND TOWN OF AJMER.
To face page 900.
.ca-
Ajmer Fort.—The reader will see as much of this far-famed
fortress as I did: for there was nothing to induce me to climb
the steep, where the only temple visible was a modern-looking
whitewashed mosque, lifting its dazzling minarets over the dingy
antique towers of the Chauhan: “he who seven times captured
the sultan, and seven times released him.” The hill rises majestically
from its base to the height of about eight hundred feet; its
crest encircled by the ancient wall and towers raised by Ajaipal—
.bn 383.png
.bn 384.png
.bn 385.png
.pn +1
.pm start_poem
There was a day when they were young and proud,
Banners on high, and battles passed below;
But they who fought are in a bloody shroud,
And those which waved are shredless dust ere now,
And the bleak battlements shall bear no future blow;[4.30.7]
.pm end_poem
.ti 0
unless the Cossack should follow the track of Roshan Ali or
Mahmud, and try to tear the British flag from the kunguras of
Ajmer. On the north side a party of the superintendent’s were
unlocking the latent treasures in the bowels of the mountain.
The vein is of lead; a sulphuret, or galena \[783].[4.30.8]
.fn 4.30.7
Childe Harold, Canto iii. \[47].
.fn-
.fn 4.30.8
[The Tāragarh hill is rich in lead, and iron and copper mines have
been worked, but did not pay expenses. The lead is purer than European
pig lead, but lack of fuel and cheap transport have driven it from the market.
(Watson i. A. 60 f.)]
.fn-
The Bīsal Tālāb.—I have already mentioned the lake, called
after the excavator, the Bisal Talab. It is about eight miles in
circumference, and besides the beauty it adds to the vale of Ajmer,
it has a source of interest in being the fountain of the Luni, which
pursues its silent course until it unites with the eastern arm of
the Delta of the Indus: the point of outlet is at the northern
angle of the Daulat Bagh, ‘the gardens of wealth,’ built by
Jahangir for his residence when he undertook to conquer the
Rajputs. The water is not unwholesome, and there are three
outlets at this fountainhead for the escape of the water fitting
its periodical altitudes. The stream at its parent source is thence
called the Sagarmati. It takes a sweep northward by Bhaonta
and Pisangan, and close to where we crossed it, at Govindgarh,
it is joined by the Sarasvati from Pushkar; when the united
waters (at whose sangam, or confluence, there is a small temple
to the manes) are called the Luni.
The gardens erected on the embankment of the lake must
have been a pleasant abode for “the king of the world,” while
his lieutenants were carrying on the war against the Rana: but the
imperial residence of marble, in which he received the submissions
of that prince, through his grandson, and the first ambassador
sent by England to the Mogul, are now going fast to decay.
The walks on which his majesty last paraded, in the state-coach
sent by our James the First, are now overgrown with shrubs.
The stratification of the rock, at the point of outlet, would
.bn 386.png
.pn +1
interest the geologist, especially an extensive vein of mica, adjoining
another of almost transparent quartz.
Anasāgar Lake.—Eastward of this lake about a mile is another
named the Anasagar, after the grandson of Bisaldeo, who has
left the reputation of great liberality, and a contrast with Visala.
The vestiges of an island are yet seen in the lake, and upon its
margin; but the materials have been carried away by the Goths.
There are two small buildings on the adjacent heights, called
“the annulets of Khwaja Kutb,” and some other saint.
Such are the wonders in the environs of Daru-l-Khair, “celebrated
in the history of the Moguls, as well as of the Hindus.”
But my search for inscriptions to corroborate the legends of the
Chauhans proved fruitless. I was, however, fortunate enough to
add to my numismatic treasures some of the currency of these
ancient kings, which give interest to a series of the same description,
all appertaining \[784] to the Buddhists or Jains. The
inscription occupying one side is in a most antique character,
the knowledge of which is still a desideratum: the reverse bears
the effigies of a horse, the object of worship to the Indo-Scythic
Rajput.[4.30.9] It is not improbable that the Agnikula Chauhan may
have brought these letters with him from higher Asia. Researches
in these countries for such monuments may yet discover how far
this conjecture is correct. At Pushkar I also found some very
ancient coins. Had the antiquary travelled these regions prior
to the reign of Aurangzeb he would have had a noble field to
explore: many coins were destroyed by this bigot, but many
were buried underground, which time or accident may disclose.
He was the great foe of Rajput fame; and well might the bard,
in the words of the Cambrian minstrel, bid
.pm start_poem
Ruin seize thee, ruthless king.
.pm end_poem
They did repay his cruelties by the destruction of his race. In
one short century from this tyrant, who grasped each shore of
the peninsula, the Mogul power was extinct; while the oppressed
Rajputs are again on the ascendant. But the illiterate and
mercenary Afghan, “the descendant of the lost tribes of Israel,”[4.30.10]
if we credit their traditions, may share the iniquity with Aurangzeb:
.bn 387.png
.pn +1
for they fulfilled literally a duty which their supposed forefathers
pertinaciously refused, and made war against every graven image.
Had they even spared us a few of the monsters, the joint conceptions
of the poet and the sculptor, I might have presented some
specimens of griffins (gras)[4.30.11] and demons almost of a classical
taste: but the love of mischief was too strong even to let these
escape: the shoe was applied to the prominent features of everything
which represented animation.
.fn 4.30.9
[Probably the “Bull and Horseman” type, see p. #809#, above. The
inscription is in Hindi characters.]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.10
They claim Ishmael as their common ancestor.
.fn-
.fn 4.30.11
[The grāsda or sārdūla, a figure of a horned lion or panther (Fergusson-Burgess,
Cave Temples of India, 439).]
.fn-
By a medium of several meridian observations, I made the
latitude of Ajmer 26° 19´ north; its longitude, by time and
measurement from my fixed meridian, Udaipur, 74° 40´, nearly
the position assigned to it by the father of Indian geography,
the justly celebrated Rennell.[4.30.12]
.fn 4.30.12
[He was nearly right—Ajmer, 26° 27´ N. lat., 74° 37´ E. long.;
Udaipur, 24° 35´ N. lat., 73° 42´ E. long.]
.fn-
Return March to Udaipur.—December 5.—At daybreak we left
the towers of Manika Rae, enveloped in mist, and turned our
horses’ heads to the southward, on our return to Udaipur. While
at Ajmer, I received accounts of the death of the prince of Kotah,
and did intend to proceed direct to that capital, by Shahpura
and Bundi; but my presence was desired by the Rana to repair
the dilapidations which only two months’ absence had \[785]
occasioned in the political fabric which I had helped to reconstruct.
Other interesting objects intervened: one, a visit to the
new castle of Bhimgarh, erecting in Merwara to overawe the
Mers; the other to compose the feuds which raged between the
sectarian merchants of the new mart, Bhilwara, and which
threatened to destroy all my labour. We made two marches to
Bhinai, in which there was nothing to record. Bhinai is the
residence of a Rathor chieftain, whose position is rather peculiar.
Being placed within the district of Ajmer, and paying an annual
quit-rent to the British, he may consider the Company as his
sovereign; but although this position precludes all political
subordination to the chief of the race, the tie would be felt and
acknowledged, on a lapse, in the anxiety for the usual tika of
recognition to his successor, from the Raja of Marwar. I argue
on knowledge of character and customs; though it is possible
this individual case might be against me.
.bn 388.png
.pn +1
The castle of Bhinai is a picturesque object in these level
plains; it is covered with the cactus, or prickly pear, so abundant
on the east side of the Aravalli. This was anciently the residence
of a branch of the Parihara princes of Mandor, when held as a
fief of the Chauhans of Ajmer; and from it originated a numerous
mixed class, called the Parihara Minas, a mixture of Rajput and
aboriginal blood.
Deolia.—December 6.—Deolia, near the northern bank of the
Khari, the present boundary of Ajmer and Mewar. From Ajmer
to Deolia the direction of the road is S.S.E., and the distance
forty miles. This important district in the political geography
of Rajputana, which, with the posts of Nimach and Mhow, is
the connecting link between the British dominions on the Jumna
and in the Deccan, was obtained by cession from Sindhia in 1818.
A glance at the map is sufficient to show its importance in our
existing connexion with Rajputana. The greatest breadth of
the district is between the Aravalli west and the Banas east,
and measures about eight miles. The greatest length is between
the city of Ajmer and Jhak, a post in Merwara, measuring about
forty miles. The narrowest portion is that where we now are,
Deolia, whence the Kishangarh frontier can be seen over a neck
of land of about twelve miles in extent. Within these bounds
a great portion of the land is held by feudal chieftains paying a
quit-rent, which I believe is fixed. I had to settle a frontier dispute
at Deolia, regarding the right of cultivating in the bed of the
Khari, which produces very good melons. The soil of Ajmer
cannot \[786] be called rich, and is better adapted for the lighter
than the richer grains. Marks of war and rapine were visible
throughout.
.il id=i904 fn=illo_0904.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
CASTLE OF BHINAI.
To face page 904.
.ca-
Dābla.—December 7.—This town was a sub-fee of Banera;
but the vassal, a Rathor, had learned habits of insubordination
during Mahratta influence, which he could not or would not throw
aside. In these he was further encouraged by his connexion by
marriage with the old ruler of Kotah, who had exemplified his
hostility to the Dabla vassal’s liege lord by besieging his castle
of Banera. Having so long disobeyed him, his Rajput blood
refused to change with the times; and though he condescended,
at the head of his twenty retainers, to perform homage on stated
days, and take his allotted position in the Banera darbar, he
refused to pay the quit-rent, to which numerous deeds proved
.bn 389.png
.bn 390.png
.bn 391.png
.pn +1
his suzerain had a right. Months passed away in ineffectual
remonstrances; it was even proposed that he should hold the
inferior dependencies free of quit-rent, but pay those of Dabla.
All being in vain, the demand was increased to the complete
surrender of Dabla; which elicited a truly Rajput reply: “His
head and Dabla were together.” This obstinacy could not be
tolerated; and he was told that though one would suffice, if
longer withheld both might be required. Like a brave Rathor,
he had defended it for months against a large Mahratta force,
and hence Dabla was vauntingly called “the little Bharatpur.”
Too late he saw his error, but there was no receding; and though
he at length offered a nazarana, through the mediation of the
Kotah wakil, of 20,000 rupees, to obtain the Rana’s investiture,
it was refused and a surrender was insisted on. Being an important
frontier-post, it was retained by the Rana, and compensation
was made to Banera. Every interest was made for him
through the Nestor of Kotah, but in vain; his obstinacy offered
an example too pernicious to admit of the least retrocession, and
Dabla was forthwith incorporated with the appanage of the heir-apparent,
Jawan Singh.
Almost the whole of this, the Badnor division, of 360 townships,
is occupied by Rathors, the descendants of those who
accompanied Jaimall to Mewar: the proportion of feudal to
fiscal land therein is as three to one. It is a rich and fertile
tract, and it is to be hoped will maintain in ease and independence
the brave men who inhabit it, and who have a long time been
the sport of rapine.
I received a visit from the chief vassal of the Badnor chief,
then at the capital; and as I found it impossible to visit Merwara,
I subsequently deputed Captain \[787] Waugh who was hospitably
received and entertained at Badnor. He hunted, and played
the Holi with the old baron, who shows at all times the frankness
of his race: but it being the period of the Saturnalia, he was
especially unreserved; though he was the greatest stickler for
etiquette amongst my many friends, and was always expatiating
on the necessity of attending to the gradations of rank.
Banera.—December 8.—The castle of Banera is one of the most
imposing feudal edifices of Mewar, and its lord one of the greatest
of its chieftains. He not only bears the title of Raja, but has
all the state-insignia attached thereto. His name happens to
.bn 392.png
.pn +1
be the same as that of his sovereign—his being Raja Bhim, the
prince’s Rana Bhim,—to whom he is nearly related, and but for
blind chance might have been lord of all the Sesodias. It may
be recollected that the chivalrous antagonist of Aurangzeb, the
heroic Rana Raj, had two sons, twins, if we may so term sons
simultaneously born, though by different mothers. The incident
which decided the preference of Jai Singh to Bhim has been
related;[4.30.13] the circumstance of the latter’s abandoning his country
to court fortune under the Imperial standard—his leading his
Rajput contingent amongst the mountains of Kandahar—and his
death by dislocation of the spine, through urging his horse at
speed amongst the boughs of a tree. The present incumbent of
Banera is the descendant of that Raja Bhim, who was succeeded
in the honours of his family by his son Suraj, killed whilst heading
his contingent at the storm of Bijapur. The infant son of Suraj
had four districts assigned to him, all taken from his suzerain,
the Rana. In such esteem did the emperor hold the family,
that the son of Suraj was baptized Sultan. He was succeeded
by Sardar Singh, who, on the breaking up of the empire, came
under the allegiance of his rightful sovereign the Rana. Rae
Singh and Hamir Singh complete the chain to my friend Raja
Bhim, who did me the honour to advance two miles from Banera
to welcome and conduct me to his castle. Here I had a good
opportunity of observing the feudal state and manners of these
chiefs within their own domains during a visit of three hours
at Banera. I was, moreover, much attached to Raja Bhim,
who was a perfectly well-bred and courteous gentleman, and
who was quite unreserved with me. From his propinquity to
the reigning family, and from his honours and insignia being the
gift of the king’s, he had been an object of jealousy to the court,
which tended much to retard the restoration \[788] of his authority
over his sub-vassals of Banera; the chief of Dabla is one instance
of this. I found little difficulty in banishing the discord between
him and his sovereign, who chiefly complained of the Banera
kettle-drums beating, not only as he entered the city, but as far
as the Porte—the sacred Tripolia; and the use of Chamar[4.30.14] in
his presence. It was arranged that these emblems of honour,
emanating from the great foes of Mewar, should never be obtruded
.bn 393.png
.pn +1
on the eye or ear of the Rana; though within his own domain
the Banera chieftain might do as he pleased. This was just;
and Raja Bhim had too much good sense not to conciliate his
“brother and cousin,” Rana Bhim, by such a concession, which
otherwise might have been insisted upon. The estate of Banera
is in value 80,000 rupees of annual rent, one-half of which is in
subinfeudations, his vassals being chiefly Rathors. The only
service performed by Raja Bhim is the contributing a quota for
the commercial mart of Bhilwara, with the usual marks of subordination,
personal duty and homage to the Rana. His estate
is much impoverished from its lying in the very track of the freebooters;
but the soil is excellent, and time will bring hands to
cultivate it, if we exercise a long and patient indulgence.
.fn 4.30.13
See Vol. I. p. vol1_456.
.fn-
.fn 4.30.14
[The yak tail, one of the insignia of royalty.]
.fn-
The ‘velvet cushion’ was spread in a balcony projecting
from the main hall of Banera; here the Raja’s vassals were
mustered, and he placed me by his side on the gaddi. There
was not a point of his rural or domestic economy upon which he
did not descant, and ask my advice, as his “adopted brother.”
I was also made umpire between him and my old friend the baron
of Badnor, regarding a marriage settlement, the granddaughter of
the latter being married to the heir of Banera. I had, besides,
to wade through old grants and deeds to settle the claims between
the Raja and several of his sub-vassals; a long course of disorder
having separated them so much from each other as to
obliterate their respective rights. All these arbitrations were
made without reference to my official situation, but were forced
upon me merely by the claims of friendship; but it was a matter
of exultation to be enabled to make use of my influence for the
adjustment of such disputes, and for restoring individual as well
as general prosperity. My friend prepared his gifts at parting;
I went through the forms of receiving, but waived accepting them:
which may be done without any offence to delicacy. I have been
highly gratified to read the kind reception he gave to the respected
Bishop Heber, in his tour through Mewar. I wonder, however,
that this discerning and elegant-minded man did not \[789] notice
the peculiar circumstance of the Raja’s teeth being fixed in with
gold wire, which produces rather an unpleasant articulation.[4.30.15]
.fn 4.30.15
[Bishop Heber writes: “He was an elderly man, and had lost many
teeth, which made it very difficult for me to understand him” (Narrative
of a Journey, ed. 1861, ii. 55).]
.fn-
.bn 394.png
.pn +1
Banera adjoins the estates of the Rathors, and is no great
distance from those of the Sangawats and Jagawats, which lie
at the base of the Aravalli. All require a long period of toleration
and unmolested tranquillity to emerge from their impoverished
condition. My friend accompanied me to my tents,
when I presented to him a pair of pistols, and a telescope with
which he might view his neighbours on the mountains: we
parted with mutual satisfaction, and I believe, mutual regret.
Bhīlwāra.—December 9.—I encamped about half-a-mile from
our good town of Bhilwara, which was making rapid strides to
prosperity, notwithstanding drawbacks from sectarian feuds;
with which, however, I was so dissatisfied, that I refused every
request to visit the town until such causes of retardation were
removed. I received a deputation from both parties at my tents,
and read them a lecture for their benefit, in which I lamented the
privation of the pleasure of witnessing their unalloyed prosperity.
Although I reconciled them to each other, I would not confide
in their promises until months of improvement should elapse.
They abided by their promise, and I fulfilled mine when the death
of the Bundi prince afforded an opportunity, en route to that
capital, to visit them. My reception was far too flattering to
describe, even if this were the proper place. The sentiments they
entertained for me had suffered no diminution when Bishop
Heber visited the town. But his informant (one of the merchants),
when he said it ought to have been called Tod-ganj, meant that
it was so intended, and actually received this appellation: but
it was changed, at my request, and on pain of withdrawing my
entire support from it. The Rana, who used to call it himself
in conversation “Tod Sahib ki basti,” would have been gratified;
but it would have been wrong to avail myself of his partiality.
In all I was enabled to do, from my friendship, not from my
official character, I always feared the dangers to his independence
from such precedent for interference.[4.30.16]
.fn 4.30.16
See Vol. I. p. vol1_562.
.fn-
Māndalgarh.—December 10.—I deviated from the direct course
homewards (to Udaipur) to visit this beautiful spot, formerly the
head of a flourishing district; but all was dilapidated. The first
revenue derived from Mandal was expended on the repairs of the
dam of its lake, which irrigates a great extent of rice-land. The
Goths had felled \[790] most of the fine trees which had ornamented
.bn 395.png
.pn +1
its dam and margin; and several garden-houses, as well as that
on the island in the lake, were in ruins. Not many years ago a
column of victory, said to have been raised by Bisaladeva of Ajmer,
in consequence of a victory over the Guhilots, graced this little
isle. Mandal is now rising from its ruins, and one of the exiles
was so fortunate as to find a vessel containing several pieces of
gold and ornaments, in excavating the ruins of his ancient abode,
though not buried by him. It involved the question of manorial
rights, of which the Rana waived the enforcement, though he
asserted them. To-day I passed between Pansal and Arja, the
former still held by a Saktawat, the latter now united to the fisc.
I have already related the feud between the Saktawats and the
Purawats in the struggle for Arja, which is one of the most compact
castles in Mewar, with a domain of 52,000 bighas, or 12,000
acres, attached to it, rendering it well worth a contest; but the
Saktawat had no right there, say the Purawats; and in fact it is
in the very heart of their lands.
Pur.—December 11.—This is one of the oldest towns of Mewar,
and if we credit tradition, anterior in date to Vikrama. We
crossed the Kotasari to and from Mandal, passing by the tin and
copper mines of Dariba, and the Purawat estate of Pitawas.
Pur means, par eminence, ‘the city,’ and anciently the title was
admissible; even now it is one of the chief fiscal towns. It is
in the very heart of the canton, inhabited by the Babas, or
‘infants’ of Mewar, embracing a circle of about twenty-five miles
diameter. The broken chain of mountains, having Banera on
the northern point and Gurla to the south, passes transversely
through this domain, leaving the estate of Bagor, the residence of
Sheodan Singh, west, and extending to the S.E. to Mangrop,
across the Berach. The policy which dictated the establishment
of an isolated portion of the blood-royal of Mewar in the very
centre of the country was wise; for the Babas rarely or ever mix
with the politics of the feudatory chieftains, home or foreign.
They are accordingly entrusted with the command of all garrisons,
and head the feudal quotas as the representative of their sovereign.
They have a particular seat at court, the Baba ka Ol being distinct
from the chieftains’, and in front. Though they inhabit the
lands about Pur, it is not from these they derive their name, but
as descendants from Puru, one of the twenty-five sons of Rana
Udai Singh, that blot in the scutcheon of Mewar \[791].
.bn 396.png
.pn +1
Garnets.—About a mile east of Pur there is an isolated hill of
blue slate, in which I found garnets embedded. I have no doubt
persevering adventurers would be rewarded; but though I tried
them with the hammer, I obtained none of any value. They are
also to be obtained on the southern frontier of Kishangarh and
Ajmer, about Sarwar. I received the visits of the ‘infants’ of
Gurla and Gadarmala, both most respectable men, and enjoying
good estates, with strong castles, which I passed the next day.
Rāsmi, on the Banās River.—December 12.—We had a long
march through the most fertile lands of Mewar, all belonging to
the Rana’s personal domain. The progress towards prosperity
is great; of which Rasmi, the head of a tappa or subdivision of a
district, affords evidence, as well as every village. On our way
we were continually met by peasants with songs of joy, and our
entrance into each village was one of triumph. The Patels and
other rustic officers, surrounded by the ryots, came out of the
villages; while the females collected in groups, with brass vessels
filled with water gracefully resting on their heads, stood at the
entrance, their scarfs half covering their faces, chaunting the
suhela; a very ancient custom of the Hindu cultivator on receiving
the superior, and tantamount to an acknowledgment of
supremacy. Whether vanity was flattered, or whether a better
sentiment was awakened, on receiving such tokens of gratitude,
it is not for me to determine: the sight was pleasing, and the
custom was general while I travelled in Mewar. The females
bearing the kalas on their heads, were everywhere met with.
These were chiefly the wives and daughters of the cultivators,
though not unfrequently those of the Rajput sub-vassals. The
former were seldom very fair, though they had generally fine
eyes and good persons. We met many fragments of antiquity
at Rasmi. Captain Waugh and the doctor were gratified with
angling in the Banas for trout; but as the fish would not rise to
the fly, I set the net, and obtained several dozens: the largest
measured seventeen inches, and weighed seventy rupees, or
nearly two pounds.
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Merta.—December 16.—After an absence of two months we
terminated our circuitous journey, and encamped on the ground
whence we started, all rejoiced at the prospect of again entering
“the happy valley.” We made four marches across the duab,
watered by the Berach and Banas rivers; the land naturally rich,
.bn 397.png
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and formerly boasting some large towns, but as yet only disclosing
the germs of \[792] prosperity. There is not a more fertile
tract in India than this, which would alone defray the expenses
of the court if its resources were properly husbanded. But years
must first roll on, and the peasant must meet with encouragement,
and a reduction of taxation to the lowest rate; and the
lord-paramount must alike be indulgent in the exaction of his
tribute. Our camels were the greatest sufferers in the march
through the desert, and one-half were rendered useless. I
received a deputation conveying the Rana’s congratulation on
my return ‘home,’ with a letter full of friendship and importunities
to see me; but the register of the heavens—an oracle
consulted by the Rajput as faithfully as Moore’s Almanack by
the British yeoman—showed an unlucky aspect, and I must
needs halt at Merta, or in the valley, until the signs were more
favourable to a re-entry into Udaipur. Here we amused ourselves
in chalking out the site of our projected residence on the
heights of Tus, and in fishing at the source of the Berach. Of
this scene I present the reader with a view; and if he allows his
imagination to ascend the dam which confines the waters of the
lake, he may view the Udaisagar, with its islets; and directing
his eye across its expanse, he may gain a bird’s-eye view of the
palace of the Kaisar of the Sesodias. The dam thrown across a
gorge of the mountains is of enormous magnitude and strength,
as is necessary, indeed, to shut in a volume of water twelve miles
in circumference. At its base, the point of outlet, is a small
hunting-seat of the Rana’s, going to decay for want of funds to
repair it, like all those on the Tiger Mount and in the valley.
Nor is there any hope that the revenues, burthened as they are
with the payment of a clear fourth in tribute, can supply the
means of preventing further dilapidation.
December 19.—Tired of two days’ idleness, we passed through
the portals of Debari on our way to Ar, to which place the
Rana signified his intention of advancing in person, to receive
and conduct me ‘home’: an honour as unlooked-for and unsolicited
as it was gratifying. Udaipur presents a most imposing
appearance when approached from the east. The palace of the
Rana, and that of the heir-apparent, the great temple, and the
houses of the nobles, with their turrets and cupolas rising in airy
elegance, afford a pleasing contrast with the heavy wall and
.bn 400.png
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pierced battlements of the city beneath. This wall is more
extensive than solid. To remedy this want of strength, a chain
of fortresses has \[793] been constructed, about gunshot from it,
commanding every road leading thereto, which adds greatly to
the effect of the landscape. These castellated heights contain
places of recreation, one of which belongs to Salumbar; but all
wear the same aspect of decay.
Ahār.—Ar, or Ahar,[4.30.17] near which we encamped, is sacred to the
manes of the princes of Udaipur, and contains the cenotaphs of
all her kings since the valley became their residence; but as they
do not disdain association, either in life or death, with their
vassals, Ar presents the appearance of a thickly crowded cemetery,
in which the mausoleums of the Ranas stand pre-eminent in “the
place of great faith.”[4.30.18] The renowned Amra Singh’s is the most
conspicuous; but the cenotaphs of all the princes, down to the
father of Rana Bhim, are very elegant, and exactly what such
structures ought to be; namely, vaulted roofs, supported by
handsome columns raised on lofty terraces, the architraves of
enormous single blocks, all of white marble, from the quarries of
Kankroli. There are some smaller tombs of a singularly elaborate
character, and of an antiquity which decides the claims of Ar to
be considered as the remains of a very ancient city. The ground
is strewed with the wrecks of monuments and old temples, which
have been used in erecting the sepulchres of the Ranas. The
great city was the residence of their ancestors, and is said to have
been founded by Asaditya upon the site of the still more ancient
capital of Tambavatinagari, where dwelt the Tuar ancestors of
Vikramaditya, before he obtained Avinti, or Ujjain. From
Tambavatinagari its name was changed to Anandpur, ‘the happy
city,’ and at length to Ahar, which gave the patronymic to the
Guhilot race, namely, Aharya. The vestiges of immense mounds
still remain to the eastward, called the Dhul-kot, or ‘fort,’
destroyed by ‘ashes’ (dhul) of a volcanic eruption. Whether the
lakes of the valley owe their origin to the same cause which is
said to have destroyed the ancient Ahar, a more skilful geologist
must determine. The chief road from the city is cut through this
mound; and as I had observed fragments of sculpture and
pottery on the excavated sides, I commenced a regular opening
of the mound in search of medals, and obtained a few with the
.bn 401.png
.pn +1
effigies of an animal, which I fancied to be a lion, but others the
gadha, or ass, attributed to Gandharvasen, the brother of Vikrama,
who placed this impress on his coins, the reason of which is given
in a long legend.[4.30.19] My impious intentions were soon checked by
some designing knaves about the Rana, and I would not offend
\[794] superstition. But the most superficial observer will pronounce
Ar to have been an ancient and extensive city, the walls
which enclose this sepulchral abode being evidently built with
the sculptured fragments of temples. Some shrines, chiefly Jain,
are still standing, though in the last stage of dilapidation, and
they have been erected from the ruins of shrines still older, as
appears from the motley decorations, where statues and images
are inserted with their heads reversed, and Mahavira and Mahadeva
come into actual contact: all are in white marble. Two
inscriptions were obtained; one very long and complete, in the
nail-headed character of the Jains; but their interpretation is
yet a desideratum. A topographical map of this curious valley
would prove interesting, and for this I have sufficient materials.
The Teli-ki-Sarai would not be omitted in such a map, as adding
another to the many instances I have met with, among this industrious
class, to benefit their fellow-citizens. The ‘Oilman’s
Caravanserai’ is not conspicuous for magnitude; but it is remarkable,
not merely for its utility, but even for its elegance of
design. It is equi-distant from each of the lakes. The Teli-ka-Pul,
or ‘Oilman’s Bridge,’ at Nurabad, is, however, a magnificent
memorial of the trade, and deserves preservation; and as I shall
not be able now to describe the region (Gwalior) where it stands,
across the Asan, I will substitute it for the Sarai, of which I have
no memorial.[4.30.20] These Telis (oilmen) perambulate the country
.bn 402.png
.pn +1
with skins of oil on a bullock, and from hard-earned pence erect
the structures which bear their name. India owes much to
individual munificence.
.fn 4.30.17
[See p. #924#.]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.18
[The Mahāsati.]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.19
[These rude Indo-Sassanian coins, also known as Tātariya dirhams,
are popularly called Gadhiya paisa, or “ass copper money,” because the
worn-down representation of a fire temple was believed to be the head of an
ass (Cunningham, Ancient Geography, 313; Elliot-Dowson i. 3, note; BG,
i. Part i. 469, note). Gandharvasen, as a punishment for offending Indra,
was condemned to assume the form of an ass during the day: he consorted
with a princess, and their offspring was Vikramāditya (Asiatic Researches,
vi. 35 f.; W. Ward, The Hindoos, 2nd ed. i. 22).]
.fn-
.fn 4.30.20
[Nūrābād is on the old road from Agra to Gwalior, 63 miles S. of the
former, and 15 miles N. of the latter. “There is a fair sketch of the bridge
in Tod’s ‘Rajasthan,’ which, however, scarcely does justice to it, as it is
deficient in those architectural details which form the most pleasing part
of the structure” (ASR, ii. 397).]
.fn-
The planets were adverse to my happy conjunction with the
Sun of the Hindus: and it was determined that I should pass
another day amongst the tombs of Ahar; but I invoked upon
my own devoted head all the evil consequences, as in this case I
was the only person who was threatened. To render this opposition
to the decree less noxious, it was agreed that I should make
my entrée by the southern, not by the eastern porte, that of the
sun. The Rana came, attended by his son, his chiefs, his
ministers, and, in fact, all the capital in his train. The most
hearty welcomes were lavished upon us all. “Rama! Rama!
Tod Sahib!” (the Hindu greeting) resounded from a thousand
throats, while I addressed each chief by name. It was not a
meeting of formality, but of well-cemented friendship. My
companions, Captain Waugh and Dr. Duncan, were busy interchanging
smiles and cordial greetings, when the Rana, requesting
our presence at the palace next day \[795], bade us adieu. He
took the direct road to his palace, while we, to avoid evil spirits,
made a detour by the southern portal, to gain our residence, the
garden of Rampiyari.
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APPENDIX
.nf c
Translations of Inscriptions, chiefly in the Nail-headed character
of the Takshak Races and Jains, fixing eras in Rajput history.[4.30a.1]
.nf-
.h4 id='a4.30.1'
No. I
.pm start_summary
Memorial of a Gete or Jit prince of the fifth century, discovered
1820, in a temple at Kunswa, near the Chumbul river, south
of Kotah.
.pm end_summary
May the Jit’ha be thy protector! What does this Jit’h
resemble? which is the vessel of conveyance across the waters
.bn 403.png
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of life, which is partly white, partly red? Again, what does it
resemble, where the hissing-angered serpents dwell? What may
this Jit’ha be compared to, from whose root the roaring flood
descends? Such is the ; by it may thou be preserved .
The fame of Raja Jit I now shall tell, by whose valour the
lands of Salpoora are preserved. The fortunes of Raja Jit
are as flames of fire devouring his foe. The mighty warrior Jit
Salindra is beautiful in person, and from the strength of his
arm esteemed the first amongst the tribes of the mighty; make
resplendent, as does the moon the earth, the dominions of Salpoori.
The whole world praises the Jit prince, who enlarges the
renown of his race, sitting in the midst of haughty warriors, like
the lotos in the waters, the moon of the sons of men. The foreheads
of the princes of the earth worship the toe of his foot.
Beams of light irradiate his countenance, issuing from the gems
of his arms of strength. Radiant is his array; his riches abundant;
his mind generous and profound as the ocean. Such is he
of Sarya race, a tribe renowned amongst the tribes of the
mighty, whose princes were ever foes to treachery, to whom the
earth surrendered her fruits, and who added the lands of their
foes to their own. By sacrifice, the mind of this lord of men has
been purified; fair are his territories, and fair is the Fortress
of Tak’hya . The string of whose bow is dreaded, whose
wrath is the reaper of the field of combat; but to his dependents
he is as the pearl on the neck; who makes no account of the
battle, though streams of blood run through the field. As does
the silver lotos bend its head before the fierce rays of the sun, so
does his foe stoop to him, while the cowards abandon the field \[796].
From this lord of men (Narpati) Salindra sprung Devangli,
whose deeds are known even at this remote period.
From him was born Sumbooka, and from him Degali, who
married two wives of Yadu race , and by one a son named
Vira Narindra, pure as a flower from the fountain.
Amidst groves of amba, on whose clustering blossoms hang
myriads of bees, that the wearied traveller might repose, was this
edifice erected. May it, and the fame of its founder, continue
while ocean rolls, or while the moon, the sun, and hills endure.
Samvat 597.—On the extremity of Malwa, this minster (Mindra)
was erected, on the banks of the river Taveli, by Salichandra ,
son of Virachandra.
Whoever will commit this writing to memory, his sins will be
obliterated. Carved by the sculptor Sevanarya, son of Dwarasiva,
and composed by Butena, chief of the bards.
.bn 406.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
—In the prologue to this valuable relic, which superficially
viewed would appear a string of puerilities, we have conveyed
in mystic allegory the mythological origin of the Jit or
Gete race. From the members of the chief of the gods Iswara
or Mahadeva, the god of battle, many races claim birth: the
warrior from his arms; the Charun from his spine; the prophetic
Bhat (Vates) from his tongue; and the Gete or Jit derive theirs
from his tiara, which, formed of his own hair, is called Jit’ha.
In this tiara, serpents, emblematic of Time (kal) and Destruction,
are wreathed; also implicative that the Jits, who are of
Takshac, or the serpent race, are thereby protected. The “roaring
flood” which descends from this Jit’ha is the river goddess,
Ganga, daughter of Mena, wife of Iswara. The mixed colour of
his hair, which is partly white, partly of reddish (panduranga)
hue, arises from his character of Ard’hnari, or Hermaphroditus.
All these characteristics of the god of war must have been brought
by the Scythic Gete from the Jaxartes, where they worshipped
him as the Sun (Balnat’h) and as Xamolscis (Yama, vulg. Jama)
the infernal divinity.
The 12th chapter of the Edda, in describing Balder the second
son of Odin, particularly dwells on the beauty of his hair, whence
“the whitest of all vegetables is called the eyebrow of Balder, on the
columns of whose temples there are verses engraved, capable of recalling
the dead to life.”
How perfectly in unison is all this of the Jits of Jutland and
the Jits of Rajast’han. In each case the hair is the chief object
of admiration; of Balnath as Balder, and the magical effect of
the Runes is not more powerful than that attached by the chief
of the Scalds of our Gete prince at the end of this inscription,
fresh evidences in support of my hypothesis, that many of the
Rajpoot races and Scandinavians have a common origin—that
origin, Central Asia.
—Salpoora is the name of the capital of this Jit
prince, and his epithet of Sal-indra is merely titular, as the Indra,
or lord of Sal-poori, ‘the city of Sal,’ which the fortunate discovery
of an inscription raised by Komarpal, king of Anhulwarra
(Nehrwalla of D’Anville), dated S. 1207, has enabled me to place
“at the base of the Sewaluk Mountains.” In order to elucidate
this point, and to give the full value to this record of the Jit
princes of the Punjab, I append (No. V.) a translation of the Nehrwalla
conqueror’s inscription, which will prove beyond a doubt
that these Jit princes of Salpoori in the Punjab were the leaders
of that very colony of the Yuti from the Jaxartes, who in the
fifth century, as recorded by De Guignes, crossed the Indus and
possessed themselves of the Punjab; and strange to say, have
again risen to power, for the Sikhs (disciples) of Nanuk are almost
all of Jit origin.
—Here this Jit is called of Sarya Sac’ha, branch or
ramification of the Saryas: a very ancient race which is noticed
by the genealogists synonymously with the Sariaspa, one of
the thirty-six royal races, and very probably the same as the
Sarwya of the Komarpal Charitra, with the distinguished epithet
“the flower of the martial races” (Sarwya c’shatrya tyn Sar).
.bn 407.png
.pn +1
—“The fortress of Takshac.” Whether this Takshacnagari,
or castle of the Tâk, is the \[797] stronghold of
Salpoori, or the name given to a conquest in the environs of
the place, whence this inscription, we can only surmise, and
refer the reader to what has been said of Takitpoora. As I have
repeatedly said, the Tâks and Jits are one race.
—As the Jits intermarried with the Yadus at this
early period, it is evident they had forced their way amongst
the thirty-six royal races, though they have again lost this rank.
No Rajpoot would give a daughter to a Jit, or take one from
them to wife.
—Salichandra is the sixth in descent from the first-named
prince, Jit Salindra, allowing twenty-two years to each
descent = 132—S. 597, date of ins. = S. 465-56 = A.D. 409; the
period of the colonization of the Punjab by the Getes, Yuti, or
Jits, from the Jaxartes.[4.30a.2]
.fn 4.30a.1
[The Inscriptions quoted in this appendix have been reprinted as they
stand in the original text: partly, because it would have been necessary
to discard the Author’s versions, and to replace them by the translations of
recent scholars; partly, as an example of the Author’s methods of translation
and annotation. With the help of Mr. Vincent A. Smith and Pandit
Gaurishankar Ojha of the Rājputāna Museum, Ajmer, references have
been added to modern translations of the Inscriptions.]
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.2
[This Inscription is on a stone built into a wall of a temple of Mahādeva,
at Kanaswa, near Kotah. The Author’s “Jit prince” of Sālpur is due to
a misunderstanding, and in all probability owes its origin to the words
Sambhor-jjatā, ‘the matted hair of Sambhu,’ a title of Siva, in line 2 of
the Inscription. The Inscription begins with verses in honour of Siva
as Sambhu and Sthānu, and glorifies the Maurya race, and a king of that
race named Dhavala. Dhavala had as his friend a prince of the Brāhman
caste, named Sankuha, whose wife, Degini, bore to him the prince Sivagana,
who built a temple to Siva, and endowed it with the revenues of two villages.
The date is A.D. 738-9 (IA, xix. 55 ff.).]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
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.h4 id='a4.30.2'
No. II
.in 4
.ti -4
Translation of an inscription in the Nail-headed character relative
to the Jit race, discovered at Ram Chundrapoora, six miles
east of Boondee, in digging a well. It was thence conveyed,
and deposited by me in the Museum of the Royal Asiatic
Society.
.in
To my foe, salutation! This foe of the race of Jit, Cathida ,
how shall I describe, who is resplendent by the favour of the
round bosom of Roodrani , and whose ancestor, the warrior
Tukhya , formed the garland on the neck of Mahadeva.
Better than this foe on the earth’s surface, there is none; therefore
to him I offer salutation. The sparkling gems on the coronets
of kings irradiate the nail of his foot.
Of the race of Botena Raja T’hot was born; his fame
expanded through the universe.
.bn 408.png
.pn +1
Pure in mind, strong in arm, and beloved by mankind, such
was Chandrasen . How shall he be described, who broke
the strength of his foe, on whom when his sword swims in fight,
he appears like a magician. With his subjects he interchanged
the merchandise of liberality, of which he reaped the fruits.
From him whose history is fair, was born Kritika, the deeds
of whose arm were buds of renown, forming a necklace of praise
in the eyes of mankind. His queen was dear to him as his own
existence—how can she be described? As the flame is inseparable
from the fire, so was she from her lord—she was the light issuing
from the sun—her name Goon-newasa , and her actions
corresponded with her name. By her he had two sons, like gems
set in bracelets, born to please mankind. The eldest was named
Sookunda, the younger Deruka. Their fortunes consumed
their foes: but their dependents enjoyed happiness. As the
flowers of Calp-vricsha are beloved by the gods, so are these
brothers by their subjects, granting their requests, and increasing
the glory of the race, whence they sprung.—[A useless descriptive
stanza left out .]
Deruka had a son, Kuhla, and his was Dhunika, whose
deeds ascended high—who could fathom the intentions of mankind—whose
mind was deep as the ocean—whose ever-hungry faulchion
expelled from their mountains and forests the Meena
tribes, leaving them no refuge in the three wolds, levelling their
retreats to the ground. His quiver was filled with crescent-formed
arrows—his sword the climber (vela) , of which pearls
are the fruit. With his younger brother Dewaka he reverences
gods and Brahmins—and with his own wealth perfumed a sacrifice
to the sun \[798].
For the much-beloved’s (his wife) pleasure this was undertaken.
Now the river of ease, life and death, is crossed over, for this
abode will devour the body of the foe, into which the west wind
wafts the fragrant perfume from the sandal-covered bosom of
Lacshmi ; while from innumerable lotos the gale from the east
comes laden with aroma, the hum of the bees as they hang clustering
on the flowers of the padhul is pleasing to the ear.
So long as Soomeru stands on its base of golden sands, so long
may this dwelling endure. So long as the wind blows on the
koonjeris , supporters of the globe, while the firmament endures,
or while Lacshmi causes the palm to be extended, so long
may his praise and this edifice be stable.
Kuhla formed this abode of virtue, and east thereof a
temple to Iswara. By Achil, son of the mighty prince Yasooverma ,
has its renown been composed in various forms of
speech.
—Qu. if this Jit is from (da, the mark of the genitive
case) Cathay? the land of the Cat’hae foes of Alexander, and
probably of the Cathi of the Saurashtra peninsula, alike Scythic
as the Jit, and probably the same race originally?
.bn 409.png
.pn +1
—Roodrani, an epithet of the martial spouse of
Harar-Siva, the god of war, whom the Jit in the preceding inscription
invokes.
—Here we have another proof of the Jit being of
Takshac race; this at the same time has a mythological reference
to the serpent (takhya), which forms the garland of the warlike
divinities.
—Of this race I have no other notice, unless it should
mean the race (cula) was from Butan.
—Chandrasen is celebrated in the history of the
Pramaras as the founder of several cities, from two of which,
Chandrabhaga, at the foot of the central plateau of India, in
Northern Malwa, and Chandravati, the ruins of which I discovered
at the foot of the Aravulli near Aboo, I possess several
valuable memoria, which will, ere long, confirm the opinions I
have given of the Takshac architect.
—The habitation of virtues.
—This shows these foresters always had the same
character.
—Vela is the climber or ivy, sacred to Mahadeva.
—Lacshmi, the apsara or sea-nymph, is feigned residing
amongst the waters of the lotos-covered lake. In the hot
weather the Rajpoot ladies dip their corsets into an infusion of
sandal-wood, hence the metaphor.
—Koonjiris are the elephants who support the eight
corners of the globe.
—Lacshmi is also dame Fortune, or the goddess of
riches, whence this image.
—Kuhl is the fifth in descent from the opponent of
the Jit.
—Without this name this inscription would have
been but of half its value. Fortunately various inscriptions on
stone and copper, procured by me from Oojein, settled the era of
the death of this prince in S. 1191, which will alike answer for
Achil, his son, who was most likely one of the chieftains of Kuhla,
who appears to have been of the elder branch of the Pramaras,
the foe of the Jit invaders \[799].
.h4 id='a4.30.3'
No. III
.in 4
.ti -4
Inscription in the Nail-headed character of the Mori Princes of
Cheetore, taken from a column on the banks of the lake
Mansurwur, near that city.
.in
By the lord of waters may thou be protected! What is there
.bn 410.png
.pn +1
which resembles the ocean? on whose margin the red buds of
honey-yielding trees are eclipsed by swarms of bees, whose beauty
expands with the junction of numerous streams. What is like
the ocean, inhaling the perfume of the Paryata , who was compelled
to yield as tribute, wine, wealth, and ambrosia ? Such
is the ocean!—may he protect thee.
Of a mighty gift, this is the memorial. This lake enslaves the
minds of beholders, over whose expanse the varied feathered
tribe skim with delight, and whose banks are studded with every
kind of tree. Falling from the lofty-peaked mountain, enhancing
the beauty of the scene, the torrent rushes to the lake. The
mighty sea-serpent , o’erspent with toil in the churning of
the ocean, repaired to this lake for repose.
On this earth’s surface was Maheswara , a mighty prince,
during whose sway the name of foe was never heard; whose
fortune was known to the eight quarters ; on whose arm
victory reclined for support. He was the light of the land. The
praises of the race of Twast’ha were determined by Brahma’s
own mouth.
Fair, filled with pride, sporting amidst the shoals of the lotos,
is the swan fed by his hand, from whose countenance issue rays of
glory: such was Raja Bheem , a skilful swimmer in the
ocean of battle, even to where the Ganges pours in her flood
did he go, whose abode is Avanti . With faces resplendent
as the moon, on whose lips yet marked with the wound of their
husband’s teeth, the captive wives of his foes, even in their
hearts does Raja Bheem dwell. By his arm he removed the
apprehensions of his enemies; he considered them as errors to
be expunged. He appeared as if created of fire. He could
instruct even the navigator of the ocean.
From him was descended Raja Bhoj . How shall he be
described; he, who in the field of battle divided with his sword
the elephant’s head, the pearl from whose brain now adorns
his breast; who devours his foe as does Rahoo the sun or
moon, who to the verge of space erected edifices in token of
victory?
From him was a son whose name was Maun, who was surcharged
with good qualities, and with whom fortune took up her
abode. One day he met an aged man: his appearance made him
reflect that his frame was as a shadow, evanescent; that the
spirit which did inhabit it was like the seed of the scented Kadama ;
that the riches of royalty were brittle as a blade of grass;
and that man was like a lamp exposed in the light of day. Thus
ruminating, for the sake of his race who had gone before him,
and for the sake of good works, he made this lake, whose waters
are expansive and depth unfathomable. When I look on this
ocean-like lake, I ask myself, if it may not be this which is destined
to cause the final doom .
The warriors and chiefs of Raja Maun are men of skill
and valour—pure in their lives and faithful. Raja Maun is a
.bn 411.png
.pn +1
heap of virtues—the chief who enjoys his favour may court all
the gifts of fortune. When the head is inclined on his lotos foot,
the grain of sand which adheres becomes an ornament thereto.
Such is the lake, shaded with trees, frequented by birds, which
the man of fortune, Sriman Raja Maun, with great labour formed.
By the name of its lord (Maun), that of the lake (surwur) is known
to the world. By him versed in the alankara, Pushha, the son
of Naga Bhut, these stanzas have been framed. Seventy had
elapsed beyond seven hundred years (Samvatisir), when the lord of
men, the King of Malwa formed this lake. By Sevadit,
grandson of Khetri Karug, were these lines cut \[800].
—The Paryata is also called the Har-singar, or ‘ornament
of the neck,’ its flowers being made into collars and bracelets.
Its aroma is very delicate, and the blossom dies in a few hours.
—Imrita, the food of the immortals, obtained at
the churning of the ocean. The contest for this amongst the
gods and demons is well known. Vrishpati, or Sookra, regent
of the planet Venus, on this occasion lost an eye; and hence this
Polyphemus has left the nickname of Sookracharya to all who
have but one eye.
—His name Matolae.
—A celebrated name in the genealogies of the Takshac
Pramara, of which the Mori is a conspicuous Sac’ha or branch.
He was the founder of the city of Maheswar, on the southern bank
of the Nehrbudda, which commands the ford leading from Awinti
and Dhar (the chief cities of the Mori Pramaras) to the Dekhan.
—The ancient Hindu divided his planisphere into
eight quarters, on which he placed the Koonjerries or elephants,
for its support.
—Twastha, or Takshac, is the celebrated Nagvansa
of antiquity. All are Agniculas. Cheetore, if erected by the
Takshac artist, has a right to the appellation Herbert has so
singularly assigned it, namely, Tacsila, built by the Tâk; it
would be the Tâk-sillā-nagar, the ‘stone fort of the Takshac,’
alluded to in No. 1.
—Raja Bheem, the lord of Avanti or Oojein, the king
of Malwa, is especially celebrated in the Jain annals. A son of
his led a numerous colony into Marwar, and founded many cities
between the Looni river and the Aravulli mountains. All
became proselytes to the Jain faith, and their descendants, who are
amongst the wealthiest and most numerous of these mercantile
sectarians, are proud of their Rajpoot descent; and it tells when
they are called to responsible offices, when they handle the sword
as well as the pen.
—Ganga-Sagur, or the Island at the mouth of the
Ganges, is specified by name as the limit of Bheem’s conquests.
His memoria may yet exist even there.
—Avanti-Nat’h, Lord of Avanti or Oojein.
.bn 412.png
.pn +1
—Paryataca, a navigator.
—Raja Bhoj. There is no more celebrated name
than this in the annals and literature of the Rajpoots; but there
were three princes of the Pramara race who bore it. The period
of the last Raja Bhoj, father of Udyadit, is now fixed, by various
inscriptions discovered by me, A.D. 1035, and the dates of the two
others I had from a leaf of a very ancient Jain MS., obtained at
the temple of Nadole, namely, S. 631 and 721, or A.D. 575 and
665. Abulfazil gives the period of the first Bhoj as S. 545; but,
as we find that valuable MS. of the period of the last Bhoj confirmed
by the date of this inscription of his son Maun, namely,
S. 770, we may put perfect confidence in it, and now consider
the periods of the three, namely, S. 631, 721, and 1091—A.D. 567,
665, and 1035—as fixed points in Rajpoot chronology.
—In the head of that class of elephants called
Bhadra, the Hindoo says, there is always a large pearl.
—The monster Rahoo of the Rajpoot, who swallows
the sun and moon, causing eclipses, is Fenris, the wolf of the
Scandinavians. The Asi carried the same ideas West, which
they taught within the Indus.
—Kadama is a very delicate flower, that decays
almost instantaneously.
—Maha-pralaya!
—The MS. annals of the Rana’s family state that
their founder, Bappa, conquered Cheetore from Maun Mori.
This inscription is therefore invaluable as establishing the era of
the conquest of \[801] Cheetore by the Gehlotes, and which was
immediately following the first irruption of the arms of Islam,
as rendered in the annals of Mewar.
—As Raja Maun is called King of Malwa, it is
evident that Cheetore had superseded both Dhar and Awinti as
the seat of power. A palace of Maun Mori is still shown as one
of the antiquities in Cheetore.[4.30a.3]
.fn 4.30a.3
[For this Inscription see ASR, Progress Report West Circle, 1903-4
p. 56.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.hr 25%
.h4 id='a4.30.4'
No. IV
.pm start_summary
Inscription in the Devanagari character, discovered in January
1822 in Puttun Somnat’h, on the coast of the Saurashtra
peninsula, fixing the era of the sovereigns of Balabhi, the
‘Balhara kings of Nehrwalla.’
.pm end_summary
Adoration to the Lord of all, to the light of the universe.
Adoration to the form indescribable; Him! at whose feet all
kneel.
In the year of Mohummud 662, and in that of Vicrama 1320,
.bn 413.png
.pn +1
and that of Srimad Balabhi 945, and the Siva-Singa Samvat 151,
Sunday, the 13th (badi) of the month Asar .
The chiefs of Anhulpoor Patun obeyed by numerous princes
(here a string of titles), Bhataric Srimad Arjuna Deva , of
Chauluc race, his minister Sri Maldeva, with all the officers of
government, together with Hormuz of Belacool, of the government
of Ameer Rookn-oo-Din, and of Khwaja Ibrahim of
Hormuz, son of the Admiral (Nakhoda) Noor-oo-Din Feeroz,
together with the Chaura chieftains Palookdeva, Ranik Sri
Someswadeva, Ramdeva, Bheemsing, and all the Chauras and
other tribes of rank being assembled ;
Nansi Raja, of the Chaura race, inhabiting Deo Puttun ,
assembling all the merchants, established ordinances for the
repairs and the support of the temples, in order that flowers, oil,
and water should be regularly supplied to Rutna-iswara ,
Choul-iswara , and the shrine of Pulinda Devi , and the rest,
and for the purpose of erecting a wall round the temple of Somnat’h,
with a gateway to the north. Keelndeo, son of Modula, and
Loonsi, son of Johan, both of the Chaura race, together with the
two merchants, Balji and Kurna, bestowed the weekly profits
of the market for this purpose. While sun and moon endure,
let it not be resumed. Feeroz is commanded to see this order
obeyed, and that the customary offerings on festivals are continued,
and that all surplus offerings and gifts be placed in the
treasury for the purposes afore-named. The Chaura chiefs
present, and the Admiral Noor-oo-Din, are commanded to see
these orders executed on all classes. Heaven will be the lot of
the obedient; hell to the breaker of this ordinance.[4.30a.4]
.fn 4.30a.4
[See IA, xi. 242 f.]
.fn-
.hr 5%
—The invocation, which was long, has been omitted
by me. But this is sufficient to show that Bal-nat’h, the deity
worshipped in Puttun Somnat’h, ‘the city of the lord of the
Moon,’ was the sun-god Bal. Hence the title of the dynasties
which ruled this region, Bal-ca-Rae, ‘the princes of Bal,’ and
hence the capital Balicapoor, ‘the city of the sun,’ familiarly
written Balabhi, whose ruins, as well as this inscription, rewarded
a long journey. The Rana’s ancestors, the Suryas, or ‘sun-worshippers,’
gave their name to the peninsula Saurashtra, or
Syria, and the dynasties of Chaura, and Chauluc, or Solanki,
who succeeded them on their expulsion by the Parthians, retained
the title of Balicaraes, corrupted by Renaudot’s Arabian
travellers into Balhara \[802].
—The importance of the discovery of these new eras
has already been descanted on in the annals. S. 1320-945, the
date of this inscription = 375 of Vicrama for the first of the Balabhi
era; and 1320-151 gives S. 1169 for the establishment of the
Sevasinga era—established by the Gohils of the island of Deo,
of whom I have another memorial, dated 927 Balabhi Samvat.
The Gohils, Chauras, and Gehlotes are all of one stock.
.bn 414.png
.pn +1
—Arjuna-Deva, Chaluc, was prince of Anhulpoor or
Anhulwarra, founded by Vanraj Chaura in S. 802—henceforth
the capital of the Balica-raes after the destruction of Balabhi.
—This evinces that Anhulwarra was still the emporium
of commerce which the travellers of Renaudot and Edrisi describe.
—From this it is evident that the Islandic Deo was
a dependent fief of Anhulwarra.]
—The great temple of Somnath.
—The tutelary divinity of the Chauluc race.
—The goddess of the Bhil tribes.
.hr 25%
.h4 id='a4.30.5'
No. V
Inscription from the ruins of Aitpoor.[4.30a.6]
In Samvatsir 1034, the 16th of the month Bysak, was erected
this dwelling[4.30a.7] of Nanukswami.
From Anundpoor came he of Brahmin[4.30a.8] race (may he flourish),
Muhee Deva Sri Goha Dit, from whom became famous on the
earth the Gohil tribe:
2. Bhoj.
3. Mahindra.
4. Naga.
5. Syeela.
6. Aprajit.
7. Mahindra, no equal as a warrior did then exist on the earth’s surface.
8. Kalbhoj was resplendent as the sun.[4.30a.9]
9. Khoman, an unequalled warrior; from him
10. Bhirtrpad, the Tiluk of the three worlds; and from whom was
11. Singji; whose Ranee Maha Lakmee, of the warlike race
of Rashtra (Rahtore), and from her was born:
12. Sri Ullut. To him who subdued the earth and became
its lord, was born Haria Devi: her praise was known in Hurspoora;
and from her was born a mighty warrior in whose arm
victory reposed; the Khetri of the field of battle, who broke the
confederacy of his foes, and from the tree of whose fortune riches
were the fruit: an altar of learning; from him was
13. Nirvahana. By the daughter of Sri Jaijah, of Chauhana race, was born
14. Salvahana.
.bn 415.png
.pn +1
Such were their (the princes whose names are given) fortunes
which I have related. From him was born \[803],
15. Secti Koomar. How can he be described?—He who
conquered and made his own the three qualifications (sacti);[4.30a.10]
whose fortunes equalled those of Bhirtrpad. In the abode of
wealth Sri Aitpoor, which he had made his dwelling, surrounded
by a crowd of princes; the kulpdroom to his people; whose foot-soldiers
are many; with vaults of treasure—whose fortunes have
ascended to heaven—whose city derives its beauty from the intercourse
of merchants; and in which there is but one single evil,
the killing darts from the bright eyes of beauty, carrying destruction
to the vassals of the prince.[4.30a.11]
.fn 4.30a.6
[This name is wrongly transliterated. It is Ātapura, now Ād, Āhad
or Āhar, 2 miles E. of Udaipur (IA, xxxix., 1910, p. 186 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.7
Aitun.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.8
Vipra cula.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.9
Ark.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.10
.if t
.ta l:10 c:1 l:10
1. Pribhoo. |┐|
2. Ootchha. |│| Three Sactis.
3. Muntri. |┘|
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.ta l:13 cm:1 lm:10
1. Pribhoo
2. Oootchha.
3. Muntry.|}| Three Sactis.
.ta-
.if-
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.11
[Erskine, who obtained a correct copy of this Inscription from Pandit
Gaurishankar H. Ojha, writes: “In his translation Tod left out several
names, namely, Mattat, Khumān II., Mahāyak, Khumān III., and Bhartari
Bhat II.; but with the help of a copy recently discovered at Māndal in
the house of a descendant of the Pandit whom Tod employed, it has been
possible to supply the omissions, and it may be added that these names are
confirmed by other inscriptions” (ii. A. 14). Erskine gives a corrected
list of the Chiefs of Mewār in ii. B. 8 ff.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.h4 id='a4.30.6'
No. VI
.ce
Inscription of Kumar Pal Solanki, in the Mindra of Brimha, in\
Cheetore, recording his conquest of Salpoori, in the Punjab.
To him who takes delight in the abode of waters; from whose
braided locks ambrosial drops continually descend; even this
Mahadeva, may he protect thee!
He of Chaulac tribe, having innumerable gems of ancestry,
flowing from a sea of splendour, was Moolraj, sovereign of the earth.
What did he resemble, whose renown was bright as a fair
sparkling gem, diffusing happiness and ease to the sons of the
earth? Many mighty princes there were of his line; but none
before had made the great sacrifice.
Generations after him, in the lapse of many years, was Sid
Raj, a name known to the world; whose frame was encased in
the riches of victory, and whose deeds were sounded over the
curtain of the earth; and who, by the fire of his own frame and
fortune, heaped up unconsumable wealth.
After him was Kumar Pal Deo. What was he like, who by
the strength of his invincible mind crushed all his foes; whose
commands the other sovereigns of the earth placed on their fore-heads;
who compelled the lord of Sacambhari to bow at his feet:
.bn 416.png
.pn +1
who in person carried his arms to Sewaluk, making the mountain
lords to bow before him, even in the city of Salpoori?
On the mountain Chutterkote ... ar, the lord of men, in
sport placed this [writing] amidst the abode of the gods: even on
its pinnacle did he place it. Why? That it might be beyond
the reach of the hands of fools!
As Nissa-Nath, the lord who rules the night, looking on the
faces of the fair Kamunis below, feels envious of their fairness,
and ashamed of the dark spots on his own countenance, even so
does Chutterkote blush at seeing this (Prasishta) on her pinnacle.
Samvat 1207 (month and day broken off) \[804].[4.30a.12]
.fn 4.30a.12
[See Epigraphia Indica, ii. 422 ff.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 2
.hr 25%
.h4 id='a4.30.7'
No. VII
.nf c
Inscriptions on copper-plates found at Nadole relative
to the Chohan princes.
.nf-
The treasury of knowledge of the Almighty (Jina) cuts the
knots and intentions of mankind. Pride, conceit, desire, anger,
avarice. It is a partition to the three[4.30a.13] worlds. Such is Mahavira:[4.30a.14]
may he grant thee happiness!
In ancient times the exalted race of Chohan had sovereignty
to the bounds of ocean; and in Nadole swayed Lacshman, Raja.
He had a son named Lohia; and his Bulraj, his Vigraha Pal;
from him sprung Mahindra Deva; his son was Sri Anhula, the
chief amongst the princes of his time, whose fortunes were known
to all. His son was Sri Bal Presad; but having no issue, his
younger brother, Jaitr Raj, succeeded. His son was Prithwi
Pal, endued with strength and fiery qualities; but he having no
issue, was succeeded by his younger brother Jul; he by his
brother Maun Raja, the abode of fortune. His son was Alandeva.[4.30a.15]
When he mounted the throne, he reflected this world
was a fable: that this frame, composed of unclean elements, of
flesh, blood, and dust, was brought to existence in pain. Versed
in the books of faith, he reflected on the evanescence of youth,
resembling the scintillation of the fire-fly;[4.30a.16] that riches were as
the dew-drop on the lotos-leaf, for a moment resembling the
pearl, but soon to disappear. Thus meditating, he commanded
.bn 417.png
.pn +1
his servants, and sent them forth to his chieftains, to desire them
to bestow happiness on others, and to walk in the paths of faith.
.fn 4.30a.13
Tribhawun-loca; or Patala, Mirtha, Swerga.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.14
Mahavira, to whom the temple was thus endowed by the Chohan prince,
follower of Siva, was the last of the twenty-four Jinas, or apostles of the
Jains.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.15
The prince being the twelfth from Lacshman, allowing twenty-two
years to a reign, 264-1218; date of inscription, S. 954, or A.D. 898, the
period of Lacshman.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.16
Kudheata.
.fn-
In Samvat 1218, in the month of Sawun the 29th,[4.30a.17] performing
the sacrifice to fire, and pouring forth libations to the dispeller of
darkness, he bathed the image of the omniscient, the lord of
things which move and are immovable, Sudasiva, with the panchamrit[4.30a.18]
and made the gifts of gold, grain, and clothes to his spiritual
teacher, preceptor, and the Brahmins to their hearts’ desire.
Taking til in his hand, with rings on his finger of the cusa (grass),
holding water and rice in the palm of his hand, he made a gift of
five moodras monthly in perpetuity to the Sandera Gatcha[4.30a.19] for
saffron, sandal-wood, and ghee for the service of the temple of
Mahavira in the white market (mandra) of the town. Hence this
copper-plate. This charity which I have bestowed will continue
as long as the Sandera Gatcha exist to receive, and my issue to
grant it.
.fn 4.30a.17
Sudi choudus.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.18
Milk, curds, clarified butter, honey, butter, and sugar.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.19
One of eighty-four divisions of Jain tribes.
.fn-
To whoever may rule hereafter I touch their hands, that it
may be perpetual. Whoever bestows charity will live sixty
thousand years in heaven; whoever resumes it, the like in hell!
Of Pragvavansa,[4.30a.20] his name Dhurnidhur, his son Kurmchund
being minister, and the sastri Munorut Ram, with his sons Visala
and Sridhara, by writing this inscription made his name resplendent.
By Sri Alan’s own hand was this copper-plate
bestowed. Samvat 1218 \[805].[4.30a.21]
.fn 4.30a.20
Poorval, a branch of the Oswal race of Jain laity.
.fn-
.fn 4.30a.21
[See Epigraphia Indica ii. 422 ff.]
.fn-
.in 4
.ti -4
TREATY between the Honourable the English East-India
Company and Maharana Bheem Sing, Rana of Oudeepoor,
concluded by Mr. Charles Theophilus Metcalfe on the part of
the Honourable Company, in virtue of full powers granted
by his Excellency the Most Noble the Marquis of Hastings,
K.G., Governor-General, and by Thakoor Ajeet Sing on the
part of the Maharana, in virtue of full powers conferred by
the Maharana aforesaid.
.in
First Article.—There shall be perpetual friendship, alliance,
and unity of interests between the two states, from generation to
generation, and the friends and enemies of one shall be the friends
and enemies of both.
Second Article.—The British Government engages to protect
the principality and territory of Oudeepoor.
Third Article.—The Maharana of Oudeepoor will always act
in subordinate co-operation with the British Government, and
acknowledge its supremacy, and will not have any connection
with other chiefs or states.
.bn 418.png
.pn +1
Fourth Article.—The Maharana of Oudeepoor will not enter
into any negotiation with any chief or state without the knowledge
and sanction of the British Government; but his usual
amicable correspondence with friends and relations shall continue.
Fifth Article.—The Maharana of Oudeepoor will not commit
aggressions upon any one; and if by accident a dispute arise
with any one, it shall be submitted to the arbitration and award
of the British Government.
Sixth Article.—One-fourth of the revenue of the actual territory
of Oudeepoor shall be paid annually to the British Government
as tribute for five years; and after that term three-eighths
in perpetuity. The Maharana will not have connection with any
other power on account of tribute, and if any one advance claims
of that nature, the British Government engages to reply to them.
Seventh Article.—Whereas the Maharana represents that
portions of the dominions of Oudeepoor have fallen, by improper
means, into the possession of others, and solicits the restitution
of those places: the British Government from a want of accurate
information is not able to enter into any positive engagement
on this subject; but will always keep in view the renovation of
the prosperity of the state of Oudeepoor, and after ascertaining
the nature of each case, will use its best exertions for the accomplishment
of the object, on every occasion on which it may be
proper to do so. Whatever places may thus be restored to the
state of Oudeepoor by the aid of the British Government, three-eighths
of their revenues shall be paid in perpetuity to the British
Government.
Eighth Article.—The troops of the state of Oudeepoor shall
be furnished according to its means, at the requisition of the
British Government.
Ninth Article.—The Maharana of Oudeepoor shall always be
absolute ruler of his own country, and the British jurisdiction
shall not be introduced into that principality.
Tenth Article.—The present treaty of ten articles having been
concluded at Dihlee, and signed and sealed by Mr. Charles Theophilus
Metcalfe and Thakoor Ajeet Sing Buhadoor \[806], the
ratifications of the same, by his Excellency the Most Noble the
Governor-General, and Maharana Bheem Sing, shall be mutually
delivered within a month from this date.
Done at Dihlee, this thirteenth day of January, A.D. 1818.
.ll 68
.nf r
(Signed) C. T. METCALFE (L.S.).
THAKOOR AJEET SING (L.S.)
.nf-
.ll
.bn 419.png
.il id=i928 fn=illo_0928.jpg w=350px ew=66%
.ca
THE LATE MAHĀRĀJA SIR SUMER SINGH, OF JODHPUR (b. 1901; d. 1918),
AND HIS BROTHER, THE PRESENT MAHĀRĀJA UMMED SINGH (b. 1903).
To face page 928.
.ca-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 420.png
.bn 421.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h2
BOOK V | ANNALS OF MĀRWĀR
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 1
.sp 2
Etymology of Mārwār.—Marwar is a corruption of Maruwar,
classically Marusthali or Marusthan, ‘the region of death.’ It
is also called Marudesa, whence the unintelligible Mardes of the
early Muhammadan writers. The bards frequently style it
Mordhar, which is synonymous with Marudesa, or, when it suits
their rhyme, simply Maru. Though now restricted to the
country subject to the Rathor race, its ancient and appropriate
application comprehended the entire ‘desert,’ from the Sutlej
to the ocean.
The Rāthors.—A concise genealogical sketch of the Rathor
rulers of Marwar has already been given;[5.1.1] we shall therefore
briefly pass over those times “when a genealogical tree would
strike root in any soil”; when the ambition of the Rathors,
whose branches (sakha) spread rapidly over ‘the region of death,’
was easily gratified with a solar \[2] pedigree. As it is desirable,
however, to record their own opinions regarding their origin, we
shall make extracts from the chronicles (hereafter enumerated),
instead of fusing the whole into one mass, as in the Annals of
Mewar. The reader will occasionally be presented with simple
translations of whatever is most interesting in the Rathor records.
.fn 5.1.1
See Vol. I. p. vol1_105.
.fn-
Authorities.—Let us begin with a statement of the author’s
authorities; first, a genealogical roll of the Rathors, furnished
by a Yati, or Jain priest, from the temple of Narlai.[5.1.2] This roll
.bn 422.png
.pn +1
is about fifty feet in length, commencing, as usual, with a theogony,
followed by the production of the ‘first Rathor from the spine
(rahat) of Indra,’[5.1.3] the nominal father being ‘Yavanaswa, prince
of Parlipur.’ Of the topography of Parlipur, the Rathors have
no other notion than that it was in the north; but in the declared
race of their progenitor, a Yavan prince, of the Aswa or Asi tribe,[5.1.4]
we have a proof of the Scythic origin of this Rajput family.
.fn 5.1.2
An ancient town in Marwar [about 80 miles S.E. of Jodhpur city].
.fn-
.fn 5.1.3
[A folk etymology, the name being derived from Rāshtrakūta, which
may mean the chief, as opposed to the rank and file of the Ratta dynasty;
but it has also been connected with Reddi, a Dravidian caste in S. India
(BG, i. Part i. 119, Part ii. 22 note, 178, 383 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.4
One of the four tribes which overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria.
The ancient Hindu cosmographers claim the Aswa as a grand branch of their
early family, and doubtless the Indo-Scythic people, from the Oxus to the
Ganges, were one race.
.fn-
The chronicle proceeds with the foundation of Kanyakubja,[5.1.5]
or Kanauj, and the origin of Kama-dhwaja[5.1.6] (vulgo Kamdhuj),
the titular appellation of its princes, and concludes with the
thirteen great Sakha, or ramifications of the Rathors, and their
Gotracharya, or genealogical creed.[5.1.7]
.fn 5.1.5
From kubja (the spine) of the virgin (kanya) [referring to the legend of
the hundred daughters of Kusanābha rendered crooked by Vāyu].
.fn-
.fn 5.1.6
Kama-dhwaja, ‘the banner of Cupid.’
.fn-
.fn 5.1.7
Gotama Gotra, Mardwandani Sakha, Sukracharya Guru, Garapatya
Agni, Pankhani Devi.
.fn-
Another roll, of considerable antiquity, commences in the
fabulous age, with a long string of names, without facts; its sole
value consists in the esteem in which the tribe holds it. We may
omit all that precedes Nain Pal, who, in the year S. 526 (A.D. 470[5.1.8]),
conquered Kanauj, slaying its monarch Ajaipal; from which
period the race was termed Kanaujia Rathor. The genealogy
proceeds to Jaichand, the last monarch of Kanauj; relates the
emigration of his nephew Siahji, or Sivaji, and his establishment
.bn 423.png
.pn +1
in the desert (Maruwar), with a handful of his brethren (a wreck
of the mighty kingdom of Kanauj); and terminates with the
death of Raja Jaswant Singh in S. 1735 (A.D. 1679), describing
every branch and scion, until we see them spreading over
Maru \[3].
.fn 5.1.8
It is a singular fact, that there is no available date beyond the fourth
century for any of the great Rajput families, all of whom are brought from
the north. This was the period of one of the grand irruptions of the Getic
races from Central Asia, who established kingdoms in the Panjab and on
the Indus. Pal or Pali, the universal adjunct to every proper name, indicates
the pastoral race of these invaders [?]. [The reason why the Rājput
genealogies do not go back to an early date is that many of them were
recruited from Gurjara and other foreign tribes. The tale of the origin of
the Rāthors from Kanauj is a myth, as the dynasty of that place belonged
to the Gahadvāla or Gaharwār clan. The object of the story was to affiliate
the tribe to the heroic Jaichand (Smith, EHI, 385).]
.fn-
Genealogy ceases to be an uninteresting pursuit when it
enables us to mark the progress of animal vegetation, from the
germ to the complete development of the tree, until the land is
overshadowed with its branches; and bare as is the chronicle to
the moralist or historian, it exhibits to the observer of the powers
of the animal economy, data which the annals of no other people
on earth can furnish. In A.D. 1193 we see the throne of Jaichand
overturned; his nephew, with a handful of retainers, taking
service with a petty chieftain in the Indian desert. In less than
four centuries we find the descendants of these exiles of the
Ganges occupying nearly the whole of the desert; having founded
three capitals, studded the land with the castles of its feudality,
and bringing into the field fifty thousand men, ek bap ka beta,
‘the sons of one father,’ to combat the emperor of Delhi. What
a contrast does their unnoticed growth present to that of the
Islamite conquerors of Kanauj, of whom five dynasties passed
away in ignorance of the renovated existence of the Rathor,
until the ambition of Sher Shah brought him into contact with
the descendants of Siahji, whose valour caused him to exclaim
“he had nearly lost the crown of India for a handful of barley,”
in allusion to the poverty of their land![5.1.9]
.fn 5.1.9
[See p. #835#.]
.fn-
What a sensation does it not excite when we know that a
sentiment of kindred pervades every individual of this immense
affiliated body, who can point out, in the great tree, the branch
of his origin, whilst not one is too remote from the main stem to
forget its pristine connexion with it! The moral sympathies
created by such a system pass unheeded by the chronicler, who
must deem it futile to describe what all sensibly feel, and which
renders his page, albeit little more than a string of names, one of
paramount interest to the ‘sons of Siahji.’
The third authority is the Suraj Prakas (Surya Prakasa),
composed by the bard Karnidhan, during the reign and by
command of Raja Abhai Singh. This poetic history, comprised
in 7500 stanzas, was copied from the original manuscript, and
.bn 424.png
.pn +1
sent to me by Raja Man, in the year 1820.[5.1.10] As usual, the Kavya
(bard) commences with the origin of all things, tracing the
Rathors from the creation down to Sumitra; from whence is a
blank until he recommences with the name of Kamdhuj, which
appears to have been the title assumed by Nain Pal, on his
conquest of Kanauj. Although Karnidhan must have taken his
facts from the \[4] royal records, they correspond very well with
the roll from Narlai. The bard is, however, in a great hurry to
bring the founder of the Rathors into Marwar, and slurs over the
defeat and death of Jaichand. Nor does he dwell long on his
descendants, though he enumerates them all, and points out the
leading events until he reaches the reign of Jaswant Singh,
grandfather of Abhai Singh, who “commanded the bard to write
the Suraj Prakas.”
.fn 5.1.10
This manuscript is deposited in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society.
.fn-
The next authority is the Raj Rupak Akhyat, or ‘the royal
relations.’ This work commences with a short account of the
Suryavansa, from their cradle at Ajodhya; then takes up Siahji’s
migration, and in the same strain as the preceding work, rapidly
passes over all events until the death of Raja Jaswant; but it
becomes a perfect chronicle of events during the minority of his
successor Ajit, his eventful reign, and that of Abhai Singh, to the
conclusion of the war against Sarbuland Khan, viceroy of Gujarat.
Throwing aside the meagre historical introduction, it is professedly
a chronicle of the events from S. 1735 (A.D. 1679) to S. 1787 (A.D.
1734), the period to which the Suraj Prakas is brought down.
A portion of the Bijai Vilas, a poem of 100,000 couplets, also
fell into my hands: it chiefly relates to the reign of the prince
whose name it bears, Bijai Singh, the son of Bakhta Singh. It
details the civil wars waged by Bijai Singh and his cousin Ram
Singh (son of Abhai Singh), and the consequent introduction of
the Mahrattas into Marwar.
From a biographical work named simply Khyat, or ‘Story,’ I
obtained that portion which relates to the lives of Raja Udai
Singh, the friend of Akbar; his son Raja Gaj, and grandson
Jaswant Singh. These sketches exhibit in true colours the
character of the Rathors.
Besides these, I caused to be drawn up by an intelligent man,
who had passed his life in office at Jodhpur, a memoir of transactions
from the death of Ajit Singh, in A.D. 1629, down to the treaty
.bn 425.png
.pn +1
with the English Government in A.D. 1818. The ancestors of the
narrator had filled offices of trust in the State, and he was a living
chronicle both of the past and present.
From these sources, from conversations with the reigning
sovereign, his nobles, his ambassadors, and subjects, materials
were collected for this sketch of the Rathors—barren, indeed, of
events at first, but redundant of them as we advance.
A genealogical table of the Rathors is added, showing the grand
offsets, whose \[5] descendants constitute the feudal frèrage of the
present day. A glance at this table will show the claims of each
house; and in its present distracted condition, owing to civil
broils, will enable the paramount power to mediate, when necessary,
with impartiality, in the conflicting claims of the prince and
his feudatories.
Rāthor Origins.—We shall not attempt to solve the question,
whether the Rathors are, or are not, Ravi-vansa, ‘Children of
the Sun’; nor shall we dispute either the birth or etymon of the
first Rathor (from the rahat or spine of Indra), or search in the
north for the kingdom of the nominal father; but be content to
conclude that this celestial interference in the household concerns
of the Parlipur prince was invented to cover some disgrace. The
name of Yavana, with the adjunct Aswa or Asi, clearly indicates
the Indo-Scythic ‘barbarian’ from beyond the Indus. In the
genealogy of the Lunar races descended of Budha and Ila (Mercury
and the Earth—see ), the five sons of Bajaswa are
made to people the countries on and beyond the Indus; and in
the scanty records of Alexander’s invasion mention is made of
many races, as the Assasenae and Assakenoi, still dwelling in these
regions.
This period was fruitful in change to the old-established
dynasties of the Hindu continent, when numerous races of
barbarians, namely, Huns, Parthians, and Getae, had fixed
colonies on her western and northern frontiers.[5.1.11]
.fn 5.1.11
Cosmas. Annals of Mewār. Getae or Jat Inscription, Appendix, Vol. I.
.fn-
“In S. 526 (A.D. 470) Nain Pal obtained Kanauj, from which
period the Rathors assumed the title of Kamdhuj. His son was
Padarath,[5.1.12] his Punja, from whom sprung the thirteen great
families, bearing the patronymic Kamdhuj, namely:
.bn 426.png
.pn +1
“1st. Dharma Bambo: his descendants styled Danesra
Kamdhuj.
“2nd. Banuda, who fought the Afghans at Kangra, and
founded Abhaipur: hence the Abhaipura Kamdhuj.
“3rd. Virachandra, who married the daughter of Hamira
Chauhan, of Anhilpur Patan; he had fourteen sons, who emigrated
to the Deccan: his descendants called Kapolia Kamdhuj.
“4th. Amrabijai, who married the daughter of the Pramara
prince of Koragarh[5.1.13] on the Ganges;—slew 16,000 Pramaras, and
took possession of Kora, whence the Kora Kamdhuj[5.1.14] \[6].
“5th. Sujan Binod: his descendants Jarkhera Kamdhuj.
“6th. Padma, who conquered Orissa, and also Bogilana,[5.1.15] from
Raja Tejman Yadu.
“7th. Aihar, who took Bengal from the Yadus: hence Aihara
Kamdhuj.
“8th. Bardeo; his elder brother offered him in appanage
Benares, and eighty-four townships; but he preferred founding
a city, which he called Parakhpur:[5.1.16] his descendants Parakh
Kamdhuj.
“9th. Ugraprabhu, who made a pilgrimage to the shrine of
Hinglaj Chandel,[5.1.17] who, pleased with the severity of his penance,
caused a sword to ascend from the fountain, with which he
conquered the southern countries touching the ocean:[5.1.18] his
descendants Chandela Kamdhuj.
“10th. Muktaman, who conquered possessions in the north
from Bhan Tuar: his descendants Bira Kamdhuj.
“11th. Bharat, at the age of sixty-one, conquered Kanaksar,
under the northern hills, from Rudrasen of the Bargujar tribe:
his descendants styled Bhariau Kamdhuj.
“12th. Alankal founded Khairoda; fought the Asuras
(Muslims) on the banks of the Attock: his descendants Kherodia
Kamdhuj.
.bn 427.png
.pn +1
“13th. Chand obtained Tarapur in the north. He married a
daughter of the Chauhan of Tahera,[5.1.19] a city well known to the
world: with her he came to Benares.
.fn 5.1.12
Called Bharat in the Yati’s roll; an error of one or other of the authorities
in transcribing from the more ancient records.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.13
[In the Fatehpur District (IGI, xv. .]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.14
An inscription given in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society
(vol. ix. p. 440), found at Kora, relates to a branch of the Kanauj family.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.15
[? Bāglān in Nāsik District, Bombay (IGI, vi. 190).]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.16
Qu. Parkar, towards the Indus?
.fn-
.fn 5.1.17
On the coast of Mekran.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.18
If we can credit these legends, we see the Rathor Rajputs spreading
over all India. I give these bare facts verbatim, as some traces may yet
remain of the races in those countries. [These are pure legends, see Smith,
EHI, 377 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.19
[Bahra] a city often mentioned by Ferishta [i. Introd. lxxii.] in the early
times of the Muhammadans.
.fn-
“And thus the race of Surya multiplied.
“Bambo,[5.1.20] or Dharma-Bambo, sovereign of Kanauj, had a son,
Ajaichand.[5.1.21] For twenty-one generations they bore the titles
of Rao; afterwards that of Raja. Udaichand, Narpati, Kanaksen,
Sahassal, Meghsen, Birabhadra, Deosen, Bimalsen, Dansen,
Mukund, Budha, Rajsen, Tirpal, Sripunja, Bijaichand,[5.1.22] his son
Jaichand, who became the Naik of Kanauj, with the surname
Dal Pangla.”
.fn 5.1.20
Naīn Pal must have preceded Dharma-Bambo by five or six generations.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.21
Called Abhaichand, in the Suraj Prakas.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.22
Also styled Bijaipal; classically Vijayapala, ‘Fosterer of
.fn-
Jaichand.—Nothing is related of the actions of these princes,
from the conquest of Kanauj \[7] by Nain Pal, in A.D. 470, and the
establishment of his thirteen grandsons in divers countries, until
we reach Jaichand, in whose person (A.D. 1193) terminated the
Rathor sovereignty on the Ganges; and we have only twenty-one
names to fill up the space of seven centuries, although the
testimony on which it is given[5.1.23] asserts there were twenty-one
princes bearing the title of Rao prior to the assumption of that
of Raja. But the important information is omitted as to who
was the first to assume this title. There are names in the Yati’s
roll that are not in the Suraj Prakas, which we have followed;
and one of these, Rangatdhwaj, is said to have overcome Jasraj
Tuar, king of Delhi, for whose period we have correct data: yet
we cannot incorporate the names in the Yati’s roll with that just
given without vitiating each; and as we have no facts, it is useless
to perplex ourselves with a barren genealogy. But we can assert
that it must have been a splendid dynasty, and that their actions,
from the conqueror Nain Pal to the last prince, Jaichand, were
well deserving of commemoration. That they were commemorated
in written records there cannot be a doubt; for the
trade of the bardic chroniclers in India has flourished in all
ages.
.fn 5.1.23
The Suraj Prakas.
.fn-
.bn 428.png
.pn +1
The City of Kanauj.—Although we have abundant authority
to assert the grandeur of the kingdom of Kanauj[5.1.24] at the period
of its extinction, both from the bard Chand and the concurrent
testimony of Muhammadan authors, yet are we astonished at the
description of the capital, attested not only by the annals of the
Rathors, but by those of their antagonists, the Chauhans.
.fn 5.1.24
See Inscriptions of Jaichand, Vijayachand, and Kora, in the 9th and
14th vols. of the Asiatic Researches.
.fn-
The circumvallation of Kanauj covered a space of more than
thirty miles; and its numerous forces obtained for its prince the
epithet of ‘Dal Pangla,’ meaning that the mighty host (Dal) was
lame or had a halt in its movements owing to its numbers, of
which Chand observes that in the march “the van had reached
their ground ere the rear had moved off.” The Suraj Prakas
gives the amount of this army, which in numbers might compete
with the most potent which, in ancient or modern times, was ever
sent into the field. “Eighty thousand men in armour; thirty
thousand horse covered with pakhar, or quilted mail; three
hundred thousand Paiks or infantry; and of bow-men and battle-axes
two hundred thousand; besides a cloud of elephants bearing
warriors” \[8].
This immense army was to oppose the Yavana beyond the
Indus; for, as the chronicle says, “The king of Gor and Irak
crossed the Attock. There Jai Singh met the conflict, when the
Nilab changed its name to Surkhab.[5.1.25] There was the Ethiopic
(Habshi) king, and the skilful Frank learned in all arts,[5.1.26] overcome
by the lord of Kanauj.”
.fn 5.1.25
The Nilab, or ‘blue water,’ the Indus, changed its name to the ‘Redstream’
(Surkhab), or ‘ensanguined.’
.fn-
.fn 5.1.26
It is singular that Chand likewise mentions the Frank as being in the
army of Shihabu-d-din, in the conquest of his sovereign Prithiraj. If this
be true, it must have been a desultory or fugitive band of crusaders.
.fn-
The chronicles of the Chauhans, the sworn foe of the Rathors,
repeat the greatness of the monarch of Kanauj, and give him the
title of “Mandalika.”[5.1.27] They affirm that he overcame the king
of the north,[5.1.28] making eight tributary kings prisoners; that he
twice defeated Siddhraj, king of Anhilwara, and extended his
dominions south of the Nerbudda, and that at length, in the fulness
of his pride, he had divine honours paid him in the rite Swayamvara.[5.1.29]
.bn 429.png
.pn +1
This distinction, which involves the most august ceremony,
and is held as a virtual assumption of universal supremacy,
had in all ages been attended with disaster. In the rite of
Swayamvara every office, down to the scullion of the Rasora,
or banquet-hall, must be performed by royal personages; nor
had it been attempted by any of the dynasties which ruled India
since the Pandu: not even Vikrama, though he introduced his
own era, had the audacity to attempt what the Rathor determined
to execute. All India was agitated by the accounts of the
magnificence of the preparations, and circular invitations were
despatched to every prince, inviting him to assist at the pompous
ceremony, which was to conclude with the nuptials of the raja’s
only daughter, who, according to the customs of those days,
would select her future lord from the assembled chivalry of India.
The Chauhan bard describes the revelry and magnificence of the
scene: the splendour of the Yajnasala, or ‘hall of sacrifice,’
surpassing all powers of description; in which were assembled
all the princes of India, “save the lord of the Chauhans, and
Samara of Mewar,” who, scorning this assumption of supremacy,
Jaichand made their effigies in gold, assigning to them the most
servile posts; that of the king of the Chauhans being Poliya, or
‘porter of the hall.’ Prithiraj, whose life was one succession of feats
of arms and gallantry, had a double motive for action—love and
revenge. He determined to enjoy both, or perish in the attempt;
“to spoil the sacrifice and bear away the fair of Kanauj from its
halls, though beset \[9] by all the heroes of Hind.” The details of
this exploit form the most spirited of the sixty-nine books of the
bard. The Chauhan executed his purpose, and, with the élite of the
warriors of Delhi, bore off the princess in open day from Kanauj. A
desperate running-fight of five days took place. To use the words of
the bard, “he preserved his prize; he gained immortal renown,
but he lost the sinews of Delhi.” So did Jaichand those of Kanauj;
and each, who had singly repelled all attacks of the kings, fell in
turn a prey to the Ghori Sultan,[5.1.30] who skilfully availed himself of
these international feuds, to make a permanent conquest of
India.
.fn 5.1.27
[Ruler of a district (mandal).]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.28
They thus style the kings west of the Indus.
.fn-
.fn 5.1.29
[The “Seonair” of the text seems to represent swayamvara, the rite of
selection of her husband by a maiden.]
.fn-
.fn 5.1.30
[Shihābu-d-dīn, A.D. 1175-1206.]
.fn-
The Great States of North India.—We may here briefly describe
.bn 430.png
.pn +1
the state of Hindustan at this epoch, and for centuries previous
to the invasions of Mahmud.
There were four great kingdoms, namely—
.sp 1
.ul style=none
.it 1. Delhi, under the Tuars and Chauhans.
.it 2. Kanauj, under the Rathors.
.it 3. Mewar, under the Guhilots.
.it 4. Anhilwara, under the Chauras and Solankis.
.ul-
.sp 1
To one or other of these States the numerous petty princes of
India paid homage and feudal service. The boundary between
Delhi and Kanauj was the Kalinadi, or ‘black stream’; the
Kalindi of the Greek geographers.[5.1.31] Delhi claimed supremacy
over all the countries westward to the Indus, embracing the lands
watered by its arms, from the foot of the Himalaya,—the desert—to
the Aravalli chain. The Chauhan king, successor to the
Tuars, enumerated one hundred and eight great vassals, many of
whom were subordinate princes.
.fn 5.1.31
[The Kālindi River, the name of which was corrupted into Kālinadi,
rises in the Muzaffarnagar District, and joins the Ganges near Kanauj, 310
miles from its source (IGI, xiv. 309).]
.fn-
The power of Kanauj extended north to the foot of the Snowy
mountains; eastward to Kasi (Benares); and across the Chambal
to the lands of the Chandel (now Bundelkhand); on the south its
possessions came in contact with Mewar.
Mewar, or Madhyawar, the ‘central region,’[5.1.32] was bounded to
the north by the Aravalli, to the south by the Pramaras of Dhar
(dependent on Kanauj), and westward by Anhilwara, which State
was bounded by the ocean to the south, the Indus on the west,
and the desert to the north.
.fn 5.1.32
[The word Mewār represents the original Medapāta, “land of the Med
tribe.” The bulk of the army of Chashtana, the Western Satrap, appears to
have consisted of Mevas or Medas, from whose settlement in Central Rājputāna
the province seems to have received its present name, Mewāda (BG, i.
Part i. 33).]
.fn-
There are records of great wars amongst all these princes. The
Chauhans and Guhilots, whose dominions were contiguous, were
generally allies, and the Rathors and Tuars (predecessors of the
Chauhans), who were only divided by the Kalinadi, often dyed it
with their blood. Yet this warfare was never of an \[10] exterminating
kind; a marriage quenched a feud, and they remained
friends until some new cause of strife arose.
If, at the period preceding Mahmud, the traveller had journeyed
.bn 431.png
.pn +1
through the courts of Europe, and taken the line of route, in
subsequent ages pursued by Timur, by Byzantium, through
Ghazni (adorned with the spoils of India), to Delhi, Kanauj, and
Anhilwara, how superior in all that constitutes civilization would
the Rajput princes have appeared to him!—in arts immeasurably
so; in arms by no means inferior. At that epoch, in the west,
as in the east, every State was governed on feudal principles.
Happily for Europe, the democratical principle gained admittance,
and imparted a new character to her institutions; while the third
estate of India, indeed of Asia, remained permanently excluded
from all share in the government which was supported by its
labour, every pursuit but that of arms being deemed ignoble.
To this cause, and the endless wars which feudality engendered,
Rajput nationality fell a victim when attacked by the means at
command of the despotic kings of the north.
The Invasion of Shihābu-d-dīn.—Shihabu-d-din, king of Ghor,
taking advantage of these dissensions, invaded India. He first
encountered Prithiraj, the Chauhan king of Delhi, the outwork
and bulwark of India, which fell. Shihabu-d-din then attacked
Jaichand, who was weakened by the previous struggle. Kanauj
put forth all her strength, but in vain; and her monarch was the
last son of “the Yavana of Parlipur” who ruled on the banks of
the Ganges. He met a death congenial to the Hindu, being
drowned in the sacred stream in attempting to escape.[5.1.33]
.fn 5.1.33
[His corpse was recognized by his false teeth, “a circumstance which
throws some light on the state of manners” (Elphinstone 365).]
.fn-
This event happened in S. 1249 (A.D. 1193), from which period
the overgrown, gorgeous Kanauj ceased to be a Hindu city, when
the “thirty-six races” of vassal princes, from the Himalaya to
the Vindhya, who served under the banners of Bardai Sena,[5.1.34]
retired to their patrimonial estates. But though the Rathor
name ceased to exist on the shores of the Ganges, destiny decreed
that a scion should be preserved, to produce in a less favoured
land a long line of kings; that in thirty-one generations his
descendant, Raja Man, “Raj, Rajeswara,” ‘the king, the lord of
kings,’ should be as vainglorious of the sceptre of Maru as either
Jaichand when he commanded divine honours, or his still more
.bn 432.png
.pn +1
remote ancestor Nain Pal fourteen \[11] centuries before, when he
erected his throne in Kanauj. The Rathor may well boast of his
pedigree, when he can trace it through a period of 1360 years, in
lineal descent from male to male; and contented with this, may
leave to the mystic page of the bard, or the interpolated pages of
the Puranas, the period preceding Nain Pal.
.fn 5.1.34
Another title of the monarch of Kanauj, “the bard of the host,” from
which we are led to understand he was as well versed in the poetic art as
his rival, the Chauhan prince of Delhi.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 2
.sp 4
Migration of the Rāthors into Rājputāna.—In S. 1268 (A.D.
1212), eighteen years subsequent to the overthrow of Kanauj,
Siahji and Setram, grandsons of its last monarch, abandoned the
land of their birth, and with two hundred retainers, the wreck of
their vassalage, journeyed westward to the desert, with the intent,
according to some of the chronicles, of making a pilgrimage to the
shrine of Dwarka;[5.2.1] but according to others, and with more
probability, to carve their fortunes in fresh fields, unscathed by
the luxuries in which they had been tried, and proud in their
poverty and sole heritage, the glory of Kanauj \[12].
.fn 5.2.1
[The date of Siha or Siāhji, the traditional founder of the Mārwār
dynasty, was until recently uncertain. An inscription on a memorial stone
gives the date as Vikrama Sambat 1330, A.D. 1387, and for his grandson,
Dhūhada V.S. 1336, A.D. 1393. He is called the eldest son of Asvatthāma
mentioned in the text (IA, xi. 301). The tradition is vitiated by the fact
that this was not the first appearance of Rāthors in Rājputāna. An inscription
at Bījapur states that five of this clan ruled at Hathūndi (Hastikūndi)
in the tenth century (Erskine iii. A. 54; IGI, vi. 247 f.).]
.fn-
The Tribes of Rājputāna.—Let us rapidly sketch the geography
of the tribes over whom it was destined these emigrants of the
Ganges should obtain the mastery, from the Jumna to the Indus,
and the Gara River to the Aravalli hills. First, on the east, the
Kachhwahas, under Malesi, whose father, Rao Pajun, was killed
in the war of Kanauj. Ajmer, Sambhar, and the best lands of
the Chauhans fell rapidly to the Islamite—though the strongholds
of the Aravalli yet sheltered some, and Nadol continued for a
century more to be governed by a descendant of Bisaldeo. Mansi,
Rana of the Indha[5.2.2] tribe, a branch of the Parihars, still held
.bn 433.png
.pn +1
Mandor, and the various Bhumias around paid him a feudal
subjection as the first chief of the desert. Northward, about
Nagor, lived the community of the Mohils (a name now extinct),
whose chief place was Aurint, on which depended 1440 villages.
The whole of the tracts now occupied by Bikaner to Bhatner were
partitioned into petty republics of Getae or Jats, whose history
will hereafter be related. Thence to the Gara River, the Johyas,
Dahyas, Kathis, Langahas, and other tribes whose names are
now obliterated, partly by the sword, partly by conversion to
Islamism. The Bhattis had for centuries been established within
the bounds they still inhabit, and little expected that this handful
of Rathors was destined to contract them. The Sodha princes
adjoined the Bhattis south, and the Jarejas occupied the valley
of the Indus and Cutch. The Solankis intervened between them
and the Pramaras of Abu and Chandravati, which completed the
chain by junction with Nadol. Various chieftains of the more
ancient races, leading a life of fearless independence, acknowledging
an occasional submission to their more powerful neighbours,
were scattered throughout this space; such as the Dabhis of
Idar and Mewa; the Gohils of Kherdhar; the Deoras of Sanchor;
and Sonigiras of Jalor; the Mohils of Aurint; the Sankhlas of
Sandli, etc.; all of whom have either had their birthright seized
by the Rathor, or the few who have survived and yet retain them
are enrolled amongst their allodial vassals.
.fn 5.2.2
[The Indhas occupy the W. tract of Mārwār; will not eat the flesh of
the boar; believe that no member of the clan can be struck by lightning,
owing to the prediction of Khākhaji, one of their ancestors; no epidemic
ever breaks out in their territory as it is under the protection of their goddess,
Chāwanda Māta (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 31).]
.fn-
The Exploits of Siāhji.—The first exploit of Siahji was at
Kulumad (twenty miles west of the city of Bikaner, not then in
existence), the residence of a chieftain of the Solanki tribe. He
received the royal emigrants with kindness, and the latter repaid
it by the offer of their services to combat his enemy, the Jareja
chieftain of Phulra, well known in all the annals of the period,
from the Sutlej to the ocean, as Lakha Phulani, the most celebrated
riever of Maru, whose castle of Phulra stood amidst the
almost inaccessible \[13] sandhills of the desert. By this timely
succour the Solanki gained a victory over Lakha, but with the
loss of Setram and several of his band. In gratitude for this
service, the Solanki bestowed upon Siahji his sister in marriage,
with an ample dower; and he continued his route by Anhilwara
Patan, where he was hospitably entertained by its prince, to the
shrine of Dwarka. It was the good fortune of Siahji again to
encounter Lakha, whose wandering habits had brought him on a
.bn 434.png
.pn +1
foray into the territory of Anhilwara. Besides the love of glory
and the ambition of maintaining the reputation of his race, he
had the stimulus of revenge, and that of a brother’s blood. He
was successful, though he lost a nephew, slaying Lakha in single
combat, which magnified his fame in all these regions, of which
Phulani was the scourge.
Flushed with success, we hear nothing of the completion of
Siahji’s pilgrimage; but obedient to the axiom of the Rajput,
“get land,” we find him on the banks of the Luni, exterminating,
at a feast, the Dabhis of Mewa,[5.2.3] and soon after the Gohils of
Kherdhar,[5.2.4] whose chief, Maheshdas, fell by the sword of the
grandson of Jaichand. Here, in the “land of Kher,” amidst the
sandhills of the Luni (the salt-river of the desert), from which the
Gohils were expelled, Siahji planted the standard of the Rathors.
.fn 5.2.3
The Dabhi was one of the thirty-six royal races; and this is almost
the last mention of their holding independent possessions. See Vol. I. p. vol1_138,
and the map for the position of Mewa at the bend of the Luni. [Kher is
now a ruined village near Jasol, about 60 miles S.W. of Jodhpur city, on the
left bank of the Lūni.]
.fn-
.fn 5.2.4
In my last journey through these regions, I visited the chief of the
Gohils at Bhavnagar, in the Gulf of Cambay. I transcribed their defective
annals, which trace their migration from ‘Kherdhar,’ but in absolute ignorance
where it is! See Vol. I. p. vol1_137.
.fn-
At this period a community of Brahmans held the city and
extensive lands about Pali, from which they were termed Paliwal;[5.2.5]
and being greatly harassed by the incursions of the mountaineers,
the Mers and Minas, they called in the aid of Siahji’s band, which
readily undertook and executed the task of rescuing the Brahmans
from their depredations. Aware that they would be renewed,
they offered Siahji lands to settle amongst them, which were
readily accepted; and here he had a son by the Solankani, to
whom he gave the name of Asvatthama. With her, it is recorded,
the suggestion originated to make himself lord of Pali; and it
affords another example of the disregard of the early Rajputs for
the sacred order, that on the Holi, or Saturnalia, he found an
opportunity to “obtain land,” putting to death the heads of this
.bn 435.png
.pn +1
community, and adding the district to his conquests \[14]. Siahji
outlived his treachery only twelve months, leaving his acquisitions
as a nucleus for further additions to his children. He had three
sons, Asvatthama, Soning, and Ajmall.
.fn 5.2.5
[Pāli, 45 miles S.S.E. of Jodhpur city. The Pāliwāls have some remarkable
customs; they do not observe the Rākhi festival because of a tradition
that on the day the town was sacked by Shihābu-d-dīn, the sacred cords of
the men slain and the bangles of those women who immolated themselves
weighed respectively 9 and 84 maunds. Compare the story of Chitor
(Vol. I. p. vol1_383) (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 79).]
.fn-
Asvatthāma.—One of the chronicles asserts that it was Asvatthama,
the successor of Siahji, who conquered “the land of Kher”
from the Gohils. By the same species of treachery by which his
father attained Pali, he lent his aid to establish his brother Soning
in Idar. This small principality, on the frontiers of Gujarat,
then appertained, as did Mewa, to the Dabhi race; and it was
during the matam, or period of mourning for one of its princes,
that the young Rathor chose to obtain a new settlement. His
descendants are distinguished as the Hathundia[5.2.6] Rathors. The
third brother, Aja, carried his forays as far as the extremity of
the Saurashtra peninsula, where he decapitated Bikamsi, the
Chawara chieftain of Okhamandala,[5.2.7] and established himself.
From this act his branch became known as the ‘Vadhel’;[5.2.8]
and the Vadhels are still in considerable number in that furthest
track of ancient Hinduism called the “World’s End.”
.fn 5.2.6
[Who take their name from their capital, Hathūndi, now ruined, near
Bījapur in S.E. Mārwār.]
.fn-
.fn 5.2.7
On the western coast of the Saurashtra peninsula. [The Okhamandal
legend calls the Rāthor leaders Virāval and Bījal, who overcame the Chāwaras,
and abandoning the name Rāthor, called themselves Vādhel,
‘slayers’ (BG, v. 590 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.2.8
From badh, vadh, ‘to slay.’
.fn-
Asvatthama died, leaving eight sons, who became the heads
of clans, namely, Duhar, Jopsi, Khampsao, Bhopsu, Dhandhal,
Jethmall, Bandar, and Uhar; of which, four, Duhar, Dhandhal,
Jethmall, and Uhar, are yet known.
Duhar or Dhūhada.—Duhar succeeded Asvatthama. He
made an unsuccessful effort to recover Kanauj; and then
attempted to wrest Mandor from the Parihars, but “watered
their lands with his blood.” He left seven sons, namely, Raepal,
Kiratpal, Behar, Pital, Jugel, Dalu, and Begar.
Rāēpāl, Chhada, Thīda, Salkha, Biramdeo, Chonda.—Raepal
succeeded, and revenged the death of his father, slaying the
Parihar of Mandor, of which he even obtained temporary possession.
He had a progeny of thirteen sons, who rapidly spread
their issue over these regions. He was succeeded by his son
Kanhal [or Kānpāl], whose successor was his son Jalhan; he was
.bn 436.png
.pn +1
succeeded by his son Chhada, whose successor was his son Thida.
All these carried on a desperate warfare with, and made conquests
from, their neighbours. Chhada and Thida are mentioned
as very troublesome neighbours in the annals of the Bhattis of
Jaisalmer, who were compelled to carry the war against them
into the “land of Kher.” Rao Thida took the rich district of
Bhinmal from the Sonigira, and made other additions to his
territory from the Deoras and Balechas \[15]. He was succeeded
by Salakh or Salkha. His issue, the Salkhawats, now Bhumias,
are yet numerous both in Mewa and Rardara. Salkha was
succeeded by his son Biramdeo, who attacked the Johyas of the
north, and fell in battle. His descendants, styled Biramot and
Bijawat, from another son Bija, are numerous at Setru, Siwana,
and Dechu. Biramdeo was succeeded by his son Chonda, an
important name in the annals of the Rathors. Hitherto they
had attracted notice by their valour and their raids, whenever
there was a prospect of success; but they had so multiplied in
eleven generations that they now essayed a higher flight. Collecting
all the branches bearing the name of Rathor, Chonda assaulted
Mandor, slew the Parihar prince, and planted the banners of
Kanauj on the ancient capital of Maru.
So fluctuating are the fortunes of the daring Rajput, ever
courting distinction and coveting bhum, ‘land,’ that but a short
time before this success, Chonda had been expelled from all the
lands acquired by his ancestors, and was indebted to the hospitality
of a bard of the Charan tribe, at Kalu; and they yet
circulate the kabit, or quatrain, made by him when, in the days
of his greatness, he came and was refused admittance to “the
lord of Mandor”; he took post under the balcony, and improvized
a stanza, reminding him of the Charan of Kalu: “Chonda
nahīn āwē chit, Khichar Kalu tanna? Bhup bhaya bhay-bhit,
Mandawar ra mālya?” “Does not Chonda remember the
porridge of Kalu, now that the lord of the land looks so terrific
from his balcony of Mandawar?” Once established in Mandor,
he ventured to assault the imperial garrison of Nagor. Here he
was also successful. Thence he carried his arms south, and
placed his garrison in Nadol, the capital of the province of Godwar.
He married a daughter of the Parihar prince,[5.2.9] who had the
.bn 437.png
.pn +1
satisfaction to see his grandson succeed to the throne of Mandor.
Chonda was blessed with a progeny of fourteen sons, growing up
to manhood around him. Their names were Ranmall,[5.2.10] Satta,
Randhir, Aranyakanwal,[5.2.11] Punja, Bhim, Kana, Ajo, Ramdeo,
Bija, Sahasmall, Bagh, Lumba, Seoraj.
.fn 5.2.9
He was of the Indha branch of the Parihars, and his daughter is called
the Indhavatni.
.fn-
.fn 5.2.10
The descendants of those numbering 1, 2, 4, 7 still exist.
.fn-
.fn 5.2.11
This is the prince mentioned in the extraordinary feud related
(p. 731) from the annals of Jaisalmer. Incidentally, we have frequent
synchronisms in the annals of these States, which, however slight, are of
high import.
.fn-
Chonda had also one daughter named Hansa, married to Lakha
Rana of Mewar \[16], whose son was the celebrated Kumbha. It
was this marriage which caused that interference in the affairs of
Mewar, which had such fatal results to both States.[5.2.12]
.fn 5.2.12
See Vol. I. p. vol1_323.
.fn-
The feud between his fourth son, Aranyakanwal, and the
Bhatti prince of Pugal, being deemed singularly illustrative of
the Rajput character, has been extracted from the annals of
Jaisalmer, in another part of this work.[5.2.13] The Rathor chronicler
does not enter into details, but merely states the result, as ultimately
involving the death of Chonda—simply that “he was
slain at Nagor with one thousand Rajputs”; and it is to the
chronicles of Jaisalmer we are indebted for our knowledge of
the manner. Chonda acceded in S. 1438 (A.D. 1382), and was
slain in S. 1465 [A.D. 1408-9].
.fn 5.2.13
See p. #730#.
.fn-
Ranmall killed A.D. 1444.—Ranmall succeeded. His mother
was of the Gohil tribe. In stature he was almost gigantic, and
was the most athletic of all the athletes of his nation. With the
death of Chonda, Nagor was again lost to the Rathors. Rana
Lakha presented Ranmall with the township of Darla and forty
villages upon his sister’s marriage, when he almost resided at
Chitor, and was considered by the Rana as the first of his chiefs.
With the forces of Mewar added to his own, under pretence of
conveying a daughter to the viceroy of Ajmer, he introduced his
adherents into that renowned fortress, the ancient capital of the
Chauhans, putting the garrison to the sword, and thus restored
it to Mewar. Khemsi Pancholi, the adviser of this measure, was
rewarded with a grant of the township of Kata, then lately
captured from the Kaimkhanis.[5.2.14] Ranmall went on a pilgrimage
.bn 438.png
.pn +1
to Gaya, and paid the tax exacted for all the pilgrims then
assembled.
.fn 5.2.14
[The Kāim or Qāimkhānis were originally Chauhāns, converted to
Islām in the time of Fīroz Shāh. They are said to derive their name from
the first famous convert. It is a rule with them not to use wooden planks in
their doorways (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 37 f.; Rose, Glossary, iii.
257).]
.fn-
The bard seldom intrudes the relation of civil affairs into his
page, and when he does, it is incidentally. It would be folly to
suppose that the princes of Maru had no legislative recorders;
but with these the poet had no bond of union. He, however,
condescends to inform us of an important measure of Rao Ranmall,
namely, that he equalized the weights and measures throughout
his dominions, which he divided as at present. The last act of
Ranmall, in treacherously attempting to usurp the throne of the
infant Rana of Mewar, was deservedly punished, and he was
slain by the faithful Chonda, as related in the annals of that
State.[5.2.15] This feud originated the line of demarcation of the two
States,[5.2.16] and which remained \[17] unaltered until recent times,
when Marwar at length touched the Aravalli. Rao Ranmall left
twenty-four sons, whose issue, and that of his eldest son, Jodha,
form the great vassalage of Marwar. For this reason, however
barren is a mere catalogue of names, it is of the utmost
value to those who desire to see the growth of the frèrage of such
a community.[5.2.17]
.if t
.ta l:20 c:1 l:20 c:1 l:28 bl=n
Names. | | Clans. | | Chieftainships or Fiefs.
1. Jodha (succeeded)| | Jodha. | |
2. Kandal |┌| Kandalot, conquered |┐|
|└| lands in |│| Bikaner.
| | |│| Awa, Kata, Palri,
3. Champa | | Champawat |├| Harsola, Rohat,
| | |│| Jawala, Satlana,
| | |┘| Singari.
|┐| |┌| Asop, Kantalia,
4. Akhairaj |│| Kumpawat |│| Chandawal, Siryari,
had seven sons: |├| |┤| Kharla, Harsor, Balu,
1st Kumpa |│| |│| Bajoria, Surpura,
|┘| |└| Dewaria.
5. Mandla | | Mandlot | | Sarunda.
.bn 439.png
.pn +1
6. Patta | | Pattawat |┌|Kurnichari, Bara, and
| | |└| Desnokh.[5.2.18]
7. Lakha | | Lakhawat || ——
8. Bala | | Balawat | |Dunara.
9. Jethmall | | Jethmallot | |Palasni.
10. Karna | | Karnot | |Lunawas.
11. Rupa | | Rupawat | |Chutila.
12. Nathu | | Nathawat | |Bikaner.
13. Dungra | | Dungrot |┐|
14. Sanda | | Sandawat |│|
15. Manda | | Mandot |│|
16. Biru | | Birot |│|
17. Jagmall | | Jagmallot |│| Estates not mentioned;
18. Hampa \[18] | | Hampawat |├| their descendants have
19. Sakta | | Saktawat |│| become dependent on the
20. Karimchand | | —-—- |│| greater clanships.
21. Arival | | Arivalot |│|
22. Ketsi | | Ketsiot |│|
23. Satrasal | | Satrasalot |│|
24. Tejmall | | Tejmallot |┘|
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Names. |
Clans. |
Chieftainships or Fiefs. |
1. |
Jodha (succeeded) |
Jodha. |
2. |
Kandal. |
 |
Kandalot, conquered lands in |
 |
Bikaner. |
3. |
Champa |
|
Champawat |
 |
947Awa, Kata, Palri, Harsola, Rohat, Jawala, Satlana, Singari. |
4. |
Akhairaj had seven sons: 1st Kumpa |
 |
Kumpawat |
 |
Asop, Kantalia, Chandawal, Siryari, Kharla, Harsor, Balu, Bajoria, Surpura, Dewaria. |
5. |
Mandla |
Mandlot |
Sarunda. |
6. |
Patta |
Pattawat |
 |
Kurnichari, Bara, and Desnokh.[18] |
7. |
Lakha |
Lakhawat |
—— |
8. |
Bala |
Balawat |
Dunara. |
9. |
Jethmall |
Jethmallot |
Palasni. |
10. |
Karna |
Karnot |
Lunawas. |
11. |
Rupa |
Rupawat |
Chutila. |
12. |
Nathu |
Nathawat |
Bikaner. |
13. |
Dungra |
Dungrot |
 |
Estates not mentioned; their descendants have become dependent on the greater clanships. |
14. |
Sanda |
Sandawat |
15. |
Manda |
Mandot |
16. |
Biru |
Birot |
17. |
Jagmall |
Jagmallot |
18. |
Hampa [18] |
Hampawat |
19. |
Sakta |
Saktawat |
20. |
Karimchand |
——— |
21. |
Arival |
Arivalot |
22. |
Ketsi |
Ketsiot |
23. |
Satrasal |
Satrasalot |
24. |
Tejmall |
Tejmallot |
.li-
.if-
.fn 5.2.15
See Vol. I. p. vol1_327.
.fn-
.fn 5.2.16
See Vol. I. p. vol1_328.
.fn-
.fn 5.2.17
It is only by the possession of such knowledge that we can exercise with
justice our right of universal arbitration.
.fn-
.fn 5.2.18
Brave soldiers, but, safe in the deep sands, they refuse to serve except
on emergencies.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 3
.sp 2
Jodha, A.D. 1444-88. The Foundation of Jodhpur.—Jodha
was born at Danla, the appanage of his father in Mewar, in the
month Baisakh, S. 1484. In 1511 he obtained Sojat, and in the
month Jeth, 1515 (A.D. 1459) laid the foundation of Jodhpur,
to which he transferred the seat of government from Mandor.
With the superstitious Rajput, as with the ancient Roman \[19],
every event being decided by the omen or the augur, it would be
contrary to rule if so important an occasion as the change of
capital, and that of an infant State, were not marked by some
propitious prestige, that would justify the abandonment of a
city won by the sword, and which had been for ages the capital
of Maru. The intervention, in this instance, was of a simple
.bn 440.png
.pn 948
nature; neither the flight of birds, the lion’s lair, or celestial
manifestation; but the ordinance of an anchorite, whose abode,
apart from mankind, was a cleft of the mountains of Bakharchiriya.
But the behests of such ascetics are secondary only to
those of the divinity, whose organs they are deemed. Like the
Druids of the Celts, the Vanaprastha Jogi,[5.3.1] from the glades of
the forest (vana) or recess in the rocks (gupha), issue their oracles
to those whom chance or design may conduct to their solitary
dwellings. It is not surprising that the mandates of such beings
prove compulsory on the superstitious Rajput: we do not mean
those squalid ascetics, who wander about India, and are objects
disgusting to the eye; but the genuine Jogi, he who, as the
term imports, mortifies the flesh, till the wants of humanity are
restricted merely to what suffices to unite matter with spirit;
who has studied and comprehended the mystic works, and pored
over the systems of philosophy, until the full influence of Maya
(illusion) has perhaps unsettled his understanding; or whom
the rules of his sect have condemned to penance and solitude;
a penance so severe, that we remain astonished at the perversity
of reason which can submit to it.[5.3.2] To these, the Druids of India,
the prince and the chieftain would resort for instruction. They
requested neither lands nor gold: to them “the boasted wealth
of Bokhara” was as a particle of dust. Such was the ascetic
who recommended Jodha to erect his castle on ‘the Hill of
Strife’ (Jodhagir), hitherto known as Bakharchiriya, or ‘the
bird’s nest,’ a projecting elevation of the same range on which
.bn 441.png
.pn +1
Mandor was placed, and about four miles south of it. Doubtless
its inaccessible position seconded the recommendation of the
hermit, for its scarped summit renders it almost impregnable
\[20], while its superior elevation permits the sons of Jodha to
command, from the windows of their palace, a range of vision
almost comprehending the limits of their sway. In clear weather
they can view the summits of their southern barrier, the gigantic
Aravalli; but in every other direction it fades away in the
boundless expanse of sandy plains. Neither the founder, nor his
monitor, the ascetic, however, were engineers, and they laid the
foundation of this stronghold without considering what an indispensable
adjunct to successful defence was good water; but
to prevent any slur on the memory of Jodha, they throw the
blame of this defect on the hermit. Jodha’s engineer, in tracing
the line of circumvallation, found it necessary to include the
spot chosen as his hermitage, and his remonstrance for undisturbed
possession was treated with neglect; whether by the prince as
well as the chief architect, the legend says not. The incensed
Jogi pronounced an imprecation, that the new castle should
possess only brackish water, and all the efforts made by succeeding
princes to obtain a better quality, by blasting the rock, have failed.
The memory of the Jogi is sanctified, though his anger compelled
them to construct an apparatus, whereby water for the supply of
the garrison is elevated from a small lake at the foot of the rock,
which, being entirely commanded from the walls, an assailant
would find difficult to cut off. This was the third grand event in
the fortunes of the Rathors, from the settlement of Siahji.[5.3.3]
.fn 5.3.1
[The Vanaprastha or anchorite stage (āsrama) of a Brāhman’s life
(Manu, Laws, vi. 1 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.2
We have seen one of these objects, self-condemned never to lie down
during forty years, and there remained but three to complete the term. He
had travelled much, was intelligent and learned; but far from having contracted
the moroseness of the recluse, there was a benignity of mien, and a
suavity and simplicity of manner in him, quite enchanting. He talked of
his penance with no vainglory, and of its approaching term without any
sensation. The resting position of this Druid (vanaprastha) was by means
of a rope suspended from the bough of a tree, in the manner of a swing,
having a cross-bar, on which he reclined. The first years of this penance,
he says, were dreadfully painful; swollen limbs affected him to that degree,
that he expected death; but this impression had long since worn off.
in this, is there much vanity,” and it would be a nice point to
determine whether the homage of man or the approbation of the Divinity
most sustains the energies under such appalling discipline.
.fn-
.fn 5.3.3
Pali did not remain to Siahji’s descendants, when they went westward
and settled on the Luni: the Sesodias took it with other lands from the
Parihar of Mandor. It was the feud already adverted to with Mewar which
obtained for him the fertile districts of Pali and Sojat, by which his territories
at length touched the Aravalli, and the fears of the assassin of Rana Kumbha
made his parricidal son relinquish the provinces of Sambhar and Ajmer
(see Vol. I. p. vol1_339).
.fn-
Such was the abundant progeny of these princes, that the
limits of their conquests soon became too contracted. The issue
of the three last princes, namely, the fourteen sons of Chonda,
the twenty-four of Ranmall, and fourteen of Jodha, had already
apportioned amongst them the best lands of the country, and it
became necessary to conquer “fresh fields in which to sow the
Rathor seed.”
.bn 442.png
.pn +1
Jodha had fourteen sons, namely—
.if t
.ta r:3 l:16 c:1 l:12 l:15 c:1 h:21 bl=n
|Names of Chiefs.|| Clans. | Fiefs or | | Remarks.
| | | | Chieftainships.| |
1.| Santal, or |┐| —— | Satalmer |┌| Three coss from
| Satal |┘| | |└| Pokaran.
2.| Suja (Suraj)| | —— | —— | | Succeeded Jodha.
3.| Gama \[21] | | —— | —— | | No issue.
| | | | |┌| Duda took Sambhar
| | | | |│| from the
| | | | |│| Chauhans. He
| | | | |│| had one son,
4.| Duda [Dhuhada]| | Mertia | Merta |┤| Biram, whose
| | | | |│| two sons Jaimall
| | | | |│| and Jagmall
| | | | |│| founded the
| | | | |│| clans Jaimallot
| | | | |└| and Jagmallot.
5.| Birsingh | | Birsinghgot | Nolai | | In Malwa.
6.| Bika | | Bikayat | Bikaner | | Independent State.
7.| Baharmall | | Baharmallot | Bai Bhilara | | ——
8.| Sheoraj | | Sheorajot | Dunara | | On the Luni.
9.| Karamsi | | Karamsot | Khinwasar | | ——
10.| Raemall | | Raemallot | —— | | ——
11.| Savantsi | | Savantsiot | Dawara | | ——
12.| Bida | | Bidawat | Bidavati | | In Nagor district.
13.| Banhar | | —— | —— |┐| Clans and fiefs not
14.| Nimba | | —— | —— |┘| mentioned.
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Names of Chiefs. |
Clans. |
|
Fiefs or Chieftanships. |
|
Remarks. |
1. |
Santal, or Satal |
|
—— |
Satalmer |
|
Three coss from Pokaran. |
2. |
Suja (Suraj) |
|
—— |
—— |
|
Succeeded Jodha. |
3. |
Gama \[21] |
|
—— |
—— |
|
No issue. |
4. |
Duda [Dhuhada] |
|
Mertia |
Merta |
|
Duda took Sambhar from the Chauhans. He had one son,\
Biram, whose two sons Jaimall and Jagmall founded the clans Jaimallot\
and Jagmallot. |
5. |
Birsingh |
Birsinghgot |
Nolai |
In Malwa. |
6. |
Bika |
Bikayat |
Bikaner |
Independent State. |
7. |
Baharmall |
Baharmallot |
Bai Bhilara |
—— |
8. |
Sheoraj |
Sheorajot |
Dunara |
On the Luni. |
9. |
Karamsi |
Karamsot |
Khinwasar |
—— |
10. |
Raemall |
Raemallot |
—— |
—— |
11. |
Savantsi |
Savantsiot |
Dawara |
—— |
12. |
Bida |
Bidawat |
Bidavati |
In Nagor district. |
13. |
Banhar |
—— |
—— |
 |
Clans and fiefs not mentioned. |
14. |
Nimba |
—— |
—— |
.li-
.if-
Sāntal, Sātal, 1488-91.—The eldest son, Santal, born of a
female of Bundi, established himself in the north-west corner,
on the lands of the Bhattis, and built a fort, which he called
Satalmer, about five miles from Pokaran.[5.3.4] He was killed in
action by a Khan of the Sahariyas (the Saracens of the Indian
desert), whom he also slew. His ashes were burnt at Kasma,
and an altar was raised over them, where seven of his wives
became satis.
.fn 5.3.4
[Now in ruins, about 85 miles N.W. of Jodhpur city, containing a
large Jain temple and monuments of the Chief’s family.]
.fn-
The fourth son, Duda [or Dhūhada], established himself on
the plains of Merta, and his clan, the Mertia, is numerous, and
.bn 443.png
.pn +1
has always sustained the reputation of being the “first swords”
of Maru. His daughter was the celebrated Mira Bai, wife of
Rana Kumbha,[5.3.5] and he was the grandsire of the heroic Jaimall,
who defended Chitor against Akbar, and whose descendant,
Jeth Singh of Badnor, is still one of the sixteen chief vassals of
the Udaipur court.
.fn 5.3.5
See Vol. I. p. vol1_337.
.fn-
The sixth son, Bika, followed the path already trod by his
uncle Kandal, with whom he united, and conquered the tracts
possessed by the six Jat communities. He erected a city, which
he called after himself, Bikaner, or Bīkaner.
Death of Rāo Jodha, A.D. 1488.—Jodha outlived the foundation
of his new capital thirty years, and beheld his \[22] sons
and grandsons rapidly peopling and subjugating the regions of
Maru. In S. 1545, aged sixty-one, he departed this life, and his
ashes were housed with those of his fathers, in the ancestral
abode of Mandor. This prince, the second founder of his race
in these regions, was mainly indebted to the adversities of early
life for the prosperity his later years enjoyed; they led him to
the discovery of worth in the more ancient, but neglected, allodial
proprietors displaced by his ancestors, and driven into the least
accessible regions of the desert. It was by their aid he was
enabled to redeem Mandor, when expelled by the Guhilots, and
he nobly preserved the remembrance thereof in the day of his
prosperity. The warriors whose forms are sculptured from the
living rock at Mandor owe the perpetuity of their fame to the
gratitude of Jodha; through them he not only recovered, but
enlarged his dominions.[5.3.6] In less than three centuries after
their migration from Kanauj, the Rathors, the issue of Siahji,
spread over a surface of four degrees of longitude and the same
extent of latitude, or nearly 80,000 miles square, and they amount
at this day, in spite of the havoc occasioned, by perpetual wars
and famine, to 500,000 souls.[5.3.7] While we thus contemplate the
renovation of the Rathor race, from a single scion of that magnificent
tree, whose branches once overshadowed the plains of Ganga,
let us withdraw from oblivion some of the many noble names
they displaced, which now live only in the poet’s page. Well
may the Rajput repeat the ever-recurring simile, “All is unstable;
.bn 444.png
.pn +1
life is like the scintillation of the fire-fly; house and land will
depart, but a good name will last for ever!” What a list of
noble tribes could we enumerate now erased from independent
existence by the successes of ‘the children of Siva’ (Siva-putra)![5.3.8]
Pariharas, Indhas, Sankhlas, Chauhans, Gohils, Dabhis, Sandhals,
Mohils, Sonigiras, Kathis, Jats, Huls, etc., and the few who still
exist only as retainers of the Rathor.
.fn 5.3.6
See p. #842#.
.fn-
.fn 5.3.7
[The present area of Mārwār is 34,963 square miles; population
2,057,776, of which Rājputs form 27·9 per cent.]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.8
Siahji is the Bhakha for Siva;—the ji is merely an adjunct of respect.
.fn-
Sūja or Surajmall, A.D. 1491-1516.—Suja[5.3.9] (Surajmall) succeeded,
and occupied the gaddi of Jodha during twenty-seven
years, and had at least the merit of adding to the stock of
Siahji.
.fn 5.3.9
One of the chronicles makes Satal occupy the gaddi after Jodha, during
three years; but this appears a mistake—he was killed in defending
Satalmer.
.fn-
The Rape of the Virgins.—The contentions for empire, during
the vacillating dynasty of the Lodi kings of Delhi, preserved the
sterile lands of Maru from their cupidity; and a second dynasty,
the Shershahi, intervened ere “the sons of Jodha” were summoned
to measure swords with the Imperialists. But in S. 1572 (A.D.
1516), a desultory \[23] band of Pathans made an incursion during
the fair of the Tij,[5.3.10] held at the town of Pipar, and carried off one
hundred and forty of the maidens of Maru. The tidings of the
rape of the virgin Rajputnis were conveyed to Suja, who put
himself at the head of such vassals as were in attendance, and
pursued, overtook, and redeemed them, with the loss of his own
life, but not without a full measure of vengeance against the
“northern barbarian.” The subject is one chosen by the itinerant
minstrel of Maru, who, at the fair of the Tij, still sings the rape
of the one hundred and forty virgins of Pipar, and their rescue
by their cavalier prince at the price of his own blood.
.fn 5.3.10
For a description of this festival see p. #675#.
.fn-
Suja had five sons, namely: 1. Bhaga, who died in non-age:
his son Ganga succeeded to the throne. 2. Uda, who had eleven
sons: they formed the clan Udawat, whose chief fiefs are Nimaj,
Jaitaran, Gundoj, Baratia, Raepur, etc., besides places in Mewar.
3. Saga, from whom descended the clan Sagawat; located at
Barwa. 4. Prayag, who originated the Prayaggot clan. 5.
Biramdeo, whose son, Naru, receives divine honours as the Putra
of Maru, and whose statue is worshipped at Sojat. His descendants
.bn 445.png
.pn +1
are styled Narawat Jodha, of whom a branch is established at
Pachpahar, in Haraoti.
Rāo Ganga, A.D. 1516-32.—Ganga, grandson of Suja, succeeded
his grandfather in S. 1572 (A.D. 1516); but his uncle, Saga,
determined to contest his right to the gaddi, invited the aid of
Daulat Khan Lodi, who had recently expelled the Rathors from
Nagor. With this auxiliary a civil strife commenced, and the
sons of Jodha were marshalled against each other. Ganga, confiding
in the rectitude of his cause, and reckoning upon the
support of the best swords of Maru, spurned the offer of compromise
made by the Pathan, of a partition of its lands between
the claimants, and gave battle, in which his uncle Saga was slain,
and his auxiliary, Daulat Khan, ignominiously defeated.
Rāthors join Mewār against Bābur, A.D. 1527.—Twelve years
after the accession of Ganga, the sons of Jodha were called on to
unite their forces to Mewar to oppose the invasion of the Moguls
from Turkistan. Sanga Rana, who had resumed the station of
his ancestors amongst the princes of Hind, led the war, and the
king of Maru deemed it no degradation to acknowledge his
supremacy, and send his quotas to fight under the standard of
Mewar, whose chronicles do more justice to the Rathors than
those of their own bards. This, which was the last confederation
made by the Rajputs for national independence \[24], was defeated,
as already related, in the fatal field of Bayana, where, had
treachery not aided the intrepid Babur, the Rathor sword would
have had its full share in rescuing the nation from the Muhammadan
yoke. It is sufficient to state that a Rathor was in the battle,
to know that he would bear its brunt; and although we are
ignorant of the actual position of the Rana, we may assume that
their post was in the van. The young prince Raemall (grandson
of Ganga), with the Mertia chieftains Kharto and Ratna, and
many others of note, fell against the Chagatai on this eventful
day.
Ganga died[5.3.11] four years after this event, and was succeeded by
.fn 5.3.11
The Yati’s roll says Ganga was poisoned; but this is not confirmed by
any other authority.
.fn-
Rāo Māldeo, A.D. 1532-62, or 1568-69.—Maldeo in S. 1588
(A.D. 1532),[5.3.12] a name as distinguished as any of the noble princes
.bn 446.png
.pn +1
in the chronicles of Maru. The position of Marwar at this period
was eminently excellent for the increase and consolidation of its
resources. The emperor Babur found no temptation in her
sterile lands to divert him from the rich plains of the Ganges,
where he had abundant occupation; and the districts and strongholds
on the emperor’s frontier of Maru, still held by the officers
of the preceding dynasty, were rapidly acquired by Maldeo, who
planted his garrisons in the very heart of Dhundhar. The death
of Sanga Rana, and the misfortunes of the house of Mewar, cursed
with a succession of minor princes, and at once beset by the
Moguls from the north, and the kings of Gujarat, left Maldeo to
the uncontrolled exercise of his power, which, like a true Rajput, he
employed against friend and foe, and became beyond a doubt the
first prince of Rajwara, or, in fact, as styled by the Muhammadan
historian Ferishta, “the most potent prince in Hindustan.”[5.3.13]
.fn 5.3.12
[The dates are doubtful. See the legend of the marriage of Rāo Māldeo
to Uma, daughter of the Bhatti Chief of Jaisalmer (IA, iii. 96 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.13
[“The most powerful of the Hindu princes who still retained their
independence,” trans. Briggs, ii. 121.]
.fn-
The year of Maldeo’s installation he redeemed the two most
important possessions of his house, Nagor and Ajmer. In S. 1596
he captured Jalor, Siwana, and Bhadrajan from the Sandhals;
and two years later dispossessed the sons of Bika of supreme
power in Bikaner. Mewa, and the tracts on the Luni, the earliest
possessions of his house, which had thrown off all dependence,
he once more subjugated, and compelled the ancient allodial
tenantry to hold of him in chief, and serve with their quotas.
He engaged in war with the Bhattis, and conquered Bikampur,
where a branch of his family remained, and are now incorporated
with the Jaisalmer State, and, under the name of Maldots,[5.3.14] have
the credit of being the most daring robbers of the desert. He even
established branches of \[25] his family in Mewar and Dhundhar,
took, and fortified Chatsu, not twenty miles south of the capital
of the Kachhwahas. He captured and restored Sirohi from the
Deoras, from which house was his mother. But Maldeo not only
acquired, but determined to retain, his conquests, and erected
numerous fortifications throughout the country. He enclosed
the city of Jodhpur with a strong wall, besides erecting a palace,
and adding other works to the fortress. The circumvallations
of Merta and its fort, which he called Malkot, cost him £24,000.
.bn 447.png
.pn +1
He dismantled Satalmer, and with the materials fortified Pokaran,
which he took from the Bhattis, transplanting the entire population,
which comprehended the richest merchants of Rajasthan.
He erected forts at Bhadrajan, on the hill of Bhimlod, near
Siwana, at Gundoj, at Rian, Pipar, and Dunara. He made the
Kundalkot at Siwana, and greatly added to that of Phalodi, first
made by Hamira Nirawat. He also erected that bastion in Garh
Bitli (the citadel of Ajmer) called the Kotburj, and showed his
skill in hydraulics by the construction of a wheel to bring water
into the fort. The chronicler adds, that “by the wealth of
Sambhar,” meaning the resources of this salt lake, he was enabled
to accomplish these works, and furnishes a list of the possessions
of Jodhpur at this period, which we cannot exclude: Sojat,
Sambhar, Merta, Khata, Badnor, Ladnun, Raepur, Bhadrajan,
Nagor, Siwana, Lohagarh, Jaikalgarh, Bikaner, Bhinmal,
Pokaran, Barmer, Kasoli, Riwaso, Jajawar, Jalor, Baoli, Malar,
Nadol, Phalodi, Sanchor, Didwana, Chatsu, Lawen, Malarna,
Deora, Fatehpur, Amarsar, Khawar, Baniapur, Tonk, Toda,
Ajmer, Jahazpur, and Pramar-ka-Udaipur (in Shaikhavati); in
all thirty-eight districts, several of which, as Jalor, Ajmer, Tonk,
Toda, and Badnor, comprehended each three hundred and sixty
townships, and there were none which did not number eighty.
But of those enumerated in Dhundhar, as Chatsu, Lawen, Tonk,
Toda, and Jahazpur in Mewar, the possession was but transient;
and although Badnor, and its three hundred and sixty townships,
were peopled by Rathors, they were the descendants of the
Mertias under Jaimall, who became one of the great vassals of
Mewar, and would, in its defence, at all times draw their swords
against the land which gave them birth.[5.3.15] This branch of the
house of Jodha had for some time been too powerful \[26] for
subjects, and Merta was resumed. To this act Mewar was indebted
for the services of this heroic chief. At the same time
the growing power of others of the great vassalage of Marwar
was checked by resumptions, when Jaitaran from the Udawats,
and several other fiefs, were added to the fisc. The feudal allotments
had never been regulated, but went on increasing with
the energies of the State, and the progeny of its princes, each
having on his birth an appanage assigned to him, until the whole
.bn 448.png
.pn +1
land of Maru was split into innumerable portions. Maldeo saw the
necessity for checking this subdivision, and he created a gradation
of ranks, and established its perpetuity in certain branches of the
sons of Ranmall and Jodha, which has never been altered.
.fn 5.3.14
Mr. Elphinstone apprehended an attack from the Maldots on his way
to Kabul.
.fn-
.fn 5.3.15
Such is the Rajput’s notion of swamidharma, or “fidelity to him whose
salt they eat,” their immediate lord, even against their king.
.fn-
Inhospitable Conduct of Rāo Māldeo to Humāyūn, A.D. 1542.—Ten
years of undisturbed possession were granted Maldeo to
perfect his designs, ere his cares were diverted from these to his
own defence. Babur, the founder of the Mogul dynasty, was
dead, and his son and successor had been driven from his newly
conquered throne by his provincial lieutenant, Sher Shah: so
rapidly do revolutions crowd upon each other where the sword
is the universal arbitrator. We have elsewhere related that the
fugitive monarch sought the protection of Maldeo, and we stigmatized
his conduct as unnational; but we omitted to state that
Maldeo, then heir-apparent, lost his eldest, perhaps then only
son Raemall in the battle of Bayana, who led the aid of Marwar
on that memorable day, and consequently the name of Chagatai,
whether in fortune or in flight, had no great claims to his regard.
But little did Maldeo dream how closely the fortunes of his
house would be linked with those of the fugitive Humayun, and
that the infant Akbar, born in this emergency, was destined to
revenge this breach of hospitality. Still less could the proud
Rathor, who traced his ancestry on the throne of Kanauj one
thousand years before the birth of the “barbarian” of Ferghana,
deem it within the range of probability, that he should receive
honours at such hands, or that the first title of Raja, Rajeswar,
or ‘raja, lord of rajas,’ would be conferred on his own son by
this infant, then rearing amidst the sandhills at the extremity of
his desert dominion! It is curious to indulge in the speculative
inquiry, whether, when the great Akbar girded Udai Singh with
the sword of honour, and marked his forehead with the unguent
of Raja-shah, he brought to mind the conduct of Maldeo, which
doomed his birth to take place in the dismal castle of Umarkot,
instead of in the splendid halls of Delhi \[27].
Attack on Mārwār by Sher Shāh, A.D. 1544.—Maldeo derived
no advantage from his inhospitality; for whether the usurper
deemed his exertions insufficient to secure the royal fugitive, or
felt his own power insecure with so potent a neighbour, he led
an army of eighty thousand men into Marwar. Maldeo allowed
them to advance, and formed an army of fifty thousand Rajputs
.bn 449.png
.pn +1
to oppose him. The judgment and caution he exercised were
so great, that Sher Shah, well versed in the art of war, was obliged
to fortify his camp at every step. Instead of an easy conquest,
he soon repented of his rashness when the admirable dispositions
of the Rajputs made him dread an action, and from a position
whence he found it impossible to retreat. For a month the armies
lay in sight of each other, every day the king’s situation becoming
more critical, and from which he saw not the slightest chance of
extrication. In this exigence he had recourse to one of those
stratagems which have often operated successfully on the Rajput,
by sowing distrust in his mind as to the fidelity of his vassals.
He penned a letter, as if in correspondence with them, which he
contrived to have dropped, as by accident, by a messenger sent
to negotiate. Perhaps the severity of the resumptions of estates
seconded this scheme of Sher Shah; for when the stipulated
period for the attack had arrived, the raja countermanded it.
The reasons for this conduct, when success was apparent, were
soon propagated; when one or two of the great leaders, in order
to demonstrate their groundlessness, gave an instance of that
devotion with which the annals of these States abound. At the
head of twelve thousand, they attacked and forced the imperial
entrenched camp, carrying destruction even to the quarters of
the emperor; but multitudes prevailed, and the patriotic clans
were almost annihilated. Maldeo, when too late, saw through
the stratagem which had made him doubt the loyalty of his
vassals. Superstition and the reproaches of his chieftains for his
unworthy suspicions, did the rest; and this first levée en masse
of the descendants of Siahji, arrayed in defence of their national
liberties, was defeated. With justice did the usurper pay homage
to their gallantry, when he exclaimed, on his deliverance from
this peril, “he had nearly lost the empire of Hindustan for a
handful of barley.”[5.3.16]
.fn 5.3.16
In allusion to the poverty of the soil, as unfitted to produce richer
grains [Ferishta ii. 123; see pp. #835#, #931# above].
.fn-
Attack by Akbar, A.D. 1558-62.—Maldeo was destined to outlive
the Shershahi dynasty, and to see the imperial crown of India
once more encircle the brows of the fugitive Humayun.[5.3.17] It had
.bn 450.png
.pn +1
\[28] been well for the Rathors had his years been lengthened;
for his mild disposition and natural indolence of character gave
them some chance that these qualities would be their best advocate.
But he did not long survive the restoration. Whether the
mother of his successor, prince Akbar, not yet fifteen, stimulated
by the recollection of her misfortunes, nursed his young animosity
against Maldeo for the miseries of Umarkot, or, whether it was
merely an act of cautionary policy to curb the Rajput power,
which was inconsistent with his own, in S. 1617 (A.D. 1561) he
invaded Marwar, and laid siege to Malakot or Merta, which he
took after an obstinate and sanguinary defence, part of the
garrison cutting their way through his host, and making good
their retreat to their prince.[5.3.18] The important castle of Nagor was
also captured; and both these strongholds and their lands were
conferred by Akbar on the younger branch of the family, Rae
Singh, prince of Bikaner, now established in independence of the
parent State, Jodhpur.
.fn 5.3.17
There is a biographical account of this monarch, during his exile in
Persia, written by his Abdar, or ‘cup-bearer,’ in the library of Major W.
Yule, of Edinburgh, and which, when translated, will complete the series
of biography of the members of the house of Timur. [The Tazkirātu-l-wāki‘āt
of Jauhar, extracts from which are translated in Elliot-Dowson
v. 136 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.18
[The capture of Merta in 1562 by Sharafu-dīn Husain Mirza is
described in Akbarnāma, trans. H. Beveridge, ii. 247 f.; Smith, Akbar, 59.]
.fn-
In 1625 (A.D. 1569), Maldeo succumbed to necessity; and in
conformity with the times, sent his second son, Chandarsen,[5.3.19]
with gifts to Akbar, then at Ajmer, which had become an integral
part of the monarchy; but Akbar was so dissatisfied with the
disdainful bearing of the desert king, who refused personally to
pay his court, that he not only guaranteed the free possession of
Bikaner to Rae Singh, but presented him with the farman for
Jodhpur itself, with supremacy over his race. Chandarsen
appears to have possessed all the native pride of the Rathor, and
to have been prepared to contest his country’s independence, in
spite of Akbar and the claims of his elder brother, Udai Singh,
who eventually was more supple in ingratiating himself into the
monarch’s favour. At the close of life the old Rao had to stand
a siege in his capital, and after a brave but fruitless resistance,[5.3.20]
was obliged to yield homage, and pay it in the person of his son
.bn 451.png
.pn +1
Udai Singh, who, attending with a contingent, was enrolled
amongst the commanders of ‘one thousand’; and shortly after
was invested with the title of Mota Raja, or ‘the fat Raja,’ by
which epithet alone he is designated in the annals of that period.[5.3.21]
.fn 5.3.19
[The statement that Chandarsen was second son of Māldeo rests on the
Author’s account, and is not mentioned in the Akbarnāma.]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.20
[For the capture of Jodhpur, “the strongest fort in that country,” by
Husain Kuli Khān see Akbarnāma, ii. 305.]
.fn-
.fn 5.3.21
[See Āīn, i. 429 f. Erskine (iii. A. 587) suggests that Mota means
‘good, potent’.]
.fn-
Chandarsen, with a considerable number of the brave vassals
of Maru, determined to cling to independence and the rude fare
of the desert, rather than servilely follow in the train of the
despot. When driven from Jodhpur, they took post in Siwana,
in the western extremity of the State, and there held out to the
death. For seventeen years he maintained his title to the gaddi,
and divided the allegiance of \[29] the Rathors with his elder
brother Udai Singh (though supported by the king), and stood
the storm in which he nobly fell, leaving three sons, Ugarsen,
Askaran, and Rao Singh, who fought a duel with Rao Surthan,
of Sirohi, and was slain, with twenty-four of his chiefs,[5.3.22] near the
town of Datani.
.fn 5.3.22
It was fought with a certain number on each side, Rathors against
Deoras, a branch of the Chauhans, the two bravest of all the Rajput races.
It reminds us of some of the duels related by Froissart.
.fn-
Maldeo, though he submitted to acknowledge the supremacy
of the emperor, was at least spared the degradation of seeing a
daughter of his blood bestowed upon the opponent of his faith;
he died soon after the title was conferred on his son, which sealed
the dependence of Maru. His latter days were a dismal contrast
to those which witnessed his conquests in almost every , but he departed from this world in time to preserve
his own honour untarnished, with the character of the most
valiant and energetic Rajput of his time. Could he have added
to his years and maintained their ancient vigour, he might, by a
junction with Partap of Mewar, who single-handed commenced
his career just as Maldeo’s closed, have maintained Rajput independence
against the rising power of the Moguls.[5.3.23]
.fn 5.3.23
See Vol. I. vol1_385 ff.
.fn-
Maldeo, who died S. 1625 (A.D. 1569), had twelve sons:
.ta lt:3 l:15 cm:1 lm:54 bl=n
1. |Ram Singh, who was banished, and found refuge with the\
Rana of Mewar; he had seven sons, the fifth of whom,\
Keshodas, fixed at Chuli Maheshwar.||
2. |Raemall, who was killed in the battle of Bayana.||
.bn 452.png
.pn +1
3. |Udai Singh, Raja of Marwar.||
4. |Chandarsen, by a wife of the Jhala tribe; had three sons,\
the eldest, Ugarsen, got Binai; he had three sons, Karan,\
Kanji, and Kahan.||
5. |Askaran; descendants at Junia.||
6. |Gopaldas; killed at Idar.||
7. |Prithiraj; descendants at Jalor.||
8. |Ratansi; descendants at Bhadrajun.||
9. |Bheraj; descendants at Ahari.||
.if t
10.| Bikramajit |┐|
11.| Bhan |├| No notice of them \[30].
12.| —— |┘|
.if-
.if h
10.
11.
12.|Bikramajit
Bhan
——||No notice of them \[30].
.if-
.ta-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 4
.sp 2
Vassalage of Mārwār to the Mughals.—The death of Maldeo
formed an important epoch in the annals of the Rathors. Up to
this period the will had waited upon the wish of the gallant
descendants of Siva; but now the vassals of Maru acknowledged
one mightier than they. The banner of the empire floated pre-eminent
over the panchranga, the five-coloured flag, which had
led the Rathors from victory to victory, and waved from the
sandhills of Umarkot to the salt-lake of Sambhar; from the desert
bordering the Gara to the peaks of the Aravalli. Henceforward,
the Rathor princes had, by their actions or subservience, to ascend
by degrees the steps to royal favour. They were required to
maintain a contingent of their proud vassals, headed by the heir,
to serve at the Mogul’s pleasure. Their deeds won them, not
ignobly, the grace of the imperial court; but had slavish submission
been the sole path to elevation, the Rathor princes would
never have attained a grade beyond the first mansab,[5.4.1] conferred
on Udai Singh. Yet though streams of wealth enriched the
barren plains of Maru; although a portion of the spoils of Golkonda
and Bijapur augmented its treasures, decorated its
palaces, and embellished its edifices and mausoleums; although
the desert kings took the ‘right hand’ of all the feudality of
.bn 453.png
.pn +1
Hind, whether indigenous or foreign—a feudal assemblage of no
less than seventy-six petty kingdoms—yet the Rathor felt the
sense of his now degraded condition, and it often burst forth even
in the presence of the suzerain.
.fn 5.4.1
[Rank, prescribing precedence and gradation of pay (Irvine, Army of
the Indian Moghuls, 3 ff.).]
.fn-
Rāo Udai Singh, A.D. 1581-95.—Maldeo’s death occurred in
S. 1625;[5.4.2] but the chronicles do not admit of Udai \[31] Singh’s
elevation until the death of his brother Chandarsen, from which
period we may reckon that he was, though junior, the choice both
of his father and the nobles, who did not approve of Udai Singh’s
submission to Akbar. In fact, the Raja led the royal forces
against the most powerful of his vassals, and resumed almost all
the possessions of the Mertias, and weakened the others.
.fn 5.4.2
[The dates are uncertain; those in the margin follow Erskine (iii. B.
25).]
.fn-
Before we proceed to trace the course pursued by Udai Singh,
who was seated upon the cushion of Maldeo in S. 1640 (A.D. 1584),
let us cast a short retrospect over the annals of Maru, since the
migration of the grandson of the potentate of Kanauj, which,
compared with the ample page of western history, present little
more than a chronicle of hard names, though not destitute of
facts interesting to political science.
Retrospect of Mārwār History.—In the table before the reader,
aided by the explanations in the text, he will see the whole process
of the conquest, peopling, and settlement of an extensive region,
with its partition or allotments amongst an innumerable frèrage
(bhayyad), whose children continue to hold them as vassals of
their king and brother, the descendant of their mutual ancestor
Siahji.
We may divide the annals of Marwar, from the migration of
Siahji from Kanauj to the accession of Udai Singh, into three
distinct epochs:
1. From the settlement of Siahji in the land of Kher, in A.D.
1212, to the conquest of Mandor by Chonda, in A.D. 1381.
2. From the conquest of Mandor to the founding of Jodhpur,
in A.D. 1459; and
3. From the founding of Jodhpur to the accession of Udai
Singh in A.D. 1584, when the Rathors acknowledged the supremacy
of the empire.
The two first epochs were occupied in the subjugation of the
western portion of the desert from the ancient allodiality; nor
.bn 454.png
.pn +1
was it until Chonda conquered Mandor, on the decline of the
Chauhans of the east, that the fertile lands on either side of the
Luni were formed into fiefs for the children of Ranmall and Jodha.
A change of capital with the Rajput is always productive of
change in the internal organisation of the State; and not unfrequently
the race changes its appellation with its capital.
The foundation of Jodhpur was a new era, and henceforth
the throne of Maru could only be occupied by the tribe of
Jodha, and from branches not constituting the vassals of the
crown, who were cut off from succession. This is a peculiar
\[32] feature in Rajput policy, and is common to the whole
race, as will be hereafter more distinctly pointed out in the
annals of Ajmer.
Feudalism in Mārwār.—Jodha, with all the ambition of the
founder of a State, gave a new form to the feudal institutions of
his country. Necessity, combined with pride, led him to promulgate
a statute of limitation of the sub-infeudations of Maru.
The immense progeny of his father Ranmall, twenty-four sons,
and his own, of fourteen, almost all of whom had numerous issue,
rendered it requisite to fix the number and extent of the fiefs;
and amongst them, henceforward constituting permanently the
frèrage of Maru, the lands were partitioned, Kandhal having
emigrated and established his own numerous issue, the Kandhalots,
in Bikaner. The two brothers next to Jodha, namely,
Champa and Kumpa, with his two sons, Duda and Karamsi, and
his grandson, Uda, were declared the heads of the feudal association
under their names, the Champawats, Kumpawats, Mertias
(sons of Duda), Karamsots, and Udawats, and continue to be
“the pillars of Maru.” Eight great estates, called the ath thakurat,
or ‘eight lordships’ of Marwar, each of the nominal annual value
of fifty thousand rupees (£5000), were settled on these persons,
and their immense influence has obtained many others for
younger branches of their clans. The title of the first noble of
Maru was given to Champa and his issue, who have often made
its princes tremble on their thrones. Besides these, inferior
appanages were settled on the junior branches, brothers, sons,
and grandsons of Jodha, which were also deemed hereditary and
irresumable; to use their own phrase, their bat,[5.4.3] or ‘allotment,’
to which they consider their title as sacred as that of their prince
.bn 455.png
.pn +1
to his throne, of whom they say, “When our services are acceptable,
then is he our lord; when not, we are again his brothers and
kin, claimants, and laying claim to the land.”[5.4.4]
.fn 5.4.3
From batna, ‘to divide, to partition.’
.fn-
.fn 5.4.4
See the remonstrance of the vassal descendants of these chiefs, expelled
their patrimony by their prince, to the English enemy, Vol. I. p. vol1_230.
.fn-
Rao Maldeo confirmed this division of Jodha, though he
increased the secondary fiefs, and as the boundaries of Marwar
were completed in his reign, it was essentially necessary to confirm
the limitation. The feudal States of Marwar are, therefore,
perpetuated in the offspring of the princes from Jodha to Maldeo,
and a distinction exists between them and those subsequently
conferred; the first, being \[33] obtained by conquest, are deemed
irrevocable, and must be perpetuated by adoption on the failure
of lineal issue; whereas the other may, on lapses, be resumed and
added to the fisc whence it emanated. The fiscal domain of the
Rajput princes cannot, says their traditionary lore, be alienated
for more than a life-interest; but this wise rule, though visible
in anecdotes of past days, has been infringed with their general
disorganization. These instances, it may be asserted, afford the
distinctions of allodial and feudal lands. Of the numerous clans,
the issue of Siahji to Jodha, which are spread over the northern
and western parts of the State, some, partly from the difficulty
of their position, partly from a feeling of respect to their remote
ancestry, enjoy almost entire independence. Yet they recognize
the prince of Maru as their liege lord when his crown is endangered,
and render homage on his accession or any great family event.
These clans hold without grant or fine, and may properly be called
the allodial chieftains. Of this number we may enumerate the
lordships of Barmer, Kotra, Sheo, Phulsund, etc. Others there
are who, though less independent, may also be styled the allodiality
of Marwar, who are to furnish their quotas when demanded,
and perform personal homage on all great days of rejoicing; of
these are Mewa, Sindari, etc. The ancient clans scattered over
the land, or serving the more modern chieftains, are recognized
by their patronymic distinctions, by those versed in the chronicles;
though many hear the names of Duharka, Mangalia, Uhar, and
Dhandal, without knowing them to be Rathor. The mystic page
of the bard is always consulted previous to any marriage, in order
to prevent a violation of the matrimonial canons of the Rajputs,
which are stricter than the Mosaic, and this keeps up the knowledge
.bn 456.png
.pn +1
of the various branches of their own and other races, which
would otherwise
Whatever term may be applied to these institutions of a
martial race, and which for the sake of being more readily understood
we have elsewhere called, and shall continue to designate,
“feudal,” we have not a shadow of doubt that they were common
to the Rajput races from the remotest ages, and that Siahji
conveyed them from the seat of his ancestors, Kanauj. A finer
picture does not exist of the splendour of a feudal array than the
camp of its last monarch, Jaichand, in the contest with the
Chauhan. The annals of each and every State bear evidence to
a system strictly parallel to that of Europe; more especially
Mewar, where, thirteen hundred years ago, we see the entire
feudatories of the State throwing up their grants, giving their
liege lord defiance, and threatening him with their \[34] vengeance.
Yet, having “eaten his salt,” they forbore to proceed to hostilities
till a whole year had elapsed, at the expiration of which they
deposed him.[5.4.5] Akbar, who was partial to Hindu institutions,
borrowed much from them, in all that concerned his own
regulations.
.fn 5.4.5
See Vol. I. p. vol1_266.
.fn-
In contrasting these customs with analogous ones in the West,
the reader should never lose sight of one point, which must
influence the analogy, namely, the patriarchal form which
characterizes the feudal system in all countries; and as, amongst
the Rajputs, all their vassalage is of their own kin and blood
(save a slight mixture of foreign nobles as a counterpoise), the
paternity of the sovereign is no fiction, as in Europe; so that
from the son of Champa, who takes the right hand of his prince,
to the meanest vassal, who serves merely for his peti[5.4.6] (rations),
all are linked by the tie of consanguinity, of which it is difficult
to say whether it is most productive of evil or good, since it has
afforded examples as brilliant and as dark as any in the history
of mankind. The devotion which made twelve thousand, out
of the fifty thousand, “sons of Jodha” prove their fidelity to
Maldeo has often been emulated even to the present day.
.fn 5.4.6
Literally, ‘a bellyful.’
.fn-
The chronicles, as before stated, are at variance with regard
to the accession of Udai Singh: some date it from the death of
Maldeo, in S. 1625 (A.D. 1569); others from that of his elder
brother Chandarsen, slain in the storm of Siwana. The name of
.bn 457.png
.pn +1
Udai appears one of evil portent in the annals of Rajasthan.[5.4.7]
While “Udai, the fat,” was inhaling the breeze of imperial power,
which spread a haze of prosperity over Maru, Partap of Mewar,
the idol of the Rajputs, was enduring every hardship in the
attempt to work out his country’s independence, which had been
sacrificed by his father, Udai Singh. In this he failed, but he left
a name hallowed in the hearts of his countrymen, and immortalized
in the imperishable verse of the bard.
.fn 5.4.7
Instead of being, as it imports, the ‘ascending,’ (Skt. udaya), it should
for ever, in both the houses of Maru and Mewar, signify ‘setting’; the
pusillanimity of the one sunk Mewar, that of the other Marwar.
.fn-
On the union of the imperial house with that of Jodhpur, by
the marriage of Jodh Bai to Akbar,[5.4.8] the emperor not only restored
all the possessions he had wrested from Marwar, with the exception
of Ajmer, but several rich districts in Malwa, whose revenues
doubled the resources of his own fiscal domain. With the aid
of his imperial brother-in-law, he greatly diminished the power
of the feudal aristocracy \[35], and clipped the wings of almost
all the greater vassals, while he made numerous sequestrations
of the lands of the ancient allodiality and lesser vassals; so that
it is stated, that, either by new settlement or confiscation, he
added fourteen hundred villages to the fisc. He resumed almost
all the lands of the sons of Duda, who, from their abode, were
termed Mertia; took Jaitaran from the Udawats, and other
towns of less note from the sons of Champa and Kumpa.
.fn 5.4.8
[There has been some controversy about Jodh Bāī, but it is clear that
she was wife of Jahāngīr, not of Akbar (Āīn, i. 619).]
.fn-
Udai Singh was not ungrateful for the favours heaped upon
him by the emperor, for whom his Rathors performed many
signal services: for the raja was latterly too unwieldy for any
steed to bear him to battle. The “king of the Desert” (the
familiar epithet applied to him by Akbar) had a numerous progeny;
no less than thirty-four legitimate sons and daughters, who added
new clans and new estates to the feudal association of Maru:
of these the most conspicuous are Govindgarh and Pisangan;
while some obtained settlements beyond its limits which became
independent and bear the name of the founders. Of these are
Kishangarh and Ratlam in Malwa.
Death of Rāo Udai Singh.—Udai Singh died thirteen years
after his inauguration on the cushion of Jodha, and thirty-three
.bn 458.png
.pn +1
after the death of Maldeo. The manner of his death, as related
in the biographical sketches termed Khyat, affords such a specimen
of superstition and of Rajput manners that it would be improper
to omit it. The narrative is preceded by some reflections on
the moral education of the Rathor princes, and the wise restraints
imposed upon them under the vigilant control of chiefs of approved
worth and fidelity; so that, to use the words of the text, “they
often passed their twentieth year, ignorant of woman.” If the
“fat raja” had ever known this moral restraint, in his riper years
he forgot it; for although he had no less than twenty-seven
queens, he cast the eye of desire on the virgin-daughter of a
subject, and that subject a Brahman.
Brāhman sacrifices his Daughter.—It was on the raja’s return
from court to his native land that he beheld the damsel, and
he determined, notwithstanding the sacred character of her
father and his own obligations as the dispenser of law and justice,
to enjoy the object of his admiration. The Brahman was an
Ayapanthi,[5.4.9] or votary of Ayamata, whose shrine is at Bhavi-Bhilara.
These sectarians of Maru, very different from the abstinent
Brahmans of Bengal, eat flesh, drink wine, and share in all the
common enjoyments of life with the martial spirits around them.
Whether the scruples of the \[36] daughter were likely to be easily
overcome by her royal tempter, or whether the raja threatened
force, the Khyat does not inform us; but as there was no other
course by which the father could save her from pollution but by
her death, he resolved to make it one of vengeance and horror.
He dug a sacrificial pit, and having slain his daughter, cut her
into fragments, and mingling therewith pieces of flesh from his
own person, made the Homa, or burnt sacrifice to Ayamata,
and as the smoke and flames ascended he pronounced an imprecation
on the raja: “Let peace be a stranger to him! and in
three pahars,[5.4.10] three days, and three years, let me have revenge!”
Then exclaiming, “My future dwelling is the Dabhi Baori!”
sprung into the flaming pit. The horrid tale was related to the
raja, whose imagination was haunted by the shade of the Brahman;
.bn 459.png
.pn +1
and he expired at the assigned period, a prey to unceasing
remorse.
.fn 5.4.9
[This is one of the Jogi orders (Rose, Glossary, ii. 9). The Author
(Western India, 136) says that Ayāmāta is tutelary goddess of the Koli
tribe. One branch of the Lohānas specially worship her (Census Report,
Mārwār, 1891, ii. 139).]
.fn-
.fn 5.4.10
A pahar is a watch of the day, about three hours.
.fn-
Superstition is sometimes made available for moral ends;
and the shade of the Ayapanthi Brahman of Bhilara has been
evoked, in subsequent ages, to restrain and lead unto virtue
libidinous princes, when all other control has been unavailing.
The celebrated Jaswant Singh, the great-grandson of Udai, had
an amour with the daughter of one of his civil officers, and which
he carried on at the Dabhi Baori.[5.4.11] But the avenging ghost of
the Brahman interposed between him and his wishes. A dreadful
struggle ensued, in which Jaswant lost his senses, and no
effort could banish the impression from his mind. The ghost
persecuted his fancy, and he was generally believed to be possessed
with a wicked spirit, which, when exorcised, was made to say
he would only depart on the self-sacrifice of a chief equal in
dignity to Jaswant. Nahar Khan, “the tiger lord,” chief of the
Kumpawat clan, who led the van in all his battles, immediately
offered his head in expiation for his prince; and he had no
sooner expressed this loyal determination, than the holy men
who exorcised the spirit caused it to descend into a vessel of
water, and having waved it thrice round his head, they presented
it to Nahar Khan, who drank it off, and Jaswant’s senses were
instantly restored. This miraculous transfer of the ghost is
implicitly believed by every chief of Rajasthan, by whom Nahar
was called “the faithful of the faithful.” Previous to dying, he
called his son, and imposed on him and his descendants, by the
solemnity of an oath, the abjuration of the office of Pardhan, or
hereditary premier of Marwar, whose dignity involved such a
sacrifice \[37]; and from that day the Champawats of Awa
succeeded the Kumpawats of Asop, who renounced the first seat
on the right for that on the left of their princes.
.fn 5.4.11
A reservoir excavated by one of the Dabhi tribe. [This is a mistake.
The proper name is Tāpi Bāori or ‘pit of fire’ (Census Report, Mārwār,
1891, ii. 65). For similar ghost stories see Crooke, Popular Religion and
Folklore of N. India, i. 193 ff. The original name of Nāhar Khān, before
his conversion to Islām, was Mukunddās.]
.fn-
We shall conclude the reign of Udai Singh with the register
of his issue from “the Book of Kings.” It is by no means an
unimportant document to such as are interested in these singular
communities, and essentially useful to those who are called upon
.bn 460.png
.pn +1
to interfere in their national concerns. Here we see the affinities
of the branch (sakha) to the parent tree, which in one short century
has shaded the whole land; and to which the independents of
Kishangarh, Rupnagarh, and Ratlam, as well as the feudal
chiefs of Govindgarh, Khairwa, and Pisangan, all issues from
Udai Singh, look for protection.
Issue of Raja Udai Singh:—
.ta r:3 h:23 c:2 l:40 bl=n
1. |Sur Singh, succeeded. ||
2. |Akhairaj.| |
3. |Bhagwandas; had issue Bala, Gopaldas, Govinddas, who\
founded Govindgarh. ||
4. |Narardas |┐|
5. |Sakat Singh |├| had no issue attaining eminence.
6. |Bhopat |┘|
7. |Dalpat had four sons: 1. Maheshdas, whose son, Ratna,\
founded Ratlam;[5.4.12] 2. Jaswant Singh; 3. Partap\
Singh; 4. Kaniram. ||
8. |Jeth had four sons: 1. Har Singh; 2. Amra; 3.\
Kaniram; 4. Premraj, whose descendants held lands\
in the tract called Balati and Khairwa.||
9. |Kishan, in S. 1669 (A.D. 1613), founded Kishangarh; he\
had three sons, Sahasmall, Jagmall, Biharmall, who\
had Hari Singh, who had Rup Singh, who founded\
Rupnagarh. ||
10. |Jaswant, his son Man founded Manpura, his issue called\
Manpura Jodha. ||
11. |Kesho founded Pisangan. ||
12. |Ramdas. |┐|
13. |Puranmall. |│|
14. |Madhodas. |├| No mention of them.
15. |Mohandas. |│|
16. |Kirat Singh. |│|
17. |—— |┘|
.ta-
And seventeen daughters not registered in the chronicle \[38].
.fn 5.4.12
Ratlam, Kishangarh, and Rupnagarh are independent, and all under
the separate protection of the British Government.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 461.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 5
.sp 2
Rāja Sūr Singh, A.D. 1595-1620.—Sur Singh succeeded in S.
1651 (A.D. 1595). He was serving with the Imperial forces at
Lahore, where he had commanded since S. 1648, when intelligence
reached him of his father’s death. His exploits and services
were of the most brilliant nature, and had obtained for him,
even during his father’s life, the title of “Sawai Raja,”[5.5.1] and a
high grade amongst the dignitaries of the empire. He was commanded
by Akbar to reduce the arrogant prince of Sirohi, who,
trusting to the natural strength of his mountainous country,
still refused to acknowledge a liege lord. This service well
accorded with his private views, for he had a feud (wair) with
Rao Surthan, which, according to the chronicle, he completely
revenged. “He avenged his feud with Surthan and plundered
Sirohi. The Rao had not a pallet left to sleep upon, but was
obliged to make a bed for his wives upon the earth.” This
appears to have humbled the Deora, “who, in his pride, shot
his arrows at the sun for daring to shine upon him.”
.fn 5.5.1
[Sawāi means ‘a quarter better than any one else.’]
.fn-
Campaign in Gujarāt.—Surthan accepted the imperial \[39]
farman in token of submission, and agreed to serve with a contingent
of his hardy clansmen in the war then entrusted to Raja
Sur against the king of Gujarat, whose success we shall relate in
the simple language of the chronicle: “The Raja took the pan
against the king Muzaffar, with the title of viceroy of Gujarat.
The armies met at Dhandhuka,[5.5.2] where a terrible conflict ensued.
The Rathors lost many valiant men, but the Shah was defeated,
and lost all the insignia of his greatness. He sent the spoil of
seventeen thousand towns to the king, but kept a crore of drabs[5.5.3]
for himself, which he sent to Jodhpur, and therewith he enlarged
the town and fort. For this service Akbar increased his mansab,
and sent him a sword, with a khilat, and a grant of fresh lands.”
.fn 5.5.2
[Dhandhuka about 40 miles W. of Cambay; the account in the text
is possibly a confused reference to the insurrection of Muzaffar Husain
Mīrza, which began in 1577 and ended in the suicide of the rebel in 1591-92
(BG, i. Part i. 268 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.3
[Coins, perhaps gold mohurs (Skt. dravya, ‘wealth’)].
.fn-
.bn 462.png
.pn +1
Raja Sur, it appears in the sequel, provided liberally for the
bards; for no less than “six lords of verse,” whose names are
given, had in gift £10,000 each of the spoils of Gujarat, as incentives
to song.
On the conquest of Gujarat, Raja Sur was ordered to the
Deccan. “He obeyed, and with thirteen thousand horse, ten
large guns, and twenty elephants, he fought three grand battles.
On the Rewa (Nerbudda) he attacked Amra Balecha,[5.5.4] who had
five thousand horse, whom he slew, and reduced all his country.
For this service the king sent him a naubat (kettle-drum), and
conferred on him Dhar and its domain.”
.fn 5.5.4
Balecha is one of the Chauhan tribes. [It does not appear in recent
lists.]
.fn-
On Akbar’s death and the accession of Jahangir, Sur Singh
attended at court with his son and heir, Gaj Singh, whom the
king with his own hands invested with the sword, for his bravery
in the escalade of Jalor, which had been conquered by the monarch
of Gujarat and added to his domain. The poet thus relates the
event: “Gaj[5.5.5] was commanded against Bihari Pathan; his
war-trump sounded; Arbuda [Abu] heard and trembled. What
took Alau-d-din years, Gaj accomplished in three months; he
escaladed Jalandhara[5.5.6] sword in hand; many a Rathor of fame
was killed, but he put to the sword seven thousand Pathans,
whose spoils were sent to the king.”
.fn 5.5.5
Gaj, ‘the elephant.’
.fn-
.fn 5.5.6
Classical appellation of Jalor.
.fn-
Raja Sur, it would appear, after the overthrow of the dynasty
of Gujarat, remained at the capital, while his son and heir, Gaj
Singh, attended the king’s \[40] commands, and, soon after the
taking of Jalor, was ordered with the Marwar contingent against
Rana Amra of Mewar: it was at the very moment of its expiring
liberties,[5.5.7] for the chronicle merely adds, “Karan agreed to serve
the king, and Gaj Singh returned to Taragarh.[5.5.8] The king
increased both his own mansab (dignity) and that of his father,
Raja Sur.”
.fn 5.5.7
The chronicle says, “In S. 1669 (A.D. 1613), the king formed an army
against the Rana”; which accords exactly with the date in the emperor’s
own memoirs.
.fn-
.fn 5.5.8
Ajmer, of which the citadel is styled Taragarh.
.fn-
Thus the Rajput chronicler, solicitous only to record the fame
of his own princes, does not deem it necessary to concern himself
.bn 463.png
.pn +1
with the agents conjoined with them, so that a stranger to the
events of the period would imagine, from the high relief given to
their actions, that the Rathor princes commanded in all the great
events described; for instance, that just mentioned, involving
the submission of the Rana, when Raja Gaj was merely one of
the great leaders who accompanied the Mogul heir-apparent,
Prince Khurram, on this memorable occasion. In the Diary of
Jahangir, the emperor, recording this event, does not even
mention the Rathor prince, though he does those of Kotah and
Datia, as the instruments by which Prince Khurram carried on
the negotiation;[5.5.9] from which we conclude that Raja Gaj merely
acted a military part in the grand army which then invaded
Mewar.
.fn 5.5.9
See Annals of Mewār, Vol. I. p. vol1_418.
.fn-
Death of Rāja Sūr Singh, A.D. 1620: his Character.—Raja
Sur died in the Deccan, in S. 1676 (A.D. 1620). He added greatly
to the lustre of the Rathor name, was esteemed by the emperor,
and, as the bard expresses it, “His spear was frightful to the
Southron.” Whether Raja Sur disapproved of the exterminating
warfare carried on in these regions, or was exasperated at the
unlimited service he was doomed to, which detained him from
his native land, he, in his last moments, commanded a pillar to
be erected with a curse engraven thereon, imprecated upon any
of his race who should once cross the Nerbudda. From his boyhood
he had been almost an alien to his native land: he had
accompanied his father wherever he led the aid of Maru, was serving
at Lahore at the period of his accession, and died far from
the monuments of his fathers, in the heart of the peninsula.
Although the emperor was not ungrateful in his estimate of these
services,—for Raja Sur held by patent no less than “sixteen \[41]
grand fiefs”[5.5.10] of the empire, and with the title of Sawai raised
above all the princes, his associates at court,—it was deemed no
compensation for perpetual absence from the hereditary domain,
thus abandoned to the management of servants. The great
.bn 464.png
.pn +1
vassals, his clansmen, participated in this dissatisfaction, separated
from their wives, families, and estates; for to them the pomp of
imperial greatness, or the sunshine of court-favour, was as nothing
when weighed against the exercise of their influence within their
own cherished patrimony. The simple fare of the desert was
dearer to the Rathor than all the luxuries of the imperial banquet,
which he turned from with disgust to the recollection of “the
green pulse of Mandawar,” or his favourite rabri, or ‘maize
porridge,’ the prime dish with the Rathor. These minor associations
conjoined with greater evils to increase the mal de pays,
of whose influence no human being is more susceptible than the
brave Rajput.
.fn 5.5.10
Of these, nine were the subdivisions of his native dominions, styled
“The Nine Castles of Maru”; for on becoming one of the great feudatories
of the empire, he made a formal surrender of these, receiving them again
by grant, renewed on every lapse, with all the ceremonies of investiture and
relief. Five were in Gujarat, one in Malwa, and one in the Deccan. We see
that thirteen thousand horse was the contingent of Marwar for the lands
thus held.
.fn-
Raja Sur greatly added to the beauty of his capital, and left
several works which bear his name; amongst them, not the least
useful in that arid region, is the lake called the Sur Sagar, or
‘Warrior’s Sea,’ which irrigates the gardens on its margin. He
left six sons and seven daughters, of whose issue we have no
account, namely, Gaj Singh, his successor; Sabal Singh, Biramdeo,
Bijai Singh, Partap Singh, and Jaswant Singh.
Rāja Gaj Singh, A.D. 1620-38.—Raja Gaj, who succeeded his
father in A.D. 1620, was born at Lahore, and the tika of investiture
found him in the royal camp at Burhanpur. The bearer of it
was Darab Khan, the son of the Khankhanan,[5.5.11] or premier noble
of the emperor’s court, who, as the imperial proxy, girt Raja
Gaj with the sword. Besides the “nine castles” (Naukoti Marwar),
his patrimony, his patent contained a grant of “seven divisions”
of Gujarat, of the district of Jhalai in Dhundhar; and what was
of more consequence to him, though of less intrinsic value, that
of Masuda in Ajmer, the heirloom of his house. Besides these
marks of distinction, he received the highest proof of confidence
in the elevated post of viceroy of the Deccan; and, as a special
testimony of imperial favour, the Rathor cavaliers composing
his contingent were exempted from the dagh,[5.5.12] that is, having
their steeds branded with the imperial signet. His elder son,
Amra Singh, served with \[42] his father in all his various battles,
to the success of which his conspicuous gallantry on every occasion
contributed. In the sieges and battles of Kirkigarh, Golkonda,
.bn 465.png
.pn +1
Khelna, Parnala, Gajangarh, Asir and Satara, the Rathors had
their full share of glory, which obtained for their leader the
title of Dalthaman, or ‘barrier of the host.’ We have already[5.5.13]
remarked the direct influence which the Rajput princes had in
the succession to the imperial dignity, consequent upon the inter-marriage
of their daughters with the crown, and the various
interests arising therefrom. Sultan Parvez, the elder son and
heir of Jahangir, was the issue of a princess of Marwar,[5.5.14] while
the second son, Khurram, as his name imports, was the son of a
Kachhwaha[5.5.15] princess of Amber. Being the offspring of polygamy
and variously educated, these princes were little disposed
to consider consanguinity as a bond of natural union; and
their respective mothers, with all the ambition of their race,
thought of nothing but obtaining the diadem for the head of
their children. With either of these rival queens, the royal
children who were not her own had no affinity with her or hers,
and these feelings were imparted from the birth to their issue,
and thus it too often happened that the heir of the throne was
looked upon with an envious eye, as a bar to be removed at all
hazards. This evil almost neutralized the great advantages
derived from intermarriage with the indigenous races of India;
but it was one which would have ceased with polygamy.
.fn 5.5.11
[Mirza Abdu-r-rahīm, son of Bairām Khān (Āīn, i. 334 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.12
[For this branding system see Āīn, i. 139 f.; Irvine, Army of the Indian
Moghuls, 45 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.13
See Vol. I. p. vol1_435.
.fn-
.fn 5.5.14
[Parvez or Parvīz was son of Sāhib Jamāl, daughter of Khwāja Hasan,
uncle of Zain Khān Koka; but this is not quite certain (Āīn, i. 310; Tuzuk-i-Jahāngīri,
trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 19; Beale, Oriental Biographical
Dict. s.v.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.15
Kachhua and Khurram are synonymous terms for the race which rules
Amber—the Tortoises of Rajasthan. [This is an extraordinary misapprehension.
Khurram is a Persian word, meaning ‘pleased, glad’; the
Author confuses it with Skt. Kūrma, ‘a tortoise.’ The mother of Khurram,
Balmati or Jagat Gosāīn, was daughter of Udai Singh of Mārwār; see
Tuzuk, 19; Beale, s.v. Shāh Jahān.]
.fn-
Death of Parvez, A.D. 1626.—Khurram felt his superiority over
his elder brother, Parvez, in all but the accidental circumstance
of birth. He was in every respect a better man, and a braver
and more successful soldier; and, having his ambition thus early
nurtured by the stimulants administered by Bhim of Mewar,
and the intrepid Mahabat,[5.5.16] he determined to remove this barrier
.bn 466.png
.pn +1
between him and the crown. His views were first developed
whilst leading the armies in the Deccan, and he communicated
them to Raja Gaj of Marwar, who held the post of honour next
the prince, and solicited his aid to place him on the throne.
Gratitude for the favours heaped upon him by the king, as well
as the natural bias to Parvez, made the Raja turn a deaf ear to
his application. The prince tried to gain his point through
Govinddas, a Rajput of the Bhatti tribe, one of the foreign nobles
of Maru, and confidential adviser of his prince; but, as the annals
say, “Govinddas reckoned no one but his master and the \[43]
king.” Frustrated in this, Khurram saw no hopes of success
but by disgusting the Rathors, and he caused the faithful Govinddas
to be assassinated by Kishan Singh;[5.5.17] on which Raja Gaj,
in disgust, threw up his post, and marched to his native land.
From the assassination of Parvez, which soon followed,[5.5.18] the
deposal of his father appeared but a step; and Khurram had
collected means, which he deemed adequate to the design, when
Jahangir appealed to the fidelity of the Rajputs, to support him
against filial ingratitude and domestic treason; and, in their
general obedience to the call, they afforded a distinguished proof
of the operation of the first principle, Gaddi-ka-an, allegiance to
the throne, often obeyed without reference to the worth of its
occupant. The princes of Marwar, Amber, Kotah, and Bundi
put themselves at the head of their household retainers on this
occasion, which furnishes a confirmation of a remark already
made, that the respective annals of the States of Rajasthan so
rarely embrace the contemporaneous events of the rest, as to
lead to the conclusion that by the single force of each State this
rebellion was put down. This remark will be further exemplified
from the annals of Bundi.
.fn 5.5.16
A Rajput of the Rana’s house, converted to the faith. [Mahābat Khān,
Khānkhānān, Sipāhsālār Zamāna Beg, was not a Rājput, but son of Ghiyās
Beg, Kābuli (Manucci i. 167; Elliot-Dowson vi. 288).
.fn-
.fn 5.5.17
This was the founder of Kishangarh; for this iniquitous service he was
made an independent Raja in the town which he erected. His descendant
is now an ally by treaty with the British Government. [Kishan Singh,
born A.D. 1575, founded Kishangarh, a State in the centre of Rājputāna,
in 1611, died 1615 (IGI, xv. 311).]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.18
[Parvez died at Burhānpur in 1626. “He was first attacked with
colic, then he became insensible, and after medical treatment fell into a
heavy sleep.... His illness was attributed to excessive drinking” (Elliot-Dowson
vi. 429).]
.fn-
Offence given to the Rāthors.—Jahangir was so pleased with
the zeal of the Rathor prince—alarmed as he was at the advance
.bn 467.png
.pn +1
of the rebels—that he not only took him by the hand, but what
is most unusual, kissed it. When the assembled princes came
in sight of the rebels, near Benares, the emperor gave the harawal,
or vanguard, to the Kachhwaha prince, the Mirza raja of Amber.
Whether this was a point of policy, to secure his acting against
prince Khurram, who was born of this race, or merely, as the
Marwar annals state, because he brought the greater number into
the field, is immaterial; but it was very nearly fatal in its consequences:
for the proud Rathor, indignant at the insult offered
to him in thus bestowing the post of honour, which was his right,
upon the rival race of Amber, furled his banners, separated from
the royal army, and determined to be a quiet spectator of the
result. But for the impetuous Bhim of Mewar, the adviser of
Khurram, he might that day have been emperor of India. He
sent a taunting message to Raja Gaj, either to join their cause or
“draw their swords.” The Rathors overlooked the neglect of
the king in the sarcasm of one of their own tribe; and Bhim was
slain, Govinddas avenged, the rebellion quelled, and Khurram
put to flight, chiefly by the Rathors and Haras \[44].
Death of Rāja Gaj Singh, A.D. 1638.—In S. 1694 (A.D. 1638),
Raja Gaj was slain in an expedition into Gujarat;[5.5.19] but whether
in the fulfilment of the king’s commands, or in the chastisement
of freebooters on his own southern frontier, the chronicles do not
inform us. He left a distinguished name in the annals of his
country, and two valiant sons, Amra and Jaswant, to maintain
it: another son, Achal, died in infancy.
.fn 5.5.19
[By another account he died at Agra (Erskine iii. A, 59).]
.fn-
Rāja Jaswant Singh, A.D. 1638-78.—The second son, Jaswant,
succeeded, and furnishes another of many instances in the annals
of Rajputana, of the rights of primogeniture being set aside. This
proceeded from a variety of motives, sometimes merely paternal
affection, sometimes incapacity in the child “to head fifty thousand
Rathors,” and sometimes, as in the present instance, a dangerous
turbulence and ever-boiling impetuosity in the individual, which
despised all restraints. While there was an enemy against whom
to exert it, Amra was conspicuous for his gallantry, and in all his
father’s wars in the south was ever foremost in the battle. His
daring spirit collected around him those of his own race, alike in
mind, as connected by blood, whose actions, in periods of
peace, were the subjects of eternal complaint to his father,
.bn 468.png
.pn +1
who was ultimately compelled to exclude Amra from his inheritance.
Amra, Amar Singh excluded from the Succession.—In the
month of Baisakh, S. 1690 (A.D. 1634), five years before the death
of Raja Gaj, in a convocation of all the feudality of Maru, sentence
of exclusion from the succession was pronounced upon Amra,
accompanied by the solemn and seldom practised rite of Desvata
or exile. This ceremony, which is marked as a day of mourning
in the calendar, was attended with all the circumstances of
funereal pomp. As soon as the sentence was pronounced, that
his birthright was forfeited and assigned to his junior brother,
and that he ceased to be a subject of Maru, the khilat of banishment
was brought forth, consisting of sable vestments, in which
he was clad; a sable shield was hung upon his back, and a sword
of the same hue girded round him; a black horse was then led
out, being mounted on which, he was commanded, though not in
anger, to depart whither he listed beyond the limits of Maru.
Amra went not alone; numbers of each clan, who had always
regarded him as their future lord, voluntarily partook of his exile.
He repaired to the imperial court; and although the emperor
approved and sanctioned his banishment, he employed him. His
gallantry soon won him the title of Rao and the mansab of a
leader of three thousand, with the grant of Nagor as an independent
domain, to be held directly from the crown. But the same
arrogant and uncontrollable spirit \[45] which lost him his birthright,
brought his days to a tragical conclusion. He absented
himself for a fortnight from court, hunting the boar or the tiger,
his only recreation. The emperor (Shah Jahan) reprimanded
him for neglecting his duties, and threatened him with a fine.
Amra proudly replied that he had only gone to hunt, and as for
a fine, he observed, putting his hand upon his sword, that was
his sole wealth.
Amra, Amar assassinates Salābat Khān.—The little contrition
which this reply evinced determined the king to enforce the fine,
and the paymaster-general, Salabat Khan,[5.5.20] was sent to Amra’s
.bn 469.png
.pn +1
quarters to demand its payment. It was refused, and the observations
made by the Sayyid not suiting the temper of Amra, he
unceremoniously desired him to depart. The emperor, thus
insulted in the person of his officer, issued a mandate for Amra’s
instant appearance. He obeyed, and having reached the Amm-khass,
or grand divan, beheld the king, “whose eyes were red
with anger,” with Salabat in the act of addressing him. Inflamed
with passion at the recollection of the injurious language
he had just received, perhaps at the king’s confirmation of his
exclusion from Marwar, he unceremoniously passed the Omrahs
of five and seven thousand, as if to address the king; when, with
a dagger concealed in his sleeve, he stabbed Salabat to the heart.
Drawing his sword, he made a blow at the king, which descending
on the pillar, shivered the weapon in pieces. The king abandoned
his throne and fled to the interior apartments. All was uproar
and confusion. Amra continued the work of death, indifferent
upon whom his blows fell, and five Mogul chiefs of eminence had
fallen, when his brother-in-law, Arjun Gaur, under pretence of
cajoling him, inflicted a mortal wound, though he continued to
ply his dagger until he expired. To avenge his death, his retainers,
headed by Balu Champawat and Bhao Kumpawat, put on their
saffron garments, and a fresh carnage ensued within the Lal
kila.[5.5.21] To use the words of their native bard, “The pillars of
Agra bear testimony to their deeds, nor shall they ever be obliterated
from the record of time: they made their obeisance to
.bn 470.png
.pn +1
Amra in the mansions of the sun.” The faithful band was cut to
pieces; and his wife, the princess of Bundi, came in person and
\[46] carried away the dead body of Amra, with which she committed
herself to the flames. The Bokhara gate by which they
gained admission was built up, and henceforward known only as
“Amra Singh’s gate”; and in proof of the strong impression
made by this event,[5.5.22] it remained closed through centuries, until
opened in 1809 by Capt. Geo. Steell, of the Bengal engineers.[5.5.23]
.fn 5.5.20
Salabat Khan Bakhshi, he is called. The office of Bakhshi is not only
one of paymaster (as it implies), but of inspection and audit. We can
readily imagine, with such levies as he had to muster and pay, his post was
more honourable than secure, especially with such a band as was headed by
Amra, ready to take offence if the wind but displaced their moustache.
The annals declare that Amra had a feud (vair) with Salabat; doubtless for
no better reason than that he fulfilled the trust reposed in him by the
emperor. [The title Khān implies that Salābat Khān was a Pathān, not
a Sayyid, whose title would be Mīr.]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.21
The palace within the citadel (kila), built of red (lal) freestone. [This
tragedy occurred on August 5, 1644 (Beale, Oriental Biographical Dict. s.v.
“Salābat Khān,” gives July 25, 1644). European writers of the period give
varying accounts of what seems to have been the same event. Tavernier
(ed. Ball, ii. 219) says that the victim was “the Grand Master of the King’s
house,” and that it occurred in 1642. Manucci states that the officer who
was assassinated was the Wazīr, Wazīr Khān (i. 207 f.). It forms the
subject of a popular song, still sung by the bards (Temple, Legends of the
Panjāb, ii. 242 ff.). Though the assassination occurred at Agra, a mark is
still shown on a pillar in the Dīwān-i-‘Āmm at Delhi, possibly marking the
same occurrence, where a prince of Chitor is said to have stabbed one of the
ministers (Sleeman, Rambles, 515). The tomb of Bakhshi Salābat Khān
stands between Agra and Sikandra (Syad Muhammad Latif, Agra, 77, 195).]
.fn-
.fn 5.5.22
It may be useful to record such facts, by the way of contrast with the
state policy of the west, and for the sake of observing that which would
actuate the present paramount power of India should any of its tributary
princes defy them as Amra did that of the universal potentate of that
country. Even these despots borrowed a lesson of mercy from the Rajput
system, which does not deem treason hereditary, nor attaints a whole line
for the fault of one unworthy link. Shah Jahan, instead of visiting the sins
of the father on the son, installed him in his fief of Nagor. This son was
Rae Singh; and it devolved to his children and grandchildren,[5.5.22.A] until Indar
Singh the fourth in descent, was expelled by the head of the Rathors, who,
in the weakness of the empire, reannexed Nagor to Jodhpur. But perhaps
we have not hitherto dared to imitate the examples set us by the Mogul
and even by the Mahratta; not having sufficient hold of the affections
of the subjected to venture to be merciful; and thence our vengeance, like
the bolt of heaven, sears the very heart of our enemies. Witness the many
chieftains ejected from their possessions; from the unhallowed league
against the Rohillas, to that last act of destruction at Bharatpur, where,
as arbitrators, we acted the part of the lion in the fable. Our present
attitude, however, is so commanding, that we can afford to display the
attribute of mercy; and should, unfortunately, its action be required in
Rajputana, let it be ample, for there its grateful influence is understood, and
it will return, like the dews of heaven, upon ourselves. But if we are only
to regulate our political actions by the apprehension of danger, it must one
day recoil upon us in awful retribution. Our system is filled with evil to
the governed, where a fit of bile in ephemeral political agents, may engender
a quarrel leading to the overthrow of a dominion of ages.
.fn-
.fn 5.5.22.A
Namely, Hathi Singh, his son Anup Singh, his son Indar Singh, his son
Mokham Singh. This lineal descendant of Raja Gaj, and the rightful heir
to the “cushion of Jodha,” has dwindled into one of the petty Thakurs, or
lords of Marwar. The system is one of eternal vicissitudes, amidst which
the germ of reproduction \[47] never perishes.
.fn-
.fn 5.5.23
Since these remarks were written, Captain Steell related to the author
a singular anecdote connected with the above circumstance. While the
work of demolition was proceeding, Captain Steell was urgently warned by
the natives of the danger he incurred in the operation, from a denunciation
on the closing of the gate, that it should thenceforward be guarded by a
huge serpent—when suddenly, the destruction of the gate being nearly
completed, a large cobra-de-capello rushed between his legs, as if in fulfilment
of the anathema. Captain Steell fortunately escaped without injury.
[The south gate of the Agra Fort is known as that of Amar Singh.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 471.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 6
.sp 2
Rāja Jaswant Singh, A.D. 1638-78.—Raja Jaswant, who
obtained, by the banishment of Amra, the “cushion” of Marwar,
was born of a princess of Mewar; and although this circumstance
is not reported to have influenced the change of succession, it will
be borne in mind that, throughout Rajputana, its princes regarded
a connexion with the Rana’s family as a primary honour.
“Jaswant (says the Bardai) was unequalled amongst the
princes of his time. Stupidity and ignorance were banished;
and science flourished where he ruled: many were the books
composed under his auspices.”[5.6.1]
.fn 5.6.1
[See Grierson, Vernacular Literature of Hindustān, Index sv. “Jaswant
Singh.”]
.fn-
The south continued to be the arena in which the martial
Rajput sought renown, and the emperor had only rightly to
understand his character to turn the national emulation to
account. Shah Jahan, in the language of the chronicler, “became
a slave to the seraglio,” and sent his sons, as viceroys, to govern
the grand divisions of the empire. The first service of Jaswant
was in the war of Gondwana, when he led a body composed of
“twenty-two different contingents” in the army under Aurangzeb.[5.6.2]
In this and various other services (to enumerate which would be
to go \[48] over the ground already passed),[5.6.3] the Rathors were
conspicuous. Jaswant played a comparatively subordinate part,
until the illness of the emperor, in A.D. 1658, when his elder son
Dara was invested with the powers of regent.[5.6.4] Prince Dara
increased the mansab of Jaswant to a leader of “five thousand,”
and nominated him his viceroy in Malwa.
.fn 5.6.2
[The Bundela Campaign of 1635 against Jujhār Singh (Jadunāth
Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, i. 14 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.3
The new translation of Ferishta’s History, by Lieut.-Col. Briggs, a work
much wanted, may be referred to by those who wish to see the opinion of the
Muhammadan princes of their Rajput vassalage.
.fn-
.fn 5.6.4
[It is a mistake to call him Dāra, his name being Dāra Shukoh, ‘majesty
like that of Darius.’ He was appointed regent in 1657, when Shāh Jahān
fell ill (ibid. i. 304 ff.).]
.fn-
.bn 472.png
.pn +1
The War of Succession.—In the struggle for empire amongst
the sons of Shah Jahan, consequent upon this illness, the importance
of the Rajput princes and the fidelity we have often had
occasion to depict, were exhibited in the strongest light. While
Raja Jai Singh was commanded to oppose prince Shuja, who
advanced from his viceroyalty of Bengal, Jaswant was entrusted
with means to quash the designs of Aurangzeb, then commanding
in the south, who had long cloaked, under the garb of hypocrisy
and religion, views upon the empire.
Campaign against Aurangzeb, A.D. 1657-58—The Battle of
Dharmātpur.—The Rathor prince was declared generalissimo of the
army destined to oppose Aurangzeb, and he marched from Agra
at the head of the united contingents of Rajputana, besides the
imperial guards, a force which, to use the hyperbole of the bard,
“made Shesnag[5.6.5] writhe in agony.” Jaswant marched towards
the Nerbudda, and had encamped his army in a position fifteen
miles south of Ujjain, when tidings reached him of his opponent’s
approach. In that field on which the emperor erected a town
subsequently designated Fatehabad, or ‘abode of victory,’
Jaswant awaited his foes.[5.6.6] The battle which ensued, witnessed
and so circumstantially related by Bernier, as has been already
noticed in this work,[5.6.7] was lost by the temerity of the Rathor
commander-in-chief, who might have crushed the rebellious
hopes of Aurangzeb, to whom he purposely gave time to effect a
junction with his brother Murad, from the vainglorious desire
“to conquer two princes at once.” Dearly did he pay for his
presumption; for he had given time to the wily prince to sow
intrigues in his camp, which were disclosed as soon as the battle
joined, when the Mogul horse deserted and left him at the head
of his thirty thousand Rajputs, deemed, however, by their leader
and themselves, sufficient against any odds. “Jaswant, spear
in hand, mounted his steed Mahbub, and charged the imperial
brothers; ten thousand Muslims fell in the onset, which cost
seventeen hundred Rathors \[49], besides Guhilots, Haras, Gaurs,
.bn 473.png
.pn +1
and some of every clan of Rajwara. Aurang and Murad only
escaped because their days were not yet numbered. Mahbub
and his rider were covered with blood; Jasa looked like a famished
lion, and like one he relinquished his prey.” The bard is fully
confirmed in his relation of the day, both by the Mogul historian
and by Bernier, who says, that notwithstanding the immense
superiority of the imperial princes, aided by a numerous artillery
served by Frenchmen, night alone put a stop to the contest of
science, numbers, and artillery, against Rajput courage. Both
armies remained on the field of battle, and though we have no
notice of the anecdote related by the first translator of Ferishta,
who makes Jaswant “in bravado drive his car round the field,”[5.6.8]
it is certain that Aurangzeb was too politic to renew the combat,
or molest the retreat which took place next day towards his native
dominions. Although, for the sake of alliteration, the bard
especially singles out the Guhilots and Gaurs, the tribes of Mewar
and Sheopur, all and every tribe was engaged; and if the Rajput
ever dared to mourn the fall of kindred in battle, this day should
have covered every house with the emblems of grief; for it is
stated by the Mogul historian that fifteen thousand fell, chiefly
Rajputs. This was one of the events glorious to the Rajput,
showing his devotion to whom fidelity (swamidharma) had been
pledged—the aged and enfeebled emperor Shah Jahan, whose
“salt they ate”—against all the temptations offered by youthful
ambition. It is forcibly contrasted with the conduct of the
immediate household troops of the emperor, who, even in the
moment of battle, worshipped the rising sun, whilst the Rajput
sealed his faith in his blood; and none more liberally than the
brave Haras of Kotah and Bundi. The annals of no nation on
earth can furnish such an example, as an entire family, six royal
brothers, stretched on the field, and all but one in death.[5.6.9]
.fn 5.6.5
[The serpent which upholds the world.]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.6
[The battle fought at Dharmātpur, 14 miles S.W. of Ujjain, April
15 or 25, 1658. See a full account by Jadunāth Sarkar, ii. 3 ff., who
remarks that the description in Bernier (p. 36 ff.) is untrustworthy, while
Tod “merely records the wild fictions of the Rajput bards” (ii. 13 note).
Fatehābād was the name given to Samūgarh, fought June 8, following.]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.7
p. #724#.
.fn-
.fn 5.6.8
[Dow, 2nd ed. iii. 206.]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.9
See Kotah annals, which state that that prince and five brothers all
fell in this field of carnage.
.fn-
Of all the deeds of heroism performed on this day, those of
Ratna of Ratlam, by universal consent, are pre-eminent, and
“are wreathed into immortal rhyme by the bard” in the Raesa
Rao Ratna.[5.6.10] He also was a Rathor, the great-grandson of Udai
.bn 474.png
.pn +1
Singh, the first raja of Maru; and nobly did he show that the
Rathor blood had not degenerated on the fertile plains of Malwa.
If aught were wanting to complete the fame of this memorable
day, which gave empire to the scourge of Rajputana \[50], it is
found in the conduct of Jaswant’s queen, who, as elsewhere
related,[5.6.11] shut the gates of his capital on her fugitive lord, though
he “brought back his shield” and his honour.
.fn 5.6.10
Amongst the MSS. presented by the author to the Royal Asiatic Society,
is this work, the Raesa Rao Ratna. [“To Ratan Singh of Ratlam a noble
monument was raised by his descendants on the spot where his corpse was
burnt. Time overwhelmed it, but in 1909 its place was taken by a lofty
structure of white marble, decorated with relief-work of a bold but conventional
type, and surmounted with a stone horse” (Jadunāth Sarkar
ii. 27).]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.11
See p. #724#.
.fn-
Battle of Jājau.—Aurangzeb, on Jaswant’s retreat, entered the
capital of Malwa in triumph, whence, with all the celerity requisite
to success, he pursued his march on the capital. At the village
of Jajau, thirty miles south of Agra, the fidelity of the Rajputs
again formed a barrier between the aged king and the treason of
his son; but it served no other purpose than to illustrate this
fidelity. The Rajputs were overpowered, Dara was driven from
the regency, and the aged emperor deposed.[5.6.12]
.fn 5.6.12
[The battle of Samūgarh, nine miles E. of Agra, fought June 8, 1658,
or, according to Jadunāth Sarkar (ii. 32) on May 29, 1658.]
.fn-
Battle of Khajwa.—Aurangzeb, soon after usurping the throne,
sent, through the prince of Amber, his assurances of pardon to
Jaswant, and a summons to the presence, preparatory to joining
the army forming against his brother Shuja, advancing to vindicate
his claims to empire. The Rathor, deeming it a glorious
occasion for revenge, obeyed, and communicated to Shuja his
intentions. The hostile armies met at Khajwa, thirty miles
north of Allahabad.[5.6.13] On the first onset, Jaswant, wheeling about
with his Rathor cavaliers, attacked the rearward of the army
under prince Muhammad, which he cut to pieces, and plundering
the imperial camp (left unprotected), he deliberately loaded his
camels with the most valuable effects, which he despatched under
part of the force, and leaving the brothers to a contest, which he
heartily wished might involve the destruction of both, he followed
.bn 475.png
.pn +1
the cortège to Agra. Such was the panic on his appearance at
that capital, joined to the rumours of Aurangzeb’s defeat, which
had nearly happened, that the wavering garrison required only a
summons to have surrendered, when he might have released Shah
Jahan from confinement, and with this “tower of strength” have
rallied an opposition fatal to the prince.
.fn 5.6.13
[The battle of Khajwa or Khajuha, in the Fatehpur District, nearly
100 miles N.W. of Allāhābād, on January 14, 1659, or, according to
Jadunāth Sarkar, on January 4-5, 1659. The dates fixed by Irvine
(IA, xl. 69 ff.) are probably correct, and have been followed in the notes.]
.fn-
Policy of Jaswant Singh.—That this plan suggested itself to
Jaswant’s sagacity we cannot doubt; but besides the manifest
danger of locking up his army within the precincts of a capital,
if victory was given to Aurangzeb, he had other reasons for not
halting at Agra. All his designs were in concert with prince Dara,
the rightful heir to the throne, whom he had instructed to hasten
to the scene of action; but while Jaswant remained hovering in
the rear of Aurangzeb, momentarily expecting the junction of
the prince, the latter loitered on the southern frontier of Marwar,
and thus lost, for \[51] ever, the crown within his grasp. Jaswant
continued his route to his native dominions, and had at least the
gratification of housing the spoils, even to the regal tents, in the
castle of Jodha. Dara tardily formed a junction at Merta; but
the critical moment was lost, and Aurangzeb, who had crushed
Shuja’s force, rapidly advanced, now joined by many of the
Rajput princes, to overwhelm this last remnant of opposition.
The crafty Aurangzeb, however, who always preferred stratagem
to the precarious issue of arms, addressed a letter to Jaswant, not
only assuring him of his entire forgiveness, but offering the vice-royalty
of Gujarat, if he would withdraw his support from Dara,
and remain neuter in the contest. Jaswant accepted the conditions,
and agreed to lead the Rajput contingents, under prince
Muazzam, in the war against Sivaji, bent on reviving the independence
of Maharashtra. From the conduct again pursued
by the Rathor, we have a right to infer that he only abandoned
Dara because, though possessed of many qualities which endeared
him to the Rajput, besides his title to the throne, he wanted those
virtues necessary to ensure success against his energetic brother.
Scarcely had Jaswant reached the Deccan when he opened a
communication with Sivaji, planned the death of the king’s
lieutenant, Shaista Khan, on which he hoped to have the guidance
of the army, and the young viceroy. Aurangzeb received
authentic intelligence of this plot, and the share Jaswant had in
it; but he temporized, and even sent letters of congratulation on
.bn 476.png
.pn +1
his succeeding to the command in chief. But he soon superseded
him by Raja Jai Singh of Amber, who brought the war to a conclusion
by the capture of Sivaji.[5.6.14] The honour attending this
exploit was, however, soon exchanged for disgrace; for when the
Amber prince found that the tyrant had designs upon the life
of his prisoner, for whose safety he had pledged himself, he connived
at his escape.[5.6.15] Upon this, Jaswant was once more declared
the emperor’s lieutenant, and soon inspired prince Muazzam with
designs, which again compelled the king to supersede him, and
Diler Khan was declared general-in-chief. He reached Aurangabad,
and the night of his arrival would have been his last, but he
received intimation and rapidly retreated, pursued by the prince
and Jaswant to the Nerbudda. The emperor saw the necessity
of removing Jaswant from this dangerous post, and he sent him
the farman as viceroy of Gujarat, to which he commanded him to
repair without delay. He obeyed, reached Ahmadabad, and
found the king had outwitted him and his \[52] successor in command;
he therefore continued his course to his native dominions,
where he arrived in S. 1726 (A.D. 1670).
.fn 5.6.14
[June 23, 1665.]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.15
[Jai Singh seems to have had no direct part in the escape of Sivaji from
Delhi, August 29, 1666 (Grant Duff, Hist. Mahrattas, 96).]
.fn-
The wily tyrant had, in all these changes, used every endeavour
to circumvent Jaswant, and, if the annals are correct, was little
scrupulous as to the means. But the Raja was protected by the
fidelity of his kindred vassalage. In the words of the bardic
chronicler, “The Aswapati,[5.6.16] Aurang, finding treachery in vain,
put the collar of simulated friendship round his neck, and sent
him beyond the Attock to die.”
.fn 5.6.16
The common epithet of the Islamite emperors, in the dialect of the
bard, is Aspat, classically Aswapati, ‘lord of horses.’
.fn-
The emperor saw that the only chance of counteracting
Jaswant’s inveterate hostility was to employ him where he would
be least dangerous. He gladly availed himself of a rebellion
amongst the Afghans of Kabul; and with many promises of
favour to himself and his family, appointed him to the chief
command,[5.6.17] to lead his turbulent Rajputs against the equally
turbulent and almost savage Afghans. Leaving his elder son,
Prithi Singh, in charge of his ancestral domains, with his wives,
.bn 477.png
.pn +1
family, and the chosen bands of Maru, Jaswant departed for the
land of the “barbarian,” from which he was destined never to
return.
.fn 5.6.17
[He was appointed Faujdār of Jamrūd at the mouth of the Khaibar
Pass.]
.fn-
Treatment of Prithi Singh by Aurangzeb.—It is related, in the
chronicles of Maru, that Aurangzeb having commanded the
attendance at court of Jaswant’s heir, he obeyed, and was received
not only with the distinctions which were his due, but with the
most specious courtesy; that one day, with unusual familiarity,
the king desired him to advance, and grasping firmly his folded
hands (the usual attitude of deference) in one of his own, said,
“Well, Rathor, it is told me you possess as nervous an arm as
your father; what can you do now?” “God preserve your
majesty!” replied the Rajput prince, “when the sovereign of
mankind lays the hand of protection on the meanest of his
subjects, all his hopes are realized; but when he condescends to
take both of mine, I feel as if I could conquer the world.” His
vehement and animated gesture gave full force to his words, and
Aurangzeb quickly exclaimed, “Ah! here is another Khatan”[5.6.18]
(the term he always applied to Jaswant); yet, affecting to be
pleased with the frank boldness of his speech, he ordered him a
splendid dress, which, as customary, he put on, and, having made
his obeisance, left the presence in the certain assurance of
exaltation.
.fn 5.6.18
[A near relation by marriage.]
.fn-
That day was his last!—he was taken ill soon after reaching
his quarters, and \[53] expired in great torture, and to this hour
his death is attributed to the poisoned robe of honour presented
by the king.[5.6.19]
.fn 5.6.19
This mode of being rid of enemies is firmly believed by the Rajputs,
and several other instances of it are recorded in this work. Of course, it
must be by porous absorption; and in a hot climate, where only a thin
tunic is worn next the skin, much mischief might be done, though it is
difficult to understand how death could be accomplished. [See p. #728#. ]
That the belief is of ancient date we have only to recall the story of Hercules
put into doggerel by Pope:
.pm start_poem
——“He, whom Dejanire
Wrapp’d in th’ envenom’d shirt, and set on fire.”
.pm end_poem
[“The Wife of Bath,” vol1_380-1. The tragical death of Prithi Singh is still
the subject for songs of the bards (Temple, Legends of the Panjāb, iii. 252 ff.).]
.fn-
Prithi Singh was the staff of his father’s age, and endowed with
all the qualities required to lead the swords of Maru. His death,
.bn 478.png
.pn +1
thus reported, cast a blight on the remaining days of Jaswant,
who, in this cruel stroke, saw that his mortal foe had gone beyond
him in revenge. The sacrifice of Prithi Singh was followed by the
death of his only remaining sons, Jagat Singh and Dalthamman,
from the ungenial climate of Kabul, and grief soon closed the
existence of the veteran Rathor. He expired amidst the mountains
of the north, without an heir to his revenge, in S. 1737
(A.D. 1681), having ruled the tribes of Maru for two-and-forty
years. In this year, death released Aurangzeb from the greatest
terrors of his life; for the illustrious Sivaji and Jaswant paid the
debt to nature within a few months of each other.[5.6.20] Of the
Rathor, we may use the words of the biographer of his contemporary,
Rana Raj Singh of Mewar: “Sighs never ceased
flowing from Aurang’s heart while Jaswant lived.”
.fn 5.6.20
[This is an error. Jaswant Singh died December 18, 1678 (Irvine’s
note on Manucci ii. 233, IA, xl. 77). Sivaji died probably on April 17,
1680 (Fryer, New Account of East India and Persia, ed. Hakluyt Society,
iii. 167).]
.fn-
Character of Jaswant Singh.—The life of Jaswant Singh is one
of the most extraordinary in the annals of Rajputana, and a full
narrative of it would afford a perfect and deeply interesting
picture of the history and manners of the period. Had his
abilities, which were far above mediocrity, been commensurate
with his power, credit, and courage, he might, with the concurrent
aid of the many powerful enemies of Aurangzeb, have overturned
the Mogul throne. Throughout the long period of two-and-forty
years, events of magnitude crowded upon each other, from the
period of his first contest with Aurangzeb, in the battle of the
Nerbudda, to his conflicts with the Afghans amidst the snows of
Caucasus. Although the Rathor had a preference amongst the
sons of Shah Jahan, esteeming the frank Dara above the crafty
Aurangzeb, yet he detested the whole race as inimical to the
religion and the independence of his own; and he only fed the
hopes of any of the brothers, in their struggles for empire, expecting
that they would end in the ruin of all. His blind \[54] arrogance
lost him the battle of the Nerbudda, and the supineness of Dara
prevented his reaping the fruit of his treachery at Khajwa. The
former event, as it reduced the means and lessened the fame of
Jaswant, redoubled his hatred to the conqueror. Jaswant
neglected no opportunity which gave a chance of revenge. Impelled
.bn 479.png
.pn +1
by this motive, more than by ambition, he never declined
situations of trust, and in each he disclosed the ruling passion of
his mind. His overture to Sivaji (like himself the implacable foe
of the Mogul), against whom he was sent to act; his daring
attempt to remove the imperial lieutenants, one by assassination,
the other by open force; his inciting Muazzam, whose inexperience
he was sent to guide, to revolt against his father, are some among
the many signal instances of Jaswant’s thirst for vengeance. The
emperor, fully aware of this hatred, yet compelled from the force
of circumstances to dissemble, was always on the watch to counteract
it, and the artifices this mighty king had recourse to in order
to conciliate Jaswant, perhaps to throw him off his guard, best
attest the dread in which he held him. Alternately he held the
vice-royalty of Gujarat, of the Deccan, of Malwa, Ajmer, and
Kabul (where he died), either directly of the king, or as the king’s
lieutenant, and second in command under one of the princes.
But he used all these favours merely as stepping-stones to the
sole object of his life. Accordingly, if Jaswant’s character had
been drawn by a biographer of the court, viewed merely in the
light of a great vassal of the empire, it would have reached us
marked with the stigma of treachery in every trust reposed in
him; but, on the other hand, when we reflect on the character
of the king, the avowed enemy of the Hindu faith, we only see in
Jaswant a prince putting all to hazard in its support. He had
to deal with one who placed him in these offices, not from personal
regard, but because he deemed a hollow submission better than
avowed hostility, and the raja, therefore, only opposed fraud to
hypocrisy, and treachery to superior strength. Doubtless the
Rathor was sometimes dazzled by the baits which the politic
king administered to his vanity; and when all his brother princes
eagerly contended for royal favour, it was something to be singled
out as the first amongst his peers in Rajputana. By such conflicting
impulses were both parties actuated in their mutual
conduct throughout a period in duration nearly equal to the life
of man; and it is no slight testimony to Aurangzeb’s skill in
managing such a subject, that he was able to neutralize the hatred
and the power of Jaswant throughout this lengthened \[55] period.
But it was this vanity, and the immense power wielded by the
kings who could reward service by the addition of a vice-royalty
to their hereditary domains, that made the Rajput princes slaves;
.bn 480.png
.pn +1
for, had all the princely contemporaries of Jaswant—Jai Singh
of Amber, the Rana Raj of Mewar, and Sivaji—coalesced against
their national foe, the Mogul power must have been extinct.
Could Jaswant, however, have been satisfied with the mental
wounds he inflicted upon the tyrant, he would have had ample
revenge; for the image of the Rathor crossed all his visions of
aggrandizement. The cruel sacrifice of his heir, and the still
more barbarous and unrelenting ferocity with which he pursued
Jaswant’s innocent family, are the surest proofs of the dread
which the Rathor prince inspired while alive.
The Tale of Nāhar Khān.—Previous, however, to entering on
this and the eventful period which followed Jaswant’s death, we
may record a few anecdotes illustrative of the character and
manners of the vassal chieftains, by whose aid he was thus
enabled to brave Aurangzeb. Nor can we do better than allow
Nahar Khan, chief of the Kumpawats and premier noble, to be
the representative portrait of the clans of Maru. It was by the
vigilance of this chief, and his daring intrepidity, that the many
plots laid for Jaswant’s life were defeated; and in the anecdote
already given, when in order to restore his prince from a fit of
mental delusion,[5.6.21] he braved the superstitions of his race, his
devotion was put to a severer test than any which could result
from personal peril. The anecdote connected with his nom de
guerre of Nahar (tiger) Khan, exemplifies his personal, as the other
does his mental, intrepidity. The real name of this individual,
the head of the Kumpawat clan, was Mukunddas. He had
personally incurred the displeasure of the emperor, by a reply
which was deemed disrespectful to a message sent by the royal
Ahadi,[5.6.22] for which the tyrant condemned him to enter a tiger’s
den, and contend for his life unarmed. Without a sign of fear
he entered the arena, where the savage beast was pacing, and thus
contemptuously accosted him: “Oh, tiger of the Miyan,[5.6.23] face
the tiger of Jaswant”; exhibiting to the king of the forest a
pair of eyes, which anger and opium had rendered little less inflamed
than his own. The animal, startled by so unaccustomed
a salutation, for a moment looked at his visitor, put down his
.bn 481.png
.pn +1
head, turned round and \[56] stalked from him. “You see,”
exclaimed the Rathor, “that he dare not face me, and it is
contrary to the creed of a true Rajput to attack an enemy who
dares not confront him.” Even the tyrant, who beheld the
scene, was surprised into admiration, presented him with gifts,
and asked if he had any children to inherit his prowess. His
reply, “How can we get children, when you keep us from our
wives beyond the Attock?” fully shows that the Rathor and fear
were strangers to each other. From this singular encounter he
bore the name of Nahar Khan, ‘the tiger lord.’
.fn 5.6.21
See p. #967#.
.fn-
.fn 5.6.22
[See p. #784#.]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.23
Miyān is a term used by the Hindu to a Muslim, who himself generally
applies it to a pedagogue: the village schoolmaster has always the honourable
epithet of Miyān-ji!
.fn-
On another occasion, from the same freedom of speech, he
incurred the displeasure of the Shahzada, or prince-royal, who,
with youthful levity, commanded the ‘tiger lord’ to attempt a
feat which he deemed inconsistent with his dignity, namely,
gallop at speed under a horizontal branch of a tree and cling to it
while the steed passed on. This feat, requiring both agility and
strength, appears to have been a common amusement, and it is
related in the Annals of Mewar that the chief of Banera broke
his spine in the attempt; and there were few who did not come
off with bruises and falls, in which consisted the sport. When
Nahar heard the command, he indignantly replied, he “was not
a monkey”; that “if the prince wished to see his feats, it must
be where his sword had play”; on which he was ordered against
Surthan, the Deora prince of Sirohi, for which service he had the
whole Rathor contingent at his disposal. The Deora prince, who
could not attempt to cope against it in the field, took to his
native hills; but while he deemed himself secure, Mukund, with
a chosen band, in the dead of night, entered the glen where the
Sirohi prince reposed, stabbed the solitary sentinel, bound the
prince with his own turban to his pallet, while, environing him
with his clansmen, he gave the alarm. The Deoras starting from
their rocky beds, collected round their prince, and were preparing
for the rescue, when Nahar called aloud, “You see his life is in
my hands; be assured it is safe if you are wise; but he dies on
the least opposition to my determination to convey him to my
prince. My sole object in giving the alarm was that you might
behold me carry off my prize.” He conveyed Surthan to Jaswant,
who said he must introduce him to the king. The Deora prince
was carried to court, and being led between the proper officers
to the palace, he was instructed to perform that profound
.bn 482.png
.pn +1
obeisance, from which none were exempted. But the haughty
Deora replied, “His life was in the king’s hands, his \[57] honour
in his own; he had never bowed the head to mortal man, and
never would.” As Jaswant had pledged himself for his honourable
treatment, the officers of the ceremonies endeavoured by
stratagem to obtain a constrained obeisance, and instead of
introducing him as usual, they showed him a wicket, knee high,
and very low overhead, by which to enter, but putting his feet
foremost, his head was the last part to appear.[5.6.24] This stubborn
ingenuity, his noble bearing, and his long-protracted resistance,
added to Jaswant’s pledge, won the king’s favour; and he not
only proffered him pardon, but whatever lands he might desire.
Though the king did not name the return, Surthan was well
aware of the terms, but he boldly and quickly replied, “What
can your majesty bestow equal to Achalgarh? let me return to
it is all I ask.” The king had the magnanimity to comply with
his request; Surthan was allowed to retire to the castle of Abu,[5.6.25]
nor did he or any of the Deoras ever rank themselves amongst
the vassals of the empire; but they have continued to the present
hour a life of almost savage independence.
From such anecdotes we learn the character of the tiger lord
of Asop; and his brother Rathors of Marwar; men reckless of
life when put in competition with distinction and fidelity to their
prince, as will be abundantly illustrated in the reign we are
about to describe.
.fn 5.6.24
[This is a common legend, told of the Nikumbh Rājputs of the United
Provinces (Crooke, Tribes and Castes, iv. 87); by Bernier of Shāh Jahān
and the Persian ambassador (p. 151 f.); of the Hatkars of the Deccan
(BG, xvi. 56 note; Russell, Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces, i. 37 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.6.25
Achalgarh, or ‘the immovable castle,’ is the name of the fortress of
the Deora princes of Abu and Sirohi, of which wonderful spot I purpose
in another work to give a detailed account \[58].
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 7
.sp 2
Fate of the Family of Jaswant Singh.—“When Jaswant died
beyond the Attock, his wife, the (future) mother of Ajit, determined
to burn with her lord, but being in the seventh month of
her pregnancy, she was forcibly prevented by Uda Kumpawat.
.bn 483.png
.pn +1
His other queen and seven Patras (concubines) mounted the pyre;
and as soon as the tidings reached Jodhpur, the Chandravati
queen, taking a turban of her late lord, ascended the pile at
Mandor. The Hindu race was in despair at the loss of the support
of their faith. The bells of the temple were mute; the sacred
shell no longer sounded at sunrise; the Brahmans vitiated their
doctrines and learned the Muslim creed.”[5.7.1]
.fn 5.7.1
[Erskine (iii. A, 62) gives the story from local sources; also see Elliot-Dowson
vii. 297 f.]
.fn-
Birth of Ajīt Singh.—The queen was delivered of a boy, who
received the name of Ajit. As soon as she was able to travel,
the Rathor contingent, with their infant prince, his mother, the
daughters, and establishment of their late sovereign, prepared
to return to their native land. But the unrelenting tyrant,
carrying his vengeance towards Jaswant even beyond the grave,
as soon they reached Delhi, commanded that the infant should
be surrendered to his custody. “Aurang offered to divide Maru
amongst \[59] them if they would surrender their prince; but
they replied, ‘Our country is with our sinews, and these can
defend both it and our Lord.’ With eyes red with rage, they
left the Amm-khass. Their abode was surrounded by the host of
the Shah. In a basket of sweetmeats they sent away the young
prince, and prepared to defend their honour; they made oblations
to the gods, took a double portion of opium, and mounted their
steeds. Then spoke Ranchhor, and Govind the son of Jodha,
and Chandarbhan the Darawat, and the son of Raghu, on whose
shoulders the sword had been married at Ujjain, with the fearless
Baharmall the Udawat, and the Sujawat, Raghunath. ‘Let
us swim,’ they exclaimed, ‘in the ocean of fight. Let us root
up these Asuras, and be carried by the Apsaras to the mansions
of the sun.’ As thus each spoke, Suja the bard took the word:
‘For a day like this,’ said he, ‘you enjoy your fiefs (pattas), to
give in your lord’s cause your bodies to the sword, and in one
mass to gain swarga (heaven). As for me, who enjoyed his friendship
and his gifts, this day will I make his salt resplendent. My
father’s fame will I uphold, and lead the death in this day’s fight,
that future bards may hymn my praise.’ Then spake Durga,
son of Asa: ‘The teeth of the Yavans are whetted, but by the
lightning emitted from our swords, Delhi shall witness our deeds;
and the flame of our anger shall consume the troops of the Shah.’
.bn 484.png
.pn +1
As thus the chiefs communed, and the troops of the king
approached, the Rajloka[5.7.2] of their late lord was sent to inhabit
Swarga. Lance in hand, with faces resembling Yama,[5.7.3] the
Rathors rushed upon the foe. Then the music of swords and
shields commenced. Wave followed wave in the field of blood.
Sankara[5.7.4] completed his chaplet in the battle fought by the
children of Duhar in the streets of Delhi. Ratna contended with
nine thousand of the foe; but his sword failed, and as he fell,
Rambha[5.7.5] carried him away. Dila the Darawat made a gift of
his life;[5.7.6] the salt of his lord he mixed with the water of the
field.[5.7.7] Chandarbhan was conveyed by the \[60] Apsaras to
Chandrapur.[5.7.8] The Bhatti was cut piecemeal and lay on the
field beside the son of Surthan. The faithful Udawat appeared
like the crimson lotus; he journeyed to Swarga to visit Jaswant.
Sanda the bard, with a sword in either hand, was in the front
of the battle, and gained the mansion of the moon.[5.7.9] Every tribe
and every clan performed its duty in this day’s pilgrimage to
the stream of the sword, in which Durgadas ground the foe and
saved his honour.”[5.7.10]
.fn 5.7.2
A delicate mode of naming the female part of Jaswant’s family; the
‘royal abode’ included his young daughters, sent to inhabit heaven (swarga).
.fn-
.fn 5.7.3
Pluto.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.4
‘The lord of the shell,’ an epithet of Siva, as the god of war; his war-trump
being a shell (sankh); his chaplet (mala), which the Rathor bard
says was incomplete until this fight, being of human skulls. [Sankara, a
title of Siva, means ‘causing happiness,’ and has no connexion with sankh,
‘a shell.’]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.5
Queen of the Apsaras, or celestial nymphs.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.6
Pope makes Sarpedon say:
.pm start_poem
“The life that others pay, let us bestow,
And give to fame what we to nature owe.”
.pm end_poem
.fn-
.fn 5.7.7
I.e. blood.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.8
“The city of the moon.”
.fn-
.fn 5.7.9
The lunar abode seems that allotted for all bards, who never mention
Bhanloka, or the ‘mansion of the sun,’ as a place of reward for them. Doubtless
they could assign a reason for such a distinction.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.10
This is but a short transcript of the poetic account of this battle, in
which the deeds, name, and tribe of every warrior who fell are related. The
heroes of Thermopylae had not a more brilliant theme for the bard. [Compare
the more matter-of-fact accounts of Khāfi Khān, Elliot-Dowson (vii.
296 f.), and of Manucci (ii. 233 f.).]
.fn-
The Johar.—When these brave men saw that nothing short
of the surrender of all that was dear to a Rajput was intended
.bn 485.png
.pn +1
by the fiend-like spirit of the king, their first thought was the
preservation of their prince; the next to secure their own honour
and that of their late master. The means by which they accomplished
this were terrific. The females of the deceased, together
with their own wives and daughters, were placed in an apartment
filled with gunpowder, and the torch applied—all was soon over.
This sacrifice accomplished, their sole thought was to secure a
niche in that immortal temple, which the Rajput bard, as well
as the great minstrel of the west, peoples with “youths who died,
to be by poets sung.” For this, the Rajput’s anxiety has in all
ages been so great, as often to defeat even the purpose of revenge,
his object being to die gloriously rather than to inflict death;
assured that his name would never perish, but, preserved in
“immortal rhyme” by the bard, would serve as the incentive
to similar deeds. Accordingly, “the battle fought by the sons
of Duharia[5.7.11] in the streets of Delhi” is one of the many themes
of everlasting eulogy to the Rathors; and the seventh of Sravan,
S. 1736 (the second month of the Monsoon of A.D. 1680), is a
sacred day in the calendar of Maru.
In the midst of this furious contest, the infant prince was
saved. To avoid suspicion the heir of Maru, concealed in a basket
of sweetmeats, was entrusted to a Muslim, who religiously executed
his trust and conveyed him to the appointed spot, where he was
joined by the gallant Durgadas with the survivors who had cut
their way through all opposition, and who were doomed often
to bleed for the prince thus miraculously preserved. It is pleasing
to find that if to “the leader \[61] of the faithful,” the bigoted
Aurangzeb, they owed so much misery, to one (and he of humble
life), of the same faith, they owed the preservation of their line.
The preserver of Ajit lived to witness his manhood and the redemption
of his birthright, and to find that princes are not always
ungrateful; for he was distinguished at court, was never addressed
but as Kaka, or uncle, by the prince; and to the honour of his
successors be it told, the lands then settled upon him are still
enjoyed by his descendants.
.fn 5.7.11
Here is another instance of the ancient patronymic being brought in
by the bards, and it is thus they preserve the names and deeds of the worthies
of past days. Rao Duhar was one of the earliest Rathor kings of Marwar.
.fn-
The Youth of Ajīt Singh. Campaign of Aurangzeb in Mārwār.—With
the sole surviving scion of Jaswant, the faithful Durga
.bn 486.png
.pn +1
and a few chosen friends repaired to the isolated rock of Abu,
and placed him in a monastery of recluses. There the heir of
Maru was reared in entire ignorance of his birth. Still rumours
prevailed, that a son of Jaswant lived; that Durga and a few
associates were his guardians; and this was enough for the
loyal Rajput, who, confiding in the chieftain of Dunara, allowed
the mere name of Dhani (lord) to be his rallying-word in the
defence of his rights. These were soon threatened by a host of
enemies, amongst whom were the Indhas, the ancient sovereigns
of Maru, who saw an opening for the redemption of their birthright,
and for a short time displayed the flag of the Parihars on
the walls of Mandor. While the Indhas were rejoicing at the
recovery of their ancient capital, endeared to them by tradition,
an attempt was made by Ratna,[5.7.12] the son of Amra Singh (whose
tragical death has been related), to obtain the seat of power,
Jodhpur. This attempt, instigated by the king, proved futile;
and the clans, faithful to the memory of Jaswant and the name
of Ajit, soon expelled the Indhas from Mandor, and drove the
son of Amra to his castle of Nagor. It was then that Aurangzeb,
in person, led his army into Maru; the capital was invested;
it fell and was pillaged, and all the great towns in the plains, as
Merta, Didwana, and Rohat, shared a similar fate. The emblems
of religion were trampled under foot, the temples thrown down,
mosques were erected on their site, and nothing short of the
compulsory conversion to the tenets of Islam of every Rajput
in Marwar would satisfy his revenge.[5.7.13] The consequences of this
fanatical and impolitic conduct recoiled not only upon the emperor
but his whole race, for it roused an opposition to this iron yoke,
which ultimately broke it in pieces. The emperor promulgated
that famous edict, the Jizya, against the whole Hindu race,
which cemented into one compact union all who cherished either
patriotism or religion. It was at this period of time, when the
Rathors and Sesodias united \[62] against the tyrant, that Rana
.fn 5.7.12
[According to Musalmān authorities, the name of the son of Amar
Singh was Indar Singh, not Ratan Singh (Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib,
iii. 369).]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.13
[In 1679 Khān Jahān arrived from Jodhpur, bringing several cartloads
of idols pillaged from Hindu temples. It was ordered that some
should be cast away into the out-offices, and the remainder to be placed
beneath the steps of the Great Mosque, there to be trampled under foot
(Elliot-Dowson vii. 187; Jadunath Sarkar iii. 323).]
.fn-
.bn 487.png
.pn +1
Raj Singh indited that celebrated epistle, which is given in a
preceding part of this work.[5.7.14]
.fn 5.7.14
Vol. I. p. vol1_442.
.fn-
“Seventy thousand men,” says the bard,[5.7.15] “under Tahawwur
Khan, were commanded to destroy the Rajputs, and Aurang
followed in person to Ajmer. The Mertia clan assembled, and
advanced to Pushkar to oppose him. The battle was in front
of the temple of Varaha, where the swords of the Mertias, always
first in the fight, played the game of destruction on the heads of
the Asuras. Here the Mertias were all slain on the 11th Bhadon,
S. 1736.
.fn 5.7.15
It may be well to exhibit the manner in which the poetic annalist of
Rajputana narrates such events, and to give them in his own language
rather than in an epitome, by which not only the pith of the original would
be lost, but the events themselves deprived of half their interest. The
character of historic fidelity will thus be preserved from suspicion, which
could scarcely be withheld if the narrative were exhibited in any but its
native garb. This will also serve to sustain the Annals of Marwar, formed
from a combination of such materials, and dispose the reader to acknowledge
the impossibility of reducing such animated chronicles to the severe style
of history. But more than all, it is with the design to prove what, in the
preface of this work, the reader was compelled to take on credit; that the
Rajput kingdoms were in no ages without such chronicles: and if we may
not compare them with Froissart, or with Monstrelet, they may be allowed
to compete with the Anglo-Saxon chronicles, and they certainly surpass
those of Ulster. But we have stronger motives than even legitimate
curiosity, in allowing the bard to tell his own tale of the thirty years’ war
of Rajputana; the desire which has animated this task from its commencement,
to give a correct idea of the importance of these events, and to hold
them up as a beacon to the present governors of these brave men. How
well that elegant historian, Orme, appreciates their importance, as bearing
on our own conduct in power, the reader will perceive by reference to his
Fragments [ed. 1782, note i.], where he says, “There are no states or powers
on the continent of India, with whom our nation has either connexion or
concern, which do not owe the origin of their present condition to the reign
of Aurangzebe, or to its influence on the reigns of his successors.” It
behoves us, therefore, to make ourselves acquainted with the causes as well
as the characters of those who occasioned the downfall of our predecessors
in the sovereignty of India. With this object in view, the bard shall tell
his own tale from the birth of Ajit, in S. 1737, to 1767, when he had vanquished
all opposition to Aurangzeb, and regained the throne of Maru.
.fn-
“Tahawwur continued to advance. The inhabitants of
Murdhar fled to the mountains. At Gura the brothers Rupa
and Kumbha took post with their clan to oppose him; but they
fell with twenty-five of their brethren. As the cloud pours water
.bn 488.png
.pn +1
upon the earth, so did Aurang pour his barbarians over the land.
He remained but five days at Ajaidurg (Ajmer), and marched
against Chitor. It fell: it appeared as if the heavens had fallen.
Ajit was protected by the Rana, and the Rathors led the van in
the host of the Sesodias. Seeing the strength of the Yavans,
they shut up the young prince, like a flame confined in a vessel.
Delhipat (the king of Delhi) came to Debari,[5.7.16] at whose pass he
was opposed by Kumbha, Ugarsen, and Uda, all Rathors. While
Aurangzeb attacked Udaipur, Azam was left at Chitor. Then
the king learned that Durgadas had invaded Jalor; he abandoned
his conquest, and returned to Ajmer, sending Mukarrab Khan
to aid Bihari at Jalor; but Durga had raised contributions \[63]
(dand), and passed to Jodhpur, alike forced to contribute; for
the son of Indar Singh, on the part of the king, now commanded
in Trikuta (triple-peaked mount). Aurang Shah measured the
heavens; he determined to have but one faith in the land.
Prince Akbar was sent to join Tahawwur Khan. Rapine and
conflagration spread over the land. The country became a
waste; fear stalked triumphant. Providence had willed this
affliction. The Indhas were put in possession of Jodhpur; but
were encountered at Ketapur and put to the sword by the Champawats.
Once more they lost the title of Raos of Murdardes,
and thus the king’s intentions of bestowing sovereignty on the
Parihars were frustrated on the 13th day of Jeth, S. 1736.
.fn 5.7.16
The cenotaph of these warriors still marks the spot where they fell, on
the right on entering the portals.
.fn-
Retreat of the Rathors.—“The Aravalli gave shelter to the
Rathors. From its fastnesses they issued, and mowed down
entire harvests of the Muslim, piling them in khallas.[5.7.17] Aurang
had no repose. Jalor was invaded by one body, Siwana by
another of the faithful chiefs of Ajit, whose an[5.7.18] daily increased,
while Aurang’s was seldom invoked. The king gave up the war
against the Rana to send all his troops into Maru; but the Rana,
who provoked the rage of Aurang from granting refuge to Ajit,
sent his troops under his own son, Bhim, who joined the Rathors,
led by Indarbhan and Durgadas in Godwar. Prince Akbar and
Tahawwur Khan advanced upon them, and a battle took place
.bn 489.png
.pn +1
at Nadol. The Sesodias had the right. The combat was long
and bloody. Prince Bhim fell at the head of the Mewaris: he
was a noble bulwark to the Rathors.[5.7.19] Indarbhan was slain,
with Jeth the Udawat, performing noble deeds; and Soning
Durga did wonders on that day, the 14th Asoj, S. 1737” (the
winter of A.D. 1681).
.fn 5.7.17
The heaps of grain thrashed in the open field, preparatory to being
divided and housed, are termed khallas.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.18
Oath of allegiance.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.19
The Mewar chronicle claims a victory for the combined Rajput army,
and relates a singular stratagem by which they gained it; but either I
have overlooked it, or the Raj Vilas does not specify that Prince Bhim, son
of the heroic Rana Raj, fell on this day, so glorious in the annals of both
States. See Vol. I. p. vol1_448. [According to Manucci (ii. 234) the Rāja “was
obliged to cede to Aurangzeb a province and the town of Mairtha.” According
to another story, Aurangzeb offered the succession to Ajīt Singh on
condition that he was converted to Islām. The Emperor kept a counterfeit
Ajīt Singh in ward, and brought him up as a Musalmān, called him Muhammadi
Rāj, and on his death he was buried as a Musalmān (Jadunath Sarkar
iii. 374).]
.fn-
The Rebellion of Prince Akbar, A.D. 1681.—The gallant bearing
of the Rajputs in this unequal combat, their desperate devotion
to their country and prince, touched the soul of Prince Akbar,
who had the magnanimity to commiserate the sufferings he was
compelled to inflict, and to question the policy of his father
towards these gallant vassals. Ambition came to the aid of
compassion for the sufferings of the Rathors, and the persecution
of the minor son of Jaswant. He opened his mind to Tahawwur
Khan, and exposed the \[64] disgrace of bearing arms in so unholy
a warfare, and in severing from the crown such devoted and
brave vassals as the Rathors. Tahawwur was gained over, and
an embassy sent to Durgadas offering peace, and expressing a
wish for a conference. Durga convened the chiefs, and disclosed
the overture; but some suspected treachery in the prince, others
selfish views on the part of Durga. To prevent the injurious
operation of such suspicions, Durga observed, that if assent
were not given to the meeting, it would be attributed to the base
motive of fear. “Let us proceed in a body,” said he, “to this
conference; who ever heard of a cloud being caught?” They
met; mutual views were developed; a treaty was concluded,
and the meeting ended by Akbar waving the umbrella of regality
over his head.[5.7.20] He coined in his own name; he established his
own weights and measures. The poisoned intelligence was
.bn 490.png
.pn +1
poured into Aurang’s ear at Ajmer; his soul was troubled; he
had no rest; he plucked his beard in grief when he heard that
Durga and Akbar had united. Every Rathor in the land flocked
to Akbar’s standard. The house of Delhi was divided, and
Govind[5.7.21] again supported the Hindu faith.
.fn 5.7.20
On Akbar’s rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar iii. 402 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.21
Krishna.
.fn-
The dethronement of the tyrant appeared inevitable. The
scourge of the Rajputs was in their power, for he was almost alone
and without the hope of succour. But his energies never forsook
him; he knew the character of his foes, and that on an emergency
his grand auxiliary, stratagem, was equal to an army. As there
is some variation both in the Mogul historian’s account of this
momentous transaction and in the annals of Mewar and Marwar,[5.7.22]
we present the latter verbatim from the chronicle.
.fn 5.7.22
[Orme, Fragments, ed. 1782, 142 ff.; Khāfi Khān in Elliot-Dowson
vii. 298 ff.]
.fn-
“Akbar, with multitudes of Rajputs, advanced upon Ajmer.
But while Aurang prepared for the storm, the prince gave himself
up to women and the song, placing everything in the hands of
Tahawwur Khan. We are the slaves of fate; puppets that
dance as it pulls the strings. Tahawwur allowed himself to dream
of treason; it was whispered in his ear that if he could deliver
Akbar to his father, high rewards would follow. At night he
went privily to Aurangzeb, and thence wrote to the Rathors:
‘I was the bond of union betwixt you and Akbar, but the dam
which separated the waters has broken down. Father and son
again are one. Consider the pledges, given and received, as
restored, and depart for your own lands.’ Having sealed this
with his signet, and dispatched a messenger to the Rathors,
he appeared before Aurangzeb to receive the fruit of his service.
But his treason met its \[65] reward, and before he could say, the
imperial orders were obeyed, a blow of the mace from the hand
of the monarch sent his soul to hell. At midnight the Dervesh
messenger reached the Rathor camp; he put the letter into
their hand, which stated father and son were united; and added
from himself that Tahawwur Khan was slain. All was confusion;
the Rathors saddled and mounted, and moved a coss from Akbar’s
camp. The panic spread to his troops, who fled like the dried
leaves of the sugar-cane when carried up in a whirlwind, while
the prince was attending to the song and the wiles of the wanton.”
.bn 491.png
.pn +1
The Rāthors abandon Akbar.—This narrative exemplifies most
strongly the hasty unreflecting character of the Rajput, who
always acts from the impulse of the moment. They did not even
send to Akbar’s camp, although close to their own, to inquire the
truth or falsehood of the report, but saddled and did not halt
until they were twenty miles asunder. It is true, that in these
times of peril they did not know in whom to confide; and being
headed by one of their own body, they could not tell how far he
might be implicated in the treachery.
The next day they were undeceived by the junction of the
prince, who, when made acquainted with the departure of his
allies, and the treason and death of Tahawwur Khan, could scarcely
collect a thousand men to abide by his fortunes. With these he
followed his panic-struck allies, and threw himself and his family
upon their hospitality and protection—an appeal never made in
vain to the Rajput. The poetic account, by the bard Karnidhan,
of the reception of the prince by the chivalry of Maru, is remarkably
minute and spirited:—the warriors and senators enter into
a solemn debate as to the conduct to be pursued to the prince
now claiming saran (sanctuary), when the bard takes occasion
to relate the pedigree and renown of the chiefs of every clan.
Each chief delivers his sentiments in a speech full of information
respecting their national customs and manners. It also displays
a good picture of “the power of the swans, and the necessity of
feeding them with pearls,” to enable them to sing with advantage.
The council breaks up with the declaration of its determination
to protect Akbar at all hazards, and Jetha, the brother of the
head of the Champawats, is nominated to the charge of protector
of Akbar’s family. The gallant Durga, the Ulysses of the Rathors,
is the manager of this dramatic convention, the details of which
are wound up with an eulogy in true oriental hyperbole, in the
Doric accents of Maru: \[66]—
.pm start_poem
Māi chā pūt jin,
Jehā Durgādās,
Band Murdhara rakhiyo
Vin thāmbhā ākās.[5.7.23]
.pm end_poem
.bn 492.png
.pn +1
.ti 0
“O mother! produce such sons as Durgadas, who first supported
the dam of Murdhara, and then propped the heavens.”
.fn 5.7.23
[The reading in the text is that of Dr. Tessitori. Major Luard’s Pandit,
questioning the Author’s translation, says that the words Band Murdharā
ra rakhyo mean ‘governed Mārwār well,’ and that bin thāmbh ākās, ‘the
heavens without a prop,’ refers to the ruler who was a minor.]
.fn-
Character of Durgadās.—This model of a Rajput, as wise as
he was brave, was the saviour of his country. To his suggestion
it owed the preservation of its prince, and to a series of heroic
deeds, his subsequent and more difficult salvation. Many anecdotes
are extant recording the dread Aurangzeb had of this leader
of the Rathors, one of which is amusing. The tyrant had commanded
pictures to be drawn of two of the most mortal foes to
his repose, Sivaji and Durga: “Siva was drawn seated on a
couch; Durga in his ordinary position, on horseback, toasting
bātis or barley-cakes, with the point of his lance, on a fire of
maize-stalks. Aurangzeb, at the first glance, exclaimed, ‘I may
entrap that fellow (meaning Sivaji), but this dog is born to be
my bane.s’”
Durga at the head of his bands, together with young Akbar,
moved towards the western extremity of the State, in hopes that
they might lead the emperor in pursuit amongst the sandhills
of the Luni; but the wily monarch tried other arts, and first
attempted to corrupt Durga. He sent him eight thousand gold
mohurs,[5.7.24] which the Rajput instantly applied to the necessities
of Akbar, who was deeply affected at this proof of devotion,
and distributed a portion of it amongst Durga’s retainers.
Aurangzeb, seeing the futility of this plan, sent a force in pursuit
of his son, who, knowing he had no hope of mercy if he fell into
his father’s hands, was anxious to place distance between them.
Durga pledged himself for his safety, and relinquished all to
ensure it. Making over the guardianship of young Ajit to his
elder brother, Soning, and placing himself at the head of one
thousand chosen men, he turned towards the south. The bard
enumerates the names and families of all the chieftains of note
who formed the bodyguard of prince Akbar in this desperate
undertaking. The Champawats were the most numerous, but
he specifies several of the home clans, as the Jodha and Mertia,
and amongst the foreign Rajputs, the Jadon, Chauhan, Bhatti,
Deora, Sonigira, and Mangalia \[67].
.fn 5.7.24
The Mewar chronicle says forty thousand.
.fn-
Escape of Prince Akbar.—“The king followed their retreat:
his troops surrounded the Rathors; but Durga with one thousand
chosen men left the north on their backs, and with the speed of
.bn 493.png
.pn +1
the winged quitted the camp. Aurang continued the pursuit
to Jalor, when he found he had been led on a wrong scent, and
that Durga, with the prince, keeping Gujarat on his right, and
Chappan[5.7.25] on his left, had made good his retreat to the Nerbudda.
Rage so far got the better of his religion, that he threw the Koran
at the head of the Almighty. In wrath, he commanded Azam
to exterminate the Rathors, but to leave Udaipur on one side,[5.7.26]
and every other design, and first secure his brother. The deeds
of Kamunda[5.7.27] removed the troubles of Mewar, as the wind
disperses the clouds which shade the brightness of the moon.
In ten days after Azam marched, the emperor himself moved,
leaving his garrisons in Jodhpur and Ajmer. Durga’s name was
the charm which made the hosts of locusts quit their ground.[5.7.28]
Durga was the sea-serpent; Akbar the mountain with which
they churned the ocean Aurang, and made him yield the fourteen
gems, one of which our religion regained, which is Lakshmi, and
our faith, which is Dhanwantari[5.7.29] the sage.
.fn 5.7.25
[The hill tract about Siwāna, in S. Mewār.]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.26
That is, dropped all schemes against it at that moment.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.27
The Kamdhuj; epithet of the Rathors.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.28
Charms and incantations, with music, are had recourse to, in order to
cause the flight of these destructive insects from the fields they light on.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.29
[The physician of the gods, born at the churning of the ocean.]
.fn-
“In fidelity who excelled the Khichis Sheo Singh and Mukund,
who never left the person of Ajit, when his infancy was concealed
in the mountains of Arbud? to them alone, and the faithful
Sonigira, did Durga confide the secret of his retreat. The vassals
of the Nine Castles of Maru knew that he was concealed; but
where or in whose custody all were ignorant. Some thought he
was at Jaisalmer; others at Bikampur; others at Sirohi. The
eight divisions nobly supported the days of their exile; their
sinews sustained the land of Murdhar. Raos, Rajas, and Ranas
applauded their deeds, for all were alike enveloped in the net of
destruction. In all the nine thousand [towns] of Murdhar, and
the ten thousand of Mewar,[5.7.30] inhabitants there were none. Inayat
Khan was left with ten thousand men to preserve Jodhpur; but
the Champawat is the Sumer[5.7.31] of Maru, and without fear was
Durga’s brother, Soning. With Khemkaran the Karanot, and
.bn 494.png
.pn +1
Sabhal the Jodha, Bijmall the Mahecha, Jethmall Sujot, Kesari
Karanot, and the Jodha brethren Sheodan and Bhim, and many
more collected their clans and kin, and as soon as they heard that
the king was within four coss of Ajmer they blockaded the Khan
\[68] in the city of Jodha; but twenty thousand Moguls came to
the rescue. Another dreadful conflict ensued at the gates of
Jodhpur, in which the Jadon Kishor, who led the battle, and
many other chiefs were slain, yet not without many hundreds of
the foe; the 9th Asarh, S. 1737.
.fn 5.7.30
The number of towns and villages formerly constituting the arrondissement
of each State.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.31
[Meru, the sacred mountain.]
.fn-
“Soning carried the sword and the flame into every quarter.
Aurang could neither advance nor retreat. He was like the
serpent seizing the musk-rat, which, if liberated, caused blindness;
but if swallowed, was like poison. Harnath and Kana
Singh took the road to Sojat. They surrounded and drove away
the cattle, which brought the Asurs to the rescue. A dreadful
strife ensued; the chief of the Asurs was slain, but the brothers
and all their kin bedewed the land with their blood. This, the
sakha of Sojat, was when 1737 ended and 1738 commenced,
when the sword and the pestilence (mari[5.7.32]) united to clear the
land.
.fn 5.7.32
Mari, or ‘death’ personified, is the name for that fearful scourge the
spasmodic cholera morbus, which has caused the loss of so many lives for
the last thirteen years throughout India. It appears to have visited India
often, of which we have given a frightful record in the Annals of Mewar in
the reign of Rana Raj Singh (see Vol. I. p. vol1_454), in S. 1717 or A.D. 1661 (twenty
years prior to the period we treat of); and Orme [Fragments, ed. 1782,
p. 200] describes it as raging in the Deccan in A.D. 1684. They had likewise
a visitation of it within the memory of many individuals now living.
Regarding the nature of this disease, whether endemic, epidemic, or contagious,
and its cure, we are as ignorant now as the first day of our experience.
There have been hundreds of conflicting opinions and hypotheses, but none
satisfactory. In India, nine medical men out of ten, as well as those not
professional, deny its being contagious. At Udaipur, the Rana’s only son,
hermetically sealed in the palace against contact, was the first seized with
the disorder; a pretty strong proof that it was from atmospheric communication.
He was also the last man in his father’s dominions likely, from
predisposition, to be attacked, being one of the most athletic and prudent
of his subjects. I saw him through the disorder. We were afraid to
administer remedies to the last heir of Bappa Rawal, but I hinted to Amarji,
who was both bard and doctor, that strong doses of musk (12 grs. each)
might be beneficial. These he had, and I prevented his having cold water
to drink, and also checking the insensible perspiration by throwing off the
bedclothes. Nothing but his robust frame and youth made him resist this
tremendous assailant.
.fn-
.bn 495.png
.pn +1
“Soning was the Rudra of the field; Agra and Delhi trembled
at his deeds; he looked on Aurang as the waning moon. The
king sent an embassy to Soning; it was peace he desired. He
offered the mansab of Sat Hazari for Ajit,[5.7.33] and what dignities
he might demand for his brethren—the restoration of Ajmer,
and to make Soning its governor. To the engagement was added,
‘the panja is affixed in ratification of this treaty, witnessed by
God Almighty.’[5.7.34] The Diwan, Asad Khan, was the negotiator,
and the Aremdi,[5.7.35] who was with him, solemnly swore to its maintenance.
The treaty concluded, the king, whose thoughts could
not be diverted from Akbar, departed for the Deccan. Asad
Khan was left at Ajmer, and Soning at Merta \[69]. But Soning
was a thorn in the side of Aurangzeb; he bribed the Brahmans,
who threw pepper into the Homa (burnt sacrifice) and secured
for Soning a place in Suraj Mandala (the mansion of the sun).
The day following the treaty, by the incantations of Auranga,
Soning was no more.[5.7.36] Asoj the 6th, S. 1738.
.fn 5.7.33
[A command of 7000 troops.]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.34
See Vol. I. p. vol1_419, for an explanation of the panja—and the treaty which
preceded this, made by Rana Raj Singh, the fourth article of which stipulates
for terms to the minor son of Jaswant.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.35
I know not what officer is meant by the Aremdi, sent to swear to the
good faith of the king.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.36
His death was said to be effected by incantations, most probably poison.]
.fn-
“Asad sent the news to the king. This terror being removed,
the king withdrew his panja from his treaty, and in joy departed
for the Deccan. The death of Soning shed gloom and grief over
the land. Then Mukund Singh Mertia, son of Kalyan, abandoned
his mansab and joined his country’s cause. A desperate encounter
soon followed with the troops of Asad Khan near Merta, in which
Ajit, the son of Bitaldas, who led the fight, was slain, with many
of each clan, which gave joy to the Asurs, but grief to the faithful
Rajput; on the second day of the bright half of the moon of
Kartik, S. 1738.
“Prince Azam was left with Asad Khan; Inayat at Jodhpur;
and their garrisons were scattered over the land, as their tombs
(gor) everywhere attest. The lord of Chandawal, Shambhu
Kumpawat, now led the Rathors with Udang Singh Bakhshi,
and Tejsi, the young son of Durga, the bracelet on the arm of
Mahadeva, with Fateh Singh and Ram Singh, just returned from
.bn 496.png
.pn +1
placing Akbar safely in the Deccan, and many other valiant
Rathors.[5.7.37] They spread over the country even to Mewar, sacked
Pur-Mandal, and slew the governor Kasim Khan.”
.fn 5.7.37
Many were enumerated by the bardic chronicler, who would deem it
sacrilege to omit a single name in the page of fame.
.fn-
These desultory and bloody affrays, though they kept the
king’s troops in perpetual alarm and lost them myriads of men,
thinned the ranks of the defenders of Maru, who again took
refuge in the Aravalli. From thence, watching every opportunity,
they darted on their prey. On one occasion they fell upon the
garrison of Jaitaran, which they routed and expelled, or as the
chronicle quaintly says, “with the year 1739 they also fled.”
At the same time, the post of Sojat was carried by Bija Champawat,
while the Jodhawats, under Ram Singh, kept their foes in
play to the northward, and led by Udaibhan attacked the Mirza
Nur Ali at Charai: “the contest lasted for three hours; the
dead bodies of the Yavans lay in heaps in the Akhara; who
even abandoned their Nakkaras.”[5.7.38]
.fn 5.7.38
[Akhāra, ‘a place of wrestling,’ rhyming with nakkāra, ‘a kettle-drum.’]
.fn-
“After the affair of Jaitaran, when Udai Singh Champawat
and Mohkam Singh Mertia were the leaders, they made a push
for Gujarat, and had penetrated to \[70] Kheralu,[5.7.39] when they
were attacked, pursued, and surrounded in the hills at Renpur,
by Sayyid Muhammad, the Hakim of Gujarat. All night they
stood to their arms. In the morning the sword rained and filled
the cars of the Apsaras. Karan and Kesari were slain, with
Gokuldas Bhatti, with all their civil officers, and Ram Singh
himself renounced life on this day.[5.7.40] But the Asurs pulled up
the reins, having lost many men. Pali was also attacked in the
month of Bhadon this year 1739; then the game of destruction
was played with Nur Ali, three hundred Rathors against five
hundred of the king’s troops, which were routed, losing their
leader, Afzal Khan, after a desperate struggle.
.fn 5.7.39
[In Baroda State, about 63 miles N. of Ahmadābād.]
.fn-
.fn 5.7.40
He was one of the gallant chiefs who, with Durga, conveyed prince
Akbar to the sanctuary with the Mahrattas.
.fn-
“Bala was the hero who drove the Yavan from this post.
Udaya attacked the Sidi at Sojat. Jaitaran was again reinforced.
In Baisakh, Mohkam Singh Mertia attacked the royal post at
Merta, slew Sayyid Ali, and drove out the king’s troops.”
.bn 497.png
.pn +1
Assistance given by the Bhattis.—The year 1739 was one of
perpetual conflict, of captures and recaptures, in which many
parties of twenty and thirty on each side fell. They afford
numerous examples of heroic patriotism, in which Rathor blood
was lavishly shed; but while to them each warrior was a loss not
to be replaced, the despot continued to feed the war with fresh
troops. The Bhattis of Jaisalmer came forward this year, and
nobly shed their blood in seconding the efforts of the Rathors in
this patriotic warfare.
“In S. 1740, Azam and Asad Khan joined the emperor in
the Deccan, and Inayat Khan was left in command at Ajmer—being
enjoined not to relax the war in Marwar, even with the
setting in of the rains. Merwara afforded a place of rendezvous
for the Rathors, and security for their families. Here eleven
thousand of the best troops of Inayat invaded the hills to attack
the united Jodhas and Champawats, who retaliated on Pali,
Sojat, and Godwar. The ancient Mandor, which was occupied
by a garrison under Khwaja Salah, was attacked by the Mandecha
Bhatti and driven out. At Bagri, a desperate encounter took
place in the month of Baisakh, when Ram Singh and Samant
Singh, both Bhatti chiefs, fell, with two hundred of their vassals,
slaying one thousand of the Moguls. The Karamsots and Kumpawats,
under Anup Singh, scoured the banks of the Luni, and put
to the sword the garrisons of Ustara and Gangani. Mohkam,
with his Mertias, made a descent on his patrimonial lands, and
drew upon him the whole force of its \[71] governor, Muhammad Ali.
The Mertias met him on their own native plains. The Yavan
proposed a truce, and at the interview assassinated the head of the
Mertias, tidings of whose death rejoiced the Shah in the Deccan.
“At the beginning of 1741, neither strife nor fear had abated.
Sujan Singh led the Rathors in the south, while Lakha Champawat
and Kesar Kumpawat, aided by the Bhattis and Chauhans,
kept the garrison of Jodhpur in alarm. When Sujan was slain,
the bard was sent to Sangram, who held a mansab and lands from
the king; he was implored to join his brethren; he obeyed, and
all collected around Sangram.[5.7.41] Siwancha[5.7.42] was attacked, and
with Bhalotra and Panchbhadra were plundered; while the
.bn 498.png
.pn +1
blockaded garrisons were unable to aid. An hour before sunset
every gate of Maru was shut. The Asurs had the strongholds
in their power; but the plains resounded with the An[5.7.43] of Ajit.
Udaibhan, with his Jodhawats, appeared before Bhadrajun; he
assaulted the foe and captured his guns and treasure. An attempt
from Jodhpur made to recapture the trophies, added to the
triumph of the Jodha.
.fn 5.7.41
We are not informed of what clan he was, or his rank, which must have
been high.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.42
The tract so called, of which Siwana is the capital [in S. Mewār].
.fn-
.fn 5.7.43
Oath of allegiance.
.fn-
Abduction of the Asāni Girls.—“Purdil Khan[5.7.44] held Siwana;
and Nahar Khan Mewati, Kunari. To attack them, the Champawats
convened at Mokalsar. Their thirst for vengeance redoubled
at the tidings that Nur Ali had abducted two young women of
the tribe of Asani. Ratna led the Rathors; they reached
Kunari and engaged Purdil Khan, who was put to the sword
with six hundred of his men. The Rathors left one hundred in
the field that day, the ninth of Chait. The Mirza[5.7.45] no sooner
heard of this defeat than he fled towards Toda, with the Asani
damsels, gazing on the mangoes as they ripened, and having
reached Kuchal, he encamped. Subhal Singh, the son of Askaran,
heard it; he took his opium, and though the Mirza was surrounded
by pillars, the dagger of Askaran’s son reached his heart; but
the Bhatti[5.7.46] was cut in pieces. The roads were now impassable;
the Thanas[5.7.47] of the Yavans were reduced to great straits \[72].
.fn 5.7.44
It is almost superfluous to remark, even to the mere English reader,
that whenever he meets the title Khan, it indicates a Muhammadan [and a
Pathān]; and that of Singh (lion) a Rajput.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.45
Nur Ali. Mirza is a title only applied to a Mogul.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.46
As a Bhatti revenged this disgrace, it is probable the Asani damsels,
thus abducted by the Mirza, were of his own race.
.fn-
.fn 5.7.47
Garrisons and military posts.
.fn-
“The year 1742 commenced with the slaughter of the king’s
garrison at Sambhar by the Lakhawats and Asawats;[5.7.48] while
from Godwar the chiefs made incursions to the gates of Ajmer.
A battle took place at Merta, where the Rathors were defeated
and dispersed; but in revenge Sangram burned the suburbs of
Jodhpur, and then came to Dunara, where once more the clans
assembled. They marched, invested Jalor, when Bihari, left
without succour, was compelled to capitulate, and the gate of
honour (dharmadwara) was left open to him. And thus ended
1742.”
.fn 5.7.48
These are of the most ancient vassalage of Maru.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 499.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 8
.sp 2
Ajīt Singh produced to the Rāthors, A.D. 1686.—“In the year
1743, the Champawats, Kumpawats, Udawats, Mertias, Jodhas,
Karamsots, and all the assembled clans of Maru, became impatient
to see their sovereign. They sent for the Khichi Mukund, and
prayed that they might but \[73] behold him; but the faithful
to his trust replied: ‘He,[5.8.1] who confided him to me, is yet in the
Deccan.’—‘Without the sight of our Lord, bread and water
have no flavour.’ Mukund could not withstand their suit.
The Hara prince Durjan Sal, having come to their aid with one
thousand horse from Kotah,[5.8.2] they repaired to the hill of Abu,
when on the last day of Chait 1743 they saw their prince. As
the lotus expands at the sunbeam, so did the heart of each Rathor
at the sight of their infant sovereign; they drank his looks,
even as the papiha in the month Asoj sips drops of amrita
(ambrosia) from the Champa.[5.8.3] There were present, Udai Singh,
Sangram Singh, Bijaipal, Tej Singh, Mukund Singh, and Nahar
son of Hari, all Champawats; Raj Singh, Jagat Singh, Jeth
Singh, Samant Singh, of the Udawats; Ram Singh, Fateh Singh,
and Kesari, Kumpawats. There was also the Uhar chief of pure
descent,[5.8.4] besides the Khichi Mukund, the Purohit, the Parihar,
and the Jain priest, Yati Gyan, Bijai. In a fortunate hour, Ajit
became known to the world. The Hara Rao first made his salutation;
he was followed by all Marwar with offerings of gold,
pearls, and horses.
.fn 5.8.1
Meaning Durgadas.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.2
His principal object was to marry the daughter of Shujāwan Singh
Champawat, the sister of the brave Mukund Singh, often mentioned in the
chronicle. The Kotah prince dared not, according to every Rajput maxim
of gallantry, refuse his aid on such occasion; but the natural bravery and
high mind of Durjan Sal required no stimulus.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.3
The Hindu poet says the Papiha bird [the cuckoo] becomes intoxicated
with the flowers [of the Champa (Michelia champaka)].
.fn-
.fn 5.8.4
A name now lost.
.fn-
“Inayat conveyed the tidings to Aurang Shah; the Asur
chief said to the king, ‘If without a head so long they had combated
him, what could now be expected?’ He demanded
reinforcements.
.bn 500.png
.pn +1
Ajīt Singh installed.—“In triumph they conveyed the young
Raja to Awa, whose chief made the badhava[5.8.5] with pearls, and
presented him with horses; here he was entertained, and here
they prepared the tika daur.[5.8.6] Thence, taking Raepur, Bilara,
and Barunda in his way, and receiving the homage and nazars
of their chiefs, he repaired to Asop, where he was entertained by
the head of the Kumpawats. From Asop he went to the Bhatti
fief of Lawera; thence to Rian, the chief abode of the Mertias;
thence to Khinwasar, of the Karamsots. Each chief entertained
their young lord, around whom all the clans gathered. Then he
repaired to Kalu, the abode of Pabhu Rao Dhandal,[5.8.7] who came
forth with all his bands; and at length \[74] he reached Pokaran,
where he was joined by Durgadas from the Deccan, the 10th of
Bhadon 1744.
“Inayat Khan was alarmed. He assembled a numerous array
to quell this fresh tumult, but death pounced upon him. The
king was afflicted thereat. He tried another stratagem, and
set up a pretended son of Jaswant, styled Muhammad Shah, and
offered Ajit the mansab of five thousand to submit to his
authority.[5.8.8] The pretender also died as he set out for Jodhpur,
and Shujaat Khan[5.8.9] was made the governor of Marwar in place of
Inayat. Now the Rathors and Haras united, having cleared
Maru of their foes, attacked them in a foreign land. The garrisons
of Malpura and Pur Mandal were put to the sword, and here the
Hara prince was killed by a cannon shot in leading the storm.
Here they levied eight thousand mohurs in contribution and
returned to Marwar, while the civil officers and Purohits made
collections in his country; and thus passed 1744.
.fn 5.8.5
Waving a brass vessel, filled with pearls, round his head.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.6
[The inauguration foray. See Vol. I. p. vol1_315.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.7
Pabhu Rao Rathor is immortalized by the aid of his lance on this
occasion; he was of the ancient chivalry of Maru, and still held his allodial
domain.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.8
[See p. #997# above.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.9
[His original name was Kārtalab Khān, and he served as viceroy of
Surat and Gujarāt (Manucci ii. 259, iv. 247).]
.fn-
“The year 1745 commenced with proposals from Shujaat
Khan to hold Marwar in farm; he promised one-fourth of all
transit duties if the Rathors would respect foreign commerce:
to this they agreed. The son of Inayat left Jodhpur for Delhi;
he had reached Renwal, but was overtaken by the Jodha Harnath,
.bn 501.png
.pn +1
who released him both of wives and wealth. The Khan fled to
the Kachhwahas for shelter. Suja Beg, who left Ajmer to release
him, fared no better: he was attacked, defeated, and plundered
by Mukunddas Champawat.
War with the Mughals.—“In 1747, Safi Khan was Hakim of
Ajmer: Durga determined to attack him. The Hakim took
post in the pass which defends the road; there Durga assailed
him, and made him fly to Ajmer. The tidings reached the king;
he wrote to the Khan, if he discomfited Durgadas, he would raise
him over all the Khans of the empire; if he failed, he should
send him bracelets,[5.8.10] and order Shujaat from Jodhpur to supersede
him. Safi, before abandoning his trust, tried to retain
his honours by the circumvention of Ajit. He addressed a letter
to him, saying he held the imperial sanad for the restoration
of his paternal domains, but that, as the king’s representative, he
must come and receive it. Ajit marched at the head of twenty
thousand Rathors, sending in advance Mukund Champawat to
observe whether any treachery was contemplated. The snare
was discovered and reported to Ajit, as he arrived at the foot of
the pass beyond the mountains. ‘Let us, however, have \[75] a
sight of Ajaidurg as we are so near,’ said the young prince, ‘and
receive the compliments of the Khan.’ They moved on towards
the city, and Safi Khan had no alternative but to pay his obeisance
to Ajit. To enjoy his distress, one said, ‘Let us fire the
city.’ The Hakim sat trembling for its safety and his own; he
brought forth jewels and horses which he presented to Ajit.
.fn 5.8.10
A mark of contempt.
.fn-
“In 1748, the troubles recommenced in Mewar. Prince Amra
rebelled against his father, Rana Jai Singh, and was joined by
all his chiefs. The Rana fled to Godwar, and at Ghanerao
collected a force, which Amra prepared to attack. The Rana
demanded succour of the Rathors, and all the Mertias hastened
to relieve him; and soon after Ajit sent Durgadas and Bhagwan,
with Ranmall Jodha, and ‘the eight ranks of Rathors,’ to espouse
the father’s cause. But the Chondawats and Saktawats, the
Jhalas and Chauhans, rather than admit foreign interference in
their quarrel, thought it better to effect a reconciliation between
father and son; and thus the Rana was indebted to Marwar for
the support of his throne.
Aurangzeb negotiates about Akbar’s Daughter.—“The year
.bn 502.png
.pn +1
1749 passed in negotiation to obtain the daughter of prince Akbar,
left in charge of Durgadas, for whose honour Aurangzeb was
alarmed, as Ajit was reaching manhood; Narayandas Kulumbi
was the medium of negotiation, and Safi Khan caused all hostilities
to cease while it lasted.
“In 1750, the Muslim governors of Jodhpur, Jalor, and Siwana
combined their forces against Ajit, who was again compelled to
retreat to the mountains. Akha, the Bala, received their attack,
but was defeated in the month of Magh. Another combat was
hastened by the wanton slaughter of a sand,[5.8.11] when the Hakim of
Chank, with all his train, were made prisoners at Mokalsar by
the Champawat Mukanddas.
.fn 5.8.11
One of those pampered bulls, allowed to wander at liberty and fed by
every one.
.fn-
“To such straits were the Muslims put in 1751, that many
districts paid chauth, others tribute, and many, tired of this incessant
warfare, and unable to conquer their bread, took service
with the Rathors. This year, Kasim Khan and Lashkar Khan
marched against Ajit, who took post at Bijaipur. Durga’s son
led the onset, and the Khan was defeated. With each year of
Ajit grew the hopes of the Rathors; while Aurangzeb was afflicted
at each month’s growth of his granddaughter. He wrote to
Shujaat, the Hakim of Jodhpur, to secure his honour at whatever
cost; his applications for Akbar’s daughter were unwearied \[76].
Ajīt Singh marries a Princess of Mewar.—“This year the coco-nut
studded with gems,[5.8.12] two elephants and ten steeds, all richly
caparisoned, were sent by the Rana to affiance the daughter of
his younger brother, Gaj Singh, to Ajit. The present was accepted,
and in the month of Jeth, the prince of the Rathors repaired to
Udaipur, where the nuptials were solemnized. In Asarh he again
married at Deolia.[5.8.13]
.fn 5.8.12
The coco, the symbol of a marriage offer.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.13
Partabgarh Deolia, a small principality grown out of Mewar [IGI,
xx. 14].
.fn-
“In 1753, negotiations were renewed through Durgadas, and
the protracted restoration of the Sultani obtained the seat of his
ancestors for the Jodhani. Durga was offered for himself the
mansab of five thousand, which he refused; he preferred that
Jalor, Siwanchi, Sanchor, and Tharad[5.8.14] should revert to his
.bn 503.png
.pn +1
country. Even Aurang admired the honourable and distinguished
treatment of his granddaughter.
.fn 5.8.14
[In the Pālanpur Agency, Bombay Presidency (IGI, xix. 346).]
.fn-
“In Pus 1757,[5.8.15] Ajit regained possession of his ancestral abode:
on his reaching Jodhpur he slew a buffalo at each of its five gates.[5.8.16]
The Shahzada Sultan led the way, Shujaat being dead.[5.8.17]
.fn 5.8.15
I cannot now call to mind whether this break of four years in the
chronicle of the bard Karnidhan occurs in the original, or that in translating
I left the hiatus from there being nothing interesting therein. The tyrant
was now fully occupied in the Deccan wars, and the Rajputs had time to
breathe.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.16
[To propitiate the gate spirit.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.17
This Shahzada must have been prince Azam, who was nominated
viceroy of Gujarat and Marwar.
.fn-
“In 1759, Azam Shah again seized on Jodhpur, and Ajit
made Jalor his abode. Some of his chiefs now served the foe,
some the Rana whose hopes were on Eklinga alone; while the
lord of Amber served the king in the Deccan. The enormities
of the Asurs had reached their height; the sacred kine were
sacrificed even at Mathura, Prayag, and Okhamandal; the
Jogis and Bairagis invoked heaven for protection, but iniquity
prevailed as the Hindu strength decayed. Prayers were everywhere
offered up to heaven to cleanse the land from the iniquities
of the barbarians.[5.8.18] In this year, the month of Magh 1759, the
Mithun Lagan (the ‘sun in Gemini’), a son was born of the
Chauhani, who was called Abhai Singh. (See end of this chapter,
p. #1019:i1019#, for the Horoscope of Abhai Singh.)
.fn 5.8.18
This record of the manifold injuries, civil and religious, under which the
Hindu nation groaned is quite akin to the sentiments of the letter of remonstrance
addressed by Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb. See Vol. I. p. vol1_442.
.fn-
“In 1761, Yusuf was superseded by Murshid Kuli as Hakim
of Jodhpur. On his arrival he presented the royal sanad for
the restoration of Merta to Ajit. Kusal Singh, the Mertia Sarmor,
with the Dhandhal Govinddas, were ordered to \[77] take the
charge, which incensed the son of Indar (Mohkam Singh), who
deemed his faithful service during his minority overlooked by
this preference. He wrote to the king to nominate him to the
command of Marwar, and that he would fulfil his charge to the
satisfaction both of Hindu and Muslim.
“In 1761 the star of the foe began to decline. Murshid Kuli,
the Mogul, was relieved by Jaafar Khan. Mohkam’s letter was
intercepted. He had turned traitor to his prince, and joined
.bn 504.png
.pn +1
the king’s troops. Ajit marched against them; he fought them
at Dunara; the king’s troops were defeated, and the rebel
Indhawat was slain. This was in 1762.
Death of Aurangzeb, March 3, 1707.—“In 1763, Ibrahim Khan,
the king’s lieutenant[5.8.19] at Lahore, passed through Marwar to
relieve Azam in the vice-royalty of Gujarat. On the second day
of Chait, the obscure half of the moon, the joyful tidings arrived
of the death of the king.[5.8.20] On the fifth, Ajit took to horse; he
reached the town of Jodha, and sacrificed to the gates, but the
Asurs feared to face him. Some hid their faces in fear, while
others fled. The Mirza came down, and Ajit ascended to the
halls of his ancestors. The wretched Yavans, now abandoned
to the infuriated Rajputs smarting under twenty-six years of
misery, found no mercy. In hopeless despair they fled, and the
wealth which they had amassed by extortion and oppression
returned to enrich the proprietor. The barbarians, in turn, were
made captive; they fought, were slaughtered and dispersed.
Some sought saran (sanctuary), and found it; even the barbarian
leader himself threw fear to the winds in the unconcealed sanctuary
of the Kumpawat. But the triumph of the Hindu was complete,
when, to escape from perdition, their flying foes invoked Sitaram
and Hargovind, begging their bread in the day, and taking to
their heels at night. The chaplet of the Mulla served to count
the name of Rama, and a handful of gold was given to have their
beards removed.[5.8.21] Nothing but the despair and flight of the
Mlechchha was heard throughout Murdhar. Merta was evacuated,
and the wounded Mohkam fled to Nagor. Sojat and Pali were
regained, and the land returned to the Jodhani. Jodhgarh was
purified from the contaminations of the barbarian with the water
of the Ganges and the sacred Tulasi, and Ajit received the tilak
of sovereignty.
.fn 5.8.19
He is called the samdhi, or ‘son-in-law of the king.’ [There is no
record of his marriage to a daughter of Aurangzeb (IA, xl. 83). It is the
fathers of a bride and bridegroom who stand in the relation of samdhi to
each other.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.20
5th Chait S. 1763. The 28th Zu-lqa’ada [March 3, 1707].
.fn-
.fn 5.8.21
The Rajputs gave up beards the better to distinguish them from the
Muslims.
.fn-
“Then Azam marched from the south and Muazzam from the
north. At Agra a \[78] mighty battle for empire took place
.bn 505.png
.pn +1
between the two Asurs, but Alam[5.8.22] prevailed and got the throne.
The tidings soon reached the king, that Ajit had plundered his
armies in Maru and taken possession of the ‘cushion’ of his
fathers.
.fn 5.8.22
Shah Alam, who assumed the title of Bahadur Shah on mounting the
throne. [The battle in which Azam was defeated was fought on June 7,
1707.]
.fn-
Campaign of Bahādur Shāh.—“The rainy season of 1764 had
vanished, the king had no repose; he formed an army and came
to Ajmer. Then Haridas, the son of Bhagwan, with the Uhar
and Mangalia chiefs,[5.8.23] and Ratna the leader of the Udawats,
with eight hundred of their clan, entered the castle and swore to
Ajit, that whatever might be his intentions, they were resolved
to maintain the castle to the death. The royal army encamped
at Bhavi Bilara, and Ajit prepared for the storm; but the king
was advised to try peaceful arts, and an overture was made, and
the messenger was sent back to the king accompanied by Nahar
Khan. The embassy returned bearing the royal farman to Ajit;
but before he would accept it, he said he would view the royal
army, and on the first day of Phalgun he left the hill of Jodha
and reached Bisalpur. Here he was received by a deputation
from the king, headed by Shujaat Khan, son of the Khankhanan
accompanied by the Raja of the Bhadaurias and Rao Budh Singh
of Bundi—the place of meeting was Pipar. That night passed
in adjusting the terms of the treaty.[5.8.24] The ensuing morn he
marched forward at the head of all the men of Maru; and at
Anandpur the eyes of the king of the barbarians (Mlechchha)
fell on those of the lord of the earth. He gave him the title of
Tegh Bahadur.[5.8.25] But fate decreed that the city of Jodha was
coveted by the king; by stealth he sent Mahrab Khan to take
possession, accompanied by the traitor Mohkam. Ajit burned
with rage when he heard of this treachery, but he was compelled
to dissimulate and accompany Alam to the Deccan, and to serve
.bn 506.png
.pn +1
under Kambakhsh. Jai Singh of Amber[5.8.26] was also with the
king, and had a like cause for discontent, a royal garrison being
placed in Amber, and the gaddi of the Raja bestowed on his
younger brother, Bijai Singh. Now the army rolled on like a
sea overflowing its bounds. As soon as the king crossed the
Nerbudda,[5.8.27] the Rajas executed their designs, and, without saying
a word, at the head of their vassals retrograded to Rajwara.
They repaired to Udaipur, and were received by Rana Amra
with rejoicing and distinction \[79], who advanced to conduct
them to his capital. Seated together, the chaunri waving over
their heads, they appeared like the Trianga,[5.8.28] Brahma, Vishnu
and Mahesa. From this hour the fortunes of the Asurs sunk,
and virtue again began to show herself.[5.8.29] From Udaipur the
two Rajas passed to Marwar. They reached Awa, and here the
Champawat Sangram, son of Udaibhan, spread the foot-carpet
(pagmanda) for his lord.
.fn 5.8.23
The Mangalia is a branch of the Guhilots, severed from the original
stem in the reign of Bappa Rawal eleven centuries ago.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.24
[According to Khāfi Khān, the submission of Ajīt Singh was complete;
he even asked that the mosque at Jodhpur should be rebuilt, temples
destroyed, and the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of cows
enforced—concessions he would not have been likely to make unless he
was reduced to extremities (Elliot-Dowson vii. 405).]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.25
‘The warrior’s sword.’
.fn-
.fn 5.8.26
This is the Mirza Raja, Jai Singh—the posterior Jai Singh had the
epithet Sawai [see Vol. II. p. #969#].
.fn-
.fn 5.8.27
The Muslim historian mentions in Vol. I. p. vol1_464, that Bahadur was then
en route to Lahore.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.28
Trianga, the triple-bodied, or trimurti.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.29
The bard of Maru passes over the important fact of the intermarriage
which took place on this occasion of the Rajput triple alliance. See Vol. I.
p. vol1_465.
.fn-
“The month of Sawan 1765 set in, and the hopes of the Asur
expired. Mahrab was in consternation when he heard that Ajit
had returned to his native land. On the 7th the hall of Jodha
was surrounded by thirty thousand Rathors. On the 12th the
gate of honour was thrown open to Mahrab; he had to thank
the son of Askaran[5.8.30] for his life. He was allowed an honourable
retreat, and Ajit once more entered the capital of Maru.
.fn 5.8.30
Durgadas, who recommended the acceptance of the proffered capitulation.
.fn-
“Jai Singh encamped upon the banks of the Sur Sagar; but
a prince without a country, he was unhappy. But as soon as
the rains were passed, Ajmall, the sanctuary of the Kachhwaha,
proposed to reinstate him in Amber. When conjoined they had
reached Merta, Agra and Delhi trembled. When they arrived
at Ajmer its governor sought saran with the saint,[5.8.31] and paid the
contributions demanded. Then, like the falcon, Ajit darted upon
.bn 507.png
.pn +1
Sambhar; and here the vassals of Amber repaired from all
quarters to the standard of their lord. With twelve thousand
men, the Sayyid advanced along the edge of the salt lake, to
encounter Ajmall. The Kumpawat led the charge; a desperate
battle ensued; Husain, with six thousand men, lay on the field,
while the rest took to flight and sought refuge in the castle.[5.8.32]
His lieutenant, the Parihar, chief Pandu,[5.8.33] here fell into the hands
of Ajit; he then felt he had recovered Mandor. On intelligence
of this history, the Asurs abandoned Amber, and having placed
a garrison in Sambhar, in the month of Margsir, Ajit restored
Jai Singh to Amber, and prepared to attack Bikaner. Ajit
committed the administration of all civil affairs to the faithful
Raghunath Bhandari, with the \[80] title of Diwan. He was well
qualified, both from his experience in civil affairs and from his
valour as a soldier.
.fn 5.8.31
The shrine of Khwaja Kutb.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.32
Although the Marwar chronicler takes all the credit of this action, it
was fought by the combined Rajputs of the alliance. Vol. I. p. vol1_466.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.33
Pandu is the squire, the shield-bearer, of the Rajputs.
.fn-
Death of Prince Kāmbakhsh.—“In Bhadon of the year 1766,
Aurangzeb put to death Kambakhsh,[5.8.34] and Jai Singh entered
into negotiations with the king. Ajit now went against Nagor;
but Indar Singh being without resource, came forth and embraced
Ajit’s feet, who bestowed Ladnun upon him as a heritage. But
this satisfied not him who had been the lord of Nagor, and Indar
carried his complaints to Delhi.[5.8.35] The king was enraged—his
threats reached the Rajas, who deemed it safe again to reunite.
They met at Kolia near Didwana, and the king soon after reached
Ajmer. Thence he sent his firmans and the panja as terms of
friendship to the Rajas: Nahar Khan, Chela of the king, was
the bearer. They were accepted, and on the 1st Asarh both
the Rajas repaired to Ajmer. Here the king received them
.bn 508.png
.pn +1
graciously, in the face of the world; to Ajit he presented the
sanad of the Nine Castles of Maru, and to Jai Singh that of Amber.
Having taken leave of the king, the two Rajas went on the
parab[5.8.36] to the sacred lake of Pushkar. Here they separated for
their respective domains, and Ajit reached Jodhpur in Sawan
1767. In this year he married a Gaur Rani, and thus quenched
the feud caused by Arjun, who slew Amra Singh in the Ammkhass.[5.8.37]
Then he went on a pilgrimage to Kurukshetra, the field of battle
of the Mahabharata, and made his ablutions in the fountain of
Bhishma.[5.8.38] Thus 1767 passed away” \[81].
.fn 5.8.34
Kambakhsh was the child of the old age of the tyrant Aurangzeb, by a
Rajput princess. He appears to have held him in more affection than any
of his other sons, as his letter on his death-bed to him testifies. See Vol. I.
p. vol1_439. [Kāmbakhsh was son of Bāi Udaipuri, who was probably a dancing
girl, but one account states that she was a Georgian Christian, formerly in
Dāra Shukoh’s harem; she died in June 1707. Kāmbakhsh, born March 6,
1667, died from wounds received in battle with his brother Muazzam, fought
near Haidarābād, Deccan, January 13, 1709.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.35
Indar Singh was the son of Amra, the eldest brother of Jaswant, and
the father of Mohkam, who, being disappointed of the government of Merta,
deserted to the king.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.36
[The day on which the sun enters a new sign of the zodiac.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.37
This is another of the numerous instances of contradictory feelings in
the Rajput character. Amra, elder brother of Jaswant, was banished
Marwar, lost his birthright, and was afterwards slain at court, as already
related. His son, Indar Singh and grandson Mohkam, from Nagor, which
they held in separate grants from the king, never forgot their title as elder
branch of the family, and eternally contested their claim against Ajit.
Still, as a Rathor, he was bound to avenge the injuries of a Rathor, even
though his personal foe.—Singular inconsistency!
.fn-
.fn 5.8.38
There is an anecdote regarding the fountain of this classic field of strife,
the Troad of Rajasthan, which well exemplifies the superstitious belief of
the warlike Rajput. The emperor Bahadur Shah was desirous to visit this
scene of the exploits of the heroes of antiquity, stimulated, no doubt, by
his Rajputni queen, or his mother, also of this race. He was seated under
a tree which shaded the sacred fount, named after the great leader of the
Kauravas, his queen by his side, surrounded by kanats to hide them from
profane eyes, when a vulture perched upon the tree with a bone in its beak,
which falling in the fountain, the bird set up a scream of laughter. The
king looked up in astonishment, which was greatly increased when the
vulture addressed him in human accents, saying “that in a former birth
she was a Jogini, and was in the field of slaughter of the Great War, whence
she flew away with the dissevered arm of one of its mighty warriors, with
which she alighted on that very tree, that the arm was encumbered with a
ponderous golden bracelet, in which, as an amulet, were set thirteen brilliant
symbols of Siva, and that after devouring the flesh, she dropped the bracelet,
which fell into the fountain, and it was this awakened coincidence which had
caused the scream of laughter.” We must suppose that this, the palada
of the field of slaughter, spoke Sanskrit or its dialect, interpreted by his
Rajput queen. Instantly the pioneers were commanded to clear the
fountain, and behold the relic of the Mahabharata, with the symbolic
emblems of the god all-perfect! and so large were they, that the emperor
remarked they would answer excellently well for “slaves of the carpet.”[5.8.38.A]
The Hindu princes then present, among whom were the Rajas Ajit and Jai
Singh, were shocked at this levity, and each entreated of the king one of
the phallic symbols. The Mirza Raja obtained two, and both are yet at
Jaipur, one in the Temple of Silah Devi,[5.8.38.B] the other in that of Govinda.
Ajit had one, still preserved and worshipped at the shrine of Girdhari at
Jodhpur. My old tutor and friend, the Yati Gyanchandra, who told the
story while he read the chronicles as I translated them, has often seen and
made homage to all the three relics. There is one, he believed, at Bundi
or Kotah, and the Rana by some means obtained another. They are of pure
rock crystal, and as each weighs some pounds, there must have been giants
in the days of the Bharat, to have supported thirteen in one armlet.
Homer’s heroes were pigmies to the Kauravas, whose bracelet we may doubt
if Ajax could have lifted. My venerable tutor, though liberal in his opinions,
did not choose to dissent from the general belief, for man, he said, had
beyond a doubt greatly degenerated since the heroic ages, and was rapidly
approximating to the period, the immediate forerunner of a universal
renovation, when only dwarfs would creep over the land.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.38.A
[The weights which keep it down.]
.fn-
.fn 5.8.38.B
The goddess of arms, their Pallas.
.fn-
.bn 509.png
.pn +1
Eulogy of Durgadās.—Here let us, for a while, suspend the
narrative of the chronicler, and take a retrospective glance at
the transactions of the Rathors, from the year 1737 [A.D. 1680],
the period of Raja Jaswant’s death at Kabul, to the restoration
of Ajit, presenting a continuous conflict of thirty years’ duration.
In vain might we search the annals of any other nation for such
inflexible devotion as marked the Rathor character through this
period of strife, during which, to use their own phrase, “hardly
a chieftain died on his pallet.” Let those who deem the Hindu
warrior void of patriotism read the rude chronicle of this thirty
years’ war; let them compare it with that of any other country,
and do justice to the magnanimous Rajput. This narrative, the
simplicity of which is the best voucher for its authenticity, presents
an uninterrupted record of patriotism and disinterested loyalty.
It was a period when the sacrifice of these principles was rewarded
by the tyrant king with the highest honours of the state; nor are
we without instances of the temptation being too strong to be
withstood; but they are rare, and serve only to exhibit, in more
pleasing colours, the virtues of the tribe which spurned the
attempts at seduction. What a splendid example is the heroic
Durgadas of all that constitutes the glory of the Rajput! Valour,
loyalty, integrity, combined with prudence in all the difficulties
which surrounded him, are qualities which entitle him to the
admiration which his memory continues to enjoy. The temptations
held out to him were almost irresistible: not merely the
.bn 510.png
.pn +1
gold, which he and thousands of his brethren would alike have
spurned, but the splendid offer of power in the proffered mansab
of five thousand, which would at once have lifted him from his
vassal condition to an equality with the \[82] princes and chief
nobles of the land. Durga had, indeed, but to name his reward;
but, as the bard justly says, he was amol, beyond all price, anokha,
unique. Not even revenge, so dear to the Rajput, turned him
aside from the dictates of true honour. The foul assassination
of his brother, the brave Soning, effected through his enemies,
made no alteration in his humanity whenever the chance of war
placed his foe in his power; and in this, his policy seconded his
virtue. His chivalrous conduct, in the extrication of prince
Akbar from inevitable destruction had he fallen into his father’s
hands, was only surpassed by his generous and delicate behaviour
towards the prince’s family, which was left in his care, forming a
marked contrast to that of the enemies of his faith on similar
occasions. The virtue of the granddaughter of Aurangzeb, in
the sanctuary (saran) of Dunara,[5.8.39] was in far better keeping than
in the trebly-walled harem of Agra. Of his energetic mind, and
the control he exerted over those of his confiding brethren, what
a proof is given, in his preserving the secret of the abode of his
prince throughout the six first years of his infancy! But, to
conclude our eulogy in the words of their bard: he has reaped
the immortality destined for good deeds; his memory is cherished,
his actions are the theme of constant praise, and his picture on
his white horse, old, yet in vigour, is familiar amongst the collections
of portraits of Rajputana.[5.8.40]
.fn 5.8.39
Durga’s fief on the Luni.
.fn-
.fn 5.8.40
See Vol. I. p. vol1_451.
.fn-
But there was not a clan, or family, that did not produce men
of worth in this protracted warfare, which incited constant emulation;
and the bards of each had abundant materials to emblazon
the pages of their chronicles. To the recollection of these, their
expatriated descendants allude in the memorial[5.8.41] of their hardships
from the cruel policy of the reigning chief, the last lineal
descendant of the prince, whose history has just been narrated.
We now resume the narrative in the language of the chronicle \[83].
.fn 5.8.41
See Vol. I. p. vol1_228.
.fn-
.bn 511.png
.pn +1
.ce
HOROSCOPE OF RAJA ABHAI SINGH
In the Janampatri, or horoscope of Abhai Singh (referred to in
p. 1011), the 4th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th, and 12th houses denote the
destinies of the heir of Ajit. In the 4th we have the monster Rahu,
the author of eclipses. Of the 7th, or house of heirs, the Moon and
Venus have taken possession; of the 8th, or house of strife, the Sun
and Mercury. In the 10th is Ketu, brother of Rahu, both signs of
evil portent. Mars rides in the house of fate, while Saturn and Jupiter
are together in the abode of sovereignty. Like that of every man
living, the horoscope of the heir of Maru is filled with good and evil:
could the Jotishi or astrological seer have put the parricidal sign in the
house of destiny, he might have claimed some merit for superior
intelligence. Those who have ever consulted any works on this foolish
pursuit will observe that the diagrams of the European astrologers
are exact copies of the Hindu, in proof of which I have inserted this;
to trace darkness as well as light from the East!
.if t
.nf
┌──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│╲ ╱╲ ╱│
│ ╲ 4 ╱ ╲ 2 ╱ │
│ ╲ RĀHU. ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ (ascending node) ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ 5 ╳ 3 ╳ 1 │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ 12 ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ RĀJ-BHAWAN ╲ │
│╱ ╲╱ Abode of Sovereignty. ╲│
│╲ 6 ╱╲ ╱│
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♃ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♄ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ 7 ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ 11 │
│ House of ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ House of │
│ Heirs ╳ ╳ Destiny │
│ ╱ ╲ 9 ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ☿ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♂ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│☽ ╱ 8 ╲ ╱ 10 ╲ │
│ ╱ House of Enmity. ╲ ╱ KETU. ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ (descending node) ╲ │
│╱ ☉ ȣ ╲╱ \│
└──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘
.nf-
.if-
.if h
.il id=i1019 fn=illo_1019.jpg w=450px ew=80% alt='horoscope'
.ig
.li
┌───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐
│╲ 4 ╱╲ ╱│
│ ╲ RĀHU. ╱ ╲ 2 ╱ │
│ ╲ (ascending node) ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ 5 ╲╱ ╲╱ 1 │
│ ╱╲ 3 ╱╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ 12 ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ RĀJ-BHAWAN ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ Abode of Sovereignty. ╲ │
│╱ 6 ╲╱ ╲│
│╲ ╱╲ ╱│
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♃ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │
│ 7 ╲ ╱ ╲ ♄ ╱ 11 │
│House of ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ House of │
│ Heirs ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ Destiny │
│ ╲╱ 9 ╲╱ │
│ ╱╲ ╱╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ☿ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ 10 ╲ │
│ ☽ ╱ 8 ╲ ╱ KETU. ╲ │
│ ╱ House of Enmity. ╲ ╱ (descending node) ╲ │
│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │
│╱ ☉ ȣ ╲╱ ╲│
└───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘
.li-
.ig-
.if-
.rj
\[84].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.bn 512.png
.pn +1
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 9
.sp 2
Ajīt Singh attacks Nāhan.—“In 1768 Ajit was sent against
Nahan[5.9.1] and the chiefs of the snowy mountains, whom he reduced
to obedience. Thence he went to the Ganges, where he performed
his ablutions, and in the spring he returned to Jodhpur.
“In 1769 Shah Alam[5.9.2] went to heaven. The torch of discord
was lighted by his sons, with which they fired their own dwelling.
Azim-ush-shan was slain,[5.9.3] and the umbrella of royalty waved
over the head of Muizzu-d-din.[5.9.4] Ajit sent the Bhandari Kaimsi to
the presence, who returned with the sanad of the vice-royalty
of Gujarat. In the month of Margsir 1769, he prepared an army
to take possession of the Sattra-sahas,[5.9.5] when fresh dissensions
broke out in the house of the Chagatai. The Sayyids slew
Muizzu-d-din, and Farrukhsiyar became king.[5.9.6] Zulfikar Khan
was \[85] put to death,[5.9.7] and with him departed the strength of
the Moguls. Then the Sayyids became headstrong. Ajit was
commanded to send his son, Abhai Singh, now seventeen years
of age, with his contingent, to court; but Ajit having learned
that the traitor Mukund was there and in great favour, sent a
trusty band, who slew him even in the middle of Delhi. This
daring act brought the Sayyid with an army to Jodhpur.[5.9.8] Ajit
sent off the men of wealth to Siwanah, and his son and family
to the desert of Rardarra.[5.9.9] The capital was invested, and Abhai
.bn 513.png
.pn +1
Singh demanded as a hostage for the conduct of Ajit, who was also
commanded to court. To neither was the Raja inclined, but the
advice of the Diwan and still more of Kesar the bard, who gave
as a precedent the instance of Rao Ganga when invaded by the
Lodi, Daulat Khan, who entrusted his affairs to his son Maldeo,
was unanimously approved.[5.9.10] Abhai Singh was recalled from
Rardarra, and marched with Husain Ali to Delhi, the end of
Asarh 1770. The heir of Maru received the mansab of five
thousand from the king.
.fn 5.9.1
[Now known as Sirmūr, a Hill State in the Panjāb, on the W. bank of
the Jumna, and E. of Simla (IGI, xxiii. 3).]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.2
[Kutbu-d-dīn Shāh ‘Alam, Bahādur Shah I., died at Lahore,
February 17, 1712.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.3
[Azīmu-sh-shān was drowned in the river Rāvi, after the battle between
Jahāndār Shāh and his other brothers, in February 1712.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.4
[Muizzu-d-dīn Jahāndār Shāh, crowned Emperor at Lahore, April 10,
1712, was murdered in 1713, and was buried at Humāyūn’s tomb, Delhi.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.5
The “seventeen thousand” towns of Gujarat.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.6
[On January 9, 1713.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.7
[Zulfikār Khān, Nasrat Jang, was strangled in January 1713.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.8
[The chronicler is reticent about this campaign which was carried out
by Husain Ali Khān and the emperor’s maternal uncle Shāista Khān. It
was caused by the expulsion of Mughals from Mārwār by Ajīt Singh (Khāfi
Khān in Elliot-Dowson vii. 446 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.9
The tract west of the Luni.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.10
They slur over the most important demand—a daughter to wife to
the king—it is at this Ajit hesitates, and for which the precedent is given.
.fn-
“Ajit followed his son to the court, then held at Delhi. There
the sight of the altars raised over the ashes of chiefs who had
perished to preserve him in his infancy, kindled all his wrath,
and he meditated revenge on the whole house of Timur. Four
distinct causes for displeasure had Ajmall:—
“1. The Nauroza.[5.9.11]
“2. The compulsory marriage of their daughters with the
king.
“3. The killing of kine.
“4. The Jizya, or capitation tax.”[5.9.12]
.fn 5.9.11
See Vol. I. p. vol1_400.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.12
Described Vol. I. p. vol1_441.
.fn-
Ajit Singh marries his Daughter to Farrukhsīyar, A.D. 1716.—Here
we must interrupt the narrative, in order to supply an
important omission of the bard, who slurs over the hardest of
the conditions demanded of Ajit on the invasion of the Sayyid,
namely, the giving a daughter to Farrukhsiyar, the important
political results of which are already related in the first part of
this work.[5.9.13] This compulsory marriage only aggravated Ajit’s
desire of vengeance, and he entered into the views of the Sayyids
with the true spirit of his father; obtaining meanwhile, as the
price of coalition, the compliance with the specified demands,
besides others of less moment, such as “that the bell for prayer
should be allowed to toll in the \[86] quarters of the city allotted
to the Rajputs, and that their temples should be held sacred;
and last, but not least, the aggrandisement of his hereditary
dominions.” Let us again recur to the chronicle.
.fn 5.9.13
Vol. I. p. vol1_468.
.fn-
“In Jeth 1771, having secured all his wishes, Ajit left the court,
and with the renewed patent as viceroy of Gujarat, returned to
.bn 514.png
.pn +1
Jodhpur. Through Kaimsi, his minister, the jizya was repealed.
The Hindu race owed eternal obligation to the Mor (crown) of
Murdhar, the sanctuary of princes in distress.
Ajīt Singh, Viceroy of Gujarāt, A.D. 1715-16.—“In 1772, Ajit
prepared to visit this government: Abhai Singh accompanied
his father. He first proceeded to Jalor, where he passed the
rainy season. Thence he attacked the Mewasa:[5.9.14] first Nimaj,
which he took, when the Deoras paid him tribute. Firoz Khan
advanced from Palanpur to meet him. The Rao of Tharad
paid a lakh of rupees. Cambay was invested and paid; and the
Koli chief, Kemkaran, was reduced. From Patan, Sakta the
Champawat, with Bija Bhandari, sent the year preceding to
manage the province, came forth to meet him.
.fn 5.9.14
Mewasa is a term given to the fastnesses in the mountains, which the
aboriginal tribes, Kolis, Minas, and Mers, and not unfrequently the Rajputs,
make their retreats; and in the present instance the bard alludes to the
Mewasa of the Deoras of Sirohi and Abu, which has annoyed the descendants
of Ajit to this hour, and has served to maintain the independence of this
Chauhan tribe.
.fn-
“In 1773, Ajit reduced the Jhala of Halwad, and Jam of
Nawanagar, who paid as tribute three lacs of rupees, with twenty-five
choice steeds;[5.9.15] and having settled the province, he worshipped
at Dwarka, and bathed in the Gomati.[5.9.16] Thence he returned to
Jodhpur, where he learned that Indar Singh had regained Nagor;
but he stood not before Ajit.
.fn 5.9.15
[Tharād in Pālanpur Agency, Bombay (IGI, xix. 346); Halwad in
Kāthiāwār (ibid. viii. 13); Nawanagar in Kāthiāwar, the ruler, known as
the Jām (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 447), being a Jādeja Rājput (IGI, xviii.
419 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.16
This is all in the district of Okha (Okhamandala), where the Vadhels
fixed themselves on the migration of Siahji from Kanauj. It would have
been instructive had the bard deigned to have given us any account of the
recognition which this visit occasioned, and which beyond a doubt caused
the “books of Chronicles and Kings” to be opened and referred to.
.fn-
Ajīt Singh visits Delhi.—“The year 1774 had now arrived.
The Sayyids and their opponents were engaged in civil strife.
Husain Ali was in the Deccan, and the mind of Abdulla was
alienated from the king. Paper on paper came, inviting Ajit.
He marched by Nagor, Merta, Pushkar, Marot, and Sambhar,
whose garrisons he strengthened, to Delhi. From Marot he sent
Abhai Singh back to take care of Jodhpur. The Sayyid advanced
from Delhi to meet the Dhani (lord) of Marwar, who alighted at
.bn 515.png
.pn +1
Allahwirdi’s sarai. Here the Sayyid and Ajit formed a league
to oppose Jai Singh and the Moguls, while the king remained
like a snake coiled up in a closed vessel. To get rid of their
chief opponent, Zu-l-faqar Khan, was first determined \[87].
“When the king heard that Ajit had reached Delhi, he sent
the Hara Rao Bhim of Kotah, and Khandauran Khan to introduce
him to the presence. Ajit obeyed. Besides his own Rathors,
he was accompanied by Rao Bishan Singh of Jaisalmer, and
Padam Singh of Derawar, with Fateh Singh, a noble of Mewar,
Man Singh, Rathor, chief of Sita Mhau, and the Chandarawat,
Gopal of Rampura, besides Udai Singh of Kandela, Sakat Singh
of Manoharpur, Kishan of Kalchipur, and many others.[5.9.17] The
meeting took place at the Moti Bagh. The king bestowed the
mansab of Haft Hazari (seven thousand horse) on Ajit, and
added a crore of dams to his rent-roll. He presented him with
the insignia of the Mahi Muratib,[5.9.18] with elephants and horses,
a sword and dagger, a diamond aigrette (sarpech) and plume,
and a double string of pearls. Having left the presence, Ajit
went to visit Abdulla Khan. The Sayyid advanced to meet him,
and his reception, with his attendants, was distinguished. They
renewed their determination to stand or fall together. Their
conference caused dismay to the Moguls, who lay in ambush to
put Ajit to death.
.fn 5.9.17
This list well exemplifies the tone now assumed by the Rathors; but
this grand feudal assemblage was in virtue of his office of viceroy of Gujarat.
Each and all of these chieftainships the author is as familiar with as with
the pen he now holds.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.18
[The fish symbol, for which see Sleeman, Rambles, 137 f. James Skinner,
who recovered Mahādāji Sindhia’s order in a fight with the Rājputs, speaks
of it as “a brass fish with two chources (chaunri, horse-hair or yak tails)
hanging to it like mustachios” (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 33).]
.fn-
“On the second day of the bright moon of Pus, 1775 [A.D.
1718], the king honoured Ajit with a visit. Ajit seated the king
on a throne formed of bags of rupees to the amount of one lakh,[5.9.19]
and presented elephants, horses, and all that was precious. In
the month of Phalgun, Ajit and the Sayyid went to visit the
king; and after the conference wrote to Husain Ali revealing
their plans, and desiring his rapid march to unite with them
from the Deccan. Now the heavens assumed portentous appearances;
the Disasul[5.9.20] was red and fiery; jackasses brayed unusually;
.bn 516.png
.pn +1
dogs barked; thunder rolled without a cloud; the
court, late so gay, was now sad and gloomy; all were forebodings
of change at Delhi. In twenty days, Husain reached Delhi;
his countenance was terrific; his drum, which now beat close
to the palace, was the knell of falling greatness. He was accompanied
by myriads of horse. Delhi was enveloped in the dust
raised by his hostile steeds. They encamped in the north of
the city, and Husain joined Ajit and his brother. The trembling
king sent congratulations and gifts; the Mogul chiefs kept aloof
in their abodes; even as the quail cowers in the grass when the
falcon hovers over it, so did the Moguls when Husain reached
Delhi.[5.9.21] The lord of Amber was like a lamp left without oil \[88].
.fn 5.9.19
£10,000 to £12,000.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.20
Omen of the quarter.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.21
[For an account of these transactions see Keene, Sketch of the History
of Hindustan, 287 ff.]
.fn-
The Revolution at Delhi.—“On the second day, all convened
at Ajit’s tents, on the banks of the Jumna, to execute the plans
now determined upon. Ajit mounted his steed; at the head of
his Rathors he marched direct to the palace, and at every post
he placed his own men: he looked like the fire destined to cause
pralaya.[5.9.22] When the sun appears darkness flies; when the oil
fails the lamp goes out: so is it with crowns and kings, when
good faith and justice, the oil that feeds their power, is wanting.
The crash which shivered the umbrella of Delhi reverberated
throughout the land. The royal treasures were plundered.
None amidst the Moguls came forward to rescue their king
(Farrukhsiyar), and Jai Singh fled from the scene of destruction.
Another king was set up, but in four months he was seized with
a distemper and died. Then Daula[5.9.23] was placed on the throne.
But the Moguls at Delhi set up Neko Shah[5.9.24] at Agra, and Husain
marched against them, leaving Ajit and Abdulla with the king.[5.9.25]
.fn 5.9.22
The final doom.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.23
[Farrukhsīyar was murdered in prison, and two sickly youths were
placed in succession on the throne by the Sayyids—Rafiu-d-darajāt and
Rafiu-d-daula—the first of whom died on May 31, the second on September 6,
1719.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.24
[Nekosīyar, son of Muhammad Akbar, youngest son of Aurangzeb, who
was defeated and taken prisoner by the Sayyids (Keene, op. cit. 299).]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.25
This is both minutely and faithfully related, and fully as much so as the
Muhammadan record of this black deed. We have already (Vol. I. p. vol1_475)
described it, and given a translation of an autograph letter of the prince of
Amber, written on this memorable day. The importance of the transaction,
as well as the desire to show the Bardic version, will justify its repetition.
.fn-
.bn 517.png
.pn +1
Muhammad Shah, Emperor, A.D. 1719-48.—“In 1776, Ajit
and the Sayyid moved from Delhi; but the Moguls surrendered
Neko Shah, who was confined in Salimgarh. At this time the
king died, and Ajit and the Sayyids made another, and placed
Muhammad Shah on the throne. Many countries were destroyed,
and many were made to flourish, during the dethronement of
kings by Ajit. With the death of Farrukhsiyar Jai Singh’s views
were crushed, and the Sayyids determined to punish him. The
lord of Amber was like water carried in a platter.[5.9.26] The king
reached the Dargah at Sikri, in progress to Amber, and here the
chieftains sought the saran (sanctuary) of Ajit. They said the
Kurma[5.9.27] was lost if he protected them not against the Sayyids.
Even as Krishna saved Arjun in the Bharat, so did Ajit take
Jai Singh under his protection. He sent the chiefs of the Champawats
and his minister to dispel his fears; they returned with
the lord of Amber, who felt like one who had escaped the doom
(pralaya). Ajit placed one monarch on the throne, and saved
another from destruction. The king bestowed upon him the
grant of Ahmadabad, and gave him permission to visit his home.
With Jai Singh of Amber, and Budh Singh Hara of Bundi, he
marched for Jodhpur, and in the way contracted a marriage
with the daughter of the Shaikhavat \[89] chief of Manoharpur.
In the month of Asin he reached Jodhagir, when the lord of
Amber encamped at Sur Sagar, and the Hara Rao north of the
town.
.fn 5.9.26
In allusion to his vacillation, for which the Mirza Rāja was notorious.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.27
[That is to say, the Kachhwāha Rāja.]
.fn-
Ajīt Singh marries his Daughter to Jai Singh.—“The cold
season had fled; the spring (basant) approached. The peacock
was intoxicated with the nectar-drops distilled from the sweet-blossomed
amba (mango); the rich sap exuded; the humming-bees
clustered round the flowers; new leaves budded forth;
songs of joy resounded; the hearts of gods, men, and women
expanded with mirth. It was then the lord of Amber was bedecked
in saffron robes, to espouse the ‘virgin of the sun’ (Surya
Kumari), the child of Ajit. On this he had consulted the Champawats,
and according to ancient usage, the Ad-Pardhan, or
chief minister, the Kumpawat: likewise the Bhandari Diwan,
and the Guru. But were I to dwell on these festivities, this
book would become too large; I therefore say but little!
.bn 518.png
.pn +1
The Assassination of the Sayyids. Ajīt Singh asserts his
Independence.—“The rains of 1777 set in, and Jai Singh and
Budh Singh remained with Ajit, when a messenger arrived
with tidings that the Moguls had assassinated the Sayyids, and
were now on the watch for Ajit.[5.9.28] He drew his sword, and swore
he would possess himself of Ajmer. He dismissed the lord of
Amber. In twelve days after Ajit reached Merta. In the face
of day he drove the Muslim from Ajmer and made it his own.
He slew the king’s governor and seized on Taragarh.[5.9.29] Once
more the bell of prayers was heard in the temple, while the
bang[5.9.30] of the Masjid was silent. Where the Koran was read,
the Puran was now heard, and the Mandir took the place of the
Mosque. The Kazi made way for the Brahman, and the pit of
burnt sacrifice (homa) was dug, where the sacred kine were slain.
He took possession of the salt lakes of Sambhar and Didwana,
and the records were always moist with inserting fresh conquests.
Ajit ascended his own throne; the umbrella of supremacy he
waved over his head. He coined in his own name, established
his own gaz (measure), and ser (weight), his own courts of justice,
and a new scale of rank for his chiefs, with nalkis and mace-bearers,
naubats and standards, and every emblem of sovereign
rule. Ajmall in Ajmer was equal to Aspati in Delhi.[5.9.31] The
intelligence spread over the land; it reached even Mecca \[90]
and Iran, that Ajit had exalted his own faith, while the rites of
Islam were prohibited throughout the land of Maru.
.fn 5.9.28
[For this revolution see Elliot-Dowson vii. 474 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.29
The Star Fort, the castle of Ajmer.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.30
The call to prayer of the Muslim.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.31
This exact imitation of the manners of the imperial court is still strictly
maintained at Jodhpur. The account of the measures which followed the
possession of Ajmer is taken from the chronicle Surya Prakas; the only
part not entirely translated from the Raj Rupak Akhyat. Ajmall is a
licence of the poet, where it suits his rhyme, for Ajit. Aspati, ‘lord of
steeds,’ is the common epithet applied to the emperors of Delhi. It is,
however, but the second degree of paramount power—Gajpati, ‘lord of
elephants,’ is the first.
.fn-
Imperialist Attack on Ajmer.—“In 1778 the king determined
to regain Ajmer. He gave the command to Muzaffar, who in
the rains advanced towards Marwar. Ajit entrusted the conduct
of this war to his son, the ‘shield of Maru,’ the ‘fearless’ (Abhai),
with the eight great vassals, and thirty thousand horse; the
.pn +1
Champawats on the right, the Kumpawats on the left, while the
Karamsots, Mertias, Jodhas, Indhas, Bhattis, Sonigiras, Deoras,
Khichis, Dhondals and Gogawats,[5.9.32] composed the main body.
At Amber, the Rathors and imperialists came in sight; but
Muzaffar disgraced himself, and retired within that city without
risking an encounter. Abhai Singh, exasperated at this display
of pusillanimous bravado, determined to punish the king. He
attacked Shahjahanpur, sacked Narnol, levied contributions on
Patan (Tuarvati) and Rewari.[5.9.33] He gave the villages to the
flames, and spread conflagration and consternation even to
Allahwirdi’s Sarai. Delhi and Agra trembled with affright; the
Asurs fled without their shoes at the deeds of Abhai, whom they
styled Dhonkal, ‘the exterminator.’ He returned by Sambhar
and Ludhana, and here he married the daughter of the chief of
the Narukas.[5.9.34]
.fn 5.9.32
The two latter tribes are amongst the most ancient of the allodial
chieftains of the desert: the Dhondals being descendants of Rao Gango;
the Gogawats, of the famous Goga [or Gūga] the Chauhan, who defended
the Sutlej in the earliest Muslim invasion recorded. Both Goga and his
steed Jawadia are immortal in Rajasthan. The Author had a chestnut
Kathiawar, called Jawadia; he was perfection, and a piece of living fire
when mounted, scorning every pace but the antelope’s bounds and curvets.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.33
[Pātan in Jaipur State; Narnol in Patiāla; Rewāri in Gurgaon
District, Panjāb.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.34
One of the great clans of Amber; of whom more hereafter.
.fn-
Muhammad Shah attacks Ajīt Singh.—“In 1779, Abhai Singh
remained at Sambhar, which he strengthened, and hither his
father Ajit came from Ajmer. The meeting was like that between
‘Kasyapa and Surya’;[5.9.35] for he had broken the bow of Muzaffar
and made the Hindu happy. The king sent his Chela, Nahar
Khan, to expostulate with Ajit; but his language was offensive,
and the field of Sambhar devoured the tiger lord (Nahar Khan)
and his four thousand followers. The son of Churaman the Jat[5.9.36]
now claimed sanctuary with Ajit. Sick of these dissensions, the
unhappy Muhammad Shah determined to abandon his crown
and retire to Mecca. But, determined to revenge the death of
Nahar Khan, he prepared a formidable army. He collected
[the contingents of] the twenty-two Satraps[5.9.37] of the empire, and
placed at their head Jai Singh of Amber, Haidar Kuli, Iradat
.bn 520.png
.pn +1
Khan Bangash, etc. In the month of Sawan (July), Taragarh
was invested; Abhai Singh marched out and left its defence to
\[91] Amra Singh. It had held out four months, when through
the prince of Amber (Jai Singh), Ajit listened to terms, which
were sworn to on the Koran by the nobles of the king; and he
agreed to surrender Ajmer.[5.9.38] Abhai Singh then accompanied
Jai Singh to the camp. It was proposed that in testimony of
his obedience he should repair to the presence. The prince of
Amber pledged himself; but the Fearless (Abhai) placed his
hand on his sword, saying, ‘This is my surety!’”
.fn 5.9.35
[The tortoise (Kachhwāha) and the sun (the sun-born tribes).]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.36
Founder of the Bharatpur State.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.37
The Bāīsa, or ‘twenty-two’ viceroys of India.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.38
[This was in 1723. The chronicler disguises the defeat of Ajīt Singh.]
.fn-
Ajīt Singh’s Heir received at the Imperial Court.—The heir of
Marwar was received by the king with the utmost honour; but
being possessed of a double portion of that arrogance which forms
the chief characteristic of his race (more especially of the Rathor
and Chauhan, from which he sprang), his reception nearly produced
at Delhi a repetition of the scene recorded in the history
of his ancestor Amra at Agra. Knowing that his father held
the first place on the king’s right hand, he considered himself,
as his representative, entitled to the same honour; and little
heeding the unbending etiquette of the proudest court in the
world, he unceremoniously hustled past all the dignitaries of
the State, and had even ascended a step of the throne, when,
checked by one of the nobles, Abhai’s hand was on his dagger,
and but for the presence of mind of the monarch, “who threw
his own chaplet round his neck” to restrain him, the Divan
would have been deluged with blood.
The Murder of Ajīt Singh, A.D. 1724.—We shall now drop the
chronicles, and in recording the murder of Ajit, the foulest crime
in the annals of Rajasthan, exemplify the mode in which their
poetic historians gloss over such events. It was against Ajit’s
will that his son went to court, as if he had a presentiment of the
fate which awaited him, and which has been already circumstantially
related.[5.9.39] The authors from whose records this narrative
is chiefly compiled, were too polite to suffer such a stigma to
appear in their chronicles, “written by desire” and under the
eye of the parricide, Ajit’s successor. The Surya Prakas merely
says, “at this time Ajit went to heaven”; but affords no indication
of the person who sent him there. The Raj Rupaka, however,
.bn 521.png
.pn +1
not bold enough to avow the mysterious death of his prince,
yet too honest altogether to pass it over, has left an expressive
blank leaf at this part of his chronicle, certainly not accidental,
as it intervenes between Abhai Singh’s reception at court, and
the incidents following his father’s death, which I translate
verbatim, as they present an excellent picture of the results of
a Rajput potentate’s demise \[92].
.fn 5.9.39
See p. #857#.
.fn-
“Abhai, a second Ajit, was introduced to the Aspati; his
father heard the news and rejoiced. But this world is a fable—a
lie. Time will sooner or later prey on all things. What king,
what raja can avoid the path leading to extinction? The time
allotted for our sojourn here is predetermined; prolong it we
cannot. The decree penned by the hand of the Creator is engraven
upon each forehead at the hour of birth. Neither addition nor
subtraction can be made. Fate (honhar) must be fulfilled. It
was the command of Govinda[5.9.40] that Ajit (the Avatar of Indra)
should obtain immortality, and leave his renown in the world
beneath. Ajit, so long a thorn in the side of his foe, was removed
to Parloka.[5.9.41] He kept afloat the faith of the Hindu, and sunk
the Muslim in shame. In the face of day, the lord of Maru took
the road which leads to Paradise (Vaikuntha). Then dismay
seized the city; each looked with dread in his neighbour’s face
as he said, ‘Our sun has set!’ But when the day of Yamaraj[5.9.42]
arrives, who can retard it? Were not the five Pandus enclosed
in the mansion of Himala?[5.9.43] Harchand escaped not the universal
decree; nor will gods, men, or reptiles avoid it, not even Vikrama
or Kama; all fall before Yama. How then could Ajit hope to
escape?
.fn 5.9.40
The sovereign judge of mankind [Krishna].
.fn-
.fn 5.9.41
‘The other world’; lit. ‘another place.’
.fn-
.fn 5.9.42
‘Lord of hell.’
.fn-
.fn 5.9.43
Hima, ‘ice,’ and ālaya, ‘an abode.’
.fn-
“On Asarh, the 13th, the dark half of the moon of 1780,
seventeen hundred warriors of the eight ranks of Maru, for the
last time marched before their lord.[5.9.44] They placed his body in
a boat,[5.9.45] and carried him to the pyre,[5.9.46] made of sandal-wood and
.bn 522.png
.pn +1
perfumes, with heaps of cotton, oil, and camphor. But this is
a subject of grief: how can the bard enlarge on such a theme?
The Nazir went to the Rawala[5.9.47] and as he pronounced the words
‘Rao siddhi āyē,’ the Chauhani queen, with sixteen damsels in
her suite, came forth: ‘This day,’ said she, ‘is one of joy; my
race shall be illustrated; our lives have passed together, how
then can I leave him?’[5.9.48]
.fn 5.9.44
Both head and feet are uncovered in funeral processions.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.45
Id est, a vehicle formed like a boat, perhaps figurative of the sail crossing
the Vaitarani, or Styx of the Hindu.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.46
For the mode of conveying princes to their final abode, I refer the reader
to a description at vol. i. p. vol1_152, Trans. Royal Asiatic Society.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.47
The queen’s palace.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.48
This is the lady whom Ajit married in his non-age, the mother of the
parricide.
.fn-
The Sati.—“Of noble race was the Bhattiani queen, a scion
(sakha) of Jaisal, and daughter of Birjang. She put up a prayer
to the Lord who wields the discus.[5.9.49] ‘With joy \[93] I accompany
my lord; that my fealty (sati) may be accepted, rests with thee.’
In like manner did the Gazelle (Mrigavati) of Derawal,[5.9.50] and the
Tuar queen of pure blood,[5.9.51] the Chawara Rani,[5.9.52] and her of Shaikhavati,
invoke the name of Hari, as they determined to join their
lord. For these six queens death had no terrors; but they were
the affianced wives of their lord: the curtain wives of affection,
to the number of fifty-eight, determined to offer themselves a
sacrifice to Agni.[5.9.53] ‘Such another opportunity,’ said they, ‘can
never occur, if we survive our lord; disease will seize and make
us a prey in our apartments. Why then quit the society of our
lord, when at all events we must fall into the hands of Yama,
for whom the human race is but a mouthful? Let us leave the
iron age (Kaliyuga) behind us.’ ‘Without our lord, even life is
death,’ said the Bhattiani, as she bound the beads of Tulsi[5.9.54]
round her neck, and made the tilak with earth from the Ganges.
While thus each spoke, Nathu, the Nazir,[5.9.55] thus addressed them:
‘This is no amusement; the sandal-wood you now anoint with
is cool: but will your resolution abide, when you remove it with
the flames of Agni? When this scorches your tender frames,
your hearts may fail, and the desire to recede will disgrace your
lord’s memory. Reflect, and remain where you are. You have
.bn 523.png
.pn +1
lived like Indrani,[5.9.56] nursed in softness amidst flowers and perfumes;
the winds of heaven never offended you, far less the flames of
fire.’ But to all his arguments they replied: ‘The world we will
abandon, but never our lord.’ They performed their ablutions,
decked themselves in their gayest attire, and for the last time
made obeisance to their lord in his car. The ministers, the bards,
the family priests (Purohits), in turn, expostulated with them.
The chief queen (Patrani) the Chauhani, they told to indulge her
affection for her sons, Abhai and Bakhta; to feed the poor, the
needy, the holy, and lead a life of religious devotion. The queen
replied: ‘Kunti, the wife of Pandu, did not follow her lord;
she lived to see the greatness of the five brothers, her sons; but
were her expectations realized?[5.9.57] This life is a vain shadow;
this dwelling one of sorrow; let us accompany our lord to that
of fire, and there close it.’
.fn 5.9.49
Krishna [Chakrāyudha, Krishna, or Vishnu].
.fn-
.fn 5.9.50
Ancient capital of the Bhattis.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.51
Descended from the ancient dynasty of the Hindu kings of Delhi.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.52
Tribe of the first dynasty of Anhilwara Patan.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.53
The fire.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.54
[The sacred basil, Ocymum sanctum.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.55
The Nazir (a Muslim epithet) has the charge of the harem.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.56
The queen of heaven.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.57
[Kunti escaped the fire and protected the children of Mādri, the other
wife of Pāndu, who was burnt with him.]
.fn-
“The drum sounded; the funeral train moved on; all invoked
the name of \[94] Hari.[5.9.58] Charity was dispensed like falling
rain, while the countenances of the queens were radiant as the
sun. From heaven Uma[5.9.59] looked down; in recompense of such
devotion she promised they should enjoy the society of Ajit in
each successive transmigration. As the smoke, emitted from
the house of flame, ascended to the sky, the assembled multitudes
shouted Kaman! Kaman! ‘Well done! Well done!’ The
pile flamed like a volcano; the faithful queens laved their bodies
in the flames, as do the celestials in the lake of Manasarovar.[5.9.60]
They sacrificed their bodies to their lord, and illustrated the
.bn 524.png
.pn +1
races whence they sprung. The gods above exclaimed, ‘Dhan
Dhan[5.9.61] Ajit! who maintained the faith, and overwhelmed the
Asuras.’ Savitri, Gauri, Sarasvati, Ganga, and Gomati[5.9.62] united
in doing honour to these faithful queens. Forty-five years,
three months, and twenty-two days, was the space of Ajit’s
existence, when he went to inhabit Amarapura, an immortal
abode!”
.fn 5.9.58
Hari Krishna is the mediator and preserver of the Hindu Triad;
his name alone is invoked in funeral rites (see p. #621#). The following
extract from Dr. Wilkins’ translation of the Gīta will best disclose his
attributes:—Krishna speaks: “I am the journey of the good; the comforter;
the creator; the witness; the resting-place; the asylum; and
the friend. I am generation and dissolution; the place where all things
are deposited, and the inexhaustible soul of all nature. I am death and
immortality; I am never-failing time; the preserver, whose face is turned
on all sides. I am all grasping death; and I am the resurrection of those
who are about to die.”
.fn-
.fn 5.9.59
A name of Durga, the Hindu Juno.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.60
The sacred lake in Tibet. [See C. A. Sherring, Western Tibet and the
British Borderlands, 259 ff.]
.fn-
.fn 5.9.61
Dhan is ‘riches,’ but is here used in the sense of glory; so that riches
and glory are synonymous in term with the Hindu, as in practice in the
west; the one may always command the other, at least that species of it
for which nine-tenths of mankind contend, and are satisfied with obtaining.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.62
Celestial queens.
.fn-
Character of Ajīt Singh.—Thus closed the career of one of the
most distinguished princes who ever pressed the ‘cushion’ of
Maru; a career as full of incident as any life of equal duration.
Born amidst the snows of Kabul, deprived at his birth of both
parents, one from grief, the other by suicidal custom; saved
from the Herodian cruelty of the king by the heroism of his
chiefs, nursed amidst the rocks of Abu or the intricacies of the
Aravalli until the day of danger passed, he issued forth, still an
infant, at the head of his brave clans, to redeem the inheritance
so iniquitously wrested from him. In the history of mankind
there is nothing to be found presenting a more brilliant picture
of fidelity than that afforded by the Rathor clans in their devotion
to their prince, from his birth until he worked out his own and
his country’s deliverance. It is one of those events which throw
a gleam of splendour upon the dark picture of feudalism, more
prolific perhaps in crime than in virtue. That of the Rajputs,
indeed, in which consanguinity is superadded to the other reciprocal
\[95] ties which bind a feudal body, wears the more engaging
aspect of a vast family. How affecting is the simple language of
these brave men, while daily shedding their blood for a prince
whom, until he had attained his seventh year, they had never
beheld! “Without the sight of our lord, bread and water have
no flavour.” And how successfully does the bard portray the
joy of these stern warriors, when he says, “As the lotus expands
at the sunbeam, so did the heart of each Rathor at the sight of
their infant sovereign; they drank his looks even as the papiha
in the month of Asoj sips the drops of amrita (ambrosia) from the
Champa.”
.bn 525.png
.pn +1
The prodigality with which every clan lavished its blood,
through a space of six-and-twenty years, may in part be learned
from the chronicle; and in yet more forcible language from the
cenotaphs scattered over the country, erected to the manes of
those who fell in this religious warfare. Were other testimony
required, it is to be found in the annals of their neighbours and
their conquerors; while the traditional couplets of the bards,
familiar to every Rajput, embalm the memory of the exploits
of their forefathers.
Ajit was a prince of great vigour of mind as well as of frame.
Valour was his inheritance; he displayed this hereditary quality
at the early age of eleven, when he visited his enemy in his capital,
displaying a courtesy which can only be comprehended by a
Rajput. Amongst the numerous desultory actions, of which
many occurred every year, there were several in which the whole
strength of the Rathors was led by their prince. The battle of
Sambhar, in S. 1765, fought against the Sayyids, which ended
in a union of interests, was one of these; and, for the rest of Ajit’s
life, kept him in close contact with the court, where he might
have taken the lead had his talent for intrigue been commensurate
with his boldness. From this period until his death, Ajit’s agency
was recognized in all the intrigues and changes amongst the
occupants of Timur’s throne, from Farrukhsiyar to Muhammad.
He inherited an invincible hatred to the very name of Muslim,
and was not scrupulous regarding the means by which he was
likely to secure the extirpation of a race so inimical to his own.
Viewing the manifold reasons for this hatred, we must not
scrutinize with severity his actions when leagued with the Sayyids,
even in the dreadful catastrophe which overwhelmed Farrukhsiyar,
to whom he owed the twofold duty of fealty and consanguinity.
His Conduct to Durgadās.—There is one stain on the memory
of Ajit which, though unnoticed in the chronicle \[96], is too well
ascertained to be omitted in a summary of his character, more
especially as it illustrates that of the nation and of the times, and
shows the loose system which holds such governments together.
The heroic Durgadas, the preserver of his infancy, the instructor
of his youth, the guide of his manhood, lived to confirm the
proverb, “Put not thy faith in princes.” He, who, by repeated
instances of exalted self-denial, had refused wealth and honours
.bn 526.png
.pn +1
that might have raised himself from his vassal condition to an
equality with his sovereign, was banished from the land which
his integrity, wisdom, and valour had preserved. Why, or when,
Ajit loaded himself with this indelible infamy was not known;
the fact was incidentally discovered in searching a collection of
original newspapers written from the camp of Bahadur Shah,[5.9.63]
in one of which it was stated, that “Durgadas was encamped
with his household retainers on the banks of the Pichola Lake at
Udaipur, and receiving daily five hundred rupees for his support
from the Rana; who when called on by the king (Bahadur Shah)
to surrender him, magnanimously refused.” Imagining that
Ajit had been compelled to this painful sacrifice, which is not
noticed in the annals, the compiler mentioned it to a Yati deeply
versed in all the events and transactions of this State. Aware
of the circumstance, which is not overlooked by the bards, he
immediately repeated the couplet composed on the occasion—
.pm start_poem
Durgo desām kādhiyo
Golām Gāmgāni!
.pm end_poem
.ce
Durga was exiled, and Gamgani given to a slave.[5.9.64]
.fn 5.9.63
Discovered by the author amongst the Rana’s archives.
.fn-
.fn 5.9.64
[Dr. Tessitori writes that the correct version is:
.pm start_poem
“Mahārāja Ajmāl ri
Jad parkha jāni.
Durgo Saphara dāgajē,
Golām Gāmgāni.”
.pm end_poem
“The mind of Mahārāja Ajīt Singh then became known (when he saw)
Durgadās burned on the banks of the Sipra River and Gāmgāni bestowed
on slaves.” According to tradition, the exiled Durgadās died at Ujjain,
near which the Sipra flows.]
.fn-
Gamgani, on the north bank of the Luni, was the chief town
of the Karanot fief, of which clan Durga was the head. It is
now attached to the Khalisa, or fisc, but whether recently, or
ever since Durga, we know not. The Karanots still pay the last
rites to their dead at Gamgani, where they have their cenotaphs
(chhatris). Whether that of the noble Durga stands there to
serve as a memorial of princely ingratitude, the writer cannot say;
a portrait of the hero, in the autumn of his days, was given to
him by the last lineal descendant of Ajit, as the reader is already
.bn 527.png
.pn +1
aware.[5.9.65] Well may we repeat, that the system of feudality is
the parent of the most brilliant virtues and the darkest crimes.
Here, a long life of uninterrupted fidelity could not preserve
Durga from the envenomed breath of slander, or the serpent-tooth
\[97] of ingratitude: and whilst the mind revolts at the
crime which left a blank leaf in the chronicle, it is involuntarily
carried back to an act less atrocious, indeed, than one which
violates the laws of nature, but which in diminishing none of our
horror for Abhai Singh, yet lessens our sympathy for the persecutor
of
.fn 5.9.65
Vol. I. p. vol1_451.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 10
.sp 2
Mahārāja Abhai Singh, A.D. 1724-50.—The parricidal murder
of Ajit is accounted the germ of destruction, which, taking root
in the social edifice of Marwar, ultimately rent it asunder. Bitter
has been the fruit of this crime, “even unto the third and fourth
generation” of his unnatural sons, whose issue, but for this crime,
would in all human probability have been the most potent princes
in India, able single-handed to have stopped Mahratta aggrandisement.
“It was in 1781 (says the bard) Ajit went to heaven. With
his own hand did the emperor Muhammad Shah put the tika on
the forehead of Abhai Singh, girded him with the sword, bound
the turah[5.10.1] on his head, placed a dagger set with gems \[98] in his
girdle, and with Chaunris, Naubats, and Nakkaras,[5.10.2] and many
valuable gifts, invested the young prince in all the dignities of
his father. Even Nagor was resumed from the son of Amra and
included in his sanad. With these marks of royal favour, he
took leave of the court, and returned to his paternal dominions.
From village to village, as he journeyed homeward, the kalas
was raised on the head.[5.10.3] When he reached Jodhpur, he distributed
.bn 528.png
.pn +1
gifts to all his chiefs, and to the Bardais (bards and
Charans), and lands to the family priests (Purohits).”
.fn 5.10.1
[A plumed crest worn on the turban.]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.2
[Fly-flappers, bands of music, kettledrums.]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.3
The kalas is a brazen vessel, of household use. A female of each family,
filling one of these with water, repairs to the house of the head of the village,
when, being all convened, they proceed in a body to meet the person to
whom they render honour, singing the suhaila, or ‘song of joy.’ The
presenting water is a token of homage and regard, and one which the author
has often had paid to him, especially in Mewar, where every village met
him in this way.
.fn-
A day at the court of the desert king, related in the phraseology
of the chronicle, would be deemed interesting as a picture of
manners. It would also make the reader more familiar with
Karna, the most celebrated bard in the latter days of Rajput
independence: but this must be reserved for an equally appropriate
vehicle,[5.10.4] and we shall at present rest satisfied with a slight
sketch of the historian of Maru.
.fn 5.10.4
I hope some day to present a few of the works of the great bard Chand,
with a dissertation on the Bardais, and all the ‘sons of song.’ [Karan
flourished about A.D. 1730: see Grierson, Modern Vernacular Literature of
Hindustan, 98.]
.fn-
Karan, the Bard.—Karna-Kavya, or simply Karna, who traced
his descent from the last household bard of the last emperor of
Kanauj, was at once a politician, a warrior, and a scholar, and
in each capacity has left ample proofs of his abilities. In the
first he took a distinguished part in all the events of the civil
wars; in the second, he was one of the few who survived a combat
almost without parallel in the annals even of Rajput chivalry;
and as a scholar, he has left us, in the introduction to his work,[5.10.5]
the most instructive proof, not only of his inheriting the poetic
mantle of his fathers, but of the course he pursued for the maintenance
of its lustre. The bare enumeration of the works he had
studied evinces that there was no royal road to Parnassus for the
Rajput Kaviswar,[5.10.6] but that, on the contrary, it was beset with
difficulties not a little appalling. The mere nomenclature of
works on grammar and historical epics, which were to be mastered
ere he could hope for fame, must have often made Kama exclaim,
“How hard it is to climb the steeps” on which from afar he
viewed her temple. Those who desire to see, under a new aspect,
an imperfectly known but interesting family of the human race,
will be made acquainted with the qualifications of our bardic
historians, and the particular course of studies which \[99] fitted
.bn 529.png
.pn +1
Karna “to sit in the gate[5.10.7] of Jodhagir,” and add a new book
to the chronicles of its kings.
.fn 5.10.5
Entitled the Surya Prakas, of 7500 stanzas.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.6
Kāvīswar, or kāvya-īswara, ‘lord of verse,’ from kāvya, ‘poesy,’ and
īswara, ‘lord.’
.fn-
.fn 5.10.7
The portal of the palace appears to have been the bard’s post. Pope
gives the same position to his historic bards in ‘the Temple of Fame’:
.pm start_poem
“Full in the passage of each spacious gate,
The sage Historians in white garments wait;
Grav’d o’er their seats the form of Time was found,
His scythe revers’d, and both his pinions bound.”\ \ \ \ [l. 145-8.]
.pm end_poem
.fn-
These festivities of the new reign were not of long duration,
and were succeeded by warlike preparations against Nagor,
which, during the contentions between Ajit and the emperor,
had been assigned to the descendant of the ancient princes of
Mandor.
“When Ajmer was invested by the collective force of the
empire,[5.10.8] Iradat Khan (Bangash), collector of the Jizya,[5.10.9] took
the Indha by the arm, and seated him in Nagor.[5.10.10] But as soon
as the Holi[5.10.11] was past, the ‘Avatars of Jawalamukhi’[5.10.12] were
consecrated: goats were sacrificed, and the blood, with oil and
vermilion, was sprinkled upon them. The tents were moved out.
Hearing this, Rao Indra produced the imperial patent, with the
personal guarantee of Jai Singh of Amber. Abhai heeded not,
and invested Nagor; but Indra left his honour and his castle
to the Fearless,[5.10.13] who bestowed it on Bakhta his brother. He
received the congratulations of Mewar, Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and
Amber, and returned to his capital amidst the rejoicings of his
subjects. This was in S. 1781.
.fn 5.10.8
In the original, “by the bāīsa,” the ‘twenty-two,’ meaning the collective
force of the twenty-two subahdars, ‘or satraps of the provinces.’
.fn-
.fn 5.10.9
Capitation tax.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.10
The poet calls it by its classic appellation, Nāgadurga, the ‘castle of
the serpent’ [rather capital of the Nāga sept of Rājputs].
.fn-
.fn 5.10.11
For this festival see p. #661#.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.12
Jawalamukhi, the ‘mouth of flame,’ the cannon, which are thus
consecrated before action. They are called avatars, or ‘incarnations’ of
Jawalamukhi, the Etna of India, at the edge of whose crater the Hindu
poet very properly places the temple of Jawali Rani, ‘the terrific’ Kali Ma,
the Hindu Hecate. [Jawālamukhi in the Kāngra District, Panjāb (IGI,
xiv. 86 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.13
Abhai, the name of the prince, means ‘fearless,’ from bhai, ‘fear,’ and
privative prefix.
.fn-
“In S. 1782 he was employed in restraining the turbulent
Bhumias on the western frontiers of his dominions; when the
.bn 530.png
.pn +1
Sindhals, the Deoras, the Balas, the Boras, the Balechas, and the
Sodhas were compelled to servitude.
Abhai Singh summoned to Delhi, A.D. 1726.—“In S. 1783 a
farman of summons arrived, calling the prince to attend the
Presence at Delhi. He put it to his head, assembled all his chiefs,
and on his passage to court made a tour of his dominions, examining
his garrisons, redressing \[100] wrongs, and adjusting whatever
was in disorder. At Parbatsar[5.10.14] he was attacked by
the small-pox: the nation called on Jagrani[5.10.15] to shield him
from evil.
.fn 5.10.14
[On the Kishangarh border, N.E. of Jodhpur State.]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.15
Jagrani (I write all these phrases exactly as pronounced in the western
dialect), ‘Queen of the world.’ Sitala Mata is the common name for the
goddess who presides over this scourge of infancy.
.fn-
“In 1784 the prince reached Delhi. Khandauran, the chief
noble of the empire, was deputed by the emperor to conduct him
to the capital; and when he reached the Presence, his majesty
called him close to his person, exclaiming, ‘Welcome, Khushbakht,[5.10.16]
Maharaja Rajeswar,[5.10.17] it is long since we met; this day
makes me happy; the splendour of the Ammkhass is redoubled.’
When he took leave, the king sent to his quarters, at Abhaipur,
choice fruits of the north, fragrant oils, and rose-water.”
.fn 5.10.16
‘Of happy fortune.’
.fn-
.fn 5.10.17
Mahārāja-Rājeswar, the pompous title of the kings of Maru; ‘great
Raja, lord of Rajas.’
.fn-
The prince of Maru was placed at the head of all the nobility.
About the end of S. 1784, Sarbuland Khan’s rebellion broke out,[5.10.18]
which gave ample scope for the valour of the Rathors and materials
for the bard, who thus circumstantially relates it:
“The troubles in the Deccan increased. The Shahzada
Jangali[5.10.19] rebelled, and forming an army of sixty thousand men,
attacked the provincial governors of Malwa, Surat, and Ahmadpur,
.bn 531.png
.pn +1
slaying the king’s lieutenants, Girdhar Bahadur, Ibrahim Kuli,[5.10.20]
Rustam Ali, and the Mogul Shujaat.
.fn 5.10.18
[Sarbuland Khān was Governor of Gujarāt, A.D. 1724, and was removed
from office in 1730 because he consented to pay Chauth or blackmail to the
Marāthas. He opposed the installation of Abhai as his successor, and
defeated him at Adālaj (Beale, Dict. Oriental Biography, s.v.; Grant Duff
217).]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.19
In none of the Muhammadan histories of this period is it mentioned,
that there was an imperial prince at the head of the first Mahratta irruption;
probably he was a mere tool for the purposes of others. [The ‘Boorish
Prince,’ as the name implies, was a nickname of Hāmid Khān Bahādur,
uncle of Nizāmu-l-mulk, Āsaf Jāh (Grant Duff 217; BG, i. Part i. 303 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.10.20
[Girdhar Bahādur was a Nāgar Brāhman; Ibrāhīm Kuli, son of
Shujā’at Khān.]
.fn-
Rebellion of Sarbuland Khan. Scene at the Imperial Court.—“Hearing
this, the king appointed Sarbuland Khan to quash the
rebellion. He marched at the head of fifty thousand men, having
a crore of rupees for their subsistence; but his advanced army
of ten thousand men being defeated in the first encounter, he
entered into terms with the rebels, and agreed to a partition of
the country.”
It was at this time the prince of Marwar begged permission to
retire to his hereditary dominions. The bard’s description of
the court, and of the emperor’s distress on this occasion, though
prolix, deserves insertion:
“The king was seated on his throne, attended by the seventy-two
grand Omras of the empire, when tidings reached him of
the revolt of Sarbuland. There was the wazir Kamaru-din Khan,
Itimadu-Daula, Khandauran, commander-in-chief \[101] (Mir
Bakhshi), Samsamu-d-daula, the Amiru-Umara, Mansur Ali,
Roshanu-d-daula, Tura Baz Khan, the Lord Marcher (Sim ka
Bakhshi); Rustam Jang, Afghan Khan, Khwaja Sayyidu-d-din,
commandant of artillery (Mir Atish); Saadat Khan,[5.10.21] grand
chamberlain (Darogha Khawass), Burhanu-l-Mulk, Abdul Samad
Khan, Dalil Khan, Zafariyab Khan, governor of Lahore, Dalel
Khan, Mir Jumla, Khankhanan; Zafar Jang, Iradat Khan,
Murshid Kuli Khan, Ja’far Khan, Allahwirdi Khan,[5.10.22] Muzaffar
Khan, governor of Ajmer. Such and many more were assembled
in the Presence.
.fn 5.10.21
Afterwards Wazir of Oudh, a State founded and maintained by consummate
treason.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.22
Nawab of Bengal, another traitor.
.fn-
“It was read aloud that Sarbuland had reduced Gujarat,
and proclaimed his own an; that he had ground the Kolis to
dust; that he had vanquished the Mandalas, the Jhalas, the
Chudasamas, the Baghels, and the Gohils, and had nearly exterminated
the Balas; that Halar had agreed to pay tribute, and
that such was the fire of this Yavan, that the Bhumias of themselves
abandoned their strongholds to seek sanctuary with him
.bn 532.png
.pn +1
whom the ‘seventeen thousand’[5.10.23] now called sovereign; that
he had set himself up a king in Ahmadabad, and made a league
with the ‘Southron.’
.fn 5.10.23
This number of cities, towns, and villages constituted the kingdom of
Gujarat under its ancient sovereigns.
.fn-
“The emperor saw that if this defection was not quelled, all
the viceroys would declare themselves independent. Already
had Jagaria Khan in the north, Saadat Khan in the east, and
the Mlechchha Nizamu-l-mulk in the south, shown the blackness
of their designs. The tap (verve) of the empire had fled.
“The bira was placed on a golden salver, which the Mir Tajik
bore in his extended arms, slowly passing in front of the nobles
ranged on either side of the throne, mighty men, at the sight of
whose faces the rustic would tremble: but in vain he passed both
lines; no hand was stretched forth; some looked awry; some
trembled; but none cast an eye upon the bira.
“The ‘almighty monarch’ (Parameswar Padshah), who could
make the beggar an Omra of twelve thousand, and the noble of
twelve thousand a beggar, was without resource. ‘Who,’ said
one, ‘would grasp the forked lightning, let him engage Sarbuland!’
Another exclaimed, ‘Who would seize the vessel, and plunge
with her in the whirlpool, he may contend with Sarbuland.’
And a third, ‘Whoever \[102] dare seize the forked tongue of the
serpent, let him engage Sarbuland.’ The king was troubled;
he gave a sign to the Mir Tajik to return the bira to him.
“The Rathor prince saw the monarch’s distress, and as he
was about to leave the Ammkhass, he stretched forth his hand, and
placed the bira in his turban, as he said, ‘Be not cast down, O
king of the world; I will pluck down this Sarbuland:[5.10.24] leafless
shall be the boughs of his ambition, and his head (sar) the forfeit
of his arrogant exaltation (buland).’
.fn 5.10.24
Sar, ‘the head,’ buland, ‘exalted, high, arrogant.’ I write the name
Sirbullund, being the orthography long known.
.fn-
“When Abhai Singh grasped the bira, the breasts of the
mighty were ready to burst with the fulness of envy, even like the
ripe pomegranate, as the king placed the grant of Gujarat into
the hands of the Rathor. The Shah’s heart was rejoiced, as he
said, ‘Thus acted your ancestors in support of the throne; thus
was quelled the revolt of Khurram and Bhim in the time of
Jahangir; that of the Deccan settled; and in like manner do
.bn 533.png
.pn +1
I trust that by you the honour and the throne of Muhammad
Shah will be upheld.’
“Rich gifts, including seven gems of great price, were bestowed
upon the Rathor; the treasury was unlocked and thirty-one
lakhs of coin were assigned for the troops. The guns were taken
from the arsenals, and with the patent of the vice-royalties of
Ahmadabad and Ajmer, in the month of Asarh (1786), Abhai
took leave of the king.”[5.10.25]
.fn 5.10.25
In the original, the emperor is called the Aspati, ‘lord of swords,’ or
perhaps Aswapati, ‘lord of steeds.’
.fn-
Abhai Singh starts for Gujarat, A.D. 1730.—The political
arrondissement of Marwar dates from this period; for the rebellion
of Sarbuland was the forerunner of the disintegration of the empire.
It was in June A.D. 1730 that the prince of Marwar left the court
of Delhi. He had a double motive in proceeding direct to Ajmer,
of which province he was viceroy; first, to take possession of
his stronghold (the key not only of Marwar but of every State
in Rajputana); and second, to consult with the prince of Amber
on the affairs of that critical conjuncture. What was the cause
of Jai Singh’s presence at Ajmer the chronicle says not; but
from circumstances elsewhere related, it may be conjectured that
it was for the purpose of celebrating “the rites of the Pitrideva”
(manes of his ancestors) at Pushkar. The bard gives a most
prolix account of the meeting, even to the pagtar, ‘or foot-clothes’
spread for “the kings of the Hindus” to walk on, “who feasted
together, and together plotted the destruction of the \[103] empire”:
from which we perceive that Karna, the bard, had a peep behind
the curtain.
Having installed his officers in Ajmer, Abhai Singh proceeded
to Merta, when he was met by his brother, Bakhta Singh, on
which occasion the grant of Nagor was bestowed upon the latter.
The brothers continued their route to the capital, when all the
chiefs were dismissed to their homes with injunctions to assemble
their vassals for the ensuing campaign against Sarbuland. At
the appointed time, the Kher (feudal array) of Marwar assembled
under the walls of Jodhpur. The occasion is a delightful one to
the bard, who revels in all “the pomp and circumstance of war”:
from the initiatory ceremony, the moving out the tents, to the
consecration of the ‘mighty tubes’ (balwannal), the ‘volcanos
of the field,’ or, as he terms them, the ‘crocodile-mouths’ (magarmukhan),
.bn 534.png
.pn +1
‘emblems of Yama,’ which were sprinkled abundantly
with the blood of goats slain under their muzzles. He describes
each clan as it arrives, their steeds, and caparisons.
Abhai Singh attacks Sirohi.—Instead, however, of proceeding
direct to the main object of the war, Abhai Singh took advantage
of the immense army thus placed under his command, as viceroy
of Gujarat, to wreak his own vengeance upon his neighbour, the
gallant prince of Sirohi, who, trusting to his native strength, had
spurned every compromise which involved his independence.
This resolution he maintained by his natural position, strengthened
by alliances with the aboriginal races who hemmed his little State
on all sides, excepting that towards Marwar.
These Minas, the mountaineers of the Aravalli, had given
offence to Abhai Singh; for while the prince, between his arrival
at Jodhpur and the assemblage of the Kher, gave himself up to
indolence and opium, they carried off the whole cattle of the
train to the mountains. When this was reported to Abhai Singh,
he coolly said, “Let them go, they knew we were short of forage,
and have only taken them to their own pastures in the mountains.”
Strange to say, they did return them, and in excellent condition,
as soon as he prepared to march. When he heard of this,
he observed, “Did I not tell you these Minas were faithful
subjects?”
The order to march was now given, when the bard enumerates
the names and strength of the different Rajput princes, whose
contingents formed this array, in which there were only two
Muhammadan leaders of distinction: “The Haras of Kotah
and Bundi; the Khichis of Gagraun; the Gaurs of Sheopur;
the Kachhwahas of \[104] Amber, and [even] the Sodhas of the
desert, under their respective princes or chiefs, were under the
command of the Marwar prince. His native retainers, the united
clans of Marwar, formed the right wing of the whole army, headed
by his brother Bakhta.
“On the 10th Chait (Sudi) S. 1786, Abhai marched from
Jodhpur, by Bhadrajun and Malgarh, Siwana and Jalor. Rewara
was assaulted; the swords of the enemy showered, and the Champawat
fell amidst heaps of slain. The Deoras abandoned the hill
and fled. The trees were levelled to the summit; a garrison
was posted, and the array moved on to Pusalia. Then Abu
shook with affright. Affliction seized Sirohi; its prince was
.bn 535.png
.pn +1
in despair when he heard Rewara and Pusalia were destroyed.[5.10.26]
The Chauhan preferred decking his daughter in the bridal vestments
to arraying his army to oppose Abhaimall.”
.fn 5.10.26
Both these places are famous in the Mewasa, or fastnesses of Sirohi, and
gave the Author, who was intrusted with its political affairs, much trouble.
Fortunately for the Deora prince, descendant of Rao Narayan Das, the
Author knew their history, and was enabled to discriminate the claims
which Jodhpur asserted over her in virtue of such attacks as this; in short,
between the claims of ‘the princes of Marwar,’ and the king’s lieutenants
of Gujarat. In these negotiations wherein Jodhpur advanced its pretensions
to suzeraineté over Sirohi, which as stoutly denied the right, he clearly
distinguished the claims of the princes of Jodhpur, in their capacities of
viceroys of the empire, and argued that claims conceded by Sirohi in that
character guaranteed none to them, in their individual capacity, as chiefs
of Marwar, a distinction which they affected not to comprehend, but which
was at length fully recognized and acted on by the paramount power.
Sirohi is maintained in its ancient independence, which but for this previous
knowledge must have been inevitably lost.
.fn-
Submission of Sirohi to Abhai Singh.—Rao Narayan Das,
through the intervention of a Rajput chieftain, named Mayaram,
of the Chawara tribe, made overtures to the Rathor, proposing
his niece (daughter of Man Singh his predecessor) in marriage.[5.10.27]
“In the midst of strife ‘the coco-nut,’ with eight choice steeds
and the price of four elephants, were sent and accepted. The
drum of battle ceased; the nuptials were solemnized, and in the
tenth month Ram Singh was born at Jodhpur.” The bard, however,
lets us into the secret, and shows that the Rajputs had
‘secret articles,’ as well as the more polished diplomacy of Europe;
for besides the fair Chauhani, the Rao consented to pay Peshachchanni
a ‘concealed tribute.’
.fn 5.10.27
[It was Rāo Mān Singh III. (A.D. 1705-49) who gave his daughter in
marriage to Abhai Singh. The Sirohi records contain no mention of a Rāo
named Nārāyan Dās (Erskine iii. A. 243).]
.fn-
The Deora chiefs united their contingents to the royal army,
for the subjugation of Sarbuland, and the march recommenced
by Palanpur and Siddhpur, or the Sarasvati. Here they halted,
and “an envoy was dispatched to Sarbuland, summoning him
to surrender the imperial equipments, cannons, and stores; to
account for the revenues, and to withdraw his garrisons from
Ahmadabad and all the strongholds of the province.” The reply
was laconic and dignified; “that he himself was king, and his
head was with Ahmadabad” \[105].
A grand council of war was convened in the Rajput camp,
.bn 536.png
.pn +1
which is described con amore by the bard. The overture and its
reception were communicated, and the debates and speeches
which ensued thereon, as to the future course of proceeding, are
detailed. The bard is, however, satisfied with recording the
speeches of ‘the chiefs of the eight grades of Maru.’
“First spoke the chief of the children of Champa, Kusal, son
of Harnath of Awa, whose seat is on the right of the throne.
Then Kanairam of Asop, leader of the Kumpawats, whose place
is on the left: ‘let us, like the Kilkila,[5.10.28] dive into the waters of
battle.’ He was followed by Kesari, the Mertia Sarmor—then
by the veteran who led the Udawats: old and brave, many a
battle had he seen. Then the chief of Khanua, who led the clan
of Jodha, protested he would be the first to claim the immortal
garland from the hand of the Apsaras:[5.10.29] ‘Let us stain our garments
with saffron, and our lances with crimson, and play at ball with
this Sarbuland.’[5.10.30] Fateh the Jethawat, and Karnavat Abhaimall,
re-echoed his words. All shouted ‘battle!’ ‘battle!’ while
some put on the coloured garments, determined to conquer
Bhanuloka. Kama, the Champawat, said aloud, ‘With sparkling
cup the Apsaras will serve us in the mansion of the sun.’[5.10.31] Every
clan, every chief, and every bard re-echoed ‘battle!’
.fn 5.10.28
The kilkila is the bird we call the kingfisher.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.29
The maids of war, the Valkyries of Rajput mythology.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.30
Another jeu-de-mots on the name Sarbuland, with whose head (sar)
the Jodha chief proposes to play at ball.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.31
The young chieftain of Salumbar, the first of the nobles of Mewar, was
sitting with me, attentively listening as I was translating the war against
Sarbuland, read by my old tutor. His family possess an hereditary aversion
to ‘the cup,’ which is under solemn prohibition from some cause which I
forget, and so far did his grandfather carry his antipathy, that a drop
falling upon him at an entertainment, he cut out the contaminated part with
his dagger. Aware of this, I turned round to the young chief and said:
“Well, Rawatji, would you accept the cup from the hand of the Apsaras
or would you refuse the munawwar (pledge)?” “Certainly I would take
it; these are very different cups from ours,” was his reply. “Then you
believe that the heavenly fair carry the souls of those who fall in battle to
the Mandal of Surya?” “Who dare doubt it? When my time comes,
I will take that cup!” a glorious creed for a soldier! He sat for hours
listening to my old tutor and friend; for none of their bards expounded
like him the bhujanga (serpentine verse) of the poet. I have rated the
Rawat for being unable to repeat the genealogy of his house from Chonda to
himself; but the family bard was dead and left no progeny to inherit his
mantle. This young chief is yet (A.D. 1820) but twenty-two, and promises
to be better prepared.
.fn-
.bn 537.png
.pn +1
“Then Bakhta stood up to claim the onset, to lead the van
in battle against Sarbuland, while his brother and prince should
await the result in his tents. A jar of saffron-water was placed
before the prince, with which he sprinkled each chief, who shouted,
‘They would people Amarapur.’”[5.10.32]
.fn 5.10.32
‘The city of immortality.’
.fn-
The bard then describes the steeds of the Rajput chivalry, in
which the Bhimthadi \[106][5.10.33] of the Deccan takes precedence; he
is followed by the horses of Dhat and Rardara in Marwar, and
the Kathiawar of Saurashtra.
.fn 5.10.33
[The Bhīmthadi or Bhīvarthadi horses, which take their name from a
division of the Poona District in the valley of the Bhīma River, were highly
esteemed by the Marāthas, being middle-sized, strong, good-looking,
generally dark bay with black legs (BG, xviii. Part i. 61). It was on a horse
of this breed that Mahādāji Sindhia escaped after the battle of Pānīpat
(Elliot-Dowson viii. 156).]
.fn-
The Battle with Sarbuland.—Sarbuland’s plans of defence are
minutely detailed. At each gate he posted two thousand men
and five guns, “manned by Europeans,” of whom he had a body
of musketeers round his person. The cannonade had been kept
up three days on both sides, in which the son of Sarbuland was
killed. At length, Bakhta led the storm, when all the ots and
awats performed prodigies of valour. The Champawat Kusal
was the first to be carried to the “immortal abode”; but though
“the sun stood still to see the deeds of the son of Harnath” we
cannot particularize the bard’s catalogue of heroes transferred
to Suryaloka[5.10.34] on this day, when the best blood of Rajputana
was shed on the walls of Ahmadabad. Both the princely brothers
had their share in “the play of swords,” and each slew more
than one leader of note. Amra, who had so often defended
Ajmer, slew five chiefs of the grades of two and three thousand
horse.
.fn 5.10.34
The abode of heroes, the Valhalla of the Rajput mythology.
.fn-
“Eight gharis of the day remained, when Sarbuland fled;
but Aliyar, the leader of his vanguard, made a desperate resistance,
until he fell by the hand of Bakhta Singh. The drum of victory
sounded. The Nawab left his pani in the Rankund.[5.10.35] The
‘would-be-king’ was wounded; his elephant showed the speed
of the deer. Four thousand four hundred and ninety-three were
.bn 538.png
.pn +1
slain, of whom one hundred were Palkinishins, eight Hathinishins,[5.10.36]
and three hundred entitled to the Tazim on entering the Diwan-i-amm.[5.10.37]
.fn 5.10.35
Rankund is the ‘fountain of battle,’ and pāni is applied, as we use the
word water, to the temper or spirit of a sword: a play on words.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.36
Chiefs entitled to ride in palkis and on elephants.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.37
A long list of names is given, which would only fatigue the reader; but
amongst them we select a singular one, Nolakh Khan Anglez, ‘Nolakh the
Englishman.’
.fn-
“One hundred and twenty of Abhai Singh’s chieftains of note,
with five hundred horse, were slain, and seven hundred wounded.
“The next morning, Sarbuland surrendered with all his effects.
He was escorted towards Agra, his wounded Moguls dying at
every stage; but the soul of the ‘Fearless’ was sad at the loss
of his kin.[5.10.38] Abhaimall ruled over the seventeen \[107] thousand
towns of Gujarat, and the nine thousand of Marwar, besides one
thousand elsewhere. The princes of Idar, of Bhuj, of Parkar,
of Sind, and of Sirohi, the Chalukya Ran of Fatehpur, Jhunjunu,
Jaisalmer, Nagor, Dungarpur, Banswara, Lunawara, Halwad,
every morning bowed the head to Abhaimall.
.fn 5.10.38
The bard enumerates with the meed of praise each vassal who fell,
whether Rathor or of the contingents of the other principalities serving
under the prince of Marwar. The Champawats bore the brunt, and lost
Karan of Pali, Kishan Singh of Sandri, Gordhan of Jalor, and Kalyan. The
Kumpawats lost also several leaders of clans, as Narsingh, Surthan Singh,
Padma, son of Durjan. The Jodha tribe lost three leaders, namely, Hayatmall,
Guman, and Jogidas. The brave Mertias also lost three: Bhum
Singh, Kusal Singh, and Gulab, son of Hathi. The allodial chieftains, the
Jadons, the Sonigiras, the Dhondals, and Khichis, had many brave men
“carried to Bhanuloka,” and even bards and purohits were amongst the
slain.
.fn-
“Thus, in the enlightened half of the moon, on the victorious
tenth[5.10.39] (S. 1787, A.D. 1731), the day on which Ramachandra
captured Lanka, the war against Sarbuland, an Omrah (lord)
of twelve thousand, was concluded.”[5.10.40]
.fn 5.10.39
Vijaya daswin.
.fn-
.fn 5.10.40
With this battle the Raj Rupaka and Surya Prakas terminate. [All
the rhetoric of the bard cannot disguise what was really a Rājput defeat.
Their force advanced to Adālaj, about eight miles from Ahmadābād, and
was defeated. Abhai Singh took up a new position, and a still more bloody
engagement followed, in which each side tried to kill the opposing commander;
but as both Mubārizu-l-mulk, who was known as Sarbuland Khān,
and Abhai Singh fought in disguise, neither party succeeded. The Rāthors
were finally pursued as far as Sarkhej, and it was only on Mubārizu-l-mulk
receiving a lakh of rupees (£6666) that he was induced to go to Agra. See
Khāli Khan’s account in Elliot-Dowson vii. 530, and BG, i. Part i. 310 f.]
.fn-
.bn 539.png
.pn +1
Having left a garrison of seventeen thousand men for the
duties of the capital and province, Abhai Singh returned to
Jodhpur with the spoils of Gujarat, and there he deposited four
crores of rupees, and one thousand four hundred guns of all
calibres, besides military stores of every description. With
these, in the declining state of the empire, the desert king
strengthened his forts and garrisons, and determined, in the
general scramble for dominion, not to neglect his own interests
\[108].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 11
.sp 2
Jealousy of Abhai Singh to Bakht Singh.—The tranquillity
which for a while followed the campaign in Gujarat was of no
long duration. The love of ease and opium, which increased
with the years of Abhai Singh, was disturbed by a perpetual
apprehension of the active courage and military genius of his
brother, whose appanage of Nagor was too restricted a field for
his talents and ambition. Bakhta was also aware that his daring
nature, which obtained him the suffrages, as it would the swords,
of his turbulent and easily excited countrymen, rendered him an
object of distrust, and that without great circumspection, he
would be unable to maintain himself in his imperium in imperio,
the castle and three hundred and sixty townships of Nagor. He
was too discreet to support himself by foreign aid, or by fomenting
domestic strife; but with the aid of the bard he adopted a line
of policy, the relation of which will develop new traits in the
Rajput character, and exemplify its peculiarities. Karna, after
finishing his historical chronicle, concluding with the war against
Sarbuland, abandoned “the gate of Jodhpur for that of Nagor.”
Like all his tribe, the bard was an adept in intrigue, and his sacred
character forwarded the secret means of executing it. His advice
was to embroil their common sovereign with the prince of Amber,
and an opportunity was not long wanting \[109].
Abhai Singh attacks Bīkaner.—The prince of Bikaner,[5.11.1] a
junior but independent branch of Marwar, had offended his yet
nominal suzerain Abhai Singh, who, taking advantage of the
weakness of their common liege lord the emperor, determined
.bn 540.png
.pn +1
to resent the affront, and accordingly invested Bikaner, which
had sustained a siege of some weeks, when Bakhta determined
to make its release subserve his designs; nor could he have chosen
a better expedient. Although the prince of Marwar had led his
united vassalage against Bikaner, they were not only lukewarm
as to the success of their own arms, but, anomalous as it must
appear in the annals even of feudal warfare, they furnished the
besieged with the means of defence, who, but for the supplies of
opium, salt, and ammunition, would soon have been compelled
to surrender. We can account for this: Bikaner was of their
own kin, a branch of the great tree of which Siahji was the root,
and to which they could cling in emergency; in short, Bikaner
balanced the power between themselves and their head.
.fn 5.11.1
[Sujān Singh (A.D. 1700-35) served in the Deccan from 1707 to 1719.]
.fn-
The scheme being approved, its execution and mode of development
to Jai Singh were next canvassed. “Touch his pride,” said
Karna; “tell him the insult to Amber, which your ancestor
invested, has never been balanced, and that he will never find
a time like the present to fling a few shot at Jodhpur.”
Bakht Singh intrigues to cause War with Jaipur.—Bakhta
addressed a letter to Jai Singh, and at the same time sent instructions
to the envoy of Bikaner at his court how to act.
The prince of Amber, towards the close of his career, became
partial to ‘the cup’; but, aware of the follies it involved him in,
an edict prohibited all official intercourse with him while he was
under its influence. The direct overture of Bakhta was canvassed,
and all interference between the kindred belligerents was rejected
in a full council of the chiefs of Amber. But the envoy had a
friend in the famous Vidyadhar,[5.11.2] the chief civil minister of the
State, through whose means he obtained permission to make ‘a
verbal report, standing.’ “Bikaner,” he said, “was in peril,
and without his aid must fall, and that his master did not consider
the sovereign of Marwar, but of Amber, as his suzerain.”
Vanity and wine did the rest. The prince took up the pen and
wrote to Abhai Singh, “That they all formed one great family;
to forgive Bikaner and raise his batteries”: and as he took
another cup, and \[110] curled his moustache, he gave the letter
.bn 541.png
.pn +1
to be folded. “Maharaja,” said the envoy, “put in two more
words: ‘or, my name is Jai Singh.’” They were added. The
overjoyed envoy retired, and in a few minutes the letter was on
transit to its destination by the swiftest camel of the desert.
Scarcely had the envoy retired, when the chief of Bansko,[5.11.3] the
Mentor of Jai Singh, entered. He was told of the letter, which
“would vex his Saga.”[5.11.4] The old chief remonstrated; he said,
“Unless you intend to extinguish the Kachhwahas, recall this
letter.” Messenger after messenger was sent, but the envoy
knew his duty. At the dinner hour all the chiefs had assembled
at the (Rasora) banquet-hall, when the spokesman of the vassalage,
old Dip Singh, in reply to the communication of his sovereign,
told him he had done a cruel and wanton act, and that they must
all suffer for his imprudence.
.fn 5.11.2
Vidyadhar was a Brahman of Bengal, a scholar and man of science.
The plan of the modern city of Amber, named Jaipur, was his: a city as
regular as Darmstadt. He was also the joint compiler of the celebrated
genealogical tables which appear in the first volume of this work.
.fn-
.fn 5.11.3
[One of the twelve kothris or houses of Jaipur, the Kumbhāni.]
.fn-
.fn 5.11.4
Saga is a term denoting a connexion by marriage [more generally a
blood relation].
.fn-
The reply, a laconic defiance, was brought back with like
celerity; it was opened and read by Jai Singh to his chiefs: “By
what right do you dictate to me, or interfere between me and my
servants? If your name is ‘Lion of Victory’ (Jai Singh), mine
is ‘the Lion without Fear’ (Abhai Singh).”[5.11.5]
.fn 5.11.5
I write the names as pronounced, and as familiar to the readers of
Indian history. Jaya, in Sanskrit, is ‘victory,’ Abhai, ‘fearless.’
.fn-
The ancient chief, Dip Singh, said: “I told you how it would
be; but there is no retreat, and our business is to collect our
friends.” The Kher, or ‘levy en masse,’ was proclaimed: Every
Kachhwaha was commanded to repair to the great standard
planted outside the capital. The home-clans came pouring in,
and aid was obtained from the Haras of Bundi, the Jadons of
Karauli, the Sesodias of Shahpura, the Khichis, and the Jats,
until one hundred thousand men were formed beneath the castle
of Amber. This formidable array proceeded, march after march,
until they reached Gangwana, a village on the frontier of Marwar.[5.11.6]
Here they encamped, and, with all due courtesy, awaited the
arrival of the ‘Fearless Lion.’
.fn 5.11.6
[Now in Ajmer District, about 8 miles N.N.W. of Ajmer city.]
.fn-
Battle of Gangwāna.—They were not long in suspense. Mortally
offended at such wanton interference, which compelled him
to relinquish his object on the very eve of attainment, Abhai
.bn 542.png
.pn +1
Singh raised his batteries from besieging Bikaner and rapidly
advanced to the encounter.
Bakhta now took alarm. He had not calculated the length to
which his intrigues would involve his country; he had sought
but to embroil the border princes, but \[111] had kindled a national
warfare. Still his fears were less for the discovery of his plot
than for the honour of Marwar, about to be assailed by such odds.
He repaired to his brother and liege lord, and implored him not
to raise the siege; declaring that he alone, with the vassals of
Nagor, would receive the Bhagatia’s[5.11.7] battle, and, by God’s
blessing, would give a good account of him. Abhai Singh, not
averse to see his brother punished for his conduct, though determined
to leave him to the brunt of the battle, rejected with scorn
the intriguing proposition.
.fn 5.11.7
Bhagatia is ‘a devotee’: the term is here applied reproachfully to
Jai Singh, on account of his very religious habits.
.fn-
The Nakkara sounded the assembly for the chivalry of
Nagor. Bakhta took post on the balcony over the Delhi gate,
with two brazen vessels; in the one was an infusion of opium,
in the other saffron-water. To each Rajput as he entered he
presented opium, and made the impress of his right hand on his
heart with the saffron-water. Having in this manner enrolled
eight thousand Rajputs, sworn to die with him, he determined
to select the most resolute; and marching to the edge of an
extensive field of luxuriant Indian corn[5.11.8] (bajra), he halted his
band, and thus addressed them: “Let none follow me who is
not prepared for victory or death: if there be any amongst you
who desire to return, let them do so in God’s name.” As he
spoke, he resumed the march through the luxuriant fields, that
it might not be seen who retired. More than five thousand
remained, and with these he moved on to the combat.
.fn 5.11.8
[Rather millet, Pennisetum typhoideum.]
.fn-
The Amber prince awaited them at Gangwana: soon as the
hostile lines approached, Bakhta gave the word, and, in one dense
mass, his gallant legion charged with lance and sword the deepened
lines of Amber, carrying destruction at every pass. He passed
through and through this host; but when he pulled up in the
rear, only sixty of his band remained round his person. At this
moment the chief of Gajsinghpura, head of all his vassals, hinted
there was a jungle in the rear: “And what is there in front,” said
.bn 543.png
.pn +1
the intrepid Rathor, “that we should not try the road we came?”
and as he espied the Panchranga, or five-coloured flag, which
denoted the headquarters of Amber, the word again was given.
The cautious Kumbhani[5.11.9] advised his prince to avoid the charge:
with some difficulty he was made to leave the field, and as a
salvo to his honour, by a flank movement towards Kandela north,
that it might not be said he turned his back on his foe. As he
\[112] retreated, he exclaimed, “Seventeen battles have I witnessed,
but till this day never one decided by the sword.” Thus,
after a life of success, the wisest, or at least the most learned and
most powerful prince of Rajwara, incurred the disgrace of leaving
the field in the face of a handful of men, strengthening the adage
“that one Rathor equalled ten Kachhwahas.”
.fn 5.11.9
The clan of the Bansko chief.
.fn-
Jai Singh’s own bards could not refrain from awarding the
meed of valour to their foes, and composed the following stanzas
on the occasion: “Is it the battle cry of Kali, or the war-shout
of Hanumanta, or the hissing of Seshnag, or the denunciation of
Kapaliswar? Is it the incarnation of Narsingh, or the darting
beam of Surya? or the death-glance of the Dakini?[5.11.10] or that
from the central orb of Trinetra?[5.11.11] Who could support the
flames from this volcano of steel, when Bakhta’s sword became
the sickle of Time?”
.fn 5.11.10
The witch of India is termed Dakini.
.fn-
.fn 5.11.11
A title of Siva, god of destruction, the ‘three-eyed.’
.fn-
But for Karna the bard, one of the few remaining about his
person, Bakhta would a third time have plunged into the ranks
of the foe; nor was it till the host of Amber had left the field that
he was aware of the extent of his loss.[5.11.12] Then, strange inconsistency!
the man, who but a few minutes before had affronted
death in every shape, when he beheld the paucity of survivors,
sat down and wept like an infant. Still it was more the weakness
of ambition than humanity; for, never imagining that his
brother would fail to support him, he thought destruction had
overtaken Marwar; nor was it until his brother joined and
assured him he had left him all the honour of the day, that he recovered
his port. Then “he curled his whiskers and swore an oath,
that he would yet drag the ‘Bhagat’ from his castle of Amber.”
.fn 5.11.12
Though the bard does not state, it is to be supposed that the main
body came up and caused this movement.
.fn-
.bn 544.png
.pn +1
Jai Singh, though he paid dear for his message, gained his
point, the relief of Bikaner; and the Rana of Udaipur mediated
to prevent the quarrel going further, which was the less difficult
since both parties had gained their ends, though Jai Singh obtained
his by the loss of a battle.
Marriage of a God.—It is related that the tutelary deity of
Bakhta Singh fell into the hands of the Amber prince, who carried
home the sole trophy he could boast, married the Rathor deity
to a female divinity of Amber, and returned him with his compliments
to Bakhta. Such were the courteous usages of Rajput
chivalry. The triple alliance \[113] of the chief Rajput princes
followed this battle, cemented by the union of the rival houses
to daughters of Mewar. There they met, attended by their
vassalage, and, in the nuptial festivities and the ‘cup,’ forgot
this bitter strife, while enmity and even national jealousy were
banished by general courtesy. Such is the Rajput, who can
be judged after no known standard: he stands alone in the
moral history of man.[5.11.13]
.fn 5.11.13
This singular piece of Rajput history, in the Annals of Mārwār, is confirmed
by every particular in the “one hundred and nine acts” of the
Great Jai Singh of Amber. The foe does ample justice to Rathor valour.
.fn-
Death and Character of Abhai Singh.—This is the last conspicuous
act of Abhai Singh’s life on record. He died in S. 1806
(A.D. 1750) at Jodhpur. His courage, which may be termed
ferocious, was tempered only by his excessive indolence, regarding
which they have preserved many amusing anecdotes; one of
these will display the exact character of the man. The chronicle
says: “When Ajit went to marry the Chauhani, he found two
lions in his path—the one asleep, the other awake. The interpretation
of the Saguni (augur) was, that the Chauhani would
bear him two sons; that one would be a soti kan (sluggard), the
other an active soldier.” Could the augur have revealed that
they would imbrue their hands in a father’s blood, he might have
averted the ruin of his country, which dates from this black deed.
The Rathors profess a great contempt for the Kachhwahas as
soldiers; and Abhai Singh’s was not lessened for their prince,
because he happened to be father-in-law to the prince of Amber,
whom he used to mortify, even in the ‘Presence,’ with such
sarcasm as, “You are called a Kachhua, or properly Kuswa,
from the Kusa; and your sword will cut as deep as one of its
.bn 545.png
.pn +1
blades”:[5.11.14] alluding to the grass thus called. Irritated, yet
fearing to reply, he formed a plan to humble his arrogance in his
only vulnerable point, the depreciation of his personal strength.
While it was the boast of Jai Singh to mingle the exact sciences
of Europe with the more ancient of India, Abhai’s ambition was
to be deemed the first swordsman of Rajwara. The scientific
prince of Amber gave his cue to Kirparam, the paymaster-general,
a favourite with the king, from his skill at chess, and who had
often the honour of playing with him while all the nobles were
standing. Kirparam praised the Rathor prince’s dexterity in
smiting off a buffalo’s head; on which the king called out, “Rajeswar,
I have heard much of your skill with the sword.” “Yes,
Hazrat, I can use it on an occasion.” A huge animal \[114] was
brought into the area, fed in the luxuriant pastures of Hariana.
The court crowded out to see the Rathor exhibit; but when he
beheld the enormous bulk, he turned to the king and begged
permission to retire to his post, the imperial guardroom, to refresh
himself. Taking a double dose of opium, he returned, his
eyes glaring with rage at the trick played upon him, and as he
approached the buffalo they fell upon Jai Singh who had procured
this monster with a view to foil him. The Amber chief saw that
mischief was brewing, and whispered his majesty not to approach
too near his son-in-law. Grasping his sword in both hands,
Abhai gave the blow with such force that the buffalo’s head
“dropped upon his knees,” and the raja was thrown upon his
back. All was well; but, as the chronicle says, “the king never
asked the raja to decollate another buffalo.”
.fn 5.11.14
[A pun on Kachhwāha, Kachhua, ‘a tortoise,’ and the sacred Kusa,
grass, poa cynosuroides.]
.fn-
Invasion of Nādir Shāh.—It was during the reign of Abhai
Singh that Nadir Shah[5.11.15] invaded India; but the summons to the
Rajput princes, to put forth their strength in support of the
tottering throne of Timur, was received with indifference. Not
a chief of note led his myrmidons to the plains of Karnal; and
Delhi was invested, plundered, and its monarch dethroned, without
exciting a sigh. Such was their apathy in the cause, when the
.bn 546.png
.pn +1
imbecility of Muhammad Shah succeeded to the inheritance of
Aurangzeb, that with their own hands these puppets of despotism
sapped the foundations of the empire.
.fn 5.11.15
[Nādir Shāh, King of Persia, invaded India and defeated the forces of
the Emperor, Muhammad Shāh, at Karnāl, near the historic field of Pānīpat
on February 13, 1739; entered Delhi, which was sacked and a terrible
massacre perpetrated, and returned home with the Peacock Throne and
immense treasures.]
.fn-
Unfortunately for Rajputana, the demoralization of her princes
prevented their turning to advantage this depression of the
empire, in whose follies and crimes they participated.
With the foul and monstrous murder of the Raja Ajit (A.D.
1750) commenced those bloody scenes which disgrace the annals
of Marwar; yet even in the history of her crimes there are acts of
redeeming virtue, which raise a sentiment of regret that the lustre
of the one should be tarnished by the presence of the other. They
serve, however, to illustrate that great moral truth, that in every
stage of civilization crime will work out its own punishment;
and grievously has the parricidal murder of Ajit been visited on
his race and country. We shall see it acting as a blight on that
magnificent tree, which, transplanted from the native soil of the
Ganges, took root and flourished amidst the arid sands of the
desert, affording a goodly shade for a daring race, who acquired
fresh victories with poverty—we shall see its luxuriance checked,
and its numerous and widely spread branches, as if \[115] scorched
by the lightnings of heaven, wither and decay; and they must
utterly perish, unless a scion, from the uncontaminated stem of
Idar,[5.11.16] be grafted upon it: then it may revive, and be yet made
to yield more vigorous fruit.
.fn 5.11.16
The heir of Idar is heir presumptive to the gaddi of Marwar.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 12
.sp 2
Rāja Rām Singh, A.D. 1750-52.—Ram Singh succeeded at
that dangerous age when parental control is most required to
restrain the turbulence of passion. Exactly twenty years had
elapsed since the nuptials at Sirohi, when Hymen extinguished
the torch of discord, and his mother was the bearer of the olive
branch to Abhai Singh, to save her house from destruction. The
Rajput, who attaches everything to pedigree, has a right to lay
an interdict on the union of the race of Agni,[5.12.1] with the already too
.bn 547.png
.pn +1
fiery blood of the Rathor. Ram Singh inherited the arrogance
of his father, with all the impetuosity of the Chauhans; and the
exhibition of these qualities was simultaneous with his coronation.
We are not told why his uncle, Bakhta Singh, absented himself
from the ceremony of his prince’s and nephew’s installation,
when the whole kin and clans of Maru assembled to ratify their
allegiance by their presence. As the first in blood and rank, it
was his duty to make the first mark of inauguration on the \[116]
forehead of his prince. The proxy he chose on the occasion was
his Dhai, or ‘nurse,’ a personage of no small importance in those
countries. Whether by such a representative the haughty
warrior meant to insinuate that his nephew should yet be in leading
strings, the chronicle affords us no hint; but it reprehends Ram
Singh’s conduct to this venerable personage, whom, instead of
treating, according to usage, with the same respect as his mother,
he asked, “if his uncle took him for an ape, that he sent an old
hag to present him with the tika?” and instantly dispatched an
express desiring the surrender of Jalor. Ere his passion had time
to cool, he commanded his tents to be moved out, that he might
chastise the insult to his dignity. Despising the sober wisdom of
the counsellors of the state, he had given his confidence to one
of the lowest grade of these hereditary officers, by name Amia,
the Nakkarchi,[5.12.2] a man headstrong like himself. The old chief
of the Champawats, on hearing of this act of madness, repaired
to the castle to remonstrate; but scarcely had he taken his seat
before the prince assailed him with ridicule, desiring “to see his
frightful face as seldom as possible.” “Young man,” exclaimed
the indignant chief, as with violence he dashed his shield reversed
upon the carpet, “you have given mortal offence to a Rathor,
who can turn Marwar upside down as easily as that shield.”
With eyes darting defiance, he arose and left the Presence, and
collecting his retainers, marched to Mundiavar.[5.12.3] This was the
residence of the Pat-Bardai, or ‘chief bard,’ the lineal descendant
of the Bardai Roera, who left Kanauj with Siahji. The esteem
in which his sacred office was held may be appreciated by his
estate, which equalled that of the first noble, being one lakh of
rupees (£10,000) of revenue.
.fn 5.12.1
The Deora of Sirohi is a branch of the Chauhans, one of the four Agnikulas,
a race sprung from fire. See Vol. I. p. vol1_112.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.2
The person who summons the nobles by beat of the state nakkara, or
‘great kettledrum.’
.fn-
.fn 5.12.3
[Mūndwa, about 90 miles N.E. of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
.bn 548.png
.pn +1
The politic Bakhta, hearing of the advance of the chief noble
of Maru on the border of his territory, left Nagor, and though it
was midnight, advanced to welcome him. The old chief was
asleep; Bakhta forbade his being disturbed, and placed himself
quietly beside his pallet. As he opened his eyes, he called as
usual for his pipe (hukka), when the attendant pointing to the
prince, the old chief scrambled up. Sleep had cooled his rage,
and the full force of his position rushed upon him; but seeing
there was now no retreat, that the Rubicon was crossed, “Well,
there is my head,” said he; “now it is yours.” The bard, who
was present at the interview, was sounded by being requested to
bring the chief’s wife and family from \[117] Awa to Nagor; and
he gave his assent in a manner characteristic of his profession:
“farewell to the gate of Jodhpur,” alluding to the station of
the bard. The prince immediately replied, “there was no difference
between the gate of Jodhpur and Nagor; and that while
he had a cake of bajra he would divide it with the bard.”
Civil War between Rām Singh and Bakht Singh.—Ram Singh
did not allow his uncle much time to collect a force; and the
first encounter was at Kherli. Six actions rapidly followed;
the last was at Lunawas, on the plains of Merta, with immense
loss of life on both sides. This sanguinary battle has been already
related,[5.12.4] in which Ram Singh was defeated, and forced to seek
safety in flight; when Jodhpur was surrendered, and Bakhta
invested with the Rajtilak and sword by the hands of the Jethawat
chief of Bagri, whose descendants continue to enjoy this distinction,
with the title of Marwar ka bar Kewar, ‘the bar to the
portal of Marwar.’
.fn 5.12.4
See p. #862#.
.fn-
Accession of Bakht Singh, A.D. 1752-53.—With the possession
of the seat of government, and the support of a great majority
of the clans, Bakhta Singh felt secure against all attempts of his
nephew to regain his lost power. But although his popularity
with his warlike kindred secured their suffrages for his maintenance
of the throne which the sword had gained him, there
were other opinions which Bakhta Singh was too politic to overlook.
The adhesion of the hereditary officers of the State,
especially those personal to the sovereign, is requisite to cloak the
crime of usurpation, in which light only, whatever the extent of
provocation, Bakhta’s conduct could be regarded. The military
.bn 549.png
.pn +1
premier, as well as the higher civil authorities, were won to his
cause, and of those whose sacred office might seem to sanctify
the crime, the chief bard had already changed his post “for the
gate of Nagor.” But there was one faithful servant, who, in
the general defection, overlooked the follies of his prince, in his
adherence to the abstract rules of fidelity; and who, while his
master found refuge at Jaipur, repaired to the Deccan to obtain
the aid of the Mahrattas, the mercenaries of Rajputana. Jaga
was the name of this person; his office, that of Purohit, the
ghostly adviser of his prince and tutor to his children. Bakhta,
at once desirous to obtain his suffrage, and to arrest the calamity
of foreign invasion, sent a couplet in his own hand to the
Purohit:
“The flower, O bee, whose aroma regaled you, has been
assailed by the blast; not a leaf of the rose-tree is left; why
longer cling to the thorns?” \[118]
The reply was in character: “In this hope does the bee cling
to the denuded rose-tree; that spring may return, and fresh
flowers bud forth.”[5.12.5]
.fn 5.12.5
That beautiful simile of Ossian, or of Macpherson, borrowed from the
canticles of the Royal Bard of Jerusalem, will be brought to mind in the
reply of the Purohit—“I was a lovely tree in thy presence, Oscar, with all
my branches around me,” etc.
.fn-
Bakhta, to his honour, approved the fidelity which rejected
his overtures.
Intervention of Mahādaji Sindhia.—There was a joyousness of
soul about Bakhta which, united to an intrepidity and a liberality
alike unbounded, made him the very model of a Rajput. To
these qualifications were superadded a majestic mien and Herculean
frame, with a mind versed in all the literature of his country,
besides poetic talent of no mean order; and but for that one
damning crime, he would have been handed down to posterity as
one of the noblest princes Rajwara ever knew. These qualities
not only riveted the attachment of the household clans, but
secured the respect of all his exterior relations, so that when the
envoy of the expatriated prince obtained Sindhia’s aid for the
restoration of Ram Singh, the popularity of Bakhta formed an
army which appalled the “Southron,” who found arrayed against
him all the choice swords of Rajwara. The whole allodial power
of the desert, “the sons of Siahji” of every rank, rose to oppose
.bn 550.png
.pn +1
this first attempt of the Mahrattas to interfere in their national
quarrels, and led by Bakhta in person, advanced to meet Mahadaji,
the Patel.[5.12.6] But the Mahratta, whose object was plunder rather
than glory, satisfied that he had little chance of either, refused to
measure his lance (barchhi) with the sang and sirohi[5.12.7] of the
Rajput.
.fn 5.12.6
[Mahādāji Sindhia used the title of Patel or village headman to mark
his assumed deference to the Peshwa (Grant Duff 212).]
.fn-
.fn 5.12.7
Sang is a lance about ten feet long, covered with plates of iron about
four feet above the spike. The sirohi is the sword made at the city, whence
its name, and famous for its temper.
.fn-
Bakht Singh Poisoned.—Poison effected what the sword
could not accomplish. Bakhta determined to remain encamped
in that vulnerable point of access to his dominions, the passes
near Ajmer. Hither, the Rathor queen of Madho Singh, prince
of Amber, repaired to compliment her relative, and to her was
entrusted the task of removing the enemy of her nephew, Ram
Singh. The mode in which the deed was effected, as well as the
last moments of the heroic but criminal Bakhta, have been already
related.[5.12.8] He died in S. 1809 (A.D. 1753), leaving a disputed
succession, and all the horrors of impending civil strife, to his
son, Bijai Singh.
.fn 5.12.8
See p. #867#.
.fn-
Repression of Islām.—During his three years of sovereignty,
Bakhta had found both time and resources to strengthen and
embellish the strongholds of Marwar. He completed the fortifications
\[119] of the capital, and greatly added to the palace
of Jodha, from the spoils of Ahmadabad. He retaliated the injuries
on the intolerant Islamite, and threw down his shrines and
his mosques in his own fief of Nagor, and with the wrecks restored
the edifices of ancient days. It was Bakhta also who prohibited,
under pain of death, the Islamite’s call to prayer throughout his
dominions, and the order remains to this day unrevoked in Marwar.
Had he been spared a few years to direct the storm then accumulating,
which transferred power from the haughty Tatar of Delhi
to the peasant soldier of the Kistna, the probability was eminently
in favour of the Rajputs resuming their ancient rights throughout
India. Every principality had the same motive for union in one
common cause, the destruction of a power inimical to their
welfare: but crimes, moral and political, rendered an opportunity,
.bn 551.png
.pn +1
such as never occurred in their history, unavailing for their
emancipation from temporal and spiritual oppression.
Rājput Morals compared with those of Europe in the Middle
Ages.—We will here pause, and anticipating the just horror of
the reader, at finding crime follow crime—one murder punished
by another—prevent his consigning all the Rajput dynasties to
infamy, because such foul stains appear in one part of their annals.
Let him cast his eyes over the page of western history; and commencing
with the period of Siahji’s emigration in the eleventh
century, when the curtain of darkness was withdrawn from
Europe, as it was simultaneously closing upon the Rajput,
contrast their respective moral characteristics. The Rajput
chieftain was imbued with all the kindred virtues of the western
cavalier, and far his superior in mental attainments. There is no
period on record when these Hindu princes could not have signed
their names to a charter; many of them could have drawn it up,
and even invested it, if required, in a poetic garb; and although
this consideration perhaps enhances, rather than palliates, crime,
what are the instances in these States, we may ask, compared
to the wholesale atrocities of the ‘Middle Ages’ of Europe?
The reader would also be wrong if he leaped to the conclusion
that the bardic chronicler passed no judgment on the princely
criminal. His “empoisoned stanzas” (vishwa sloka), transmitted
to posterity by the mouth of the peasant and the prince,
attest the reverse. One couplet has been recorded, stigmatizing
Bakhta for the murder of his father; there is another of the chief
bard, improvised while his prince Abhai Singh and Jai Singh of
Amber were passing the period devoted \[120] to religious rites
at the sacred lake of Pushkar. These ceremonies never stood in
the way of festivity; and one evening, while these princes and
their vassals were in the height of merriment, the bard was
desired to contribute to it by some extemporaneous effusion.
He rose, and vociferated in the ears of the horror-struck assembly
the following quatrain:—
.pm start_poem
Jodhāno Āmber ē
Donon thāp uthāp;
Kuram māryo dīkro,
Kāmdhaj māryo bāp.
.pm end_poem
“[The princes of] Jodhpur and Amber can dethrone the
.bn 552.png
.pn +1
enthroned. But the Kurma[5.12.9] slew his son; the Kamdhaj[5.12.10]
murdered his father.”
.fn 5.12.9
Kurma or Kachhua (the tribe of the princes of Amber) slew his son,
Sheo Singh.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.10
Kamdhaj, it must be remembered, is a titular appellation of the Rathor
kings, which they brought from Kanauj.
.fn-
The words of the poetic seer sank into the minds of his hearers,
and passed from mouth to mouth. They were probably the
severest vengeance either prince experienced in this world, and
will continue to circulate down to the latest posterity. It was
the effusion of the same undaunted Karna, who led the charge
with his prince against the troops of Amber.
The Curse of a Sati.—We have also the anathema of the prophetic
Sati, wife of Ajit, who, as she mounted the pyre with her
murdered lord, pronounced that terrific sentence to the ears of
the patriotic Rajput: “May the bones of the murderer be consumed
out of ”[5.12.11] In the value they attach to the fulfilment
of the prophecy, we have a commentary on the supernatural
power attached to these self-devoted victims. The
record of the last moments of Bakhta, in the dialogue with his
doctor,[5.12.12] is a scene of the highest dramatic and moral interest;
and, if further comment were required, demonstrates the operations
of the hell within, as well as the abhorrence the Rajput
entertains for such crimes \[121].
.fn 5.12.11
See p. #867#.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.12
Ibid.
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 13
.sp 2
Rāja Bijai Singh, A.D. 1753-93.—Bijai Singh, then in his
twentieth year, succeeded his father, Bakhta. His accession
was acknowledged not only by the emperor, but by all the princes
around him, and he was inaugurated at the frontier town of
Marot,[5.13.1] when proceeding to Merta, where he passed the period
of matam or mourning. Hither the independent branches of his
family, of Bikaner, Kishangarh, and Rupnagarh, came simultaneously
with their condolence and congratulations. Thence he
advanced to the capital, and concluded the rites on death and
accession with gifts and charities which gratified all expectations.
.fn 5.13.1
[On the N. frontier of Jodhpur.]
.fn-
.bn 553.png
.pn +1
Rām Singh invites Marātha Aid.—The death of his uncle
afforded the ex-prince, Ram Singh, the chance of redeeming his
birthright; and in conjunction with the prince of Amber, he
concluded a treaty[5.13.2] with the Mahrattas, the stipulations of which
were sworn to by their leaders. The “Southrons” advanced by
Kotah and Jaipur, where Ram Singh \[122], with his personal
adherents and a strong auxiliary band of Amber, united their
forces, and they proceeded to the object in view, the dethronement
of Bijai Singh.
.fn 5.13.2
This treaty is termed haldi, or balpatra, ‘a strong deed’ [haldi means
‘turmeric,’ with which the hand-marks on the treaty were made]. The
names of the chiefs who signed it were Jankoji Sindhia, Santoji Bolia,
Danto Patel, Rana Bhurtiya, Ato Jaswant Rae, Kano, and Jiwa, Jadons;
Jiwa Punwar, Piluji and Satwa, Sindhia Malji, Tantia Chitu, Raghu Pagia,
Ghusalia Jadon, Mulla Yar Ali, Firoz Khan; all great leaders amongst the
‘Southrons’ of that day.
.fn-
The Battle of Merta.—Bijai Singh was prepared for the storm,
and led his native chivalry to the plains of Merta, where, animated
with one impulse, a determination to repel foreign interference,
they awaited the Mahrattas, to decide the rival claims to the
throne of the desert.[5.13.3] The bard delights to enumerate the clans
who mustered all their strength; and makes particular allusion
to the allodial Pattawats, who were foremost on this occasion.
From Pushkar, where the combined army halted, a summons was
sent to Bijai Singh “to surrender the gaddi of Maru.” It was
read in full convention and answered with shouts of “Battle!
Battle!” “Who is this Hapa,[5.13.4] thus to scare us, when, were the
firmament to fall, our heads would be pillars of support to preserve
you?” Such is the hyperbole of the Rajput when excited, nor
does his action fall far short of it. The numerical odds were
immense against the Rathors; but they little esteemed the
Kachhwahas, and their courage had very different aliment to
sustain it, from the mercenary Southron. The encounter was of
the most desperate description, and the bard deals out a full
measure of justice to all.
.fn 5.13.3
[The date of the battle is uncertain. According to Erskine (iii. A. 66)
it was fought “about 1756”.]
.fn-
.fn 5.13.4
The A, to the Rajput of the north-west, is as great a Shibboleth as to
the Cockney—thus Apa becomes Hapa.
.fn-
Two accidents occurred during the battle, each sufficient to
turn victory from the standard of Bijai Singh, on the very point
of fruition. One has elsewhere been related,[5.13.5] namely, the destruction
.bn 554.png
.pn +1
of the “Silahposhians,” or cuirassiers, the chosen cohort of
the Rathors, when returning from a successful charge, who were
mistaken for the foe, and mowed down with discharges of grape-shot.
This error, at a moment when the courage of the Mahrattas
was wavering, might have been retrieved, notwithstanding the
superstitious converted the disaster into an omen of evil. Sindhia
had actually prepared to quit the field, when another turn of the
wheel decided the event in his favour: the circumstance exhibits
forcibly the versatile character of the Rajput.
.fn 5.13.5
See p. #868#.
.fn-
Treachery of Sardār Singh of Kishangarh.—The Raja of
Kishangarh had deprived his relative of Rupnagar of his estates;
both were junior branches of Marwar, but held direct from the
emperor. Sawant Singh, chieftain of Rupnagar, either from
constitutional indifference or \[123] old age, retired to the sanctuary
of Brindaban on the Jumna, and, before the shrine of the Hindu
Apollo, poured forth his gratitude for “his escape from hell,”
in the loss of his little kingdom. But it was in vain he attempted
to inspire young Sardar with the like contempt of mundane glory;
to his exhortations the youth replied, “It is well for you, Sire,[5.13.6]
who have enjoyed life, to resign its sweets so tranquilly; but I
am yet a stranger to them.” Taking advantage of the times,
he determined to seek a stronger auxiliary for the recovery of his
rights than the poetic homilies of Jayadeva. Accordingly, he
joined the envoy of Ram Singh, and returned with the Mahratta
army, on whose successful operations his hope of reconquering his
patrimony rested. It was at that moment of doubt that Apa,
the Mahratta commander, thus addressed young Sardar: “Your
star, young man, is united to Ram Singh’s, which fortune does
not favour; what more is to be done before we move off?”
Inexperienced as he was, Sardar knew his countrymen, and their
vacillation when touched by superstition; and he obtained
permission to try a ruse, as a last resort. He dispatched a horseman
of his own clan to the division which pressed them most, who,
coming up to the Mainot minister, as if of his own party, asked
“what they were fighting for, as Bijai Singh lay dead, killed by a
cannon-shot in another part of the field?” Like the ephemeral
tribe of diplomacy, the Mainot saw his sun was set. He left the
field, followed by the panic-struck clans, amongst whom the report
circulated like wildfire. Though accustomed to these stratagems,
.bn 555.png
.pn +1
with which their annals teem, the Rajputs are never on their
guard against them; not a man inquired into the truth of the
report, and Bijai Singh,—who, deeming himself in the very
career of victory, was coolly performing his devotions amidst the
clash of swords,—was left almost alone, even without attendants
or horses. The lord of Marwar, who, on that morning, commanded
the lives of one hundred thousand Rajputs, was indebted for his
safety to the mean conveyance of a cart and pair of oxen.[5.13.7]
.fn 5.13.6
Bapji.
.fn-
.fn 5.13.7
The anecdote is related, p. #870#. The Bijai Vilas states that the
prince rewarded the peasant with five hundred bighas of land in perpetuity,
which his descendants enjoy, saddled with the petite serjanterie of “curds
and bajra cakes,” in remembrance of the fare the Jat provided for his prince
on that emergency.
.fn-
Every clan had to erect tablets for the loss of their best warriors;
and as in their civil wars each strove to be foremost in devotion,
most of the chieftains of note \[124] were amongst the slain.[5.13.8]
The bard metes out a fair measure of justice to their auxiliaries,
especially the Saktawats of Mewar, whose swords were unsheathed
in the cause of the son-in-law of their prince. Nor is the lance
of the Southron passed over without eulogy, to praise which,
indeed, is to extol themselves.
.fn 5.13.8
Rae Singh, chief of the Kumpawats, the second noble in rank of Marwar;
Lal Singh, head of the Sisawats, with the leader of the Kutawats, are especially
singled out as sealing their fidelity with their blood; but all the ots and
awats of the country come in for a share of glory.
.fn-
Results of Rāthor Defeat.—With the loss of this battle and the
dispersion of the Rathors, the strongholds rapidly fell. The
cause of Ram Singh was triumphing, and the Mahrattas were
spreading over the land of Maru, when foul assassination checked
their progress.[5.13.9] But the death of Jai Apa, which converted
his hordes from auxiliaries to principals in the contest, called
aloud for vengeance, that was only to be appeased by the cession
of Ajmer, and a fixed triennial tribute on all the lands of Maru,
both feudal and fiscal. This arrangement being made, the
.bn 556.png
.pn +1
Mahrattas displayed the virtue common to such mercenary
allies: they abandoned Ram Singh to his ‘evil star,’ and took
possession of this stronghold, which, placed in the very heart of
Rajasthan, perpetuated their influence over its princes.
.fn 5.13.9
This occurrence has been related in the Personal Narrative, p. 873,
but it is more amply narrated in the chronicle, the Bijai Vilas, from which
I am now compiling. In this it is said that Jai Apa, during the siege,
having fallen sick, the Rathor prince sent his own physician, Surajmall, to
attend him; that the doctor at first refused the mission, saying, “You may
“On the contrary,” ur, and I
shall favour you”; but what was far more strange, Apa objected not, took
the medicines of the baid, and recovered.
.fn-
With this gem, thus rudely torn from her diadem, the independence
of Marwar from that hour has been insecure. She has
struggled on, indeed, through a century of invasions, rebellions,
and crimes, all originating, like the blank leaf on her annals,
from the murder of Ajit. In the words of the Doric stanza of the
hostile bards on this memorable chastisement:
.pm start_poem
Yād ghana din āvasi,
Āpawāla hel;
Bhāga tinon bhupati,
Māl khajāna mel.[5.13.10]
.pm end_poem
“For many a day will they remember the time (hel) of Apa,
when the three sovereigns fled, abandoning their goods and
treasures”: alluding to the princes of Marwar, Bikaner, and
Kishangarh, who partook in the disasters and disgrace of that day
\[125].
.fn 5.13.10
[Hel, halla, ‘onset,’ the Marātha invasion.]
.fn-
The youthful heir of Rupnagar claimed, as he justly might,
the victory to himself; and going up to Apa to congratulate him,
said, in the metaphorical language of his country, “You see I
sowed mustard-seed in my hand as I stood”: comparing the
prompt success of his stratagem to the rapid vegetation of the
seed. But Sardar was a young man of no ordinary promise;
for when Sindhia, in gratitude, offered immediately to put him in
possession of Rupnagar, he answered, “No; that would be a
retrograde movement,” and told him to act for his master Ram
Singh, “whose success would best insure his own.” But when
treachery had done its worst on Jai Apa, suspicion, which fell
on every Rajput in the Mahratta camp, spared not Sardar:
swords were drawn in every quarter, and even the messengers of
peace, the envoys, were everywhere assailed, and amongst those
who fell ere the tumult could be appeased, was Rawat Kabir
Singh, the premier noble of Mewar, then ambassador from the
Rana with the Mahrattas.[5.13.11] With his last breath, Jai Apa protected
.bn 557.png
.pn +1
and exonerated Sardar, and enjoined that his pledge of
restoration to his patrimony should be redeemed. The body of
this distinguished commander was burned at the Taussar, or
‘Peacock pool,’ where a cenotaph was erected, and in the care
which the descendants even of his enemies pay to it, we have a
test of the merits of both victor and vanquished.
.fn 5.13.11
I have many original autograph letters of this distinguished Rajput
on the transactions of this period; for it was he who negotiated the treaty
between Raja Madho Singh, of Jaipur, the ‘nephew of Mewar,’ and the
Mahrattas. At this time, his object was to induce Jai Apa to raise the siege
of Nagor.
.fn-
Death of Rām Singh.—This was the last of twenty-two battles,
in which Ram Singh was prodigal of his life for the recovery of his
honours. The adversity of his later days had softened the
asperity of his temper, and made his early faults be forgotten,
though too late for his benefit. He died in exile at Jaipur in
A.D. 1773. His person was gigantic; his demeanour affable and
courteous; and he was generous to a fault. His understanding
was excellent and well cultivated, but his capricious temperament,
to which he gave vent with an unbridled vehemence, disgusted
the high-minded nobles of Maru, and involved him in
exile and misery till his death. It is universally admitted that,
both in exterior and accomplishments, not even the great Ajit
could compare with Ram Singh, and witchcraft, at the instigation
of the chieftain of Asop, is assigned to account for his fits of insanity,
which might be better attributed to the early and immoderate
use of opium. But in spite of his errors, the fearless
courage he displayed, against all odds, kept some of the \[126]
most valiant of the clans constant to his fortunes, especially the
brave Mertias, under the heroic Sher Singh of Rian, whose deeds
can never be obliterated from the recollections of the Rathor.
Not the least ardent of his adherents was the allodial chief Rup
Singh, of the almost forgotten clan, Pattawat; who held out in
Phalodi against all attempts, and who, when provisions failed, with
his noble associates, slew and ate their camels. The theme is a
favourite one for the Kamarya[5.13.12] minstrel of Maru, who sings the
fidelity of Rupa and his band to the notes of his rabab,[5.13.13] to their
ever attentive descendants.
.fn 5.13.12
[A class of minstrels and buffoons (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii.
178).]
.fn-
.fn 5.13.13
[Rabāb, ‘a viol’.]
.fn-
The Character of Rāja Rām Singh.—We may sum up the
.bn 558.png
.pn +1
character of Ram Singh in the words of the bard, as he contrasts
him with his rival. “Fortune never attended the stirrup of
Bijai Singh, who never gained a battle, though at the head of a
hundred thousand men; but Ram Singh, by his valour and conduct,
gained victories with a handful.”
The death of Ram Singh was no panacea to the griefs of Marwar
or of its prince. The Mahrattas, who had now obtained a point-d’appui
in Rajwara, continued to foster disputes which tended
to their advantage, or when opportunity offered, to scour the
country in search of pay or plunder. Bijai Singh, young and inexperienced,
was left without resources; ruinous wars and yet
more ruinous negotiations had dissipated the hoards of wealth
accumulated by his predecessors. The crown-lands were uncultivated,
the tenantry dispersed; and commerce had diminished,
owing to insecurity and the licentious habits of the nobles, who
everywhere established their own imposts, and occasionally despoiled
entire caravans. While the competitor for the throne
was yet living, the Raja was compelled to shut his eyes on these
inroads upon his proper power, which reduced him to insignificance
even in his own palace.
Power of the Aristocracy of Mārwār.—The aristocracy in
Marwar has always possessed more power than in any of the sister
principalities around. The cause may be traced to their first
settlement in the desert; and it has been kept in action by the
peculiarities of their condition, especially in that protracted
struggle for the rights of the minor Ajit, against the despotism
of the empire. There was another cause, which, at the present
juncture, had a very unfortunate influence on the increase
of this preponderance, and which arose out of the laws of
adoption.
The Pokaran Fief.—The fief of Pokaran, the most powerful
(although a junior) branch of the Champawat clan, adopted a
son of Raja Ajit as their chief; his name was Devi Singh \[127].
The right of adoption, as has been already explained, rests with
the widow of the deceased and the elders of the clan. Why they
exercised it as they did on this occasion does not appear; but
not improbably at the suggestion of the dying chief, who wished
to see his sovereign’s large family provided for, having no sons
of his own: or, the immediate claimants may not have possessed
the qualities necessary to lead a clan of Maru. Although the
.bn 559.png
.pn +1
moment such adoption takes place, when “the turban of the late
incumbent encircled the new lord of Pokaran,” he ought to forget
he had any other father than him he succeeded, yet we can easily
imagine that, in the present case, his propinquity to the throne,
which under other circumstances he might soon have forgotten,
was continually forced upon his recollection by the contentions of
his parricidal brothers and their offspring for the ‘cushion’ of
Marwar. It exemplifies another feature in Rajput institutions,
which cut off this son (guiltless of all participation in the treason)
from succession, because he was identified with the feudality;
while the issue of another, and junior brother, at the same period
adopted into the independent house of Idar,[5.12.14] were heirs presumptive
to Marwar; nay, must supply it with a ruler on failure
of heirs, though they should have but one son and be compelled
to adopt in his room.[5.12.15]
.fn 5.12.14
It will be remembered that Idar was conquered by a brother of Siahji’s.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.15
We shall explain this by a cutting of the genealogical tree: it may be
found useful should we be called on to arbitrate in these matters.
.fn-
Mercenaries enrolled.—The Champawats determined to maintain
their influence over the sovereign and the country; and
Devi Singh leagued with Awa and the other branches of this clan
to the exclusion of all competitors. They formed of their own
body a guard of honour for the person of the prince, one half
remaining on duty in the castle, the other half being in the town
below. While the Raja would lament the distracted state of his
country, the inroads of the hill tribes, and the depredations of
his own chiefs, Devi Singh of Pokaran would reply, “Why trouble
yourself about Marwar? it is in the sheath of my dagger.” The
young prince used to unburthen his griefs to his foster-brother
Jaga, a man of caution and experience, which qualities he instilled
into his sovereign. By dissimulation, and an apparent acquiescence
in their plans, he not only eluded suspicion, but, availing
himself of their natural indolence of character, at length obtained
leave not only to entertain some men of Sind as guards for the
town, but to provide supplies for their subsistence: the first
approximation towards a standing mercenary force, till then unknown
in their annals \[128]. We do not mean that the Rajput
princes never employed any other than their own feudal clans;
they had foreign Rajputs in their pay, but still on the same tenure,
holding lands for service; but never till this period had they
.bn 560.png
.pn +1
soldiers entertained on monthly stipend. These hired bands
were entirely composed of infantry, having a slight knowledge of
European tactics, the superiority of which, even over their high-minded
cavaliers, they had so severely experienced in their encounters
with the Mahrattas. The same causes had operated on
the courts of Udaipur and Jaipur to induce them to adopt the
like expedient; to which, more than to the universal demoralization
which followed the breaking up of the empire, may be attributed
the rapid decay of feudal principles throughout Rajputana.
These guards were composed either of Purbia[5.12.16] Rajputs, Sindis,
Arabs, or Rohillas. They received their orders direct from the
prince, through the civil officers of the State, by whom they were
entrusted with the execution of all duties of importance or dispatch.
Thus they soon formed a complete barrier between the
prince and his vassals, and consequently became objects of
jealousy and of strife. In like manner did all the other States
make approaches towards a standing army; and though the
motive in all cases was the same, to curb, or even to extinguish,
the strength of the feudal chiefs, it has failed throughout, except
in the solitary instance of Kotah, where twenty well-disciplined
battalions, and a hundred pieces of artillery, are maintained
chiefly from the feudal sequestrations.
To return: the Dhabhai, having thus secured a band of seven
hundred men, and obtained an aid (which we may term scutage)
from the chiefs for their maintenance, gradually transferred them
from their duties above to the gates of the castle. Somewhat
released from the thraldom of faction, the Raja concerted with
his foster-brother and the Diwan, Fateh Chand, the means of
restoring prosperity and order. So destitute was the prince of
resources, that the Dhabhai had recourse to threats of suicide
to obtain 50,000 rupees from his mother, acquired as the nurse
(dhai) of his sovereign; and so drained was the country of horses,
that he was compelled to transport his cavaliers (who were too
proud to walk) on cars to Nagor. There, under the pretence of
curbing the hill tribes, he formed an army, and dismounting the
guns from the walls of the town, marched an ill-equipped force
against the border-mountaineers, and being successful he attacked
on his return \[129] the castle of Silbakri. This was deemed a
sufficient indication of his views; the whole feudality of Maru
.bn 561.png
.pn +1
took alarm, and united for mutual safety at Bisalpur, twenty
miles east of the capital.
.fn 5.12.16
Purbias, ‘men of the east,’ as the Maghrabis are ‘of the west.’
.fn-
Gordhan Singh negotiates with the Chiefs.—There was a foreign
Rajput, whose valour, fidelity, and conduct had excited the
notice and regard of Bakhta Singh, who, in his dying hour, recommended
him to the service of his son. To Gordhan, the
Khichi, a name of no small note in the subsequent history of
this reign, did the young Raja apply in order to restrain his chiefs
from revolt. In the true spirit of Rajput sentiment, he advised
his prince to confide in their honour, and, unattended, to seek
and remonstrate with them, while he went before to secure him
a good reception. At daybreak, Gordhan was in the camp of
the confederates; he told them that their prince, confiding in
their loyalty, was advancing to join them, and besought them to
march out to receive him. Deaf, however, to entreaty and to
remonstrance, not a man would stir, and the prince reached the
camp uninvited and unwelcomed. Decision and confidence are
essential in all transactions with a Rajput. Gordhan remained
not a moment in deliberation, but instantly carried his master
direct to the tent of the Awa chief, the premier noble of Marwar.
Here the whole body congregated, and silence was broken by the
prince, who demanded why his chiefs had abandoned him?
“Maharaja,” replied the Champawat, “our bodies have but
one pinnacle; were there a second, it should be at your disposal.”
A tedious discussion ensued; doubts of the future, recriminations
respecting the past; till wearied and exhausted, the prince
demanded to know the conditions on which they would return
to their allegiance, when the following articles were submitted:
1. To break up the force of the Dhabhai;
2. To surrender to their keeping the records of fiefs (pattabahi);
3. That the court should be transferred from the citadel to the
town.
There was no alternative but the renewal of civil strife or
compliance; and the first article, which was a sine qua non, the
disbanding of the obnoxious guards, that anomalous appendage
to a Rajput prince’s person, was carried into immediate execution.
Neither in the first nor last stipulation could the prince feel
surprise or displeasure; but the second sapped the very foundation
of his rule, by depriving the crown of its dearest prerogative,
the power of dispensing favour. This shallow reconciliation
.bn 562.png
.pn +1
being effected, the malcontent nobles dispersed, some to their
estates \[130], and the Chondawat oligarchy to the capital with
their prince, in the hope of resuming their former influence over
him and the country.
Massacre of the Chiefs.—Thus things remained, when Atmaram,
the Guru or ‘ghostly comforter’ of Bijai Singh, fell sick, and as he
sedulously attended him, the dying priest would tell him to be of
good cheer, for when he departed, he “would take all his troubles
with him.” He soon died, and his words, which were deemed
prophetic, were interpreted by the Dhabhai. The Raja feigned
immoderate grief for the loss of his spiritual friend, and in order
to testify his veneration, an ordinance was issued commanding
that the Kiryakarma, or ‘rites for the dead,’ should be performed
in the castle, while the queens, on pretence of paying their last
duty to his remains, descended, carrying with them the guards
and retainers as their escort. It was an occasion on which suspicion,
even if awake, could not act, and the chiefs ascended to
join in the funeral rites to the saint. As they mounted the steps
cut out of the rock which wound round the hill of Jodha, the
mind of Devi Singh suddenly misgave him, and he exclaimed
that “the day was unlucky”; but it passed off with the flattering
remark, “you are the pillar of Maru; who dare even look at
you?” They paced slowly through the various barriers, until
they reached the Alarum Gate.[5.12.17] It was shut! “Treachery!”
exclaimed the chief of Awa, as he drew his sword, and the work
of death commenced. Several were slain; the rest were overpowered.
Their captivity was a sufficient presage of their fate;
but, like true Rajputs, when the Dhabhai told them they were
to die, their last request was, “that their souls might be set at
liberty by the sword, not by the unsanctified ball of the mercenary.”
The chronicle does not say whether this wish was
gratified, when the three great leaders of the Champawats, with
Jeth Singh of Awa; Devi Singh of Pokaran; the lord of Harsola;
Chhattar Singh, chief of the Kumpawats; Kesari Singh of
Chandren; the heir of Nimaj; and the chief of Ras,[5.12.18] then the
.bn 563.png
.pn +1
principal fief of the Udawats, met their fate. The last hour of
Devi Singh was marked with a distinguished peculiarity. Being
of the royal line of Maru, they would not spill his blood, but sent
him his death-warrant in a jar of opium. On receiving it, and
his prince’s command to make his own departure from life,
“What!” said the noble spirit, as they presented the jar, “shall
Devi \[131] Singh take his amal (opiate) out of an earthen vessel?
Let his gold cup be brought, and it shall be welcome.” This
last vain distinction being denied, he dashed out his brains against
the walls of his prison. Before he thus enfranchised his proud
spirit, some ungenerous mind, repeating his own vaunt, demanded,
“where was then the sheath of the dagger which held the fortunes
of Marwar?” “In Subhala’s girdle at Pokaran,” was the
laconic reply of the undaunted Chondawat.
.fn 5.12.17
The Nakkara Darwaza, where the grand kettledrum is stationed, to
give the alarm or summons to the chieftains to repair to the Presence. To
this gate Raja Man advanced to meet the Author, then the representative
of the Governor-General of India.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.18
[Rās, 70 miles E. of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
This was a tremendous sacrifice for the maintenance of
authority, of men who had often emptied their veins in defence
of their country. But even ultra patriotism, when opposed to
foreign aggression, can prove no palliative to treason or mitigate
its award, when, availing themselves of the diminished power of
the prince, an arrogant and imperious oligarchy presumes to
enthral their sovereign. It is the mode in which vengeance
was executed at which the mind recoils, and which with other
instances appears to justify the imputation of perfidy amongst
the traits of Rajput character. But if we look deeply into it,
we shall find reason to distrust such conclusion. The Rajput
abhors, in the abstract, both perfidy and treason; but the elements
of the society in which he lives and acts, unfortunately too often
prompt the necessity of sacrificing principles to preservation: but
this proceeds from their faulty political constitution; it is neither
inculcated in their moral code, nor congenial to their moral habits.
Right of Primogeniture.—The perpetual struggle between the
aristocracy and the sovereign, which is an evil inherent in all
feudal associations, was greatly aggravated in Marwar, as well
as in Mewar, by the sacrifice of that corner-stone even of constitutional
monarchy, the rights of primogeniture. But in each
case the deviation from custom was a voluntary sacrifice of the
respective heirs-apparent to the caprices of parental dotage. In
no other country in the world could that article of the Christian
decalogue, “Honour thy father and thy mother,” be better
illustrated than in Rajputana, where, if we have had to record
.bn 564.png
.pn +1
two horrid examples of deviation from, we have also exhibited
splendid proofs of, filial devotion, in Chonda of Mewar, and
Champa of Marwar, who resigned the “rods” they were born to
wield; and served, when they should have swayed, to gratify
their father’s love for the fruit of their old age. These are instances
of self-denial hardly to be credited; from such disinterested
acts, their successors claimed an importance which, though
natural, was totally unforeseen, and which the extent of compensation
contributed \[132] to foster. They asserted the right,
as hereditary premiers of the State, to be the advisers, or rather
the tutors, of their sovereigns, more especially in non-age, and in
allusion to this surrender of their birthright, arrogantly applied the
well-known adage, Pat ka malik main ho, Raj ka malik uha, ‘He
is sovereign of the State, but I am the master of the Throne’;
and insisted on the privilege of being consulted on every gift of
land, and putting their autograph symbol to the deed or grant.[5.12.19]
These pretensions demanded the constant exertions of the sovereign
to resist them; for this purpose, he excited the rivalry of the less
powerful members of the federated vassalage, and thus formed
a kind of balance of power, which the monarch, if skilful, could
always turn to account. But not even the jealousies thus introduced
would have so depreciated the regal influence in Marwar,
nor even the more recent adoption of a son of the crown into the
powerful fief of Pokaran, had not the parricidal sons of Ajit
degraded the throne in the eyes of their haughty and always
overreaching vassals, who, in the civil strife which followed,
were alternately in favour or disgrace, as they adhered to or
opposed the successful claimant for power. To this foul blot,
every evil which has since overtaken this high-minded race may
be traced, as well as the extirpation of that principle of devoted
obedience which, in the anterior portion of these annals, has been
so signally recorded. To this hour it has perpetuated dissensions
between the crown and the oligarchy, leading to deposal and
violence to the princes, or sequestration, banishment, and death
to the nobles. To break the bonds of this tutelage, Ram Singh’s
intemperance lost him the crown, which sat uneasy on the head of
his successor, who had no other mode of escape but by the severity
which has been related. But though it freed him for a time, the
words of the dying chief of Pokaran continued to ring in his ears;
.bn 565.png
.pn +1
and “the dagger left in the girdle of his son” disturbed the
dreams of his rest throughout a long life of vicissitudes, poisoning
the source of enjoyment until death itself was a relief.
.fn 5.12.19
See Vol. I. p. vol1_235.
.fn-
The nuncupatory testament of the Champawat was transmitted
across the desert to his son at Pokaran, and the rapidity
of its transmission was only equalled by the alacrity of Sabhala,
who at the head of his vassals issued forth to execute the vengeance
thus bequeathed. First, he attempted to burn and pillage
the mercantile town of Pali; foiled in which, he proceeded to
another wealthy city of the fisc \[133], Bhilwara on the Luni;
but here terminated both his life and his revenge. As he led the
escalade, he received two balls, which hurled him back amongst
his kinsmen, and his ashes next morning blanched the sandy bed
of the Luni.
Suppression of Aristocratic Influence.—For a time the feudal
interest was restrained, anarchy was allayed, commerce again
flourished, and general prosperity revived: to use the words of
the chronicle, “the subject enjoyed tranquillity, and the tiger
and the lamb drank from the same fountain.” Bijai Singh took
the best means to secure the fidelity of his chiefs, by finding them
occupation. He carried his arms against the desultory hordes of
the desert, the Khosas and Sahariyas, which involved him in
contests with the nominal sovereign of Sind, and ended in the
conquest of Umarkot, the key to the valley of the Indus, and
which is now the most remote possession of Marwar. He also
curtailed the territories of Jaisalmer, on his north-west frontier.
But more important than all was the addition of the rich province
of Godwar, from the Rana of Mewar. This tract, which nearly
equals in value the whole fiscal domain of Maru, was wrested
from the ancient princes of Mandor, prior to the Rathors, and
had been in the possession of the Sesodias for nearly five centuries,
when civil dissension made the Rana place it for security under
the protection of Raja Bijai Singh; since which it has been lost
to Mewar.
Rājput Confederation against the Marāthas. Battle of Tonga
A.D. 1787. Battles of Pātan and Merta, 20th June, 10th, 12th
September 1790.—Marwar had enjoyed several years of peace,
when the rapid strides made by the Mahrattas towards universal
rapine, if not conquest, compelled the Rajputs once more to form
an union for the defence of their political existence. Partap
.bn 566.png
.pn +1
Singh, a prince of energy and enterprise, was now on the gaddi
of Amber. In S. 1843 (A.D. 1787), he sent an ambassador to
Bijai Singh, proposing a league against the common foe, and
volunteering to lead in person their conjoined forces against
them. The battle of Tonga ensued, in which Rathor valour
shone forth in all its glory. Despising discipline, they charged
through the dense battalions of De Boigne, sabring his artillerymen
at their guns, and compelling Sindhia to abandon not only
the field, but all his conquests for a time.[5.12.20] Bijai Singh, by this
victory, redeemed the castle of Ajmer, and declared his tributary
alliance null and void. But the genius of Sindhia, and the
talents of De Boigne, soon recovered this loss; and in four years
the Mahratta marched with a force such as Indian warfare was
stranger to, to redeem that day’s disgrace. In S. 1847 (A.D.
1791), the murderous \[134] battles of Patan and Merta took
place, in which Rajput courage was heroically but fruitlessly
displayed against European tactics and unlimited resources, and
where neither intrigue nor treason was wanting. The result
was the imposition of a contribution of sixty lakhs of rupees, or
£600,000; and as so much could not be drained from the country,
goods and chattels were everywhere distrained, and hostages
given for the balance.
Ajmer lost to Mārwār.—Ajmer, which had revolted on the
short-lived triumph of Tonga, was once more surrendered, and
lost for ever to Marwar. When invested by De Boigne, the
faithful governor, Damraj, placed in the dilemma of a disgraceful
surrender, or disobedience to his prince’s summons, swallowed
diamond-powder.[5.12.21] “Tell the raja,” said this faithful servant,
“thus only could I testify my obedience; and over my dead
body alone could a Southron enter Ajmer.”[5.12.22]
.fn 5.12.20
See p. #875# for the details of this battle.
.fn-
.fn 5.12.21
[It is commonly believed in India that diamond dust is poisonous
(Chevers, Manual of Medical Jurisprudence in India, 289 ff.). Powdered
glass is used in the same way, as in a recent case at Agra (The Times, 19th
December 1912; Labanés, Les Curiosities de la Medicine, 146 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.12.22
Damraj was not a Rajput, but of the Singhi tribe, one of the civil
officers; though it is a curious and little-known fact, that almost all the
mercantile tribes of Western India are of Rajput origin, and sank the name
and profession of arms when they became proselytes to Jainism, in the
reign of Raja Bhim Pramar. The Chitor inscription (see p. #919# and
note #7:n4.30.a3.7#, p. 921) records the name of this prince. He was ancestor of Raja
Man, whose date S. 770 (A.D. 714) allows us to place this grand conversion
prior to A.D. 650. [The Singhis were originally Brāhmans converted to
Jainism (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 116).]
.fn-
.bn 567.png
.pn +1
Influence of Court Morals.—The paramount influence which
the morals and manners of a court exert upon a nation, is everywhere
admitted. In constitutional governments, there is a
barrier even to court influence and corruption, in the vast portion
of wealth and worth which cannot be engulphed in their vortex.
But in these petty sovereignties no such check is found, and the
tone of virtue and action is given from the throne. The laws
of semi-barbarous nations, which admit of licentious concubinage,
have ever been peculiar to orientals, from the days of the wise
king of the Jews to those of Bijai Singh of Marwar; and their
political consequence has been the same, the sacrifice of the rights
of lawful inheritance to the heirs of illicit affection. The last
years of the king of Maru were engrossed by sentimental folly
with a young beauty of the Oswal tribe, on whom he lavished all
the honours due only to his legitimate queens. Scandal affirms
that she frequently returned his passion in a manner little becoming
royal dignity, driving him from her presence with the basest of
missiles—her shoes. As the effects of this unworthy attachment
completed the anarchy of Marwar, and as its consequences on
deviating from the established rules of succession have entailed
a perpetuity of crime and civil war, under which this unfortunate
State yet writhes, we shall be minute, even to dullness, in the
elucidation \[135] of this portion of their annals, to enable those
who have now to arbitrate these differences to bring back a current
of uncontaminated blood to sway the destinies of this still noble
race.
.if t
.nr nfl 0
.nf l
Raja Ajit had fourteen sons:
┌───────────┬────────────┬──────────────┬──────────────┐
│ │ │ │ │
Abhai Singh. Bakht Singh. Anand Singh, Rasa, Devi Singh,
│ │ adopted into the adopted into adopted into
│ │ Idar house. Jhabua Pokaran.
Ram Singh. Bijai Singh. (in Malwa).
│
┌─────────┬───┴─┬─────────┬─────────┬────────┬──────────┐
│ │ │ │ │ │ │
Fateh Singh, │ Sawant Singh. │ Bhum Singh. │ Sardar Singh,
died of smallpox │ │ Sher Singh. │ Guman Singh. killed by
in infancy. │ Sur Singh. │ Bhim Singh. │ Bhim.
│ adopted │ Man Singh.
Zalim Singh, Man Singh. │
of Mewar, the │
rightful heir of Dhonkal Singh
by a princess (Pretender).
of Mewar, the
rightful heir of
Bijai Singh.
.nf-
.if-
.if h
.li
Raja Ajit had fourteen sons: |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Abhai Singh. |
Bakht Singh. |
Anand Singh, |
Rasa, |
Devi Singh, |
|
|
|
adopted into the |
adopted into |
adopted into |
|
|
|
Idar house. |
Jhabua |
Pokaran. |
|
Ram Singh. |
Bijai Singh. |
|
(in Malwa). |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Fateh Singh, |
Zalim Singh, |
Sawant Singh. |
Sher Singh. |
Bhum Singh. |
Guman Singh. |
Sardar Singh, |
died of smallpox |
by a princess |
|
|
|
|
|
killed by |
in infancy. |
of Mewar, the |
|
|
adopted |
|
|
Bhim. |
|
rightful heir of |
Sur Singh. |
Man Singh. |
Bhim Singh. |
Man Singh. |
|
|
Bijai Singh. |
|
|
|
Dhonkal Singh |
|
|
(Pretender). |
|
.li-
.if-
.bn 568.png
.pn +1
Influence of his Concubine on Bijai Singh.—So infatuated was
Bijai Singh with the Pasbani[5.12.23] concubine, that on losing the only
pledge of their amours, he ‘put into her lap’ (adopted) his own
legitimate grandchild, Man Singh. To legalize this adoption,
the chieftains were ordained to present their nazars and congratulations
to the declared heir of Marwar; but the haughty
noblesse refused ‘to acknowledge the son of a slave’ as their
lord, and the Raja was compelled to a fresh adoption to ensure
such token of sanction. Content at having by this method
succeeded in her wishes, the Pasbani sent off young Man to the
castle of Jalor; but fearing lest the experience of Sher Singh, his
adopted father, might prove a hindrance to her control, he was
recalled, and her own creatures left to guide the future sovereign
of Marwar. The dotage of Bijai Singh, and the insolence of his
concubine, produced fresh discord, and the clans assembled at
Malkosni[5.12.24] to concert his deposal.
.fn 5.12.23
[Pāsbāni, meaning ‘guarding, protecting,’ is a synonym for Gola, the
hereditary slave class, illegitimate offspring by Rājputs of women attendants
in the Zanāna; they are also known as Dārogha, Khawāss, or Chela (Census
Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 181).]
.fn-
.fn 5.12.24
[In the Bhīlāra Hakūmat, in the centre of Jodhpur State.]
.fn-
Rebellion of the Clansmen against Bijai Sīngh.—Recollecting
the success of his former measures to recall them to their duty,
Bijai Singh proceeded to their camp; but while he was negotiating,
and as he supposed successfully, the confederates wrote to
the chieftain of Ras, whose tour of duty was in the castle, to
descend with Bhim Singh. The chief acquainted the Pasbani
that her presence was required at the camp by the Raja, and that
a guard of honour was ready to attend her. She was thrown off
her guard, and at the moment she entered her litter, a blow from
an unseen hand ended her existence. Her effects were instantly
confiscated, and the chief of Ras descended with Bhim, whose
tents were pitched at the Nagor barrier of the city. If, instead
of encamping there, they had proceeded to the camp of the confederates,
his arrival and the dethronement of Bijai Singh would
have been simultaneous: but the Raja received the intelligence
as soon as the chiefs. Hastening back, he obtained the person of
the young aspirant, to whom, to reconcile him to his disappointment,
he gave in appanage the districts of Sojat and Siwana, and
sent him off to the latter stronghold; while to restrain the resentment
.bn 569.png
.pn +1
of his eldest son, Zalim Singh, whose birthright he had so
unworthily sacrificed, he enfeoffed him with the rich district of
Godwar, giving him private orders to attack his brother Bhim,
who, though apprised of the design in time to make head against
his uncle, was yet defeated and compelled to fly. He found
refuge at Pokaran, whence he went to Jaisalmer.
Death of Rāja Bijai Singh.—In the midst of this conflict, his
dominions curtailed, his chiefs in rebellion, his sons and grandsons
mutually opposed to each other, and the only object which
attached him to life thus violently torn from him, Bijai Singh
died, in the month Asarh S. 1850, after a reign of thirty-one
years \[136].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 14
.sp 2
Rāja Bhīm Singh, A.D. 1793-1803.—The intelligence of Bijai
Singh’s death was conveyed by express to his grandson Bhim, at
Jaisalmer. In “twenty-two hours” he was at Jodhpur, and
ascending directly to the citadel, seated himself upon the gaddi,
while his rival, Zalim Singh, the rightful heir, little expecting this
celerity, was encamped at the Merta gate, awaiting the “lucky
hour” to take possession. That hour never arrived; and the
first intelligence of Bhim being on “the cushion of Jodha,” was
conveyed to the inhabitants by the nakkaras of his rival on his
retreat from the city, who was pursued to Bhilara, attacked,
defeated, and forced to seek shelter at Udaipur, where, with an
ample domain from the Rana, he passed the rest of his days in
literary pursuits. He died in the prime of life: attempting to
open a vein with his own hand, he cut an artery and bled to death.
He was a man of great personal and mental qualifications; a
gallant soldier, and no mean poet.[5.14.1] \[137]
.fn 5.14.1
My own venerable tutor, Yati Gyanchandra, who was with me for ten
years, said he owed all his knowledge, especially his skill in reciting poetry
(in which he surpassed all the bards at Udaipur), to Zalim Singh. [He died
at Kāchbali in the British District of Merwāra in 1799 (Erskine iii. A. 70).]
.fn-
Rāja Bhīm disposes of his Rivals.—Thus far successful, Raja
Bhim determined to dismiss “compunctious visitings,” and be a
king de facto if not de jure. Death had carried off three of his
uncles, as well as his father, previous to this event; but there
.bn 570.png
.pn +1
were still two others, Sher Singh, his adopted father, and Sardar
Singh, who stood in his way: the last was put to death; the
former had his eyes put out; and, soon after, the unfortunate
prince released himself from life by dashing out his brains. Sur
Singh, the favourite of all Bijai Singh’s descendants, remained.
His superior claims were fatal to him and his life fell a sacrifice
with the others.
A single claimant alone remained of all the blood royal of
Maru to disturb the repose of Bhim. This was young Man, the
adopted son of the concubine, placed beyond his reach within the
walls of Jalor. Could Bhim’s dagger have reached him, he would
have stood alone, the last surviving scion of the parricide,
.pm start_poem
With none to bless him,
None whom he could bless:
.pm end_poem
an instrument, in the hand of divine power, to rid the land of an
accursed stock. Then the issue of Abhai Singh would have
utterly perished, and their ashes might have been given to the
winds, and no memorial of them left. Idar must then have
supplied an heir,[5.14.2] and the doubtful pretensions of Dhonkal,[5.14.3] the
.bn 571.png
.pn +1
posthumous and reputed son of the wholesale assassin Bhim, to
sit upon the gaddi of Ajit, would never have been brought forward
to excite another murderous contest amongst the sons of Jodha.
.fn 5.14.2
\[138] Amongst the numerous autograph correspondence of the princes of
Rajputana with the princes of Mewar, of which I had the free use, I selected
one letter of S. 1784, A.D. 1728, written conjointly by Jai Singh of Amber
and Abhai Singh of Jodhpur, regarding Idar, and which is so curious, that
I give a verbatim translation in the Appendix (No. #I:vol3_a.1#.). [See end of Vol. III.]
I little thought at the time how completely it would prove Abhai Singh’s
determination to cut off all but his own parricidal issue from the succession.
An inspection of the genealogy (p. #1075#) will show that Anand Singh, of
Idar, who was not to be allowed “to escape alive,” was his younger brother,
adopted into that house.
.fn-
.fn 5.14.3
Dhonkal Singh, the posthumous issue of Bhim, the last of the parricidal
line, whether real or supposititious, must be set aside, and the pure current of
Rathor blood, derived from Siahji, Jodha, Jaswant, and Ajit, be brought
from Idar, and installed on “the gaddi of Jodha.” This course of proceeding
would meet universal approbation, with the exception of some selfish
miscreants about the person of this pretended son of Bhim, or the chieftain
of Pokaran, in furtherance of his and his grandfather’s yet unavenged
feud. A sketch of the events, drawn from their own chronicles, and accompanied
by reflections, exposing the miseries springing from an act of turpitude,
would come home to all, and they would shower blessings on the
power which, while it fulfilled the duties of protector, destroyed the germ of
internal dissension, and gave them a prince of their own pure blood, whom
all parties could honour and obey. If a doubt remained of the probable
unanimity of such policy, let it be previously submitted to a panchayat,
composed of the princes of the land, namely, of Mewar, Amber, Kotah,
Bundi, Jaisalmer, etc., leaving out whichever may be influenced by marriage
connexions with Dhonkal Singh.
.fn-
Escape of Mān Singh.—Having sacrificed all those within his
reach who stood between him and the \[139] throne, Bhim tried
to secure the last sole claimant in Jalor. But the siege of such a
stronghold with his feudal levies, or loose mercenary bands, was
a tedious operation, and soon became an imperfect blockade,
through which young Man not unfrequently broke, and by signal
formed a junction with his adherents, and plundered the fiscal
lands for support. One of these excursions, however, an attempt
to plunder Pali, had nearly proved fatal to him; they were
attacked on their return, and young Man, whose secluded education
had confined him more to mental than to personal accomplishments,
was unhorsed, and would have been captured, but for the
prowess of the chief of Ahor, who took him up behind him and
bore him off in safety. Nothing but the turbulence of the chiefs
who supported Raja Bhim saved young Man’s life. A disputed
succession has always produced an odious faction; and Bhim,
who was not disposed to bend to this oligarchy, appears to have
had all the imprudence of the dethroned Ram Singh: he threatened
those entrusted with the siege to give them “oxen to ride instead
of horses.” The chiefs fired at the insult, and retired to Ghanerao,
the principal fief in Godwar; but, disgusted with both parties,
instead of obeying the invitation of young Man, they abandoned
their country altogether, and sought an asylum in the neighbouring
States. Many fiefs were sequestrated, and Nimaj, the chief
seat of the Udawats, was attacked, and after a twelve months’
defence, taken; its battlements were ignominiously destroyed,
and the victors, chiefly foreign mercenaries, reinforced the
blockade of Jalor.
Siege of Jālor. Death of Rāja Bhīm Singh.—With the exile
of his partisans and daily diminishing resources, when the lower
town was taken, there appeared no hope for young Man. A
small supply of millet-flour was all the provision left to his half-famished
garrison, whose surrender was now calculated upon,
.bn 572.png
.pn +1
when an invitation came from the hostile commander for Man
to repair to his camp, and adding “he was now the master; it
was his duty to serve.” On that day (the 2nd Kartik S. 1860,
Dec. 1804), after eleven years of defence, his means exhausted,
his friends banished, and death from starvation or the sword inevitable,
intelligence came of Raja Bhim’s demise! This event,
as unlooked-for as it was welcome, could scarcely at first be
credited; and the tender of the homage of the commander to
Man as his sovereign, though accompanied by a letter from the
prime minister Induraj, was disregarded till the Guru Deonath
returned from the camp with confirmation of the happy news,
that “not a moustache \[140] was to be seen in the camp.”[5.14.4]
Thither the prince repaired, and was hailed as the head of the
Rathors.
.fn 5.14.4
This mark of mourning is common to all India. Where this evidence
of manhood is not yet visible, the hair is cut off; often both.
.fn-
It is said that the successor of the Guru Atmaram, “who
carried all the troubles of Bijai Singh with him to heaven,” had
predicted of young Man Singh, when at the very zero of adversity,
that “his fortunes would ascend.” What were the means whereby
the ghostly comforter of Raja Bhim influenced his political
barometer, we know not; but prophetic Gurus, bards, astrologers,
physicians, and all the Vaidyas or ‘cunning-men,’[5.14.5] who beset
the persons of princes, prove dangerous companions when, in
addition to the office of compounders of drugs and expounders of
dreams, they are invested with the power of realizing their own
prognostications.
.fn 5.14.5
Vaidya, or ‘learned man’; the term veda is also used to denote
cunning, magic, or knowledge of whatever kind.
.fn-
Rāja Mān Singh, A.D. 1803-43.—On the 5th of Margsir, 1860
(A.D. 1804), Raja Man, released from his perils, succeeded to the
honours and the feuds of Bijai Singh. He had occupied the
‘cushion of Maru’ but a very short period, when the Pokaran
chief “took offence,” and put himself in hostility to his sovereign.
The name of this proud vassal, the first in power though only of
secondary rank amongst the Champawats, was Sawai Singh, with
whom now remained “the sheath of the dagger which held the
fortunes of Maru.” If the fulfilment of vengeance be a virtue,
Sawai was the most virtuous son on earth. The dagger of Devi
Singh, bequeathed to Sabhala, was no imaginary weapon in the
.bn 573.png
.pn +1
hands of his grandson Sawai, who held it suspended over the head
of Raja Man from his enthronement to his death-hour. Soon
after Raja Man’s accession, Sawai retired with his partisans to
Chopasni, a spot about five miles from the capital, where the conspiracy
was prepared. He told the chiefs that the wife of Raja
Bhim was pregnant, and prevailed on them to sign a declaration,
that if a son was born, he should be installed on the gaddi of
Jodha. They returned in a body to the capital, took the pregnant
queen from the castle, and placed her in a palace in the city, under
their own protection. Moreover, they held a council, at which
the Raja was present, who agreed to recognise the infant, if a
male, as the heir-apparent of Maru, and to enfeoff him in the
appanage of Nagor and Siwana; and that if a female, she should
be betrothed to a prince of Dhundhar \[141].
Dangers from Posthumous Births.—Posthumous births are
never-failing germs of discord in these States; and the issue is
inevitably branded by one party with the title of ‘supposititious.’
It is likewise a common saying, almost amounting to a proverb,
that a male child is the uniform result of such a position. In
due course, a male infant was born; but, alarmed for its safety,
the mother concealed both its birth and sex, and placing it in a
basket, conveyed it by a faithful servant from the city, whence it
soon reached Sawai Singh at Pokaran. He bestowed upon it the
inauspicious name of Dhonkal, that is, one born to tumult and
strife. It is said that during two years he kept the birth a
profound secret, and it is even added, that it might have remained
so, had Raja Man forgot the history of the past, and dispensed
even-handed justice. Wanting, however, the magnanimity of
the Fourth Henry of France, who scorned “to revenge the wrongs
of the prince of Navarre,” he reserved his favours and confidence
for those who supported him in Jalor, whilst he evinced his dislike
to others who, in obedience to their sovereign, served against him.
Of these adherents, only two chiefs of note were of his kin and
clan; the others were Bhatti Rajputs, and a body of those
religious militants called Bishanswamis, under their Mahant,
or leader, Kaimdas.[5.14.6]
.fn 5.14.6
They follow the doctrines of Vishnu (Bishan). They ate termed Gosains,
as well as the more numerous class of church militants, devoted to Siva.
Both are célibataires, as Gosain imports, from mastery (sain) over the sense
(go). They occasionally come in contact, when their sectarian principles
end in furious combats. At the celebrated place of pilgrimage, Haridwar
(Hardwar), on the Ganges, we are obliged to have soldiers to keep the peace,
since a battle occurred, in which they fought almost to extirpation, about
twenty years ago. They are the Templars of Rajasthan. [Gosāīn, Skt.
gosvāmin, ‘master of cows: one who is master of his organs of sense.’ The
Bishan or Vishnuswāmis are a group of Bairāgi ascetics, who are said to
have come to Mārwār about A.D. 1779, in the reign of Bijai Singh. Some
of them are now employed as State sepoys (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891,
ii. 86). In 1760 the rival mobs of Gosāīns and Bairāgis fought a battle, in
which 1800 are said to have perished (IGI, xiii. 53).]
.fn-
.bn 574.png
.pn +1
Sawāi Singh supports Dhonkal Singh.—At the expiration
of two years, Sawai communicated the event to the chiefs of his
party, who called upon Raja Man to redeem his promise and
issue the grant for Nagor and Siwana. He promised compliance
if, upon investigation, the infant proved to be the legitimate
offspring of his predecessor. Personal fear overcame maternal
affection, and the queen, who remained at Jodhpur, disclaimed
the child. Her reply being communicated to the chiefs, it was for
a time conclusive, and the subject ceased to interest them, the
more especially as her concealed accouchement had never been
properly accounted for.
Though Sawai, with his party, apparently acquiesced, his
determination was taken; but instead of an immediate appeal to
arms, he adopted a deeper scheme of policy, the effects of which
he could not have contemplated, and which involved his own
destruction, and with it the independence of his country, which
was transferred to \[142] strangers, their very antipodes in manners,
religion, and every moral quality. His first act was to procure
a more powerful protection than Pokaran afforded; and under
the guarantee of Chhattar Singh Bhatti, he was sent to the saran
(sanctuary) of Abhai Singh of Khetri.[5.14.7] Having so far succeeded,
he contrived an underplot, in which his genius for intrigue appears
not below his reputation as a soldier.
.fn 5.14.7
One of the principal chiefs of the Shaikhawat confederation. [Khetri
is about 80 miles N. of Jaipur city (IGI, xv. 276).]
.fn-
Krishna Kunwāri.—The late prince Bhim had made overtures
to the Rana of Mewar for the hand of his daughter, but he died
before the preliminaries were adjusted. This simple circumstance
was deemed sufficient by the Champawat for the groundwork
of his plot. He contrived to induce the voluptuous Jagat
Singh, the prince of Jaipur, to put himself in the place of Raja
.bn 575.png
.pn +1
Bhim, and to propose for the fair hand of Krishna. This being
accomplished, and nuptial presents, under a guard of four
thousand men, being dispatched to Udaipur, Sawai intimated to
Raja Man that he would be eternally disgraced if he allowed the
prince of Amber to carry off “the betrothed”; that “it was to
the throne of Maru, not its occupant, she was promised.” The
bait was greedily swallowed, and the summons for the Kher (or
levy en masse) of the Rathors was immediately proclaimed. Man
instantly assembled three thousand horse, and joining to them
the mercenary bands of Hira Singh then on the frontier of Mewar,
he intercepted the nuptial gifts of Amber. Indignant at this
outrage, Jagat Singh took to arms, and the muster-book was
declared open to all who would serve in the war which was formally
declared against Maru.
Attack by Rāja Jagat Singh of Jaipur on Mārwār. Treachery
of Jaswant Rāo Holkar.—Having thus opened the drama, Sawai
threw off the mask, and repaired to Khetri, whence he conveyed
the pretender, Dhonkal, to the court of Jagat Singh at Jaipur.
Here his legitimacy was established by being admitted ‘to eat
from the same platter’ with its prince; and his claims, as the
heir of Marwar, were publicly acknowledged and advocated, by
his ‘placing him in the lap of his aunt,’[5.14.8] one of the wives of the
deceased Raja Bhim. His cause thus espoused, and being
declared the nephew of Amber, the nobles of Marwar, who deemed
the claims of the pretender superior to those of Raja Man, speedily
collected around his standard. Amongst these was the prince
of Bikaner, whose example (he being the most powerful of the
independents of this house) at once sanctioned the justice of
Dhonkal’s cause, and left that of Raja Man almost without
support. Nevertheless, with the hereditary \[143] valour of his
race, he advanced to the frontiers to meet his foes, whose numbers,
led by the Jaipur prince and the pretender, exceeded one hundred
thousand men! This contest, the ostensible object of which
was the princess of Mewar, like the crusades of ancient chivalry,
brought allies from the most remote parts of India. Even the
cautious Mahratta felt an unusual impulse in this rivalry, beyond
the stimulants of pay and plunder which ordinarily rouse him,
and corps after corps left their hordes to support either cause.
.bn 576.png
.pn +1
The weightier purse of Jaipur was the best argument for the
justice of his cause and that of the pretender; while Raja Man
had only the gratitude of Holkar to reckon upon for aid, to whose
wife and family he had given sanctuary when pursued by Lord
Lake to the Attock. But here Sawai again foiled him; and the
Mahratta, then only eighteen miles from Man, and who had
promised to join him next day, made a sudden movement to
the south. A bribe of £100,000, in bills upon Kotah, to be paid
on Holkar’s reaching that city, effected this desertion; which
being secured, Jagat Singh and the pretender advanced to overwhelm
their antagonist, who was posted at Gingoli. As the
armies approached each other, Raja Man’s chiefs rode up to
salute him, preparatory, as he thought, to head their clans for
the combat; but it was their farewell obeisance. The cannonade
opened, they rallied under the standard of the pretender, and on
Sawai advancing on the right of the allied line, so entire was the
defection, that even the Mertia clan, whose virtue and boast it is
“to adhere to the throne, whoever is the occupant,” deserted,
with the Champawats, Jethawats, and minor chiefs. Four
chieftains alone abided the evil hour of Raja Man, namely, Kuchaman,
Ahor, Jalor, and Nimaj; and with their quotas alone, and
the auxiliary bands of Bundi, he would have rushed into the
battle. Hindered from this, he attempted his own life: but the
design was frustrated by Sheonath of Kuchaman, who dismounted
him from his elephant, and advised his trusting to the fleetness
of his steed, while they covered his flight. The Raja remarked,
he was the first of his race who ever disgraced the name of Rathor
by showing his back to a Kachhwaha. The position he had
taken that morning was favourable to retreat, being a mile in
advance of the pass of Parbatsar:[5.14.9] this was speedily gained, and
nobly defended by the battalions of Bundi, and those of Hindal
Khan, in the pay of Raja Man, which retarded the pursuit,
headed by the Rao of Uniara. Raja Man reached Merta in safety;
but deeming it incapable of long \[144] resistance, he continued
his flight by Pipar to the capital, which he reached with a slender
retinue, including the four chiefs, who still shared his fortunes.
The camp of Raja Man was pillaged. Eighteen guns were taken
by Bala Rao Inglia, one of Sindhia’s commanders, and the lighter
effects, the tents, elephants, and baggage, were captured by
.bn 577.png
.pn +1
Amir Khan; while Parbatsar, and the villages in the neighbourhood,
were plundered.
.fn 5.14.8
[Godlenā, ‘to take on the lap,’ the technical form of adoption, or of
recognition of legitimacy.]
.fn-
.fn 5.14.9
[About 110 miles N.E. of Jodhpur city, S.W. of the Sāmbhar Lake.]
.fn-
Rāja Mān Singh defends Jodhpur.—Thus far, the scheme of
Sawai and the pretender advanced with rapid success. When the
allied army reached Merta, the prince of Jaipur, whose object
was the princess of Mewar, proposed to Sawai to follow up their
good fortune, while he repaired to Udaipur, and solemnized the
nuptials. But even in the midst of his revenge, Sawai could
distinguish “between the cause of Man Singh and the gaddi of
Marwar”; and to promote the success of Jaipur, though he had
originated the scheme to serve his own views, was no part of his
plan. He was only helped out of this dilemma by another, which
he could not anticipate. Not dreaming that Raja Man would
hold out in the capital, which had no means of defence, but
supposing he would fly to Jalor, and leave Jodhpur to its fate and
to the pretender, Sawai, desirous to avoid the further advance of
the allies into the country, halted the army for three days at
Merta. His foresight was correct: the Raja had reached
Bisalpur in full flight to Jalor, when, at the suggestion of Gyanmall
Singhi, a civil officer in his train, he changed his intention.
“There,” said the Singhi, “lies Jodhpur only nine coss to the
right, while Jalor is sixteen further; it is as easy to gain the one
as the other, and if you cannot hold out in the capital, what
chance have you elsewhere? while you defend your throne your
cause is not lost.” Raja Man followed the advice, reached
Jodhpur in a few hours, and prepared for his defence. This unexpected
change, and the halt of the allied army, which permitted
the dispersed bands to gain the capital, defeated the schemes
of Sawai.
The Siege of Jodhpur.—With a body of three thousand men,
selected from Hindal Khan’s brigade, the corps of Bishanswamis,
under Kaimdas, and one thousand foreign Rajputs, consisting of
Chauhans, Bhattis, and Indhas (the ancient lords of Mandor),
Raja Man formed a garrison of five thousand men, on whom he
could depend. So ample did he deem this number, that he
dispatched strong garrisons from Hindal’s brigade, with some
Deora Rajputs, to garrison Jalor, and preserve the distant castle
of Umarkot from surprise by the Sindis. Having thus provided
against the storm \[145] he fearlessly awaited the result. But
so alienated was his mind from his kindred, that he would not
.bn 578.png
.pn +1
even admit to the honour of defending his throne the four faithful
chieftains who, in the general desertion, had abided by his fortunes.
To all their entreaties to be received into the castle, that “they
might defend the kunguras (battlements) of Jodha,” he replied,
they might defend the city if they pleased; and disgusted with
such a return for their fidelity, they increased the train of his
opponents, who soon encompassed Jodhpur.
The town, little capable of defence, was taken and given up to
unlicensed plunder; and with the exception of Phalodi, which
was gallantly defended for three months, and given to Bikaner
as the reward of its alliance, the an of the pretender was proclaimed
throughout Marwar, and his allies only awaited the fall of the
capital, which appeared inevitable, to proclaim him king. But a
circumstance occurred, which, awakening the patriotism of the
Rathors, thwarted these fair prospects, relieved Raja Man from
his peril, and involved his adversaries in the net of destruction
which they had woven for him.
The siege had lasted five months without any diminution of
the ardour of the defenders; and although the defences of the
north-east angle were destroyed, the besiegers, having a perpendicular
rock of eighty feet to ascend before they could get to
the breach, were not nearer their object, and, in fact, without
shells, the castle of Jodha would laugh a siege to scorn. The
numerous and motley force under the banners of Jaipur and the
pretender, became clamorous for pay; the forage was exhausted,
and the partisan horse were obliged to bivouac in the distant
districts to the south. Availing himself of their separation from
the main body, Amir Khan, an apt pupil of the Mahratta school,
began to raise contributions on the fiscal lands, and Pali, Pipar,
Bhilara, with many others, were compelled to accede to his
demands. The estates of the nobles who espoused the cause of
the pretender, fared no better, and they complained to the Xerxes
of this host of the conduct of this unprincipled commander.
Amir Khān supports Mān Singh. Defeat of the Jaipur Army
A.D. 1806.—The protracted defence having emptied the treasury
of Amber, the arch-intriguer of Pokaran was called upon to contribute
towards satisfying the clamour of the troops. Having
exhausted the means of his own party, he applied to the four
chieftains who had been induced to join the cause of the pretender
by the suspicions of Raja Man, to advance a sum of money.
.bn 579.png
.pn +1
This appeal proved a test of \[146] their zeal. They abandoned
the pretender, and proceeded direct to the camp of Amir Khan.
It required no powerful rhetoric to detach him from the cause and
prevail upon him to advocate that of Raja Man; nor could they
have given him better counsel towards this end, than the proposal
to carry the war into the enemy’s country: to attack and plunder
Jaipur, now left unguarded. At this critical moment, the Jaipur
prince, in consequence of the representation of the Marwar chiefs,
had directed his commander-in-chief, Sheolal, to chastise Amir
Khan for his lawless conduct. Sheolal put a stop to their deliberations,
attacked and drove them across the Luni, surprised them
at Govindgarh, again in a night attack at Harsuri, and pursued
the Khan to Phaggi,[5.14.10] at the very frontier of Jaipur. Astonished
at his own success, and little aware that the chase was in the
direction projected by his enemy, Sheolal deemed he had accomplished
his orders in driving him out of Marwar; halted, and
leaving his camp, repaired to Jaipur to partake of its festivities.
The Khan, who with his allies had reached Pipla near Tonk, no
sooner heard of this, than he called to his aid the heavy brigades
of Muhammad Shah Khan and Raja Bahadur (then besieging
Isarda[5.14.11]), and availed himself of the imprudent absence of his foe
to gain over the Haidarabad Rasala, a legion well known in the
predatory wars of that period. Having effected this object, he
assailed the Jaipur force, which, notwithstanding this defection
and the absence of its commander, fought with great valour, the
battalions of Hira Singh being nearly cut to pieces. The action
ended in the entire defeat of the Jaipurians, and the capture of
their camp, guns, and equipage. Prompted by the Rathor
chieftains, whose valour led to this result, Amir Khan rapidly
followed up his success, and Jaipur was dismayed by the presence
of the victor at her gates. The generalship of the Khan was the
salvation of Raja Man; it dissolved the confederacy, and fixed
the doom of Sawai, its projector.
.fn 5.14.10
[About 32 miles S. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
.fn 5.14.11
[About 60 miles S.S.W. of Jaipur city.]
.fn-
The Confederacy against Jodhpur dissolved.—The tempest had
been some time gathering; the Rajas of Bikaner and Shahpura
had already withdrawn from the confederacy and marched home,
when, like a clap of thunder, the effeminate Kachhwaha, who had
in the outset of this crusade looked to a full harvest both of glory
.bn 580.png
.pn +1
and of love, learned that his army was annihilated, and his capital
invested by the Khan and a handful of Rathors. Duped by the
representations of Sawai, Rae Chand, Diwan or prime minister
of Jaipur, concealed for some days these disasters from his
sovereign, who received the intelligence by a special messenger
sent by the queen-mother. Enraged, perplexed, and alarmed
\[147] for his personal safety, he broke up the siege, and sending
on in advance the spoils of Jodhpur (including forty pieces of
cannon), with his own chieftains, he sent for the Mahratta leaders,[5.14.12]
and offered them £120,000 to escort him in safety to his capital;
nay, he secretly bribed, with a bond of £90,000 more, the author
of his disgrace, Amir Khan, not to intercept his retreat, which
was signally ignominious, burning his tents and equipage at
every stage, and at length with his own hand destroying his
favourite elephant, which wanted “speed for the rapidity of his
flight.”
.fn 5.14.12
Bapu Sindkia, Bala Rao Inglia, with the brigade of Jean Baptiste, all
Sindhia’s dependents. This was early in 1806. The author was then in
Sindhia’s camp and saw these troops marched off; and in 1807, in a geographical
tour, he penetrated to Jaipur, and witnessed the wrecks of the
Jaipur army. The sands round the capital were white with the bones of
horses, and the ashes of their riders, who had died in the vain expectation
of getting their arrears of pay.
.fn-
Jodhpur Booty recovered.—But the indignities he had to suffer
were not over. The chieftains whose sagacity and valour had
thus diverted the storm from Raja Man, determined that no
trophies of Rathor disgrace should enter Jaipur, united their
clans about twenty miles east of Merta, on the line of retreat,
appointing Induraj Singhi their leader. This person, who had
held the office of Diwan under two predecessors of Raja Man,
was driven to a temporary defection from the same suspicions
which made the chiefs join the pretender. But they resolved to
wash away the stain of this brief alienation from Raja Man with
the blood of his enemies, and to present as a token of returning
fidelity the recaptured trophies. The encounter took place on
the joint frontier. It was short, but furious; and the Kachhwahas,
who could not withstand the Rathors, were defeated and
dispersed, and the spoils of the spoiler, including the forty cannon,
were safely lodged in Kuchaman. Flushed with success, the
victors addressed the Raja of Kishangarh, who, though a Rathor,
.bn 581.png
.pn +1
had kept aloof, to advance funds to secure the continuance of
Amir Khan’s aid. Two lakhs of rupees (£20,000) effected this
object; and the Khan, pledging himself to continue his support
to Raja Man, repaired to Jodhpur. The four chiefs who had
thus signalized themselves, preceded him, and were received
with open arms: their offences were forgiven, and their estates
restored, while Induraj was appointed Bakhshi or commander
of the forces \[148].
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 15
.sp 2
Amīr Khān received at Jodhpur.—Amir Khan was received by
Raja Man with distinguished honours; a palace in the castle was
assigned as his residence; valuable gifts were presented to him
and great rewards held in perspective, if, through his agency,
the rebellion should be completely subdued. He swore to extirpate
Sawai’s faction, and in token of identity of views with
Raja Man, he was admitted to the honour of that last proof of
devotion to his cause, “an interchange of turbans,” with an
advance of three lakhs, or £30,000, for the immediate payment of
his bonds.
On the raising of the siege of Jodhpur, Sawai conducted the
pretender to the appanage of the heirs of Marwar, the city of
Nagor. There they were deliberating as to their future plans,
when a message was brought from Amir Khan from \[149]
Mundiawar,[5.15.1] ten miles distant, begging permission to perform
his devotions at the shrine of the Muslim saint, Pir Tarkin, the
sole relic of the Islamite, which Bakhta Singh had spared. His
request being complied with, he with a slight cavalcade left his
camp, and having gone through the mummeries of devotion, paid
his respects to Sawai. When about to take leave, he threw out
hints of Raja Man’s ungrateful return for his services, and that
his legions might have been better employed. Sawai greedily
caught at the bait; he desired the Khan to name his terms, and
offered £200,000 on the day that Dhonkal should possess the
gaddi of Jodhpur. The Khan accepted the conditions and
ratified the engagement on the Koran, and to add to the solemnity
.bn 582.png
.pn +1
of the pledge, he exchanged turbans with Sawai. This being done,
he was introduced to the pretender, received the usual gifts,
pledged his life in his cause, took leave, and returned to his camp,
whither he invited the prince and his chiefs on the following day
to accept of an entertainment.
.fn 5.15.1
[Mūndwa.]
.fn-
Amīr Khān massacres the Chiefs.—On the morning of the 19th
of Chait, S. 1864 (A.D. 1808), Sawai, attended by the chief adherents
of the pretender and about five hundred followers, repaired to
the camp of the Khan, who had made every preparation for the
more effectual perpetration of the bloody and perfidious deed he
meditated. A spacious tent was pitched in the centre of his camp
for the reception of his guests, and cannon were loaded with
grape ready to be turned against them. The visitors were
received with the most distinguished courtesy; turbans were
again exchanged; the dancing-girls were introduced, and nothing
but festivity was apparent. The Khan arose, and making an
excuse to his guests for a momentary absence, retired. The
dancing continued, when at the word ‘dhaga,’ pronounced by
the musicians, down sunk the tent upon the unsuspicious Rajputs,
who fell an easy prey to the ferocious Pathans. Forty-two chieftains
were thus butchered in the very sanctuary of hospitality,
and the heads of the most distinguished were sent to Raja Man.
Their adherents, taken by surprise, were slaughtered by the
soldiery, or by cannon charged with grape, as they fled. The
pretender escaped from Nagor, which was plundered by the Khan,
when not only all the property of the party, but the immense
stores left by Bakhta Singh, including three hundred pieces of
cannon, were taken, and sent to Sambhar and other strongholds
held by the Khan. Having thus fulfilled his instructions, he
repaired to Jodhpur, and received ten lakhs or £100,000, and \[150]
two large towns, Mundiawar and Kuchilawas, of thirty thousand
rupees annual rent, besides one hundred rupees daily for table-allowance,
as the reward of his signal infamy.
Thus, by the murder of Sawai and his powerful partisans, the
confederacy against Raja Man was extinguished; but though
the Raja had thus, miraculously as it were, defeated the gigantic
schemes formed against him, the mode by which it was effected
entailed upon him and upon his country unexampled miseries.
The destruction of the party of the pretender was followed by
retaliation on the various members of the league. The Jaipur
.bn 583.png
.pn +1
territory was laid waste by the troops of Amir Khan, and an
expedition was planned against Bikaner. An army consisting
of twelve thousand of Raja Man’s feudal levies, under the command
of Induraj, with a brigade of Amir Khan, and that of
Hindal Khan with thirty-five guns, marched against the chief
of the independent Rathors. The Bikaner Raja formed an army
little inferior in numbers, and gave his suzerain the meeting at
Bapri; but after a partial encounter, in which the former lost
two hundred men, he fell back upon his capital, pursued by the
victors, who halted at Gajner.[5.15.2] Here terms were offered; two
lakhs as the expenses of the war, and the surrender of the bone of
contention, the town of Phalodi, which had been assigned to
Bikaner as the price of joining the confederacy.
.fn 5.15.2
[Nineteen miles S.W. of Bikaner
.fn-
Amīr Khān rules Mārwār.—The Khan was now the arbiter
of Marwar. He stationed Ghafur Khan with a garrison in Nagor,
and partitioned the lands of Merta amongst his followers. He
likewise placed his garrison in the castle of Nawa, which gave
him the command of the salt-lakes of Nawa and Sambhar. Induraj
and the high-priest Deonath were the only counsellors of Raja
Man, and all the oppressions which the chieftains suffered through
this predominant foreign interference, were attributed to their
advice. To cut them off the chiefs in their turn applied to Amir
Khan, who for seven lakhs (£70,000), readily consented to rid
them of their enemies. A plot was laid, in which some of his
Pathans, under pretence of quarrelling with Induraj for their
arrears, put this minister and the high-priest to death.
Insanity of Mān Singh.—The loss of Deonath appeared to
affect the reason of Raja Man. He shut himself up in his apartments,
refused to communicate with any one, and soon omitted
every duty, whether political or religious, until at length he was
recommended to name his only son Chhattar Singh as his successor.
To this he acceded \[151], and with his own hand made the mark
of inauguration on his forehead. But youth and base panders
to his pleasure seduced him from his duties, and he died, some
say the victim of illicit pursuits, others from a wound given by
the hand of one of the chieftains, whose daughter he attempted
to seduce.
The premature death of his only son, before he had attained
the years of majority, still more alienated the mind of Raja Man
.bn 584.png
.pn +1
from all State affairs, and his suspicions of treacherous attempts
on his person extended even to his wife. He refused all food,
except that which was brought by one faithful menial. He
neglected his ablutions, allowed his face to be covered with hair,
and at length either was, or affected to be insane. He spoke to
no one, and listened with the apathy of an idiot to the communications
of the ministers, who were compelled to carry on the government.
By many it is firmly believed that the part he thus acted
was feigned, to escape the snares laid for his life; while others
think that it was a melancholy mania, arising from remorse at
having consented to the murder of Induraj, which incidentally
involved that of the Guru.[5.15.3] In short, his alliance with the
atrocious Khan exposed him to the suspicion of a participation
in his crimes, which the bent of his policy too much favoured.
In this condition—the government being managed by an oligarchy
headed by Salim Singh (son of Sawai)—did Raja Man remain,
until the tide of events carried the arms of Britain even to the
desert of Maru.
British Intervention. Restoration of Mān Singh.—When, in
1817, we invited the Rajputs to disunite from the predatory
powers, and to join us in establishing order throughout India,
the young son of Raja Man, or rather his ministers, sent envoys
to Delhi. But ere the treaty was ratified, this dissipated youth
was no more. On this event, the Pokaran faction, dreading Raja
Man’s resumption of the government, made an application to
Idar for a son to adopt as their sovereign. But splendid as was
the offer, the Raja, who had but one son, rejected it, unless the
demand were sustained by the unanimous suffrages of the nobles.
Unanimity being unattainable, the faction had no alternative
save the restoration of Raja Man; but it was in vain they explained
the new position of Marwar, the alliance with the English,
which awaited his sanction, and the necessity that he, as the last
prop of the royal family, should resume the reins of power. He
listened to all with the most apathetic indifference \[152]. But
although he saw in this new crisis of the political condition of his
country, motives for effecting his escape from bondage, his mind
was so tutored by bitter experience that he never for an instant
betrayed its workings. When at length he allowed himself to
comprehend the full nature of the changes which made even the
.bn 585.png
.pn +1
faction desire his egress from solitude, so far from expressing any
joy, he even disapproved of part of the treaty, and especially the
article relating to the armed contingent of his vassals to be at
the disposal of the protecting power, in which he wisely saw the
germ of discord, from the certainty of interference it would lead to.
.fn 5.15.3
For the character of this priest, see p. #825#.
.fn-
Treaty with the British.—It was in December 1817 that the
treaty[5.15.4] was negotiated at Delhi by a Brahman named Byas
Bishan Ram, on the part of the regent prince, and in December
1818, an officer of the British government[5.15.5] was deputed to report
on its actual condition. Notwithstanding the total disorganization
of the government, from the combination of causes already
described, the court had lost nothing of its splendour or regularity;
the honour of all was concerned in preserving the dignity of the
gaddi, though its incumbent was an object of distrust and even
detestation. The ministry at this period was conducted by Akhai
Chand (Diwan), and Salim Singh of Pokaran, as the representative
of the aristocracy, with the title of Bhanjghar. All the garrisons
and offices of trust throughout the country were held by the
creatures of a junto, of which these were the heads. There was,
however, already the nucleus of an opposition in the brother of
the murdered minister, named Fateh Raj, who was entrusted with
the care of the city. The instructions of the agent were to offer
the aid of the British government towards the settlement of Raja
Man’s affairs; and at a private interview, three days after the
agent’s arrival, troops were offered to be placed at his disposal.
But the wariness of his character will be seen in the use he made
of this offer. He felt that the lever was at hand to crush faction
to the dust; and with a Machiavellian caution, he determined
that the existence of this engine should suffice; that its power
should be felt, but never seen; that he should enjoy all the
advantages this influence would give, without risking any of its
dangers if called into action. Thus, while he rejected, though
with thanks, the essential benefit tendered, qualifying his refusal
with a sufficient reason—“reliance on himself to restore his State
to order”—he failed not to \[153] disseminate the impression
amongst his chiefs, which was enough for his purpose, and which
besides checked the dictation and interference that uniformly
result from such unequal alliances.
.fn 5.15.4
See treaty, Appendix No. #II:vol3_a.2#. [See end of Vol. III.]
.fn-
.fn 5.15.5
Mr. Wilder, superintendent of the district of Ajmer.
.fn-
.bn 586.png
.pn +1
Energetic counsels and rapid decision are unknown to Asiatic
governments, whose subjects are ever prone to suspicion whenever
unusual activity is visible; and Raja Man had been schooled
into circumspection from his infancy. He appeared anxious
to bury the past in oblivion, by choosing men of both parties for
the inferior duties of the ministry; and the blandness of his
manners and his conciliatory address lulled the most suspicious
into security. After a short residence, the Agent returned to
Ajmer, having in vain tried to convince Raja Man that his affairs
were irretrievable without the direct aid of the paramount power,
which he persisted in repudiating, assigning as his reason that he
felt convinced, from “the measures then in train,” he should
accomplish the task himself: of these measures conciliation
appeared to be the basis.
The Author appointed Envoy to Jodhpur.—At this period[5.15.6] an
envoy was appointed, with powers direct from the Governor-General
to Raja Man, but he was for some months prevented
from proceeding to his court, from various causes.[5.15.7]
.fn 5.15.6
In February 1819, the Author had the political duties of Marwar added
to those of the States of Udaipur, Kotah, Bundi, and Sirohi.
.fn-
.fn 5.15.7
One of these was an unpleasant altercation, which took place between
the townspeople of the Commercial Mart of Pali and an English gentleman,
sent unofficially to feel his way as to the extension of commercial enterprise,
carrying specimens of the staple commodities of our trade. This interference
with the very fountain-head of their trade alarmed the monopolists
of Pali, who, dreading such competition, created or took advantage of an
incident to rid themselves of the intruder. The commercial men of these
regions almost all profess the Jain religion, whose first rule of faith is the
preservation of life, in beast as in man. By them, therefore, the piece-goods,
the broad-cloths and metals of the Christian trader, were only less
abhorred than his flesh-pots, and the blood of the goats sworn to have been
shed by his servants within the bounds of Pali, rose in judgment against
their master, of whom a formal complaint was laid before Raja Man. It
lost none of its acrimony in coming through the channel of his internuncio
at Udaipur, the Brahman, Bishan Ram. Mr. Rutherford rebutted the
charge, and an investigation took place at the capital on oath, upon which,
as the merchants and the governor of Pali (a nephew of the minister) could
not substantiate their charge, the latter was severely reprimanded for his
incivility. But whether the story was true or false, it was quite enough
for their purpose. The interdict between Mr. Rutherford and the inhabitants
of Pali was more effectual than the sanitary cordon of any prince in
Christendom. The feeling of resentment against him reached the Agent
of government, who was obliged to support what appeared the cause of
truth, even according to the deposition made before their own judgment-seat,
and he was consequently deemed inimical to the prince and the faction
which then guided his councils. Mr. Rutherford proceeded afterwards to
Kotah, to exhibit the same wares; but he was there equally an object of
jealousy, though from letters of recommendation from the Agent, it was
less strongly manifested. It furnished evidence that such interference
would never succeed. It is well his mission did not appear to be sanctioned
by the government. What evil might not be effected by permitting unrestricted
and incautious intercourse with such people, who can, and do
obtain all they require of our produce without the presence of the producers,
who, whether within or without the pale of the Company’s service, will not,
I trust, be prematurely forced on Rajputana, or it will assuredly hasten the
day of inevitable separation!
.fn-
.bn 587.png
.pn +1
Demoralization at Jodhpur.—The Agent, who reached Jodhpur
early in the month of November, found matters \[154] in nearly
the same state as on his predecessor’s departure in February.
The same faction kept the prince and all the officers of government
at their disposal. The Raja interfered but little with their
measures, except to acquiesce in or confirm them. The mercenary
bands of Sindis or Pathans were in miserable plight and clamorous
for their pay, not having been accounted with for three years;
and they were to be seen begging in the streets of the capital, or
hawking bundles of forage on their heads to preserve them from
starvation. On the approach of the Agent of the British Government,
the forms of accounts were gone through, and they gave
in acquittances in full of demands, on condition of receiving 30
per cent of their arrears; but this was only a form, and with his
departure (in about three weeks), they despaired even of that.
The name of justice was unknown:—though, in allusion to
the religion of the men in power, it was common to hear it said,
“You may commit murder and no one will notice it; but woe
to him who beats or maims a brute, for dogs are publicly fed
while the soldier starves.” In short, the sole object of the faction
was to keep at a distance all interposition that might lead the
prince to emancipate himself from their control. During the
Agent’s stay of nearly three weeks, he had several private interviews
with Raja Man. The knowledge he had of the history of
his ancestry and his own situation, and of the causes which had
produced it, failed not to beget a corresponding confidence; and
these interviews were passed in discussions on the ancient history
of the country as well as on his own immediate affairs. The
Agent took leave with these words: “I know all the perils through
which you have passed; I am aware how you surmounted them.
.bn 588.png
.pn +1
By your resolution, your external enemies are now gone: you
have the British Government as a friend; rely upon it with the
same fortitude, and, in a very short time, all will be as you could
desire.”
Raja Man listened eagerly to these observations. His fine
features, though trained to bear no testimony to the workings
within, relaxed with delight as he rapidly replied, “In one twelve-months,
my affairs will be as friendship could wish.” To which
the Agent rejoined, “In half the time, Maharaja, if you are
determined”: though the points to which he had to direct his
mind were neither few nor slight, for they involved every branch
of government; as
Reforms in Mārwār.—1. Forming an efficient administration
\[155].
2. Consideration of the finances; the condition of the crown
lands; the feudal confiscations, which, often unjust, had caused
great discontent.
3. The reorganization and settlement of the foreign troops,
on whose service the Raja chiefly depended.
4. An effective police on all the frontiers, to put down the
wholesale pillage of the Mers in the south, the Larkhanis in the
north, and the desert Sahariyas and Khosas in the west; reformation
of the tariff, or scale of duties on commerce, which were so
heavy as almost to amount to prohibition; and at the same time
to provide for its security.
Scarcely had the Agent left Jodhpur, before the faction,
rejoiced at the removal of the only restraint on their narrow-minded
views, proceeded in the career of disorder. Whether the
object were to raise funds, or to gratify ancient animosities, the
course pursued by the Diwan and his junto was the same.
Ghanerao, the chief fief of Godwar, was put under sequestration,
and only released by a fine of more than a year’s revenue. All
the minor chiefs of this rich tract suffered in the same manner,
besides the indignity of having their lands placed under the control
of a brother of the minister. Chandawal[5.15.8] was put under sequestration,
and only released on a very heavy fine. At length the Diwan
had the audacity to put his hand on Awa, the chief fief of Marwar;
but the descendant of Champa replied, “My estate is not of to-day,
nor thus to be relinquished.” Gloom, mistrust, and resentment
.bn 589.png
.pn +1
pervaded the whole feudal body. They saw a contemptible
faction sporting with their honour and possessions, from an idea
they industriously propagated, that an unseen but mighty power
was at hand to support their acts, given out as those of the prince.
If the Raja did dictate them, he took especial care it should not
be seen; for in the absence of the British Agent, he once more
resumed his sequestered habits, and appeared to take no interest
in the government further than to promote a coalition between
Akhai Chand and Fateh Raj, who was supported by a strong
party of the chiefs, and the influence of the favourite queen. But
Akhai Chand, who commanded, through his creatures, all the
resources of the country, and its strongholds, even to the castle
of Jodhpur, rejected these overtures, and feigning that there
were plots against his personal safety, left the city; and the
better to exclude his adversaries from the prince, resided entirely
in the citadel.
.fn 5.15.8
[Fifty-five miles S.W. of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
Cruelty of Rāja Mān Singh.—Six months had thus fled. The
fiat of Akhai Chand was supreme; he alone was \[156] visible;
his orders alone were obeyed. Raja Man was only heard of as
an automaton, moving as the Diwan pleased. But while the
latter was thus basking in the full sunshine of prosperity, enriching
himself and his dependents, execrated by the nobles and
envied by his fellow-citizens, they heard of his fall! Then, the
insanity of his master proved to be but a cloak to the intensity
of his resentment. But a blind revenge would not have satisfied
Raja Man. The victims of his deep dissimulation, now in
manacles, were indulged with hopes of life, which, with the
application of torture, made them reveal the plunder of prince
and subject. A schedule of forty lakhs, or £400,000, was given
in by the Diwan and his dependents, and their accounts being
settled in this world, they were summarily dismissed to the other,
with every mark of ignominy which could add to the horrors of
death. Nagji, the Kiladar,[5.15.9] and misleader of the late regent
prince, with Mulji Dandal, one of the old allodial stock, had each
a cup of poison, and their bodies were thrown over the ‘Gate of
Victory’ (Fateh Pol). Jivaraj, a brother of the Dandal, with
Biharidas Khichi, and the tailor, had their heads shaved, and
their bodies were flung into the cascade beneath. Even the
sacred character of “expounder of the Vedas,” and that of
.bn 590.png
.pn +1
“revealer of the secrets of heaven,” yielded no protection; and
Byas Sheodas, with Srikishan, Jotishi, the astrologer, were in
the long list of proscriptions. Nagji, commandant of the citadel,
and Mulji, had retired on the death of the regent-prince; and
with the wealth they had accumulated, while administering to
his follies, had erected places of strength. On the restoration of
Raja Man, and the general amnesty which prevailed, they returned
to their ancient offices in the castle, rose into favour, and
forgot they had been traitors. Having obtained their persons,
Man secured the ancient jewels of the crown, bestowed on these
favourites during the ephemeral sway of his son. Their condemnation
was then passed, and they were hurled over the battlements
of the rock which it was their duty to guard. With such
consummate skill was the plot contrived, that the creatures of
the minister, in the most remote districts, were imprisoned
simultaneously with himself. Of the many subordinate agents
thus confined, many were liberated on the disclosure of their
wealth; and by these sequestrations, Raja Man obtained
abundant supplies. The enormous sum of a crore, or near one
million sterling, was stated; but if they yielded one-half (and
this was not unlikely), they gave the means, which he was not
slow to use, for the prosecution of what he termed a just punishment,
though it \[157] better deserves the name of a savage
revenge. Had he been satisfied with inflicting the last penalty
of the law on the nefarious Akhai Chand, and some of the household
officers whose fidelity ought ever to be firm, and with the
sequestration of the estates of some two or three of the vassals
whose power had become dangerous, or their treason too manifest
to be overlooked, he would have commanded the services of the
rest, and the admiration of all conversant with these events.
But this first success added fuel to his revenge, and he sought out
more noble victims to glut it. His circumspection and dissimulation
were strengthened, not relaxed, by his success. Several of
the chiefs, who were marked out for death, had received, only a
few days before, the highest proof of favour in additional lands
to their rent-roll, and accident alone prevented a group of the
most conspicuous from falling into the snare which had inveigled
Akhai Chand. Salim Singh of Pokaran, and his constant associate
Surthan of Nimaj, with Anar Singh of Ahor, and the minors of
their clans, whose duty daily carried them to the court, as the
.bn 591.png
.pn +1
chief advisers of the prince, formed a part of the administration
of the Diwan, and they naturally took alarm upon his confinement.
To obviate this, a deputation was sent by the prince to
tranquillize them by the assurance that, in the confinement of
the minister, whose rapacity and misconduct deserved punishment,
the Raja had attained all his ends. Thus, in order to
encompass the destruction of the Pokaran chief, he would not
have scrupled to involve all the rest. The prince, with his own
mouth, desired the confidential servant of Anar Singh, who was
his personal friend, to attend with the others. Their distrust
saved him. The same night, the mercenary bands, to the number
of eight thousand men, with guns, attacked Surthan Singh in his
dwelling. With one hundred and eighty of his clan, he defended
himself against great guns and small arms, as long as the house
was tenable, and then sallied out sword in hand, and, with his
brother and eighty of his kin, fell nobly in the midst of his foes.
The remainder retreated with their arms to defend Nimaj and
their infant chief. This gallant defence, in which many of the
townspeople were slain, prevented a repetition of the attempt
against the Pokaran chief, who remained on the defensive; until,
seeing an opportunity, he fled to his asylum in the desert, or he
would that day have renounced “the sheath of the dagger which
held the fortunes of Marwar,” and which now contained the
accumulated revenge of four generations: of Deo Singh, of
Sabhala, of Sawai, and his own. His death would have terminated
this branch of Ajit’s issue, adopted into the house of \[158]
Pokaran, in the history of which we have a tolerable picture of
the precariousness of existence in Marwar.[5.15.10]
.fn 5.15.9
[Commander of the fort.]
.fn-
.fn 5.15.10
In a letter addressed to the Government on these events, dated July 7,
1820, I observed, “The danger is, that success may tempt him to go beyond
the line of necessity, either for the ends of justice or security. If he stops
with the Pokaran chief, and one or two inferior, concerned in the coalition
of 1806 and the usurpation of his son, with the condign punishment of a
few of the civil officers, it will afford a high opinion of his character; but
if he involves Awa, and the other principal chiefs, in these proscriptions,
he may provoke a strife which will yet overwhelm him. He has done
enough for justice, and even for revenge, which has been carried too far
as regards Surthan Singh, whose death (which I sincerely regret) was a
prodigal sacrifice.”
.fn-
What better commentary can be made on Raja Man’s character,
than the few recorded words addressed to Fateh Raj,
.bn 592.png
.pn +1
whom he sent for to the Presence, on the day succeeding these
events? “Now you may perceive the reasons why I did not
sooner give you office.” This individual, the brother of the late
Induraj, was forthwith installed in the post of Diwan; and with
the sinews of war provided by the late sequestrations, the troops
were satisfied, while by the impression so sedulously propagated
and believed, that he had only to call on the British power for
what aid he required, the whole feudal body was appalled: and the
men, who would have hurled the tyrant from his throne, now only
sought to avoid his insidious snares, more dangerous than open force.
Nimaj was besieged and nobly defended; but at length the
son of Surthan capitulated, on receiving the sign-manual of his
prince promising pardon and restoration, guaranteed by the
commander of the mercenary bands. To the eternal disgrace of
the Raja, he broke this pledge, and the boy had scarcely appeared
in the besieging camp, when the civil officer produced the Raja’s
mandate for his captivity and transmission to the Presence. If
it is painful to record this fact, it is pleasing to add, that even
the mercenary commander spurned the infamous injunction.
“No,” said he; “on the faith of my pledge (bachan) he surrendered;
and if the Raja breaks his word, I will maintain mine,
and at least place him in security.” He kept his promise, and
conveyed him to the Aravalli mountains, whence he passed over
to, and received protection in Mewar.
Estrangement of the Chiefs.—This and similar acts of treachery
and cold-blooded tyranny completely estranged all the chiefs.
Isolated as they were, they could make no resistance against the
mercenary battalions, amounting to ten thousand men, exclusive
of the quotas; and they dared not league for defence, from the
dreaded threat held over them, of calling in the British troops;
and in a few months the whole feudal association of \[159] Marwar
abandoned their homes and their country, seeking shelter in the
neighbouring States from the Raja’s cruel and capricious tyranny.
To his connexion with the British Government alone he was
indebted for his being able thus to put forth the resources of his
policy, which otherwise he never could have developed either
with safety or effect; nor at any former period of the history of
Marwar could the most daring of its princes have undertaken,
with any prospect of success, what Raja Man accomplished under
this alliance.
.bn 593.png
.pn +1
These brave men found asyla in the neighbouring States of
Kotah, Mewar, Bikaner, and Jaipur. Even the faithful Anar
Singh, whose fidelity no gratitude could ever repay, was obliged
to seek refuge in exile. He had stood Man’s chief shield against
the proscription of Raja Bhim, when cooped up in Jalor, and sold
his wife’s ornaments, “even to her nose-ring,” to procure him
the means of subsistence and defence. It was Anar Singh who
saved him when, in the attempt upon Pali, he was unhorsed and
nearly made prisoner. He was among the four chiefs who
remained by his fortunes when the rest deserted to the standard
of the pretender; and he was one of the same body, who rescued
the trophies of their disgrace from the hands of their enemies
when on the road to Jaipur. Last of all, he was mainly instrumental
in the Raja’s emancipation and in his resumption of the
reins of government. Well might the fury of his revenge deserve
the term of madness! In A.D. 1821, the greater chieftains of
Marwar, thus driven into exile, were endeavouring to obtain the
mediation of the British authorities; but another year had
elapsed without the slightest advance to accommodation. Their
conduct has been exemplary, but their degrading position,
dependent on the scanty resources of others, must of itself work
a cure. Their manly remonstrance addressed to the British
functionary is already before the reader.[5.15.11] He did not hesitate
to tell them, that if in due time no mediation was held out, they
must depend on themselves for redress!
.fn 5.15.11
Vol. I. p. vol1_228.
.fn-
Such was the political condition of Marwar until the year
1823. Had a demoniacal spirit of revenge not blinded Raja
Man, he had a fine opportunity to lay the principles of order on
a permanent basis, and to introduce those reforms necessary for
his individual welfare as well as for that of the State. He had
it in his power to modify the institutions, to curb without destroying
the feudal chiefs, and \[160] to make the whole subservient
to the altered condition of affairs. Instead of having the glory
of fixing the constitution of his country, he has (reposing on
external protection) broken up the entire feudal association, and
rendered the paramount power an object of hatred instead of
reverence.
Retrospect of Mārwār History.—Having thus rapidly sketched
the history of this interesting branch of the Rajput race, from
.bn 594.png
.pn +1
the destruction of their ancient seat of empire, Kanauj, and their
settlement in the Indian desert more than six centuries ago, to
the present day, it is impossible to quit the subject without a
reflection on the anomalous condition of their alliance with the
British Government, which can sanction the existence of such a
state of things as we have just described. It illustrates the
assertions made in an early part of this work,[5.15.12] of the ill-defined
principles which guide all our treaties with the Rajputs, and
which, if not early remedied, will rapidly progress to a state of
things full of misery to them, and of inevitable danger to ourselves.
These “men of the soil,” as they emphatically designate
themselves, cling to it, and their ancient and well-defined privileges,
with an unconquerable pertinacity; in their endeavours
to preserve them, whole generations have been swept away, yet
has their strength increased in the very ratio of oppression.
Where are now the oppressors? the dynasties of Ghazni, of Ghor,
the Khiljis, the Lodis, the Pathans, the Timurs, and the demoralizing
Mahratta? The native Rajput has flourished amidst these
revolutions, and survived their fall; and but for the vices of
their internal sway, chiefly contracted from such association,
would have risen to power upon the ruin of their tyrants. But
internal dissension invited the spoiler; and herds of avaricious
Mahrattas and ferocious Pathans have reaped the harvest of their
folly. Yet all these faults were to be redeemed in their alliances
with a people whose peculiar boast was, that wisdom, justice, and
clemency were the corner-stones of their power: seeking nothing
from them beyond the means for their defence, and an adherence
to the virtues of order. How far the protecting power has
redeemed its pledge, in allowing years to pass away without some
attempt to remedy the anarchy we have described, the reader is
in a condition to judge. If it be said that we have tied up our
hands by leaving them free agents in their internal administration,
then let no offer of support be given to the head, for the
oppression of the vassal and his rights, co-equal with those of
the sovereign \[161]; and if our mediation cannot be exerted, let
us withdraw altogether the checks upon the operation of their
own system of government, and leave them free agents in reality.
A wiser, more humane, and liberal policy would be, to impose
upon ourselves the task of understanding their political condition,
.bn 595.png
.pn +1
and to use our just influence for the restoration of their internal
prosperity, and with it the peace, present as well as prospective,
of an important part of our empire. The policy which such views
would suggest, is to support the opinion of the vast majority of
the Rathors, and to seize the first opportunity to lend at least
our sanction to an adoption, from the Idar branch, of Rathor
blood, not only uncontaminated, but heirs-presumptive to Jodha,
and exclude the parricidal line which will continue to bring misery
on the country. If, however, we apply only our own monarchical,
nay, despotic principles to this feudal society, and interfere but
to uphold a blind tyranny, which must drive these brave chiefs
to despair, it will be well to reflect and consider, from the acts we
have related, of what they are capable. Very different, indeed,
would be the deeds of proscribed Rajputs from those of vagabond
Pindaris, or desultory Mahrattas; and what a field for aggression
and retreat! Rumour asserts that they have already done
themselves justice; and that, driven to desperation, and with no
power to mediate, the dagger has reached the heart of Raja Man!
If this be true, it is a retribution which might have been expected;
it was the only alternative left to the oppressed chiefs to do themselves
justice. It is also said, that the ‘pretended’ son of Raja
Bhim is now on the gaddi of Jodha. This is deeply to be lamented.
Raja Dhonkal will see only the party who espoused his pretensions,
and the Pokaran chief and faction will hold that place in
the councils of his sovereign, which of right belongs to the head
of his clan, the Champawat chief of Awa, an exile in Mewar.[5.15.13]
Jealousy, feuds, and bloodshed will be the consequence, which
would at once be averted by an adoption from Idar. Were a
grand council of Rajputs to be convened, in order to adjust the
question, nine-tenths would decide as proposed; the danger of
.bn 596.png
.pn +1
interference would be neutralized, and peace and tranquillity
would be the boon bestowed upon thousands, and, what is of
some consequence, future danger to ourselves would be avoided
\[162].
.fn 5.15.12
Vol. I. p. vol1_146.
.fn-
.fn 5.15.13
He was so when the author left India in 1823. [In 1827 Dhonkal
Singh raised forces in Jaipur for the invasion of Mārwār. Mān Singh
demanded aid from the British Government, which was refused. “At the
same time, the Jaipur State was considered to have acted in breach of its
engagements with Government by having allowed an armed confederacy
to form against Jodhpur within its territory, and strong remonstrances
were addressed to the Darbār; lastly, Dhonkal Singh was required to
withdraw from the confederacy, and the nobles settled their differences
among themselves” (Erskine iii. A. 72). In 1839 the misgovernment of
Mān Singh led to British military intervention. He died on 5th September
1843.]
.fn-
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 16
.sp 2
Extent of Mārwār.—The extreme breadth of Marwar lies
between two points in the parallel of the capital, namely, Girab,
west, and Shamgarh, on the Aravalli range, east. This line
measures two hundred and seventy British miles. The greatest
length, from the Sirohi frontier to the northern boundary, is
about two hundred and twenty miles.[5.16.1] From the remote angle,
N.N.E., in the Didwana district, to the extremity of Sanchor,
S.W., the diagonal measurement is three hundred and fifty miles.
The limits of Marwar are, however, so very irregular, and present
so many salient angles and abutments into other States, that
without a trigonometrical process we cannot arrive at a correct
estimate of its superficial extent: a nicety not, indeed,
required.
.fn 5.16.1
[At present greatest length about 320 miles, greatest breadth 170 miles.]
.fn-
Physical Features, Population.—The most marked feature
that diversifies the face of Maru is the river Luni, which, rising
on her eastern frontier at Pushkar, and pursuing a westerly course,
nearly bisects the country, and forms the boundary between the
fertile and sterile lands of Maru. But although the tracts south
of this stream, between it and the Aravalli, are by far the richest
part of Marwar, it would be erroneous to describe all the northern
part as sterile. An ideal line, passing through Nagor and Jodhpur,
to Balotra, will mark the just distinction. South of this line will
lie the districts of Didwana, Nagor, Merta, Jodhpur, Pali, Sojat,
Godwar, Siwana, Jalor, Bhinmal, and Sanchor, most of which are
fertile and populous; and we may \[163] assign a population of
eighty souls to the square mile. The space north of this line is
of a very different character, but this requires a subdivision; for
while the north-east portion, which includes a portion of Nagor,
the large towns of Phalodi, Pokaran, etc., may be calculated at
thirty, the remaining space to the south-west, as Gugadeo-ka-thal,
or ‘desert of Guga,’ Sheo, Barmer, Kotra, and Chhotan, can
.bn 597.png
.pn +1
scarcely be allowed ten. In round numbers, the population of
Marwar may be estimated at two millions of souls.[5.16.2]
.fn 5.16.2
[In 1911 the population was 2,057,553.]
.fn-
Classes of Inhabitants.—Of this amount, the following is the
classification of the tribes. The Jats constitute five-eighths, the
Rajputs two-eighths,[5.16.3] while the remaining classes, sacerdotal,[5.16.4] commercial,
and servile, make up the integral number. If this calculation
be near the truth, the Rajputs, men, women, and children,
will amount to five hundred thousand souls, which would admit
of fifty thousand men capable of bearing arms, especially when
we recollect that the Jats or Jāts are the industrious class.
.fn 5.16.3
[In 1911 respectively 125 and 279 per mille.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.4
The district of Sanchor is almost entirely Brahman, forming a distinct
tribe, called the Sanchora Brahmans.
.fn-
The Rāthors.—It is superfluous to expatiate on the peculiarities
of the Rathor character, which we have endeavoured to extract
from their own actions. It stands deservedly high in the scale
of the “Thirty-six Tribes,” and although debased by one besetting
sin (the use of opium), the Rathor is yet a noble animal, and
requires only some exciting cause to show that the spirit, which
set at defiance the resources of the empire in the zenith of its
prosperity, is dormant only, not extinct. The reign of the present
prince has done more, however, than even the arms of Aurangzeb,
to deteriorate the Rathors. Peace would recruit their thinned
ranks, but the mistrust sown in every house by unheard-of
duplicity, has greatly demoralized the national character, which
until lately stood higher than that of any of the circumjacent
tribes. A popular prince, until within these very few years,
could easily have collected a magnificent army, ek bap ke bete,
‘the sons of one father,’ round the ‘gaddi of Jodha’: in fact,
the panchas hazar tarwar Rathoran, meaning the ‘fifty thousand
Rathor swords,’ is the proverbial phrase to denote the muster of
Maru, of which they estimated five thousand cavalry. This was
exclusive of the household and foreign troops supported on the
fiscal lands. The Rathor cavalry was the best in India. There
were several horse-fairs, especially those of Balotra and Pushkar
where the horses of \[164] Cutch and Kathiawar, the Jungle, and
Multan, were brought in great numbers. Valuable horses were
also bred on the western frontier, on the Luni, those of Rardara
being in high estimation. But the events of the last twenty
.bn 598.png
.pn +1
years appear to have dried up every source of supply. The
breeding studs of Rardara, Cutch, and the Jungle are almost
extinct, and supplies from the west of the Indus are intercepted
by the Sikhs.[5.16.5] The destruction of the predatory system, which
created a constant demand, appears to have lessened the supply.
So much for the general peace which the successes of Britain have
produced.
.fn 5.16.5
[At present the horses of Mallāni are most esteemed. By the “Jungle,”
the Lākhi Jangal is meant.]
.fn-
In periods of civil commotion, or when the safety of the State
was perilled, we hear of one clan (the Champawat) mustering four
thousand horse. But if ever so many of “the sons of Champa”
were congregated at one time, it is an extraordinary occurrence,
and far beyond the demand which the State has upon their
loyalty. To estimate what may be demanded of them, we have
only to divide the rent-roll by five hundred rupees, the qualification
for a cavalier in Maru, and to add, for each horse, two
foot-soldiers. A schedule of the greater feudal estates shall be
appended.
Soil, Agriculture, Products.—The following is the classification
of the different heads of soil in Marwar: Bekal, Chikni, Pīla,
and Safed. The first (whose etymology I know not) pervades
the greater part of the country, being a light sand, having little
or no earthy admixture, and only fit to produce bajra (millet),
mung, moth (pulse), til (sesamum), melons and gawar.[5.16.6] Chikni
(fat), a black earth, pervades the district of Didwana, Merta, Pali,
and several of the feudal lands in Godwar. Wheat and grain are
its products. The Pīla (yellow) is a sandy clay, chiefly about
Khinwasar[5.16.7] and the capital, also Jalor and Balotra, and portions
of other districts. It is best adapted for barley, and that kind
of wheat called pattagehun (the other is kathagehun);[5.16.8] also
tobacco, onions, and other vegetables: the staple millets are
seldom grown in this. The Safed (white) is almost pure silex,
and grows little or nothing, but after heavy falls of rain.[5.16.9]
.fn 5.16.6
[Gawār, the horse bean, Dolichus biflorus.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.7
[In Nāgor district, N.W. of Jodhpur city.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.8
[This variety is grown without irrigation (Erskine iii. A. 103).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.9
[The varieties of soil now recognized are: matiyāli, clayey loam;
bhūri, brown-coloured, and with less clay than matiyāli; retla, fine sand
without clay; magra or tharra, on the slopes of hills, hard and containing
pebbles (ibid. iii. A. 99).]
.fn-
.bn 599.png
.pn +1
The districts south of the Luni, as Pali, Sojat, and Godwar,
fertilized by the numerous petty streams flowing from the Aravalli,
produce abundantly every species of grain with the exception of
bajra, which thrives best in a sandy soil; and in Nagor and
Merta considerable quantities of the richer grains are raised by
irrigation from wells. The extensive western divisions of Jalor,
Sanchor, and Bhinmal, containing \[165] five hundred and ten
towns and villages, which are Khalisa, or ‘fiscal land,’ possess
an excellent soil, with the advantage of the rills from Abu, and
the great southern barrier; but the demoralized government of
Raja Man never obtains from them one-third of their intrinsic
capability, while the encroachment of the Sahariyas, and other
robbers from the Sindi desert, encroach upon them often with
impunity. Wheat, barley, rice, juar (millet), mung (pulse), til
(sesamum), are the chief products of the richer lands; while
amidst the sandy tracts they are confined to bajra, mung, and til.
With good government, Marwar possesses abundance of means
to collect stores against the visitations which afflict these northern
regions: but prejudice steps in to aid the ravages of famine, and
although water is near the surface in all the southern districts,
the number of wells bears no proportion to those in Mewar. The
great district of Nagor, of five hundred and sixty towns and
villages, the appanage of the heirs-apparent of Maru, in spite of
physical difficulties, is, or has been made, an exception; and the
immense sheet of sandstone, on which a humid soil is embedded,
has been pierced throughout by the energies of ancient days, and
contains greater aids to agriculture than many more fertile tracts
in the country.
Natural Productions.—Marwar can boast of some valuable
productions of her sterile plains, which make her an object of no
little importance in the most distant and more favoured regions
of India. The salt lakes of Pachbhadra, Didwana, and Sambhar,
are mines of wealth, and their produce is exported over the
greater part of Hindustan; while to the marble quarries of
Makrana (which gives its name to the mineral), on her eastern
frontier, all the splendid edifices of the imperial cities owe
their grandeur. The materials used in the palaces of Delhi,
Agra, their mosques, and tombs, have been conveyed from
Marwar.[5.16.10] The quarries, until of late years, yielded a considerable
.bn 600.png
.pn +1
revenue; but the age for palace-building in these regions is no
more, and posterity will ask with surprise the sources of such
luxury. There are also limestone quarries near Jodhpur and
Nagor; and the concrete called kankar is abundant in many of
the districts, and chiefly used for mortar. Tin and lead are
found at Sojat; alum about Pali, and iron is obtained from
Bhinmal and the districts adjoining Gujarat.
.fn 5.16.10
[Makrāna is 12 miles W. of Sāmbhar Lake. For its marbles see
Sleeman, Rambles, 318; Hervey, Some Records of Crime, i. 100. The
best marbles in Rājputāna are found at Makrāna, Tonkra in Kishangarh,
Kharwar in Ajmer, and Raiālu in Jaipur; see Watt, Comm. Prod. 715.]
.fn-
Manufactures.—The manufactures of Marwar are of no great
importance in a commercial point of view. Abundance of coarse
cotton cloths, and blankets, are \[166] manufactured from the
cotton and wool produced in the country, but they are chiefly
used there. Matchlocks, swords, and other warlike implements
are fabricated at the capital and at Pali; and at the latter place
they make boxes of iron, tinned, so as to resemble the tin boxes
of Europe. Iron platters for culinary purposes are in such great
demand as to keep the forges constantly going.
Commercial Marts.—None of these States are without traffic;
each has her mart, or entrepôt; and while Mewar boasts of
Bhilwara, Bikaner of Churu, and Amber of Malpura (the city of
wealth), the Rathors claim Pali, which is not only the rival of the
places just mentioned, but may make pretensions to the title of
emporium of Rajputana. These pretensions we may the more
readily admit, when we recollect that nine-tenths of the bankers
and commercial men of India are natives of Marudes, and these
chiefly of the Jain faith. The laity of the Khadatara sect send
forth thousands to all parts of India, and the Oswals, so termed
from the town of Osian, near the Luni, estimate one hundred
thousand families whose occupation is commerce. All these
claim a Rajput descent, a fact entirely unknown to the European
enquirer into the peculiarities of Hindu manners. The wealth
acquired in foreign lands, from the Sutlej to the ocean, returns
chiefly to their native soil; but as neither primogeniture nor
majorats are sanctioned by the Jain lawgivers, an equal distribution
takes place amongst all the sons, though the youngest (as
amongst the Getae of Asia, and the Jutes of Kent), receives often
a double portion. This arises when the division takes place while
the parent is living, being the portion set apart for his own
.bn 601.png
.pn +1
support, which ultimately falls to the youngest, with whom he
probably resides. It would be erroneous to say this practice is
extensive; though sufficient instances exist to suppose it once
was a principle.[5.16.11] The bare enumeration of the tribes following
commerce would fill a short chapter. A priest of the Jains \[167]
(my own teacher), who had for a series of years devoted his
attention to form a catalogue, which then amounted to nearly
eighteen hundred classes, renounced the pursuit, on obtaining
from a brother priest, from a distant region, one hundred and
fifty new names to add to his list.
Pali was the entrepôt for the eastern and western regions,
where the productions of India, Kashmir, and China, were interchanged
for those of Europe, Africa, Persia, and Arabia. Caravans
(kitars), from the ports of Cutch and Gujarat, imported elephants’
teeth, copper, dates, gum-arabic, borax, coco-nuts, broadcloths,
silks, sandal-wood, camphor, dyes, drugs, oxide and sulphuret of
arsenic, spices, coffee, etc. In exchange, they exported chintzes,
dried fruits, jira,[5.16.12] asafoetida from Multan, sugar, opium (Kotah
and Malwa), silks and fine cloths, potash, shawls, dyed blankets,
arms, and salt of home manufacture.
Caravans.—The route of the caravans was by Suigam,[5.16.13] Sanchor,
Bhinmal, Jalor to Pali, and the guardians of the merchandise
.bn 602.png
.pn +1
were almost invariably Charans, a character held sacred by the
Rajput. The most desperate outlaw seldom dared to commit
any outrage on caravans under the safeguard of these men,
the bards of the Rajputs. If not strong enough to defend
their convoy with sword and shield, they would threaten
the robbers with the chandni, or ‘self-immolation’;[5.16.14] and
proceed by degrees from a gash in the flesh to a death-wound,
or if one victim was insufficient a whole body of women
and children was sacrificed (as in the case of the Bamaniya
Bhats), for whose blood the marauder is declared responsible
hereafter.
.fn 5.16.11
There is nothing which so much employs the assessors of justice, in
those tribunals of arbitration, the Panchayats, as the adjudication of questions
of property. The highest compliment ever paid to the Author was
by the litigants of property amounting to half a million sterling, which had
been going the rounds of various Panchayats and appeals to native princes,
alike unsatisfactory in their results. They agreed to admit as final the
decision of a court of his nomination. It was not without hesitation I
accepted the mediation propounded through the British superintendent of
Ajmer (Mr. Wilder); but knowing two men, whose integrity as well as
powers of investigation were above all encomium, I could not refuse. One
of these had given a striking instance of independence in support of the
award his penetration had led him to pronounce, and which award being
set aside on appeal, through favouritism, he abjured every future call as an
arbitrator. He was not a wealthy man, but such was the homage paid to
his integrity and talents, that the greatest despot in India found it politic
to reassemble the court, have the case reconsidered, and permit justice to
take its course. In like manner, his demand was, that, before he agreed
to devote his time to unravelling all the intricacies of the case, both litigants
should sign a muchalka, or ‘bond,’ to abide by the award. I have no
recollection how it terminated.
.fn-
.fn 5.16.12
[Cumin, Cuminum cyminum (Watt, Comm. Prod. 442).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.13
[Suigām in Pālanpur State, near the Ran of Cutch (BG, v. 348).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.14
[See p. #815#.]
.fn-
Decay of Commerce. The Opium Trade.—Commerce has been
almost extinguished within these last twenty years; and paradoxical
as it may appear, there was tenfold more activity and
enterprise in the midst of that predatory warfare, which rendered
India one wide arena of conflict, than in these days of universal
pacification. The torpedo touch of monopoly has had more
effect on the Kitars than the spear of the desert Sahariya, or
Barwatia (outlaw) Rajput—against its benumbing qualities the
Charan’s dagger would fall innocuous; it sheds no blood, but
it dries up its channels. If the products of the salt-lakes of
Rajputana were preferred, even at Benares, to the sea-salt of
Bengal, high impost duties excluded it from the market. If the
opium of Malwa and Haraoti competed in the China market with
our Patna monopoly, again we intervened, not with high export
duties, which we were competent to impose, but by laying our
shackles upon it at the fountain-head. “Aut Caesar, aut nullus,”
is our maxim \[168] in these regions; and in a country where our
Agents are established only to preserve political relations and
the faith of treaties, the basis of which is non-interference in the
internal arrangement of their affairs—albeit we have not a single
foot of land in sovereignty—we set forth our parwanas, as peremptory
as any Russian ukase, and command that no opium shall
leave these countries for the accustomed outlets, under pain of
confiscation. Some, relying on their skill in eluding our vigilance,
or tempted by the high price which these measures produce, or
perhaps reckoning upon our justice, and upon impunity if discovered,
tried new routes, until confiscation brought them to
submission.
.bn 603.png
.pn +1
We then put an arbitrary value upon the drug, and forced the
grower to come to us, and even take credit to ourselves for consulting
his interests. Even admitting that such price was a
remunerating one, founded upon an average of past years, still
it is not the less arbitrary. No allowance is made for plentiful
or bad seasons, when the drug, owing to a scarcity, will bear a
double price. Our legislation is for “all seasons and their change.”
But this virtual infraction of the faith of treaties is not confined
to the grower or retailer; it affects others in a variety of ways;
it injures our reputation and the welfare of those upon whom,
for benevolent purposes, we have forced our protection. The
transit duties levied on opium formed an item in the revenues of
the princes of Rajputana; but confiscation guards the passes
of the Aravalli and Gujarat, and unless the smuggler wrap up
his cargo in ample folds of deceit, the Rajput may go without
his amal-pani, the infusion of this poison, dearer to him than
life. It is in vain to urge that sufficient is allowed for home
consumption. Who is to be the judge of this? or who is so blind
as not to see that any latitude of this kind would defeat the
monopoly, which, impolitic in its origin, gave rise in its progress
to fraud, gambling, and neglect of more important agricultural
economy. But this policy must defeat itself: the excess of
quantity produced will diminish the value of the original (Patna)
monopoly, if its now deteriorated quality should fail to open the
eyes of the quick-sighted Chinese, and exclude it from the market
altogether.[5.16.15]
.fn 5.16.15
The Author learns that important modifications of this system have
been made by the legislative authorities at home: of their extent he is
ignorant, except that remuneration to chiefs for the loss of transit duties
has not been omitted. This is as it should be! [The opium question is
still in a state of transition. Exports to China were closed in 1913, and,
owing to the loss of revenue, compensation has been awarded to the Native
States by the Government of India. For the trade up to 1911 see IGI, iv.
242 ff.; Watt, Comm. Prod. (1908), 845 ff.]
.fn-
Fairs.—There were two annual fairs in his country, Mundwa
and Balotra; the first chiefly for cattle. The merchandise of
various countries was exposed \[169] and purchased by the merchants
of the adjoining States. It commenced with the month of
Magh, and lasted during six weeks. The other was also for cattle
of all kinds, horses, oxen, camels, and the merchandise enumerated
amongst the imports and exports of Pali. Persons from all parts
.bn 604.png
.pn +1
of India frequented them; but all these signs of prosperity are
vanishing.[5.16.16]
.fn 5.16.16
[For these fairs see Erskine iii. A. 206, 208.]
.fn-
Administration of Justice.—The administration of justice is
now very lax in these communities; but at no time were the
customary criminal laws of Rajputana sanguinary, except in
respect to political crimes, which were very summarily dealt
with when practicable. In these feudal associations, however,
such crimes are esteemed individual offences, and the whole power
of the government is concentrated to punish them; but when
they are committed against the community, justice is tempered
with mercy, if not benumbed by apathy. In cases even of
murder, it is satisfied with fine, corporal punishment, imprisonment,
confiscation, or banishment. Inferior crimes, such as
larcenies, were punished by fine and imprisonment, and, when
practicable, restitution; or, in case of inability to pay, corporal
punishment and confinement. But under the present lax system,
when this impoverished government has to feed criminals, it
may be supposed that their prisons are not overstocked. Since
Raja Bijai Singh’s death, the judgment-seat has been vacant.
His memory is held in high esteem for the administration of
justice, though he carried clemency to excess. He never confirmed
a sentence of death; and there is a saying of the criminals,
yet extant, more demonstrative of his humanity than of good
policy: “When at large we cannot even get rabri (porridge),
but in prison we eat laddu (sweetmeat).” Here, as at Jaipur,
confined criminals are maintained by individual charity; and
it is a well-known fact, that at the latter place, but for the
humanity of the mercantile classes, especially those of the Jain
persuasion, they might starve. Perhaps it is the knowledge of
this circumstance, which holds back the hand of the government,
or its agents, who may apply to their own uses the prison-fare.
When once confined, the criminals are little thought of, and
neglect answers all the ends of cruelty. They have, however,
a source of consolation unknown to those who have passed “the
bridge of sighs,” or become inmates of the oubliettes of more
civilized regions. That fortitude and resignation which religion
alone can bestow on the one is obtained through superstition
by the other; and the prayers of the prison are poured forth for
one of those visitations of Providence \[170], which, in humbling
.bn 605.png
.pn +1
the proud, prompts acts of mercy to others in order to ensure
it to themselves.[5.16.17] The celestial phenomena of eclipses, whether
of the sun or moon, although predicted by the Pandits, who for
ages have possessed the most approved theory for calculation,
are yet looked upon with religious awe by the mass, and as “foreboding
change to princes.” Accordingly, when darkness dims
the beams of Surya or Chandra, the face of the prisoner of Maru
is lighted up with smiles; his deliverance is at hand, and he may
join the crowd to hoot and yell, and frighten the monster Rahu[5.16.18]
from his hold of the “silver-moon.”[5.16.19] The birth of a son to the
prince, and a new reign, are events likewise joyful to him.
.fn 5.16.17
[The State jails have been reorganized, and humane treatment of
prisoners is enforced (Erskine iii. A. 163 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.18
The Rajputs and Hindus in general hold precisely the same idea, of the
cause of eclipses, as the Getae of Scandinavia. [This is a form of sympathetic
magic: as prisoners are released, so will the sun and moon be freed from
the demon.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.19
Chandrama. The moon is represented by silver, which is called after
her (or him) chandi.
.fn-
Trial by Ordeal.—The trial by sagun, literally ‘oath of purgation,’
or ordeal, still exists, and is occasionally had recourse to
in Maru, as in other parts of Rajputana; and, if fallen into
desuetude, it is not that these judgments of God (as they were
styled in the days of European barbarism) are less relied on, but
that society is so unhinged that even these appeals to chance
find no subjects for practice, excepting by Zalim Singh; and he
to the last carried on his antipathy to the Dakins (witches) of
Haraoti, who were always submitted to the process by ‘water.’
Trial by ordeal is of very ancient date in India: it was by ‘fire’
that Rama proved the purity of Sita, after her abduction by
Ravana, and in the same manner as practised by one of our
Saxon kings, by making her walk over a red-hot ploughshare.[5.16.20]
Besides the two most common tests, by fire and water, there is
a third, that of washing the hands in boiling oil. It should be
stated, that, in all cases, not only the selection but the appeal
to any of these ordeals is the voluntary act of the litigants, and
chiefly after the Panchayats, or courts arbitration, have
failed. Where justice is denied, or bribery shuts the door, the
sufferer will dare his adversary to the sagun, or submission to the
.bn 606.png
.pn +1
judgment of God; and the solemnity of the appeal carries such
weight, that it brings redress of itself, though cases do occur
where the challenge is accepted, and the author has conversed
with individuals who have witnessed the operation of each of
the ordeals.[5.16.21]
.fn 5.16.20
[According to the more common story, she walked through a pile of
burning wood.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.21
[Since the reorganization of the Courts of Justice and the introduction
of criminal codes, trial by ordeal has been prohibited (Erskine iii. A. 132 ff.).
In 1854 Sir H. Lawrence made a treaty with Mewār which provided that
“no person be seized on the plea of sorcery, witchcraft, or incantations”
(Lee Warner, Native States of India, ed. 1910, p. 305).]
.fn-
Panchayats.—The Panchayats arbitrate in civil cases. From
these courts of equity, there is an appeal to the Raja; but as
unanimity is required in the judges, and a fee or fine must be paid
by the appellant, ere his case can come before the prince \[171],
litigation is checked. The constitution of this court is simple.
The plaintiff lays his case before the Hakim of the district, or
the Patel of the village where he resides. The plaintiff and
defendant have the right of naming the villages (two, each), from
whence the members of the Panchayat are to be drawn. Information
is accordingly sent to the Patels of the villages specified, who,
with their respective Patwaris (Registers), meet at the Atai or
‘village-court.’ Witnesses are summoned and examined on oath,
the most common of which is the gaddi-ki-an, ‘allegiance to the
throne,’ resembling the ancient adjuration of the Scythians as
recorded by Herodotus.[5.16.22] This oath is, however, more restricted
to Rajputs; the other classes have various forms based upon
their religious notions. When the proceedings are finished, and
judgment is given, the Hakim puts his seal thereto, and carries
it into effect, or prepares it for appeal. It is affirmed that, in
the good times of Rajputana, these simple tribunals answered
every purpose.
.fn 5.16.22
[The most solemn oath among the Scythians was by the royal hearth
(Herodotus iv. 68).]
.fn-
Fiscal Revenues.—The fiscal revenues of Marwar are derived
from various sources; the principal are—
.ul style=none indent=4
.it 1. The Khalisa, or ‘crown-lands.’
.it 2. The salt lakes.
.it 3. Transit and impost duties.
.it 4. Miscellaneous taxes, termed Hasil.
.ul-
The entire amount of personal revenue of the princes of Marwar
.bn 607.png
.pn +1
does not at present exceed ten lakhs of rupees (£100,000 sterling),
though in the reign of Bijai Singh half a century ago, they yielded
full sixteen lakhs, one-half of which arose from the salt lakes alone.
The aggregate revenue of the feudal lands is estimated as high
as fifty lakhs, or £500,000. It may be doubted whether at present
they yield half this sum.[5.16.23] The feudal contingents are estimated
at five thousand horse, besides foot, the qualification being one
cavalier and two foot-soldiers for every thousand rupees of
income.[5.16.24] This low estimate is to keep up the nominal value of
estates, notwithstanding their great deterioration; for a ‘knight’s
fee’ of Marwar was formerly estimated at five hundred rupees.
.fn 5.16.23
[The normal revenue of the State at the present time is about 56, and
the expenditure 42 lakhs of rupees (Erskine iii. A. 140 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.24
[The State now maintains two regiments of Imperial Service Lancers,
1210 men, the whole force, including local troops, being about 2700 (ibid.
iii. A. 158 ff.).]
.fn-
The sum of ten lakhs, mentioned as the gross income of the
prince, is what is actually realized by the treasury, for there are
many public servants provided for out of the crown-lands, whose
estates are not included.
Methods of Revenue Collection.—The revenues are collected
from the ryots in kind. A corn-rent, the only one recognized in
ancient India, and termed Batai, or ‘division,’ is apportioned
equally \[172] between the prince and the husbandman: a deviation
from the more lenient practice of former times, which gave
one-fourth, or one-sixth to the sovereign. Besides this, the
cultivator has to pay the expense of guarding the crops, and also
those who attend the process of division. An assessment of two
rupees is made on every ten maunds,[5.16.25] which more than covers
the salaries paid to the Shahnas (watchmen), and Kanwaris,[5.16.26] and
leaves a surplus divided by the Patel and village register (Patwari).
A cart-load of karbi (the stalks of juar and bajra) is exacted from
every cultivator as fodder for the prince’s cattle; but this is
commuted for a rupee, except in seasons of scarcity, when it is
stored up. The other officers, as the Patwaris and Patels, are
paid out of the respective shares of the farmer and the crown,
namely, one-fourth of a ser each, from every maund of produce,
or an eightieth part of the gross amount. The cultivators of
.bn 608.png
.pn +1
the Pattawats or feudal chiefs are much better off than those of
the Khalisa: from them only two-fifths are exacted; and in lieu
of all other taxes and charges, a land-tax of twelve rupees is
levied on every hundred bighas of land cultivated. The cultivators
repay this mild assessment by attachment to the chiefs.
.fn 5.16.25
The maund is about seventy-five lbs. weight.
.fn-
.fn 5.16.26
Kan, ‘corn.’
.fn-
Poll Tax.—Anga is a poll-tax (from anga, ‘the body’) of one
rupee, levied on adults of either sex throughout Marwar.
Cattle Tax.—Ghasmali is a graduated tax on cattle, or, as the
term imports, the right of pasture. A sheep or goat is estimated
at one anna (one-sixteenth of a rupee); a buffalo eight annas,
or half a rupee; and each camel, three rupees.
Door Tax.—Kewari is a tax on doors (kewar), and is considered
peculiarly oppressive. It was first imposed by Bijai
Singh, when, towards the latter end of his reign, his chiefs rebelled,
and retired in a body to Pali to concert schemes for deposing
him. Thither he fruitlessly followed in order to pacify them,
and on his return found the gates (kewar) of his capital shut in
his face, and Bhim Singh placed upon the gaddi. To supply the
pecuniary exigencies consequent upon this embarrassing situation,
he appealed to his subjects, and proposed a ‘benevolence,’ in aid
of his necessities, of three rupees for each house, giving it a
denomination from the cause whence it originated. Whether
employed as a punishment of those who aided his antagonist, or
as a convenient expedient of finance, he converted this temporary
contribution into a permanent tax, which continued until the
necessities of the confederacy against the \[173] present prince,
Raja Man, and the usurpation of the fiscal lands by the Pathans,
made him raise it to ten rupees on each house. It is, however,
not equally levied; the number of houses in each township being
calculated, it is laid on according to the means of the occupants,
and the poor man may pay two rupees, while the wealthy pays
twenty. The feudal lands are not exempted, except in cases of
special favour.
Sāīr.—In estimating the amount of the sair, or imposts of
Marwar, it must be borne in mind that the schedule appended
represents what they have been, and perhaps might again be,
rather than what they now are. These duties are subject to
fluctuation in all countries, but how much more in those exposed
to so many visitations from predatory foes, civil strife, and
famine! There is no reason to doubt that, in the “good old
.bn 609.png
.pn +1
times” of Maru, the amount, as taken from old records, may have
been realized:—
.ta l:25 r:10 w=50%
Jodhpur | Rs. 76,000
Nagor | 75,000
Didwana | 10,000
Parbatsar | 44,000
Merta | 11,000
Kolia | 5,000
Jalor | 25,000
Pali | 75,000
Jasol and Balotra fairs | 41,000
Bhinmal | 21,000
Sanchor | 6,000
.if t
Phalodi | 41,000
| —-——
.if-
.if h
Phalodi |41,000
|
.if-
Total | 430,000
.ta-
The Danis, or collectors of the customs, have monthly salaries
at the large towns, while the numerous petty agents are paid
by a percentage on the sums collected. The sair, or imposts,
include all those on grain, whether of foreign importation, or the
home-grown, in transit from one district to another.
The revenue arising from the produce of the salt lakes has
deteriorated with the land and commercial revenues; and,
though affected by political causes, is yet the most certain branch
of income. The following schedule exhibits what has been derived
from this lucrative source of wealth \[174]:—
.ta l:25 r:10 w=50%
Pachbhadra | Rs. 200,000
Phalodi | 100,000
Didwana | 115,000
Sambhar | 200,000
.if t
Nawa | 100,000
| —-—-—
.if-
.if h
Nawa | 100,000
.if-
Total | 715,000
.ta-
Banjāras: Salt Trade.—This productive branch of industry
still employs thousands of hands, and hundreds of thousands of
oxen, and is almost entirely in the hands of that singular race of
beings called Banjaras, some of whose tandas, or caravans,
amount to 40,000 head of oxen. The salt is exported to every
region of Hindustan, from the Indus to the Ganges, and is universally
.bn 610.png
.pn +1
known and sold under the title of Sambhar Lun, or ‘salt
of Sambhar,’ notwithstanding the quality of the different lakes
varies, that of Pachbhadra, beyond the Luni, being most esteemed.[5.16.27]
It is produced by natural evaporation, expedited by dividing the
surface into pans by means of mats of the Sarkanda grass,[5.16.28] which
lessens the superficial agitation. It is then gathered and heaped
up into immense masses, on whose summit they burn a variety
of alkaline plants, such as the sajji,[5.16.29] by which it becomes impervious
to the weather.
.fn 5.16.27
The average selling price at Jodhpur is two rupees the maund; four
at Sambhar and Didwana, and five at Pachbhadra, Phalodi, and Nawa.
Why the price at the capital is 50 per cent lower than elsewhere, I know not,
even if this statement is correct. [On the Rājputāna salt trade see Watt,
Comm. Prod. 968 f. The present State income is now about 15 lakhs of
rupees per annum (Erskine iii. A. 150 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.28
[Saccharum sara.]
.fn-
.fn 5.16.29
[On the production of barilla (sajji khar) see Watt, op. cit. ]
We may recapitulate what the old archives state of the aggregate
fiscal revenues in past times, amounting to nearly thirty
lakhs of rupees. It would be hazardous to say to what extent
the amount was overrated:
.ta r:3 h:40 r:12
1. |Khalisa, or fiscal land, from 1484 towns\
and villages | Rs. 1,500,000
2. |Sair or imposts | 430,000
3. |Salt lakes | 715,000
.if t
4. |Hasil, or miscellaneous taxes; fluctuating\
and uncertain; not less than | 300,000
| | —-—-——
| Total | 2,945,000
|Feudal and ministerial estates | 5,000,000
| | —-—-——
.if-
.if h
4. |Hasil, or miscellaneous taxes; fluctuating\
and uncertain; not less than |300,000
|Total | 2,945,000
|Feudal and ministerial estates |5,000,000
.if-
| Grand Total | 7,945,000
.ta-
Thus the united fiscal and feudal revenues of Marwar are said
to have amounted almost to eighty lakhs of rupees (£800,000).
If they ever did reach this sum \[175], which may be doubted, we
do not err in affirming that they would not be overrated at half
that amount. Large fortunes are said to centre in the families
of the ex-ministers, especially the Singhi family, reported to be
immensely rich. Their wealth is deposited in foreign capitals.
But much bullion is lost to the currency of these countries by the
.fn-
.bn 611.png
.pn +1
habits of secreting money. A very large treasure was discovered
in Nagor by Bijai Singh, when demolishing some old buildings.
Military Forces.—It only remains to state the military resources
of the Rathors, which fluctuate with their revenues.
The Rajas maintain a foreign mercenary force upon their fiscal
revenues to overawe their own turbulent vassalage. These are
chiefly Rohilla and Afghan infantry, armed with muskets and
matchlocks; and having cannon and sufficient discipline to act
in a body, they are formidable to the Rajput cavaliers. Some
years ago, Raja Man had a corps of three thousand five hundred
foot, and fifteen hundred horse, with twenty-five guns, commanded
by Hindal Khan, a native of Panipat. He has been
attached to the family ever since the reign of Bijai Singh, and is
(or was) familiarly addressed kaka, or ‘uncle,’ by the prince.
There was also a brigade of those monastic militants, the Bishanswamis,
under their leader, Kaimdas, consisting of seven hundred
foot, three hundred horse, and an establishment of rockets (bhan),
a very ancient instrument of Indian warfare, and mentioned long
before gunpowder was used in Europe. At one period, the Raja
maintained a foreign force amounting to, or at least mustered as,
eleven thousand men, of which number two thousand five hundred
were cavalry, with fifty-five guns, and a rocket establishment.
Besides a monthly pay, lands to a considerable amount were
granted to the commanders of the different legions. By these
overgrown establishments, to maintain a superiority over the
feudal lords which has been undermined by the causes related,
the demoralization and ruin of this country have been accelerated.
The existence of such a species of force, opposed in moral and
religious sentiment to the retainers of the State, has only tended
to widen the breach between them and their head, and to destroy
every feeling of confidence.
In Mewar there are sixteen great chiefs; in Amber, twelve;
in Marwar, eight. The following table exhibits their names,
clans, residences, and rated revenue. The contingent required
by their princes may be estimated by the qualification of a
cavalier, namely, one for every five hundred rupees of rent \[176].
.bn 612.png
.pn +1
.if t
.ta r:3 l:15| l:10| l:13| r:10| l:20
_
|Names of Chiefs.| Clans. |Places of Abode.| Revenue.| Remarks.
_
FIRST CLASS.
1.|Kesari Singh | Champawat | Awa | 100,000 | Premier noble of
2.|Bakhtawar | Kumpawat | Asop | 50,000 |Marwar. Of this
| Singh | | | |sum, half is the
| | | | |original grant: the
| | | | |rest is by usurpation
| | | | |of the inferior
| | | | |branches of his clan.
3.|Salim Singh | Champawat | Pokaran | 100,000 | The Pokaran
| | | | |chief is by far the
| | | | |most powerful in
| | | | |Marwar.
4.|Surthan | Udawat | Nimaj | 50,000 | The fief of Nimaj
| Singh | | | |is now under
| | | | |sequestration,
| | | | |since the last
| | | | |incumbent was put to
| | | | |death by the Raja.
5.| \ \ .. | Mertia | Rian | 25,000 | The Mertia is deemed
| | | | |the bravest of all
| | | | |the Rathor clans.
6.| Ajit Singh | Mertia | Ghanerao | 50,000 | This feoff formed one
| | | | |of the sixteen great
| | | | |feoffs of Mewar.
7.| \ \ .. | Karamsot | Khinwasar | 40,000 | The town, which is
| | | | |large, has been
| | | | |dismantled, and several
| | | | |villages sequestrated.
8.| \ \ .. | Bhatti | Khejarla | 25,000 | The only foreign chief
| | | | |in the first grade of
| | | | |the nobles of Marwar.
SECOND CLASS.
1.| Sheonath Singh | Udawat | Kuchaman | 50,000 | A chief of
| | | | |considerable power.
2.| Surthan Singh | Jodha | Khari-ka-dewa | 25,000 |
3.| Prithi Singh | Udawat | Chandawal | 25,000 |
4.| Tej Singh | Do. | Khada | 25,000 |
5.| Anar Singh | Bhatti | Ahor | 11,000 |In exile.
6.| Jeth Singh | Kumpawat | Bagori | 40,000 |
7.| Padam Singh | \ \ Do. | Gajsinghpura | 25,000 |
8.| \ \ .. | Mertia | Mehtri | 40,000 |
9.| Kartan Singh | Udawat | Marot | 15,000 |
10.| Zalim Singh | Kumpawat | Rohat | 15,000 |
11.| Sawai Singh | Jodha | Chaupar | 15,000 |
12.| \ \ .. | \ \ .. | Budsu | 20,000 |
13.| Sheodan Singh | Champawat | Kaota (great) | 40,000 |
14.| Zalim Singh | Do. | Harsola | 10,000 |
15.| Sawal Singh | Do. | Degod | 10,000 |
16.| Hukm Singh | Do. | Kaota (little) | 11,000 |
_
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
Names of Chiefs. |
Clans. |
Places of Abode. |
Revenue. |
Remarks. |
|
|
|
|
|
FIRST CLASS. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
1. |
Kesari Singh |
Champawat |
Awa |
100,000 |
Premier noble of Marwar. Of this\
sum, half is the original grant: the rest is by usurpation of the inferior branches of his clan. |
2. |
Bakhtawar Singh |
Kumpawat |
Asop |
50,000 |
3. |
Salim Singh |
Champawat |
Pokaran |
100,000 |
The Pokaran chief is by far the most powerful in Marwar. |
4. |
Surthan Singh |
Udawat |
Nimaj |
50,000 |
The fief of Nimaj is now under sequestration, since the last incumbent was put to death by the Raja. |
5. |
.. |
Mertia |
Rian |
25,000 |
The Mertia is deemed the bravest of all the Rathor clans. |
6. |
Ajit Singh |
Mertia |
Ghanerao |
50,000 |
This feoff formed one of the sixteen great feoffs of Mewar. |
7. |
.. |
Karamsot |
Khinwasar |
40,000 |
The town, which is large, has been dismantled, and several villages sequestrated. |
8. |
.. |
Bhatti |
Khejarla |
25,000 |
The only foreign chief in the first grade of in the first grade of the nobles of Marwar. |
|
|
|
|
|
SECOND CLASS. |
|
|
|
|
|
|
1. |
Sheonath Singh |
Udawat |
Kuchaman |
50,000 |
A chief of considerable power. |
2. |
Surthan Singh |
Jodha |
Khari-ka-dewa |
25,000 |
|
3. |
Prithi Singh |
Udawat |
Chandawal |
25,000 |
|
4. |
Tej Singh |
Do. |
Khada |
25,000 |
|
5. |
Anar Singh |
Bhatti |
Ahor |
11,000 |
In exile. |
6. |
Jeth Singh |
Kumpawat |
Bagori |
40,000 |
|
7. |
Padam Singh |
Do. |
Gajsinghpura |
25,000 |
|
8. |
.. |
Mertia |
Mehtri |
40,000 |
|
9. |
Kartan Singh |
Udawat |
Marot |
15,000 |
|
10. |
Zalim Singh |
Kumpawat |
Rohat |
15,000 |
|
11. |
Sawai Singh |
Jodha |
Chaupar |
15,000 |
|
12. |
.. |
.. |
Budsu |
20,000 |
|
13. |
Sheodan Singh |
Champawat |
Kaota (great) |
40,000 |
|
14. |
Zalim Singh |
Do. |
Harsola |
10,000 |
|
15. |
Sawal Singh |
Do. |
Degod |
10,000 |
|
16. |
Hukm Singh |
Do. |
Kaota (little |
11,000 |
|
.li-
.if-
These are the principal chieftains of Marwar, holding lands
on the tenure of service. There are many who owe allegiance
and service on emergencies, the allodial vassals of Marwar, not
enumerated in this list; such as Barmer, Kotra, Jasol, Phulsund,
.bn 613.png
.pn +1
Birganw, Bankaria, Kalindri, Barunda, who could muster a
strong numerical force if their goodwill were conciliated, and the
prince could enforce his requisition. The specified census of the
estates may not be exactly correct. The foregoing is from an
old record, which is in all probability the best they have; for so
rapid are the changes in these countries, amidst the anarchy and
rebellion we have been describing, that the civil officers would
deem it time thrown away, to form, as in past times, an exact
pattabahi, or ‘register’ of feoffs. The ancient qualification was
one horseman and two foot soldiers, “when required,” for each
five hundred rupees in the rental; but as the estates have been
curtailed in extent and diminished in value, in order to keep up
their nominal amount, one thousand is now the qualification \[178].[5.16.30]
.fn 5.16.30
[At the present time the estates and septs of the Rāthor clan to which
the twelve nobles belong are: Pokaran, Awa—Champāwat; Rian, Alniawās—Mertia;
Rāēpur, Rās, Nīmāj, Agewa—Udāwat; Kharwa, Bhadrājan—Jodha.
At a Darbār the Champāwats and Kūmpāwats sit to the right
and the Jodhas, Mertias, and Udāwats to the left of the Mahārāja (Erskine
iii. B. 40).]
.fn-
.bn 614.png
.bn 615.png
.pn +2
.sp 4
.h2
BOOK VI | ANNALS OF BĪKANER
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 1
.sp 2
Bikaner holds a secondary rank amongst the principalities of
Rajputana. It is an offset of Marwar, its princes being scions
of the house of Jodha, who established themselves by conquest
on the northern frontier of the parent State; and its position,
in the heart of the desert, has contributed to the maintenance of
their independence.
Rāo Bīka, A.D. 1465-1504.—It was in S. 1515 (A.D. 1459), the
year in which Jodha transferred the seat of government from
Mandor to Jodhpur, that his son Bika,[6.1.1] under the guidance of his
uncle Kandhal, led three hundred of the sons of Siahji to enlarge
the boundaries of Rathor dominion amidst the sands of Maru.
Bika was stimulated to the attempt by the success of his brother
Bida, who had recently subjugated the territory inhabited by the
Mohils for ages.
.fn 6.1.1
[According to Erskine (iii. B. 85) Bika was born in 1439; left Jodhpur,
1465; founded Bikaner city, 1488.]
.fn-
Such expeditions as that of Bika, undertaken expressly for
conquest, were almost \[179] uniformly successful. The invaders
set out with a determination to slay or be slain; and these forays
had the additional stimulus of being on “fated days,” when the
warlike creed of the Rajputs made the abstraction of territory
from foe or friend a matter of religious duty.
Bika, with his band of three hundred, fell upon the Sankhlas[6.1.2]
.bn 616.png
.pn +1
of Janglu, whom they massacred. This exploit brought them in
contact with the Bhattis of Pugal,[6.1.3] the chief of which gave his
daughter in marriage to Bika, who fixed his headquarters at
Kuramdesar, where he erected a castle, and gradually augmented
his conquests from the neighbourhood.
.fn 6.1.2
[The Sānkhlas are said to be a Panwār clan, but this is not certain
(Census Report, Rājputāna, 1911, i. 256). Jānglu is about 20 miles S. of
Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.3
[About 120 miles N. of Bīkaner city: the ruler at present is one of the
leading nobles of the State.]
.fn-
The Conquest of the Jats.—Bika now approximated to the
settlements of the Jats or Getae, who had for ages been established
in these arid abodes; and as the lands they held form a considerable
portion of the State of Bikaner, it may not be uninteresting
to give a sketch of the condition of this singular people prior
to the son of Jodha establishing the feudal system of Rajwara
amongst their pastoral commonwealths.
Of this celebrated and widely spread race we have already
given a succinct account.[6.1.4] It appears to have been the most
numerous as well as the most conspicuous of the tribes of ancient
Asia, from the days of Tomyris and Cyrus to those of the present
Jat prince of Lahore, whose successor, if he be endued with
similar energy, may, on the reflux of population, find himself
seated in their original haunts of Central Asia, to which they have
already considerably advanced.[6.1.5] In the fourth century we find
a Yuti or Jat kingdom established in the Panjab;[6.1.6] but how
much earlier this people colonized those regions we are ignorant.
At every step made by Muhammadan power in India it encountered
the Jats. On their memorable defence of the passage
of the Indus against Mahmud, and on the war of extirpation
waged against them by Timur, both in their primeval seats in
Mawaru-l-nahr,[6.1.7] as well as east of the Sutlej, we have already
enlarged; while Babur, in his Commentaries, informs us that,
in all his irruptions into India, he was assailed by multitudes of
Jats[6.1.8] during his progress through the Panjab, the peasantry of
.bn 617.png
.pn +1
which region, now proselytes to Islam, are chiefly of this tribe;
as well as the \[180] military retainers, who, as sectarian followers
of Nanak, merge the name of Jat, or Jāt, into that of Sikh or
‘disciple.’[6.1.9]
.fn 6.1.4
Vol. I. p. vol1_127, History of the Rajput Tribes—Article, Jats or Getae.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.5
Ranjit has long been in possession of Peshawar, and entertained views
on Kabul, the disorganized condition of which kingdom affords him a favourable
opportunity of realizing them.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.6
See Inscription, p. #914#.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.7
[The land beyond the Oxus.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.8
“On Friday the 14th (Dec. 29, A.D. 1525), of the first Rabi, we arrived
at Sialkot. Every time that I have entered Hindustan, the Jats and Gujars
have regularly poured down in prodigious numbers from their hills and
wilds, in order to carry off oxen and buffaloes” [Elliot-Dowson iv. 24].
The learned commentator draws a distinction between the Jat inhabitants
of the Panjab and of India, which is not maintainable.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.9
“It is worthy of remark,” says Colonel Pitman (who accompanied Mr.
Elphinstone to Kabul), “that in the two first Doabehs (return of the embassy)
we saw very few Sikhs, the Jat cultivators of the soil being in general
Moosulmauns, and in complete subjugation to the Sikhs.”
.fn-
In short, whether as Yuti, Getae, Jats, Juts, or Jāts, this race
far surpassed in numbers, three centuries ago, any other tribe or
race in India; and it is a fact that they now constitute a vast
majority of the peasantry of western Rajwara, and perhaps of
northern India.
At what period these Jats established themselves in the Indian
desert, we are, as has been already observed, entirely ignorant;
but even at the time of the Rathor invasion of these communities
their habits confirmed the tradition of their Scythic origin.
They led chiefly a pastoral life, were guided, but not governed
by the elders, and with the exception of adoration to the ‘universal
mother’ (Bhavani), incarnate in the person of a youthful
Jatni, they were utter aliens to the Hindu theocracy. In fact,
the doctrines of the great Islamite saint, Shaikh Farid,[6.1.10] appear to
have overturned the pagan rites brought from the Jaxartes; and
without any settled ideas on religion, the Jats of the desert
jumbled all their tenets together. They considered themselves,
in short, as a distinct class, and, as a Punia Jat informed me,
“their watan was far beyond the Five Rivers.” Even in the
name of one of the six communities (the Asaich), on whose submission
Bika founded his new State, we have nearly the Asi, the
chief of the four tribes from the Oxus and Jaxartes, who overturned
the Greek kingdom of Bactria.[6.1.11]
.fn 6.1.10
[Shaikh Farīd, known as Shakkarganj, ‘sugar-store,’ on account of
his supposed miraculous power of transmuting dust or salt into sugar, was
disciple of the famous Saint, Kutbu-d-dīn Bakhtyār Kāki. His life is
supposed to have extended from A.D. 1173 to 1265. His tomb at Ajūdhan
in the Montgomery District is a scene of pilgrimage.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.11
[He perhaps refers to the Asioi of Strabo (xi. 8. 2), who cannot be
identified (Smith, EHI, 226). They have no connexion, except resemblance
of name, with the Asaich.]
.fn-
.bn 618.png
.pn +1
The period of Rathor domination over these patriarchal communities
was intermediate between Timur’s and Babur’s invasion
of India. The former, who was the founder of the Chagatai
dynasty, boasts of the myriads of Jat souls he “consigned to
perdition” on the desert plains of India, as well as in Transoxiana;
so we may conclude that successive migrations of this people
from the great “storehouse of nations” went to the lands east
of the Indus, and that the communities who elected Bika as their
sovereign had been established therein for ages. The extent of
their possessions justifies this conclusion; for nearly the whole
of the territory forming the boundaries of Bikaner was possessed
by the six Jat cantons, namely—
.ul style=none indent=4
.it 1. Punia.
.it 2. Godara.
.it 3. Saharan.
.it 4. Asaich.
.it 5. Beniwal [or Bhanniwal].
.it 6. Johya, or Joiya \[181].
.ul-
though this last is by some termed a ramification of the Yadu-Bhatti:
an affiliation by no means invalidating their claims to be
considered of Jat or Yuti origin.[6.1.12]
.fn 6.1.12
The Jats of the Agra province consider themselves illegitimate descendants
of the Yadus of Bayana, and have a tradition that their watan [home]
is Kandahar.
.fn-
Each canton bore the name of the community, and was subdivided
into districts. Besides the six Jat cantons, there were
three more simultaneously wrested from Rajput proprietors;
namely, Bagor, the Kharipatta, and Mohila. The six Jat cantons
constituted the central and northern, while those of the Rajputs
formed the western and southern frontiers.
.ce
Disposition of the Cantons at that period.
.ta r:3 h:20 c:10 h:35 bl=n
|Cantons. | No. of
Villages. | Districts.
1.| Punia | 300 | Bahaduran, Ajitpur, Sidmukh,\
Rajgarh, Dadrewa, Sanku, etc.
2.| Beniwal [or\
Bhanniwāl] | 150 | Bhukarka, Sondari, Manoharpur,\
Kui, Bai, etc.
3.| Johya | 600 | Jethpur, Kumbhana, Mahajan,\
Pipasar, Udaipur, etc.
4.| Asaich | 150 | Rawatsar, Barmsar, Dandusar,\
Gandeli.
.bn 619.png
.pn +1
5.| Saran | 300 | Kejar, Phog, Buchawas, Sawai,\
Badinu, Sirsila, etc.
6.| Godara | 700 | Pundrasar, Gosainsar (great),\
Shaikhsar Garsisar, Gharibdesar,\
Rangesar, Kalu, etc.
| Total in the six\
Jat cantons | 2200 |
7.| Bagor | 300 | Bikaner, Nal, Kela, Rajasar,\
Satasar, Chhattargarh, Randasar,\
Bitnokh, Bhavanipur, Jaimallsar, etc.
8.| Mohila | 140 | Chaupar (capital of Mohila), Sonda,\
Hirasar, Gopalpur, Charwas, Bidasar,\
Ladnun, Malsasar, Kharbuza-ra-kot.
.if t
9.| Kharipatta, or\
salt district | 30 |
| | ———|
.if-
.if h
9.| Kharipatta, or\
salt district | 30 |
.if-
| Grand Total | 2670|
.ta-
.sp 1
With such rapidity were States formed in those times, that
in a few years after Bika left his paternal roof at Mandor he was
lord over 2670 villages, and by a title far stronger and more
legitimate than that of conquest—the spontaneous election of
the cantons. But although three centuries have scarcely passed
since their amalgamation \[182] into a sovereignty, one-half of
the villages cease to exist; nor are there now 1300 forming the
raj of Surat Singh, the present occupant and lineal descendant
of Bika.[6.1.13]
.fn 6.1.13
[Mahārāja Sūrat Singh reigned A.D. 1788-1828.]
.fn-
The Jats and Johyas of these regions, who extended over all
the northern desert even to the Gara, led a pastoral life, their
wealth consisting in their cattle, which they reared in great
numbers, disposing of the superfluity, and of the ghi (butter
clarified) and wool, through the medium of Sarsot (Sarasvati)
Brahmans (who, in these regions, devote themselves to traffic),
receiving in return grain and other conveniences or necessaries
of life.
Bīda conquers the Mohil Clan.—A variety of causes conspired
.bn 620.png
.pn +1
to facilitate the formation of the State of Bikaner, and the reduction
of the ancient Scythic simplicity of the Jat communities to
Rajput feudal sway; and although the success of his brother
Bida over the Mohils in some degree paved the way, his bloodless
conquest could never have happened but for the presence of a
vice which has dissolved all the republics of the world. The
jealousy of the Johyas and Godaras, the two most powerful of
the six Jat cantons, was the immediate motive to the propitiation
of the “son of Jodha”; besides which, the communities
found the band of Bida, which had extirpated the ancient Mohils
when living with them in amity, most troublesome neighbours.
Further, they were desirous to place between them and the
Bhattis of Jaisalmer a more powerful barrier; and last, not least,
they dreaded the hot valour and “thirst for land” which characterized
Bika’s retainers, now contiguous to them at Janglu.
For these weighty reasons, at a meeting of the “elders” of the
Godaras, it was resolved to conciliate the Rathor.
Pandu was the patriarchal head of the Godaras; his residence
was at Shaikhsar.[6.1.14] The ‘elder’ of Ronia was next in rank and
estimation to Pandu, in communities where equality was as
absolute as the proprietary right to the lands which each individually
held: that of pasture being common.
.fn 6.1.14
This town is named after the Islamite saint, Shaikh Farid of Pakpattan,
who has a dargah here. He was greatly esteemed by the Jats, before the
Bona Dea assumed the shape of a Jatni, to whom, under the title of Kirani
Mata, ‘a ray of the mother,’ all bend the head. [Her shrine is at Deshnok,
about 25 miles S. of Bīkaner city, and is a sanctuary (Hervey, Some Records
of Crime, i. 139).]
.fn-
The elders of Shaikhsar and Ronia were deputed to enter
into terms with the Rajput prince, and to invest him with
supremacy over their community, on the following conditions:—
First. To make common cause with them, against the Johyas
and other cantons, with whom they were then at variance.
Second. To guard the western frontier against the irruption
of the Bhattis \[183].
Third. To hold the rights and privileges of the community
inviolable.
On the fulfilment of these conditions they relinquished to
Bika and his descendants the supreme power over the Godaras;
assigning to him, in perpetuity, the power to levy dhuan, or a
.bn 621.png
.pn +1
‘hearth tax,’ of one rupee on each house in the canton, and a
land tax of two rupees on each hundred bighas of cultivated
land within their limits.
Apprehensive, however, that Bika or his descendants might
encroach upon their rights, they asked what security he could
offer against such a contingency? The Rajput chief replied
that, in order to dissipate their fears on this head, as well as to
perpetuate the remembrance of the supremacy thus voluntarily
conferred, he would solemnly bind himself and his successors to
receive the tika of inauguration from the hands of the descendants
of the elders of Shaikhsar and Ronia, and that the gaddi should
be deemed vacant until such rite was administered.
In this simple transfer of the allegiance of this pastoral people
we mark that instinctive love of liberty which accompanied the
Getae in all places and all conditions of society, whether on the
banks of the Oxus and the Jaxartes, or in the sandy desert of
India; and although his political independence is now annihilated,
he is still ready even to shed his blood if his Rajput master
dare to infringe his inalienable right to his bapota, his paternal
acres.
Former Owners conferring Titles on their Successors.—It is
seldom that so incontestable a title to supremacy can be asserted
as that which the weakness and jealousies of the Godaras conferred
upon Bika, and it is a pleasing incident to find almost
throughout India, in the observance of certain rites, the remembrance
of the original compact which transferred the sovereign
power from the lords of the soil to their Rajput conquerors.
Thus, in Mewar, the fact of the power conferred upon the Guhilot
founder by the Bhil aborigines is commemorated by a custom
brought down to the present times. (See Vol. I. p. vol1_262.) At
Amber the same is recorded in the important offices retained by
the Minas, the primitive inhabitants of that land. Both Kotah
and Bundi retain in their names the remembrance of the ancient
lords of Haraoti; and Bika’s descendants preserve, in a twofold
manner, the recollection of their bloodless conquest of the Jats.
To this day the descendant of Pandu applies the unguent of
royalty to the forehead of the successors of Bika; on which
occasion the prince places ‘the fine of relief,’ consisting of twenty-five
pieces of gold, in the hand of the Jat. Moreover, the spot
which he selected for his capital was the birthright of a Jat, who
.bn 622.png
.pn +1
would only concede it for this purpose on the condition that his
name should be linked in perpetuity with its surrender. Naira,
or Nera \[184], was the name of the proprietor, which Bika added
to his own, thus composing that of the future capital, Bikaner.[6.1.15]
.fn 6.1.15
[This is a folk etymology. The name is derived from Hindi ner, Skt.
nagara, ‘city’—the ‘city of Bīka.’]
.fn-
Besides this periodical recognition of the transfer of power,
on all lapses of the crown, there are annual memorials of the
rights of the Godaras, acknowledged not only by the prince, but
by all his Rajput vassal-kin, quartered on the lands of the Jat;
and although ‘the sons of Bika,’ now multiplied over the country,
do not much respect the ancient compact, they at least recognize,
in the maintenance of these formulae, the origin of their power.
On the spring and autumnal[6.1.16] festivals of the Holi and Diwali,
the heirs of the patriarchs of Shaikhsar and Ronia give the tika
to the prince and all his feudality. The Jat of Ronia bears the
silver cup and platter which holds the ampoule of the desert,
while his compeer applies it to the prince’s forehead. The Raja
in return deposits a nazarana of a gold mohur, and five pieces of
silver; the chieftains, according to their rank, following his
example. The gold is taken by the Shaikhsar Jat, the silver by
the elder of Ronia.
.fn 6.1.16
Vide pp. 661, 695 for an account of these festivals.
.fn-
Conquest of the Johya Tribe.—To resume our narrative: when
the preliminaries were adjusted, by Bika’s swearing to maintain
the rights of the community which thus surrendered their liberties
to his keeping, they united their arms, and invaded the Johyas.
This populous community, which extended over the northern
region of the desert, even to the Sutlej, reckoned eleven hundred
villages in their canton; yet now, after the lapse of little more
than three centuries, the very name of Johya is extinct. They
appear to be the Janjuha of Babur, who, in his irruption into
India, found them congregated with the Juds, about the cluster
of hills in the first duaba of the Panjab, called ‘the mountains
of Jud’; a position claimed by the Yadus or Jadons in the
very dawn of their history, and called Jadu ka dang, ‘the Jadu
hills.’[6.1.17] This supports the assertion that the Johya is of Yadu
race, while it does not invalidate its claims to Yuti or Jat descent,
.bn 623.png
.pn +1
as will be further shown in the early portion of the annals of the
Yadu-Bhattis.[6.1.18]
.fn 6.1.17
[Elliot-Dowson iv. 232; the connexion of the mountains of Jūd, to
which the Author constantly refers, with the Yādavas is incorrect.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.18
I presented a work on this race, entitled The Book of the Johyas (sent
me by the prime minister of Jaisalmer) to the Royal Asiatic Society. Having
obtained it just before leaving Rajputana, I never had leisure to examine
it, or to pronounce on its value as an historical document; but any work
having reference to so singular a community can scarcely fail to furnish
matter of interest. [The Joiya or Johya tribe represent the ancient Yaudheya
or ‘warlike’ peoples. It is incorrect to say that the name is extinct,
because they are found on the banks of the Sutlej down to its confluence
with the Indus; in Bīkaner in the old bed of the Ghaggar River below
Bhatner, their ancient seat; in Lahore, Fīrozpur, the Derajāt, Multān, and
the Salt Range (Cunningham, Ancient Geography, i. 65; Rose, Glossary, ii.
410 ff.).]
.fn-
The patriarchal head of the Johyas resided at Bharopal;[6.1.19]
his name was Sher Singh \[185]. He mustered the strength of
the canton, and for a long time withstood the continued efforts
of the Rajputs and the Godaras; nor was it until “treason had
done its worst,” by the murder of their elder, and the consequent
possession of Bharopal, that the Johyas succumbed to Rathor
domination.
.fn 6.1.19
[One hundred and ten miles N.N.E. of Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
Foundation of Bīkaner, A.D. 1455-88.—With this accession of
power, Bika carried his arms westward and conquered Bagor
from the Bhattis. It was in this district, originally wrested by
the Bhattis from the Jats, that Bika founded his capital, Bikaner,
on the 15th Baisakh, S. 1545 (A.D. 1489), thirty years after his
departure from the parental roof at Mandor.
When Bika was thus firmly established, his uncle Kandhal,
to whose spirit of enterprise he was mainly indebted for success,
departed with his immediate kin to the northward, with a view
of settling in fresh conquests. He successively subjugated the
communities of Asaich, Beniwal, and Saran, which cantons are
mostly occupied by his descendants, styled Kandhalot Rathors,
at this day, and although they form an integral portion of the
Bikaner State, they evince, in their independent bearing to its
chief, that their estates were “the gift of their own swords, not
of his patents”; and they pay but a reluctant and nominal
obedience to his authority. When necessity or avarice imposes
a demand for tribute, it is often met by a flat refusal, accompanied
with such a comment as this: “Who made this Raja? Was it
not our common ancestor, Kandhal? Who is he, who presumes
.bn 624.png
.pn +1
to levy tribute from us?” Kandhal’s career of conquest was cut
short by the emperor’s lieutenant in Hissar; he was slain in
attempting this important fortress.
Death of Bīka. Nūnkaran or Lūnkaran, A.D. 1504-26.—Bika
died in S. 1551 (A.D. 1495), leaving two sons by the daughter of
the Bhatti chief of Pugal, namely, Nunkaran, who succeeded,
and Garsi, who founded Garsisar and Arsisar. The stock of the
latter is numerous, and is distinguished by the epithet Garsot
Bika, whose principal fiefs are those of Garsisar and Gharibdesar,
each having twenty-four villages depending on them.[6.1.20]
.fn 6.1.20
To the few who will peruse these annals of the desert tribes it will be
interesting to observe the development of families, and the maintenance, by
such distinctive patronymics, of their origin. In the annals of this remote
State I shall not enter at any length into the history of their wars, which
are, with a change of names and scene, all pretty much alike; but confine
myself, after a succinct and connected genealogical relation, to the manners
of the people, the aspect, productions, and government of the country.
[Abu-l Fazl (Akbarnāma, i. 375) calls him Rāē Lonkaran. According to
Erskine (iii. A. 316) the second chief of Bīkaner was Naro or Naruji, son of
Bīka, who succeeded A.D. 1504, and died childless after a reign of four
months.]
.fn-
Jeth Singh, A.D. 1526-41.—Nunkaran made several conquests
from the Bhattis, on the western frontier. He had four sons; his
eldest desiring a separate establishment in his lifetime, for the
fief of Mahajan and one hundred and forty villages, renounced
his right of primogeniture in favour of his brother Jeth, who
succeeded in S. 1569. His brothers had each appanages assigned
to them. He had three sons: (1) Kalyan Singh, (2) Siahji, and (3)
Aishpal \[186]. Jethsi reduced the district of Narnot from some
independent Girasia chiefs, and settled it as the appanage of his
second son, Siahji. It was Jethsi also who compelled ‘the sons
of Bida,’ the first Rathor colonists of this region, to acknowledge
his supremacy by an annual tribute, besides certain taxes.
Kalyān Singh, A.D. 1541-71.—Kalyan Singh succeeded in S.
1603. He had three sons: (1) Rae Singh, (2) Ram Singh, and
(3) Prithi Singh.
Rāē Singh, A.D. 1571-1611. Bīkaner subject to the Mughals.
Akbar’s Marriage.—Rae Singh succeeded in S. 1630 (A.D. 1573).
Until this reign the Jats had, in a great degree, preserved their
ancient privileges. Their maintenance was, however, found
rather inconvenient by the now superabundant Rajput population,
.bn 625.png
.pn +1
and they were consequently dispossessed of all political
authority. With the loss of independence their military spirit
decayed, and they sunk into mere tillers of the earth. In this
reign also Bikaner rose to importance amongst the principalities
of the empire, and if the Jats parted with their liberties to the
Rajput, the latter, in like manner, bartered his freedom to become
a Satrap of Delhi. On his father’s death, Rae Singh in person
undertook the sacred duty of conveying his ashes to the Ganges.
The illustrious Akbar was then emperor of India. Rae Singh
and the emperor had married sisters, princesses of Jaisalmer.[6.1.21]
This connexion obtained for him, on his introduction to court
by Raja Man of Amber, the dignity of a leader of four thousand
horse, the title of Raja, and the government of Hissar. Moreover,
when Maldeo of Jodhpur incurred the displeasure of the
king, and was dispossessed of the rich district of Nagor, it was
given to Rae Singh. With these honours, and increased power
as one of the king’s lieutenants, he returned to his dominions,
and sent his brother Ram Singh against Bhatner,[6.1.22] of which he
made a conquest. This town was the chief place of a district
belonging to the Bhattis, originally Jats[6.1.23] of Yadu descent, but
who assumed this name on becoming proselytes to the faith of
Islam.
.fn 6.1.21
[For Rāē Singh see Rogers-Beveridge, Memoirs of Jahāngīr, 130 f.
According to the Akbarnāma (ii. 518) Akbar’s wife was the daughter of
Kahān, brother of Kalyānmall, Rāē of Jaisalmer. The Tuzuk (Āīn, i. 477)
says that her father was Rāwal Bhīm, elder brother of Kalyān. Ferishta
(ii. 234) says that Kalyānmall was her father, and this statement is accepted
by Erskine (iii. A. 316) see Elliot-Dowson v. 336.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.22
[Now known as Hanumāngarh, 144 miles N.E. of Bīkaner city (IGI,
xiii. 38).]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.23
In the Annals of Jaisalmer the number of offsets from the Yadu-Bhatti
tribe, which assumed the name of Jat, will be seen; an additional ground for
asserting that the Scythic Yadu is in fact the Yuti.
.fn-
Subjugation of the Johyas.—Ram Singh at the same time
completely subjugated the Johyas, who, always troublesome,
had recently attempted to regain their ancient independence.
The Rajputs carried fire and sword into this country, of which
they made a desert. Ever since it has remained desolate: the
very name of Johya is lost, though the vestiges of considerable
towns bear testimony to a remote antiquity.
Traditions of Greek Settlements.—Amidst these ruins of the
.bn 626.png
.pn +1
Johyas, the name of Sikandar Rumi (Alexander the Great) \[187]
has fixed itself, and the desert retains the tradition that the ruin
called Rangmahall, the ‘painted palace,’ near Dandusar, was
the capital of a prince of this region punished by a visitation
of the Macedonian conqueror. History affords no evidence of
Alexander’s passage of the Gara, though the scene of his severest
conflict was in that nook of the Panjab not remote from the lands
of the Johyas. But though the chronicler of Alexander does not
sanction our indulging in this speculation, the total darkness in
which we appear doomed to remain with regard to Bactria and
the petty Grecian kingdoms on the Indus, established by him,
does not forbid our surmise, that by some of these, perhaps the
descendants of Python, such a visitation might have happened.[6.1.24]
The same traditions assert that these regions were not always
either arid or desolate, and the living chronicle alluded to in
the note repeated the stanza elsewhere given, which dated its
deterioration from the drying up of the Hakra river, which came
from the Panjab, and flowing through the heart of this country,
emptied itself into the Indus between Rohri Bhakkar and Uchh.
.fn 6.1.24
My informant of this tradition was an old inhabitant of Dandusar, and
although seventy years of age, had never left the little district of his nativity
until he was brought to me, as one of the most intelligent living records of
the past. [General Hervey (Some Records of Crime, i. 209) says that a
trace of Greek art may be found in the Grecian ram’s head on the hilt of
weapons in Bīkaner. For traditions of descent from Alexander based on
the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom see Sykes, Hist. of Persia, .]
.fn-
The affinity that this word (Hakra) has both to the Ghaggar,
and Sankra,[6.1.25] would lead to the conclusion of either being the
stream referred to. The former we know as being engulphed in
the sands about the Hariana confines, while the Sankra is a
stream which, though now dry, was used as a line of demarcation
even in the time of Nadir Shah. It ran eastward, parallel with
the Indus, and by making it his boundary, Nadir added all the
fertile valley of the Indus to his Persian kingdom. (See map.)
.bn 627.png
.pn +1
The only date this legendary stanza assigns for the catastrophe
is the reign of the Sodha prince, Hamir.
.fn 6.1.25
The natives of these regions cannot pronounce the sibilant; so that,
as I have already stated, the s is converted into h. I gave as an example
the name Jahilmer, which becomes ‘the hill of fools’ instead of ‘the hill
of Jaisal.’ Sankra, in like manner, becomes Hankra. [Uchh in the Bahāwalpur
State (IGI, xxiv. 82). For the Hakra depression see Malik Muhammad
Din (Bahāwalpur State Gazetteer, i. 3 ff.). The Ghaggar, once an affluent of
the Indus, is lost in the sands near Hanumāngarh or Bhatner (IGI, xii.
212 f.).]
.fn-
Ram Singh, having thus destroyed the power of future resistance
in the Johyas, turned his arms against the Punia Jats, the
last who preserved their ancient liberty. They were vanquished,
and the Rajputs were inducted into their most valuable possessions.
But the conqueror paid the penalty of his life for the
glory of colonizing the lands of the Punias. He was slain in their
expiring effort to shake off the yoke of the stranger; and though
the Ramsinghgots add to the numerical strength, and enlarge the
territory of the heirs of Bika, they, like the Kandhalots, little
increase the power \[188] of the State, to which their obedience
is nominal. Sidmukh and Sanku are the two chief places of the
Ramsinghgots.
Thus, with the subjugation of the Punias, the political annihilation
of the six Jat cantons of the desert was accomplished: they
are now occupied in agriculture and their old pastoral pursuits,
and are an industrious tax-paying race under their indolent
Rajput masters.
Rāē Singh in Akbar’s Service.—Raja Rae Singh led a gallant
band of his Rathors in all the wars of Akbar. He was distinguished
in the assault of Ahmadabad, slaying in single combat
the governor, Mirza Muhammad Husain.[6.1.26] The emperor, who
knew the value of such valorous subjects, strengthened the
connexion which already subsisted between the crown and the
Rathors, by obtaining for prince Salim (afterwards Jahangir)
Rae Singh’s daughter to wife. The unfortunate Parvez was the
fruit of this marriage.
.fn 6.1.26
[His services are described in Āīn, i. 357 ff. Ferishta (ii. 243) says that
Rāē Singh killed Muhammad Husain after he was captured. According to
another account, Akbar spoke kindly to his captive, and gave him into
Rāē Singh’s custody (Elliot-Dowson v. 367).]
.fn-
Karan Singh, A.D. 1631-69.—Rae Singh was succeeded by his
only son, Karan, in S. 1688 (A.D. 1632).[6.1.27]
.fn 6.1.27
[According to Erskine (iii. A. 319, iii. B. 83) Dalpat Singh and Sūr
Singh were Rāos between Rāē Singh and Karan Singh. For these Chiefs
see Āīn, i. 359. Karan Singh, according to Musalmān authorities, died in
1666-7 (Manucci ii. 22). In 1660 Aurangzeb sent a force under Amīr Khān
to bring him to reason for his insolence in refusing to attend the Emperor’s
Court (Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, iii. 29 f.).]
.fn-
Karan held the ‘mansab of two thousand,’ and the government
.bn 628.png
.pn +1
of Daulatabad, in his father’s lifetime. Being a supporter
of the just claims of Dara Shukoh, a plot was laid by the general
of his antagonist, with whom he served, to destroy him, but which
he was enabled to defeat by the timely intelligence of the Hara
prince of Bundi. He died at Bikaner, leaving four sons: (1)
Padma Singh, (2) Kesari Singh, (3) Mohan Singh, and (4) Anup
Singh.
This family furnishes another example of the prodigal sacrifice
of Rajput blood in the imperial service. The two elder princes
were slain in the storm of Bijapur, and the tragical death of the
third, Mohan Singh, in the imperial camp, forms an episode in
Ferishta’s History of the Dekhan \[189].[6.1.28]
.fn 6.1.28
[J. Scott, Ferishta’s History of the , ii. 30.] The young desert
chieftain, like all his tribe, would find matter for quarrel in the wind blowing
in his face. Having received what he deemed an insult from the brother-in-law
of the Shahzada, in a dispute regarding a fawn, he appealed to his
sword, and a duel ensued even in the presence-chamber, in which young
Mohan fell. The fracas was reported to his brother Padma, at no distance
from the scene. With the few retainers at hand, he rushed to the spot, and
found his brother bathed in his blood. His antagonist, still hanging over
his victim, when he saw the infuriated Rathor enter, with sword and shield,
prepared for dreadful vengeance, retreated behind one of the columns of the
Āmm Khass (Divan). But Padma’s sword reached him, and avenged his
brother’s death; as the record says, “he felled him to the earth, cleaving
at the same place the pillar in twain.” Taking up the dead body of his
brother, and surrounded by his vassals, he repaired to his quarters, where
he assembled all the Rajput princes serving with their contingents, as
Jaipur, Jodhpur, Haraoti, and harangued them on the insult to their race
in the murder of his brother. They all agreed to abandon the king’s army,
and retire to their own homes. A noble was sent to expostulate by Prince
Muazzam; but in vain. He urged that the prince not only forgave, but
approved the summary vengeance taken by the Rathor; they refused to
listen, and in a body had retired more than twenty miles, when the prince in
person joined them, and concessions and expostulations overcoming them,
they returned to the camp. It was subsequent to this that the two elder
brothers were slain. It is recorded of the surviving brother, that he slew
an enormous lion in single combat. For this exploit, which thoroughly
entitled him to the name he bore (Kesari), ‘the Lion,’ he received an estate
of twenty-five villages from the king. He also obtained great renown for
slaying a Habshi or Abyssinian chief, who commanded for one of the southern
princes.
.fn-
Anūp Singh, A.D. 1669-98.—Anup Singh succeeded in S. 1730
(A.D. 1674). For the services of his family he had the castle and
lands of Adoni[6.1.29] conferred upon him, with ‘the mansab of five
.bn 629.png
.pn +1
thousand,’ and the governments of Bijapur and Aurangabad.
Anup Singh led his clans with the head of his race, the prince of
Jodhpur, to quell a rebellion amongst the Afghans of Kabul,
which having effected, he returned to the peninsula. Ferishta
and the native annals are at variance on his death; the former
asserting that he died in the Deccan, while the latter say that
he left that country, disgusted with the imperial commander’s
interference about his ground of encampment, and that he died
at Bikaner.[6.1.30] He left two sons, Sarup Singh and Sujan Singh.
.fn 6.1.29
[Adoni in the Bellary District, Madras (IGI, v. 24 ff.).]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.30
[He died at Adoni in 1698 (Erskine iii. A. 322).]
.fn-
Sarūp Singh, A.D. 1698-1700.—Sarup, who succeeded in S.
1765 (A.D. 1709), did not long enjoy his honours, being killed in
attempting to recover Adoni, which the emperor had resumed
on his father’s leaving the army.[6.1.31]
.fn 6.1.31
[According to Erskine (iii. B. 86) he died of smallpox in the Deccan.]
.fn-
Sujān Singh, A.D. 1700-1735.—Sujan Singh, his successor, did
nothing.
Zorāwar Singh, A.D. 1735-45.—Zorawar Singh became raja in
S. 1793 (A.D. 1737). The domestic incidents of this, as of the
preceding reigns, are without interest.
Gaj Singh, A.D. 1745-88.—Gaj Singh succeeded in S. 1802
(A.D. 1746). Throughout a long reign of forty-one years, this
prince carried on border strife with the Bhattis and the Khan of
Bahawalpur. From the former he took Rajasar, Kela, Raner,
Satasar, Banipura, Mutalai, and other villages of inferior note;
and from the Khan he recovered the important frontier castle of
Anupgarh.
He laid waste, filling up the wells, a considerable tract of
country west of the frontier post of Anupgarh, to prevent the
incursions of the Daudputras.[6.1.32]
.fn 6.1.32
‘The children of David,’ the designation of the tract and inhabitants
subject to the State of Bahawalpur, from its founder, Daud Khan, a native
of Seistan. [For the Dāūdputra clan see Rose, Glossary, ii. 224 f. Their
history is fully given by Malik Muhammad Din, Bahāwalpur State Gazetteer,
i. 47 ff.]
.fn-
Raja Gaj had some celebrity from the number of his offspring,
having had sixty-one children, though all but six were the ‘sons
of love.’ The legitimates were, Chhattar Singh, who died in
infancy; Raj Singh, who was poisoned by the mother of Surat
Singh, the reigning prince; Surthan Singh and Ajib Singh, both
of whom fled the paternal roof to escape the fate of their elder
.bn 630.png
.pn +1
brother, and are now at Jaipur; Surat Singh, Raja of Bikaner;
and Shyam Singh, who enjoys a small appanage in Bikaner.
Rāj Singh, A.D. 1788.—Raj Singh succeeded his father, S.
1843 (A.D. 1787), but he enjoyed the dignity only thirteen days,
being removed by a dose of poison by the mother[6.1.33] of Surat Singh,
the fifth son of Raja Gaj. The crown thus nefariously obtained,
this worthy son \[190] of such a parent determined to maintain his
authority by like means, and to leave no competitor to contest
his claims. He has accordingly removed by death or exile all
who stood between him and the ‘gaddi of Bika.’
.fn 6.1.33
She was the sister of the Jhalai chief, heir presumptive to the gaddi of
Jaipur, on failure of lineal issue.
.fn-
Partāp Singh, A.D. 1788. Usurpation of Sūrat Singh.—Raj
Singh left two sons, Partap Singh and Jai Singh. On the death
of Raj Singh, the office of regent, a word of ominous import in
these regions, was assumed by Surat Singh, who, during eighteen
months, conducted himself with great circumspection, and by
condescension and gifts impressed the chiefs in his favour. At
length he broke his plans to the chiefs of Mahajan and Bahaduran,
whose acquiescence in his usurpation he secured by additions
to their estates. The faithful Bakhtawar Singh, whose family
during four generations had filled the office of Diwan, discovered
the scheme, though too late to counteract it, and the attempt
was punished by imprisonment. Prepared for the last step, the
regent collected foreign troops from Bhatinda[6.1.34] and other parts,
sufficient to overcome all opposition. The infant prince was
kept secluded, and at length the regent issued the warrant in his
own name for the nobles to assemble at the capital. Except the
two traitors enumerated, they to a man refused; but instead of
combining to oppose him, they indolently remained at their
castles. Collecting all his troops, the usurper passed to Nohar,
where he enticed the chief of Bhukarka to an interview, and
lodged him in the fortress of Nohar.[6.1.35] Thence he passed to
Ajitpura, which he plundered; and advancing to Sankhu, he
attacked it in form. Durjan Singh defended himself with valour,
and when reduced to extremity, committed suicide. His heir
was put in fetters, and a fine of twelve thousand rupees was
levied from the vassals of Sankhu. The commercial town of
.bn 631.png
.pn +1
Churu was next attacked; it held out six months, when the
confined chief of Bhukarka, as the price of his own freedom,
treacherously offered to put the tyrant in possession. He effected
this, and a fine of nearly two lakhs of rupees (£20,000) was offered
to spare the town from plunder.
.fn 6.1.34
[In the Patiāla State, Panjāb.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.35
[Nohar and Bhukārka are about 120 miles N.E. of Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
By this act of severity, and the means it furnished, Surat
returned to Bikaner, determined to remove the only bar between
him and the crown, his prince and nephew. In this he found
some difficulty, from the virtue and vigilance of his sister, who
never lost sight of the infant. Frustrated in all attempts to
circumvent her, and not daring to blazon the murder by open
violence, he invited the needy Raja of Narwar to make proposals
for his sister’s hand. In vain she urged her advanced period of
life; and in order to deter the suitor, that she had already been
affianced to Rana Arsi of Mewar. All his scruples vanished at
the dower of three lakhs, which the regent offered \[191] the
impoverished scion of the famous Raja Nala.[6.1.36] Her objections
were overruled and she was forced to submit; though she not
only saw through her brother’s anxiety for her removal, but
boldly charged him with his nefarious intentions. He was not
content with disavowing them, but at her desire gave her the
most solemn assurances of the child’s safety. Her departure was
the signal of his death; for not long after he was found strangled,
and it is said by the regent’s own hands, having in vain
endeavoured to obtain the offices of the Mahajan chieftain as the
executioner of his sovereign.
.fn 6.1.36
The story of Nala and Damayanti (or Nal Daman, as it is familiarly
called in these regions) is well known in oriental literature. From Nal the
famed castle of Narwar is named, of which this suitor for the hand of
the Bīkaner princess was deprived by Sindhia. [The famous tale of Nala
and Damayanti from the Mahābhārata is perhaps best known from Dean
Milman’s version. Narwar is now in Gwalior State.]
.fn-
Sūrat Singh, A.D. 1788-1828.—Thus, in one short year after
the death of Raja Raj, the gaddi of Bika was dishonoured by
being possessed by an assassin of his prince. In S. 1857 (A.D.
1801), the elder brothers of the usurper, Surthan Singh and Ajib
Singh, who had found refuge in Jaipur, repaired to Bhatner and
assembled the vassals of the disaffected nobles and Bhattis in
order to dethrone the tyrant. But the recollection of his severities
deterred some, while bribes kept back others, and the usurper
did not hesitate to advance to meet his foes. The encounter,
.bn 632.png
.pn +1
which took place at Bigor, was obstinate and bloody, and three
thousand Bhattis alone fell. This signal victory confirmed
Surat’s usurpation. He erected a castle on the field of battle,
which he called Fatehgarh, ‘the fort of victory.’
Flushed with this brilliant success, Surat Singh determined
to make his authority respected both at home and abroad. He
invaded his turbulent countrymen, the Bidawats, and levied
fifty thousand rupees from their lands. Churu,[6.1.37] which had
promised aid to the late confederacy, was once more invested and
mulcted, and various other places were attacked ere they could
join. But one solitary castle was successfully defended, that of
Chhani, near Bahaduran. Here the usurper was foiled, and,
after six months’ fruitless siege, compelled to return to his capital.
.fn 6.1.37
[Churu, about 100 miles N.E.E. of Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
Shortly after, he eagerly availed himself of an opportunity to
punish the excesses of the Daudputras, and to withdraw attention
from himself, by kindling a popular war against these powerful
and turbulent neighbours. The occasion was the Kirani chief of
Tirhara demanding his aid against his liege lord, Bahawal Khan.
As these border feuds are not extinguished even in these days of
universal peace, it may not be uninteresting to see the feudal
muster-roll of the desert chiefs on such occurrences, as well as the
mode in which they carry on hostilities. It was very shortly
before that victory had preponderated on the side of the Rathors
by a gallant coup-de-main of \[192] the lord marcher of Bikaner,
who carried the castle of Mozgarh[6.1.38] in a midnight assault. The
hero on this occasion was not a Rathor, but a Bhatti chief, in the
service of Bikaner, named Hindu Singh, who gained ‘immortality’
by the style in which he scaled the walls, put Muhammad Maaruf
Kirani, the governor, and the garrison to the sword, and brought
away captive to Bikaner the governor’s wife, who was afterwards
ransomed for five thousand rupees and four hundred camels.
.fn 6.1.38
[Possibly Mojarh, about 40 miles S.E. of Bahāwalpur city.]
.fn-
The outlaw who sought saran at Bikaner, on this occasion, was
of the same tribe, Kirani, his name Khudabakhsh (‘gift of God’),
chief of Tirhara, one of the principal fiefs of the Daudputras.
With all his retainers, to the amount of three hundred horse and
five hundred foot, he threw himself on the protection of Surat
Singh, who assigned him twenty villages, and one hundred rupees
daily for his support. The Kiranis were the most powerful vassals
.bn 633.png
.pn +1
of Bahawal Khan, who might have paid dear for the resumption
of Tirhara, whose chief promised the Rajput nothing less than to
extend his conquests to the Indus. Allured by this bait, the Kher
was proclaimed and the sons of Bika assembled from all quarters.
.if t
.ta l:15 c:2 l:19 c:2 l:15 r:6 r:6 r:5
| | | | | Horse.| Foot. | Guns.
| |Abhai Singh, chief of||Bhukarka | 300 | 2000|
| |Rao Ram Singh, of||Pugal | 100 | 400|
| |Hathi Singh, of||Raner | 8 | 150|
| |Karan Singh, of||Satasar | 9 | 150|
| |Anup Singh ||Jasara | 40 | 250|
| |Khet Singh ||Jamansar | 60 | 350|
| |Beni Singh, of ||Janglu | 9 | 250|
| |Bhum Singh, of ||Bithnok | 2 | 61|
| | | | |——— | ———|
| |Feudal retainers|| |528 | 3611|
| |Park under Maji Parihar||| — | | 21
Foreign Brigade|┌|Khas Paiga, or household troop||| 200 | —|
in the |┤|Camp of Ganga Singh||| 200 | 1500 | 4
Raja’s service.|└|Do. of Durjan Singh||| 60 | 600 | 4
|┌|Anoka Singh |┐| | 300 | —|
|│|Lahori Singh |├| Sikh chieftains | 250 | —|
Auxiliary |┤|Budh Singh |┘| | 250 | —|
Levies. |│|Sultan Khan |┐| Afghans | 400 | —|
|└|Ahmad Khan |┘| | | |
| | | | |——— | ——— | ———
| | | | Total | 2188 | 5711 | 29
| | | | |——— | ——— | ———
| | | | | | |\[193].
.ta-
.if-
.if h
.li
|
Horse. |
Foot. |
Guns. |
|
Abhai Singh, chief of |
Bhukarka |
300 |
2000 |
|
|
Rao Ram Singh, of |
Pugal |
100 |
400 |
|
|
Hathi Singh, of |
Raner |
8 |
150 |
|
|
Karan Singh, of |
Satasar |
9 |
150 |
|
|
Anup Singh, of |
Jasara |
40 |
250 |
|
|
Khet Singh, of |
Jamansar |
60 |
350 |
|
|
Beni Singh, of |
Janglu |
9 |
250 |
|
|
Bhum Singh, of |
Bithnok |
2 |
61 |
|
|
Feudal retainers |
528 |
3611 |
|
|
Park under Maji Parihar |
— |
|
21 |
Foreign Brigade in the Raja’s service. |
 |
Khas Paiga, or household troop |
200 |
— |
|
Camp of Ganga Singh |
200 |
1500 |
4 |
Do. of Durjan Singh |
60 |
600 |
4 |
Auxiliary Levies. |
 |
Anoka Singh |
 |
Sikh chieftains |
300 |
— |
|
Lahori Singh |
250 |
— |
|
Budh Singh |
250 |
— |
|
Sultan Khan |
 |
Afghans |
400 |
— |
|
Ahmad Khan |
|
Total |
2188 |
5711 |
29 |
|
\[193]. |
.li-
.if-
Attack on Bahāwalpur.—The command-in-chief of this brilliant
array was conferred on Jethra Mahto, son of the Diwan. On the
13th of Magh 1856 (spring of 1800) he broke ground, and the
feudal levies fell in on the march by Kanasar, Rajasar, Keli,
Raner, and Anupgarh, the last point of rendezvous. Thence he
proceeded by Sheogarh,[6.1.39] Mozgarh, and Phulra, all of which were
taken after a few weeks’ siege, and from the last they levied a
lakh and a quarter of rupees, with other valuables, and nine
guns. They advanced to Khairpur,[6.1.40] within three miles of the
.bn 634.png
.pn +1
Indus, when being joined by other refractory chiefs, Jethra
marched direct on the capital, Bahawalpur, within a short
distance of which he encamped preparatory to the attack. The
Khan, however, by this delay, was enabled to detach the most
considerable of his nobles from the Rajput standard: on which
the Bikaner Diwan, satisfied with the honour of having insulted
Bahawalpur, retreated with the spoils he had acquired. He was received
by the usurper with contempt, and degraded for not fighting.
.fn 6.1.39
Its former name was Balar, one of the most ancient cities of the desert,
as is Phulra, a Johya possession.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.40
[Not the Khairpur in Sind; 38 miles N.E. of Bahāwalpur city.]
.fn-
Bhatti Invasion of Bīkaner.—The Bhattis, smarting with the
recollection of their degradation, two years after the battle of
Bigor attempted the invasion of Bikaner, but were again repulsed
with loss; and these skirmishes continued until S. 1861 (A.D.
1805), when Raja Surat attacked the Khan of the Bhattis in his
capital, Bhatner. It capitulated after a siege of six months,
when Zabita Khan, with his garrison and effects, was permitted
to retire to Rania, since which this place has remained
an appanage of Bikaner.
Attack on Jodhpur.—The coalition against Jodhpur was
ruinous to Surat, who supported the cause of the pretender, on
which the usurper expended twenty-four lakhs of rupees, nearly
five years’ revenue of this desert region. On this occasion, he
led all his troops in person against Jodhpur, and united in the
siege, which they were however compelled to abandon with
dishonour, and retrograde to their several abodes. In consequence
of this, the usurper fell sick, and was at the last
extremity; nay, the ceremonies for the dead were actually
commenced; but he recovered, to the grief and misery of his
subjects. To supply an exhausted treasury, his extortions know
no bounds; and having cherished the idea that he might compound
his past sins by rites and gifts to the priests, he is surrounded
by a group of avaricious Brahmans, who are maintained in
luxury at the expense of his subjects. His cruelty keeps pace with
his avarice and his fears. The chief of Bhukarka he put to death,
notwithstanding his numerous services. Nahar Singh of Sidmukh,
Gyan Singh and Guman Singh of Gandeli, amongst the chief \[194]
feudatories of the State, shared the same fate. Churu was invested
a third time, and with its chief, fell into the tyrant’s hands.
With this system of terror, his increasing superstition, and
diminished attention to public duties, the country is annually
deteriorating in population and wealth; and as if they had not
.bn 635.png
.pn +1
misery enough within, they have not had a single good season for
years.[6.1.41] Owing to the disobedience of the northern chiefs, and
the continual incursions of the Rahats, or ‘Bhatti robbers,’ who
sweep the land of cattle, and often cut and carry off entire crops,
the peasant Jat, the ancient lord of the soil, is often left to the
alternative of starvation or emigration. Many have consequently
sought shelter in the British frontier territories, in Hansi and
Hariana, where they are kindly received. Since the English have
occupied Sirsa and the lands belonging to the Bhatti Bahadur
Khan, the misfortunes of the cultivators of the northern parts of
Bikaner have been doubled by the inroads of a band left without
resource. In some parts, the Jats combine to protect themselves
against these inroads: every hamlet has its post of defence, a
tower of earth, on which is perched a watchman and kettledrum,
to beat the alarm, which is taken up from village to village, and
when an enemy is discovered, all are in arms to defend their
property. The unfortunate Jat is obliged to plough his fields
under the load of shield and sang, or heavy iron lance; so that,
at no distant period, the whole of this region must become as
desolate as the tracts once possessed by the Johyas.[6.1.42]
.fn 6.1.41
This account was drawn up in 1814.
.fn-
.fn 6.1.42
While putting this to the press, rumour says that the chiefs of Bikaner
are in open rebellion against the Raja, who has applied, but without success,
to the British Government for support. This, if true, is as it should be.
[This rebellion occurred in 1815, and the Mahārāja invoked British aid. A
treaty was signed on March 9, 1818, by which Sūrat Singh and his successors
became subordinate to the British Government. A force under Brigadier-General
Arnold restored order (Erskine iii. A. 326).]
.fn-
Such, at the end of three hundred and twenty-three years, is
the change which a Rajput usurper has effected in the once
comparatively populous communities of the Jats. From the
founder, Bika, to the present tyrannical governor, there have
been only eleven descents though thirteen reigns, giving an
average of thirty years for the one, and twenty-five for the other:
a fact which speaks forcibly for the general morality of the
descendants of Bika.
Bīdāvati.—Before we enter on the physical aspect of the
country, we must make mention of Bidavati, the lands of ‘the
sons of Bida,’ now an integral portion of Bikaner.[6.1.43] It will be
.bn 636.png
.pn +1
borne in mind that Bida, the brother of Bika, led the first Rajput
colony from Mandor, in search of a fresh establishment. His
first attempt was in the province of Godwar, then belonging to
the Rana: but his reception there was so warm, that \[195] he
moved northward, and was glad to take service with the chief of
the Mohils. This ancient tribe is by some termed a branch of
the Yadus, but is by others considered a separate race, and one
of the ‘Thirty-six Royal Races’: all are agreed as to its antiquity.
The residence of the Mohil chief was Chhapar,[6.1.44] where, with the
title of Thakur, he ruled over one hundred and forty townships.
Bida deemed circumvention better than open force to effect his
purposes; and as, according to the Rajput maxim, in all attempts
‘to obtain land,’ success hallows the means, he put in train a
scheme which, as it affords the least cause for suspicion, has often
been used for this object. Bida became the medium of a matrimonial
arrangement between the Mohil chief and the prince of
Marwar; and as the relation and natural guardian of the bride,
he conveyed the nuptial train unsuspected into the castle of the
Mohils, whose chiefs were assembled to honour the festivities.
But instead of the Rathor fair and her band of maidens, the
valorous sons of Jodha rushed sword in hand from the litters and
covered vehicles, and treacherously cut off the best men of
Mohila. They kept possession of the inner fortress until tidings
of their success brought reinforcements from Jodhpur. For this
aid, Bida assigned to his father Ladnun and its twelve villages,
now incorporated with Jodhpur. The son of Bida, Tej Singh,
laid the foundation of a new capital, which he called after his
father, Bidesar.[6.1.45] The community of the Bidawats is the most
powerful in Bikaner, whose prince is obliged to be satisfied with
almost nominal marks of supremacy, and to restrict his demands,
which are elsewhere unlimited. The little region of the Mohilas,
around the ancient capital Chhapar, is an extensive flat, flooded
in the periodical rains from the surrounding tibas or ‘sandhills,’
the soil of which is excellent, even wheat being abundantly produced.
This Oasis, as it is entitled to be termed, may be twenty-five
miles (twelve cos) in extreme length, by about six in breadth.
We cannot affirm that the entire Bidawat district of one hundred
and forty villages, and to which is assigned a population of forty
.bn 637.png
.pn +1
thousand to fifty thousand souls, one-third being Rathors, ‘the
sons of Bida,’ is within this flat. It is subdivided into twelve
fiefs, of which five are pre-eminent. Of the ancient possessors,
the indigenous Mohils, there are not more than twenty families
throughout the land of Mohila; the rest are chiefly Jat agriculturists
and the mercantile castes.
.fn 6.1.43
[Bīdāvati, now Sūjangarh, bounded on S. by Jodhpur, and E. by
Shaikhāwati (ibid. iii. A. 390 f.).]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.44
[On S. frontier of the State.]
.fn-
.fn 6.1.45
[Bidesar or Bidāsar is 64 miles S.S.W. of Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
We do the sons of Bida no injustice when we style them a
community of plunderers. Like the sons of Esau, “their hand
is against every man”: and they are too powerful to fear retaliation.
In former times they used to unite with the Larkhanis \[196],
another horde of robbers, and carry their raids into the most
populous parts of Jaipur. In these habits, however, they only
partake of the character common to all who inhabit desert
regions. What nature has denied them, they wrest from those
to whom she has been more bountiful. But it is to the absence
of good government more than to natural sterility that we must
attribute the moral obliquity of the Rajaputras, ‘the offspring
of regality,’ spread over these extensive regions, who little discriminate
between meum and tuum, in all that refers to their
neighbours.
.fm rend=th lz=th
.fm rend=th
.sp 4
.h3 nobreak
CHAPTER 2
.sp 2
Geography of Bīkaner.—This region is but little known to
Europeans, by whom it has hitherto been supposed to be a perfect
desert, unworthy of examination. Its present condition bears
little comparison with what tradition reports it to have been in
ancient times; and its deterioration, within three centuries since
the Rajputs supplanted the Jats, almost warrants our belief of
the assertion, that these deserts were once fertile and populous;
nay, that they are still capable (notwithstanding the reported
continual increase of the sand) to maintain an abundant population,
there is little room to doubt. The princes of Bikaner used
to take the field at the head of ten thousand of their kindred
retainers; and although they held extraordinary grants from
the empire for the maintenance of these contingents, their ability
to do so from their proper resources was undoubted. To other
causes than positive sterility must be attributed the wretched
condition of this State. Exposed to the continual attacks of
.bn 638.png
.pn +1
organized bands of robbers from without, subjected internally
to the never-ending demands of a rapacious government, for
which they have not a shadow of advantage in return, it would
be strange if aught but progressive decay and wretchedness were
the consequence. In three centuries \[197], more than one-half
of the villages, which either voluntarily or by force submitted to
the rule of the founder, Bika, are now without memorial of their
existence, and the rest are gradually approximating to the same
condition. Commercial caravans, which passed through this
State and enriched its treasury with the transit duties, have
almost ceased to frequent it from the increasing insecurity of its
territory. Besides the personal loss to the prince the country
suffers from the deterioration of the commercial towns of Churu,
Rajgarh, and Rani, which, as entrepôts, supplied the country
with the productions of Sind and the provinces to the westward,
or those of Gangetic India. Nor is this confined to Bikaner;
the same cause affects Jaisalmer, and the more eastern principalities,
whose misgovernment, equally with Bikaner, fosters the
spirit of rapine: the Maldots of Jaisalmer and the Larkhanis
of Jaipur are as notorious as the Bidawats of Bikaner; and to
these may be added the Sahariyas, Khosas, and Rajars, in the
more western desert, who, in their habits and principles, are as
demoralized as the Bedouins of Arabia.
Extent, Population, Soil, Tibas or Sandhills.—The line of
greatest breadth of this State extends from Pugal to Rajgarh,
and measures about one hundred and eighty miles; while the
length from north to south, between Bhatner and Mahajan, is
about one hundred and sixty miles: the area may not exceed
twenty-two thousand miles.[6.2.1] Formerly they reckoned two
thousand seven hundred towns, villages, and hamlets scattered
over this space, one-half of which are no longer in existence.
.fn 6.2.1
[Bīkaner is bounded on N. and W. by Bahāwalpur; S.W. by Jaisalmer;
S. by Mārwār; S.E. by Shaikhāwati of Jaipur; E. by Lohāru and Hissār;
total area 23,311 square miles (IGI, viii. 202).]
.fn-
Population.—An estimate of the population of this arid region,
without presenting some data, would be very unsatisfactory.
The tract to the north-west of Jethpur is now perfectly desolate,
and nearly so from that point to Bhatner: to the north-east the
population is but scanty, which observation also applies to the
parts from the meridian of Bikaner to the Jaisalmer frontier;
.bn 639.png
.pn +1
while internally, from these points, it is more uniform, and equals
the northern parts of Marwar. From a census of the twelve
principal towns, with an estimate, furnished by well-informed
inhabitants, of the remainder, we may obtain a tolerably accurate
approximation on this point:
.ta l:2 l:40 r:20 r:5 w=80%
Chief Towns. | | Number of Houses.|
|Bikaner | 12,000|
|Nohar | 2,500|
|Bahaduran | 2,500|
|Reni | 1,500|
|Rajgarh | 3,000|
|Churu | 3,000| \[198]
|Mahajan | 800|
|Jethpur | 1,000|
|Bidesar | 500|
|Ratangarh | 1,000|
|Desmukh | 1,000|
.if t
|Senthal | 50|
| | —-—-|
| | 28,850|
| | —-—-|
|100 villages, each having 200 houses | 20,000|
|100 \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 150\ \ \ ” | 15,000|
|200 \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 100\ \ \ ” | 20,000|
|800 hamlets\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 30 each | 24,000|
| | —-——|
| Total number of houses | 107,850|
| | —-——|
.if-
.if h
|Senthal | 50|
| | 28,850|
|100 villages, each having 200 houses | 20,000|
|100 \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 150\ \ \ ” | 15,000|
|200 \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 100\ \ \ ” | 20,000|
|800 hamlets\ \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ 30 each | 24,000|
| Total number of houses | 107,850|
.if-
.ta-
Allowing five souls to each house, we have a total of 539,250
souls, giving an average of twenty-five to the square mile, which
I cannot think exaggerated, and making the desert regions
depending on Bikaner equal, in the density of population, the
highlands of Scotland.[6.2.2]
Of this population, full three-fourths are the aboriginal Jats;
the rest are their conquerors, descendants of Bika, including the
Saraswat Brahmans,[6.2.3] Charans, Bards, and a few of the debased
classes, whose numbers, conjointly, are not one-tenth of the
Rajputs.
.fn 6.2.2
[In 1911 the population was 573,501, 4·79 souls per house.]
.fn-
.fn 6.2.3
[For the Saraswat or Sarsūt Brāhmans see Rose, Glossary, ii. 122 ff.]
.fn-
.bn 640.png
.pn +1
Jats.—The Jats are the most wealthy as well as the most
numerous portion of the community. Many of the old Bhumia
landlords, representatives of their ancient communal heads, are
men of substance; but their riches are of no use to them, and to
avoid the rapacity of their government, they cover themselves
with the cloak of poverty, which is thrown aside only on nuptial
festivities. On these occasions they disinter their hoards, which
are lavished with unbounded extravagance. They even block
up the highways to collect visitors, whose numbers form the
measure of the liberality and munificence of the donor of the fête.
Sarsūt, Saraswat Brāhman.—Sarsut (properly Sarasvati)
Brahmans are found in considerable numbers throughout this
tract. They aver that they were masters of the country prior to
the Jat colonists. They are a peaceable, industrious race, and
without a single prejudice of ‘the order’; they eat meat, smoke
tobacco, cultivate the soil, and trade even in the sacred kine,
notwithstanding their descent from Sringi Rishi, son of Brahma.
Charans.—The Charans are the sacred order of these regions;
the warlike tribes esteem \[199] the heroic lays of the bard more
than the homily of the Brahman. The Charans are throughout
reverenced by the Rathors, and hold lands, literally, on the tenure
of ‘an old song.’ More will be said of them in the Annals of
Jaisalmer.
Mālis, Nāis.—Malis, Nais, gardeners and barbers, are important
members of every Rajput family, and to be found in all
the villages, of which they are invariably the cooks.
Chuhras, Thoris.—Chuhras, Thoris, are actually castes of
robbers:[6.2.4] the former, from the Lakhi Jungle; the latter, from
Mewar. Most of the chieftains have a few in their pay, entertained
for the most desperate services. The Bahaduran chief has
expelled all his Rajputs, and retains only Chuhras and Thoris.
The Chuhras are highly esteemed for fidelity, and the barriers
and portals throughout this tract are in their custody. They
enjoy a very singular perquisite, which would go far to prove
their being the aborigines of the country; namely, a fee of four
.bn 641.png
.pn +1
copper coins on every dead subject, when the funeral ceremonies
are over.
.fn 6.2.4
[The Chuhras are the criminal branch of the Panjāb sweepers (Rose,
Glossary, ii. 182 ff.). The Thoris are said to be connected with the Aheris,
a well-known criminal tribe (Census Report, Mārwār, 1891, ii. 194). In
Bahāwalpur they resemble the Dhedh outcastes, who eat the flesh of dead
animals (Malik Muhammad Din, Gazetteer, i. 155).]
.fn-
Rājputs.—The Rathors of Bikaner are unchanged in their
martial qualifications, bearing as high a reputation as any other
class in India; and whilst their brethren of Marwar, Amber, and
Mewar have been for years groaning under the rapacious visitations
of Mahrattas and Pathans, their distance and the difficulties
of the country have saved them from such afflictions; though,
in truth, they have had enough to endure at home, in the tyranny
of their own lord. The Rathors of the desert have fewer prejudices
than their more eastern brethren; they will eat food,
without enquiring by whom it was dressed, and will drink either
wine or water, without asking to whom the cup belonged. They
would make the best soldiers in the world if they would submit
to discipline, as they are brave, hardy, easily satisfied, and very
patient; though, on the other hand, they have imbibed some
qualities, since their migration to these regions, which could only
be eradicated in the rising generation: especially the inordinate
use of opium, and smoking intoxicating herbs, in both which
accomplishments ‘the sons of Bika’ are said to bear the palm
from the rest of the Chhattis rajkula, the Thirty-six Royal Tribes
of India. The piyala, or ‘cup,’ is a favourite with every Rajput
who can afford it, and is, as well as opium, a panacea for ennui,
arising from the absence of all mental stimulants, in which they
are more deficient, from the nature of the country, than most of
their warlike countrymen.
Face of the Country.—The whole of this principality, with the
exception of a few isolated spots, or oases, scattered here and
there, consists more or less of sand. From the eastern to the
western boundary, in the line of greatest breadth, it is one continuous
\[200] plain of sand, though the tibas, or sandhills, commence
in the centre of the country, the principal chain running
in the direction of Jaisalmer, and shooting forth subordinate
branches in every direction; or it might be more correct to
designate this main ridge, originating in the tracts bordering the
eastern valley of the Indus, as terminating its elevations about
the heart of Bikaner. On the north-east quarter, from Rajgarh
to Nohar and Rawatsar, the soil is good, being black earth, slightly
mixed with sand, and having water near enough to the surface
for irrigation; it produces wheat, gram, and even rice, in considerable
.bn 642.png
.pn +1
quantities. The same soil exists from Bhatner to the
banks of the Gara. The whole of the Mohila tract is a fertile
oasis, the tibas just terminating their extreme offsets on its
northern limit: being flooded in the periodical rains, wheat is
abundantly produced.
Products of the Desert.—But exclusive of such spots, which
are “few and far between,” we cannot describe the desert as a
waste where “no salutary plant takes root, no verdure quickens”;
for though the poverty of the soil refuses to aid the germination
of the more luxuriant grains, Providence has provided a countervailing
good, in giving to those it can rear a richness and superiority
unknown to more favoured regions. The bajra of the desert is
far superior to any grown in the rich loam of Malwa, and its
inhabitant retains an instinctive partiality, even when admitted
to revel in the luxurious repasts of Mewar or Amber, for the
vatis or batis or ‘bajra cakes,’ of his native sandhills, and not
more from association than from their intrinsic excellence. In a
plentiful season they save enough for two years’ consumption.
The grain requires not much water, though it is of the last importance
that this little should be timely.
Besides bajra we may mention moth and til;[6.2.5] the former a
useful pulse both for men and cattle; the other the oil-plant,
used both for culinary purposes and burning. Wheat, gram, and
barley are produced in the favoured spots described, but in these
are enumerated the staple products of Bikaner.
.fn 6.2.5
[Moth, phaseolus aconitifolius; til, sesamum indicum.]
.fn-
Cotton is grown in the tracts favourable for wheat.[6.2.6] The
plant is said to be septennial, even decennial, in these regions.
As soon as the cotton is gathered, the shoots are all cut off, and
the root alone left. Each succeeding year, the plant increases
in strength, and at length attains a size unknown where it is more
abundantly cultivated.
.fn 6.2.6
[Only a few acres of cotton are now grown.]
.fn-
Nature has bountifully supplied many spontaneous vegetable
products for the use of man, and excellent pasture for cattle.
Guar, Kachri, Kakri, all of the cucurbitaceous family, and water-melons
of a gigantic size, are produced in great plenty.[6.2.7] The
latter is most valuable; for being cut in slices and dried in the
.bn 643.png
.pn +1
sun, it is stored up \[201] for future use when vegetables are scarce,
or in times of famine, on which they always calculate. It is also
an article of commerce, and much admired even where vegetables
are more abundant. The copious mucilage of the dried melon is
extremely nourishing; and deeming it valuable as an anti-scorbutic
in sea voyages, the Author sent some of it to Calcutta
many years ago for experiment.[6.2.8] Our Indian ships would find
no difficulty in obtaining a plentiful supply of this article, as it
can be cultivated to any extent, and thus be made to confer a
double benefit on our seamen and the inhabitants of those desert
regions. The superior magnitude of the water-melons of the
desert over those of interior India gives rise to much exaggeration,
and it has been gravely asserted by travellers in the sand tibas,[6.2.9]
where they are most abundant, that the mucilage of one is
sufficient to allay the thirst both of a horse and his rider.
.fn 6.2.7
[Guār, dolichos biflorus; water-melons are known as matīra; kakri, a
coarse variety of melon.]
.fn-
.fn 6.2.8
I sent specimens to Mr. Moorcroft so far back as 1813, but never learned
the result.—See Article “On the Preservation of Food,” Edin. Review,
No. 45, p. 115.
.fn-
.fn 6.2.9
Mr. Barrow, in his valuable work on Southern Africa, describes the
water-melon as self-sown and abundant.
.fn-
In these arid regions, where they depend entirely on the
heavens for water, and where they calculate on a famine every
seventh year, nothing that can administer to the wants of man
is lost. The seeds of the wild grasses, as the bharut, baru, harara,
sawan, are collected, and, mixed with bajra-flour, enter much
into the food of the poorer classes. They also store up great
quantities of the wild ber, khair, and karel berries; and the long
pods of the khejra, astringent and bitter as they are, are dried
and formed into a flour. Nothing is lost in these regions which
can be converted into food.
Trees.—Trees they have none indigenous (mangoes and
tamarind are planted about the capital), but abundant shrubs,
as the babul, and ever-green pilu, the jhal, and others yielding
berries. The Bidawats, indeed, apply the term ‘tree’ to the
rohira, which sometimes attains the height of twenty feet, and is
transported to all parts for house-building; as likewise is the
nima, so well known throughout India. The phog is the most
useful of all these, as with its twigs they frame a wicker-work to
line their wells, and prevent the sand from falling in.
The ak, a species of euphorbia, known in Hindustan as the
.bn 644.png
.pn +1
madar, grows to an immense height and strength in the desert;
from its fibres they make the ropes in general use throughout
these regions, and they are reckoned superior, both in substance
and durability, to those formed of munj (hemp), which is however
cultivated in the lands of the Bidawats.
Their agricultural implements are simple and suited to the
soil. The plough is one \[202] of single yoke, either for the camel
or ox: that with double yoke being seldom required, or chiefly
by the Malis (gardeners), when the soil is of some consistence.
The drill is invariably used, and the grains are dropped singly
into the ground, at some distance from each other, and each
sends forth a dozen to twenty stalks. A bundle of bushes forms
their harrow. The grain is trodden out by oxen; and the moth
(pulse), which is even more productive than the bajra, by camels.
Water.—This indispensable element is at an immense distance
from the surface throughout the Indian desert, which, in this
respect, as well as many others, differs very materially from that
portion of the great African Desert in the same latitudes. Water
at twenty feet, as found at Mourzook by Captain Lyon, is here
unheard of, and the degree of cold experienced by him at Zuela,
on the winter solstice, would have “burnt up” every natural
and cultivated production of our Hindu Sahara. Captain Lyon
describes the thermometer in lat. 26°, within 2° of zero of Reaumur.
Majors Denham and Clapperton never mark it under 40° of
Fahrenheit, and mention ice, which I never saw but once, the
thermometer being 28°; and then not only the mouths of our
mashaks, or ‘water-skins,’ were frozen, but a small pond, protected
from the wind (I heard, for I saw it not), exhibited a very
thin pellicle of ice. When at 30° the cold was deemed intense by
the inhabitants of Maru in the tracts limiting the desert, and
the useful ak, and other shrubs, were scorched and withered; and
in north lat. 25°, the thermometer being 28°, desolation and woe
spread throughout the land. To use their own phrase, the crops
of gram and other pulses were completely “burnt up, as if scorched
by the lightnings of heaven”; while the sun’s meridian heat
would raise it 50° more, or up to 80°, a degree of variability at
least not recorded by Captain Lyon.
At Deshnokh,[6.2.10] near the capital, the wells are more than two
.bn 645.png
.pn +1
hundred cubits, or three hundred feet, in depth; and it is rare
that water fit for man is found at a less distance from the surface
than sixty, in the tracts decidedly termed thal, or ‘desert’:
though some of the flats, or oases, such as that of Mohila, are
exceptions, and abundance of brackish water, fit for cattle, is
found throughout at half this depth, or about thirty feet. All
the wells are lined with basket-work made of phog twigs, and the
water is generally drawn up by hand-lines \[203].[6.2.11]
.fn 6.2.10
[Twenty miles S. of Bīkaner city, containing a temple of Karniji, the
guardian deity of the Mahārāja’s family.]
.fn-
.fn 6.2.11
Water is sold, in all the large towns, by the Malis, or ‘gardeners,’ who
have the monopoly of this article. Most families have large cisterns or
reservoirs, called tankas, which are filled in the rainy season. They are of
masonry, with a small trap-door at the top, made to exclude the external
air, and having a lock and key affixed. Some large tankas are established
for the community, and I understand this water keeps sweet for eight and
twelve months’ consumption. [The proper form of the word seems to be
tānkh, tānkha (Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed. 898 f.; H. Beveridge, The
Academy, xlvi. 174).]
.fn-
Sar, or ‘Salt Lakes.’—There are a few salt lakes, which, throughout
the whole of the Indian desert, are termed sar, though none
are of the same consequence as those of Marwar. The largest is
at the town of Sar,[6.2.12] so named after the lake, which is about six
miles in circumference. There is another at Chhapar about two
miles in length, and although each of them frequently contains a
depth of four feet of water, this entirely evaporates in the hot
winds, leaving a thick sheet of saline incrustation. The salt of
both is deemed of inferior quality to that of the more southerly
lakes.
.fn 6.2.12
[About 40 miles N.W. of Bīkaner city. The chief salt lakes are at
Chhāpar and Lūnkaransar (Erskine iii. A. 350).]
.fn-
Physiography of the Country.—There is little to vary the
physiography of this region, and small occasion to boast either of
its physical or moral beauties; yet, strange to say, I have met
with many whose love of country was stronger than their perceptions
of abstract veracity, who would dwell on its perfections, and
prefer a mess of rabri, or porridge made of bajra, to the greater
delicacies of more civilized regions. To such, the tibas, or ‘sand-ridges,’
might be more important than the Himalaya, and their
diminutive and scanty brushwood might eclipse the gigantic
foliage of this huge barrier. Verdure itself may be abhorrent to
eyes accustomed to behold only arid sands; and a region without
tufans or ‘whirlwinds’; or armies of locusts rustling like a
.bn 646.png
.pn +1
tempest, and casting long shadows on the lands, might be deemed
by the prejudiced, deficient in the true sublime. Occasionally
the sandstone formation rises above the surface, resembling a few
low isolated hills; and those who dwell on the boundaries of
Nagor, if they have a love of more decided elevations than their
native sandhills afford, may indulge in a distant view of the
terminations of the Aravalli.
Mineral Productions.—The mineral productions of this country
are scanty. They have excellent quarries of freestone in several
parts, especially at Hasera, thirteen coss to the north-east of the
capital, which yield a small revenue estimated at two thousand
rupees annually. There are also copper mines at Biramsar and
Bidesar; but the former does not repay the expense of working,
and the latter, having been worked for thirty years, is nearly
exhausted.
An unctuous clay is excavated from a pit, near Kolait, in large
quantities, and exported as an article of commerce, besides adding
fifteen hundred rupees annually to the treasury. It is used chiefly
to free the skin and hair from impurities, and the Cutchi ladies
are said to eat it to improve their complexions.[6.2.13]
.fn 6.2.13
[Multāni mitti, fuller’s earth, found near Madh in the S. of the State,
and sometimes eaten (Erskine iii. A. 251; Watt, Econ. Prod. 329 f.).]
.fn-
Animal Productions.—The kine of the desert are highly
esteemed; as are the camels, especially those used for expedition
and the saddle, which bear a high price,[6.2.14] and are \[204] considered
superior to any in India. They are beautifully formed, and the
head possesses much blood and symmetry. Sheep are reared in
great abundance, and find no want of food in the excellent grasses
and shrubs which abound. The phog, jawas,[6.2.15] and other prickly
shrubs, which are here indigenous, form the dainties of the camel
in other regions. The Nilgae, or elk, and deer of every kind, are
plentiful; and the fox of the desert is a beautiful little animal.
Jackals and hyaenas are not scarce, and even lions are by no
means unknown in Bikaner.
.fn 6.2.14
One thousand rupees have been given for one; one hundred is the
average value.
.fn-
.fn 6.2.15
[The camel thorn, Alhagi maurorum.]
.fn-
Commerce and Manufactures.—Rajgarh[6.2.16] was the great commercial
mart of this country, and the point of rendezvous for
caravans from all parts. The produce of the Panjab and Kashmir
.bn 647.png
.pn +1
came formerly direct by Hansi-Hisar—that of the eastern countries
by Delhi, Rewari, Dadri, etc., consisting of silks, fine cloths,
indigo, sugar, iron, tobacco, etc.; from Haraoti and Malwa came
opium, which supplied all the Rajput States; from Sind, via
Jaisalmer, and by caravans from Multan and Shikarpur, dates,
wheat, rice, lungis (silk vestments for women), fruits, etc.; from
Pali, the imports from maritime countries, as spices, tin, drugs,
coco-nuts, elephants’ teeth, etc. Much of this was for internal
consumption, but the greater part a mere transit trade, which
yielded considerable revenue.
.fn 6.2.16
[N.W. of Bīkaner city, near the Panjāb frontier.]
.fn-
Woollens.—The wool of the sheep pastured in the desert is,
however, the staple commodity both of manufacture and trade in
this region. It is worked into every article of dress, both male
and female, and worn by all, rich and poor. It is produced from
the loom, of every texture and quality, from the coarse loi or
‘blanket,’ at three rupees per pair (six shillings), to thirty rupees.
The quality of these last is very fine, of an intermediate texture
between the shawl and camlet, and without any nap; it is always
bordered with a stripe of chocolate brown or red. Of this quality
are the dopattas or ‘scarfs’ for the ladies. Turbans are also
manufactured of it, and though frequently from forty to sixty-one
feet in length, such is the fineness of the web, that they are not
bulky on the head.
From the milk of the sheep and goats as well as kine, ghi or
‘clarified butter’ is made, and forms an important article of
trade.
Manufactures in Iron.—The Bikaneris work well in iron, and
have shops at the capital and all the large towns for the manufacture
of sword blades, matchlocks, daggers, iron lances, etc.
The sword-handles, which are often inlaid with variegated steel,
or burnished, are in high request, and exported to various parts
of India. They have also expert artists in ivory, though the
articles are chiefly such as are worn by females, as churis, or
‘bracelets’ \[205].
Coarse cotton cloths, for internal consumption, are made in
considerable quantities.
Fairs.—Annual fairs were held, in the months of Karttik and
Phalgun, at the towns of Kolait and Gajner,[6.2.17] and frequented by
.bn 648.png
.pn +1
the merchants of the adjacent countries. They were celebrated
for cattle, chiefly the produce of the desert, camels, kine, and
horses from Multan and the Lakhi Jungle,[6.2.18] a breed now almost
extinct. These fairs have lost all their celebrity; in fact, commerce
in these regions is extinct.
.fn 6.2.17
[These towns are respectively 25 miles S.W. and 19 miles S.W. of
Bīkaner city.]
.fn-
.fn 6.2.18
[The tract S. of the Sutlej, having its E. limits at Ludhiāna and Sunām;
to the S. of it lay the Bhāti desert (Manucci i. 320, iv. 426). Its importance
is shown by Aurangzeb appointing Muhammad Muizzu-d-dīn, eldest son of
Sultān Muazzam, Faujdār of the Lākhi Jungle, in A.D. 1706 (Bilimoria,
Letters of Aurangzeb, ]
.fn-
Government Revenues.—The personal revenues of the Raja
were derived from a variety of sources: from the Khalisa, or
‘crown-lands’ imposts, taxes on agriculture, and that compendious
item which makes up the deficiencies in all oriental
budgets, dand, or ‘contribution.’ But with all these “appliances
and means to boot,” the civil list of this desert king seldom exceeded
five lakhs of rupees, or about £50,000 per annum.[6.2.19] The
lands of the feudality are more extensive proportionally in this
region than in any other in Rajputana, arising out of the original
settlement, when the Bidawats and Kandhalots, whose joint
acquisitions exceeded those of Bika, would not admit him to
hold lands in their territory, and made but a slight pecuniary
acknowledgment of his supremacy. The districts in which the
crown-lands lie are Rajgarh, Reni, Nohar, Gharib, Ratangarh,
Rania, and more recently Churu.
.fn 6.2.19
[At present the normal revenue of the State is about 32 lakhs of rupees,
or £213,000.]
.fn-
The following are the items of the revenue: (1) Khalisa, or
fiscal revenue; (2) Dhuan; (3) Anga; (4) Town and transit
duties; (5) Paseti, or ‘plough-tax’; (6) Malba.
Khālisa Lands.—1. The fisc. Formerly this branch of revenue
yielded two lakhs of rupees; but with progressive superstition
and prodigality, the raja has alienated almost two-thirds of the
villages from which the revenue was drawn. These amounted
to two hundred; now they do not exceed eighty, and their
revenue is not more than one lakh of rupees. Surat Singh is
guided only by caprice; his rewards are uniform, no matter what
the service or the object, whether a Brahman or a camel-driver.
The Khalisa is the only source which he considers he has merely
a life-interest in. To supply the deficiencies, he has direct
recourse to the pockets of his subjects.
.bn 649.png
.pn +1
Hearth-Tax.—2. Dhuan may be rendered hearth-tax, though
literally it is a smoke (dhuan) tax. All must eat; food must be
dressed; and as they have neither chimneys nor glass windows
on which to lay the tax, Surat Singh’s chancellor of the exchequer
makes the smoke pay a transit duty ere it gets vent from the
various orifices of the edifice. It only amounts to one rupee on
each house or family, but would form an important item if not
evaded by the powerful chiefs; still it yields a lakh of rupees.
The town \[206] of Mahajan, which was settled on Ratan Singh,
son of Raja Nunkaran, on the resignation of his right of primogeniture
and succession, enjoys exemption from this tax. It is
less liable to fluctuation than other taxes, for if a village becomes
half-deserted, those who remain are saddled with the whole.
Dhuan is only known to the two western States, Bikaner and
Jaisalmer.
Poll-Tax.—3. Anga. This is not a capitation but a body tax
(from anga, the body), and was established by Raja Anup Singh.
It might almost be termed a property-tax, since it embraced
quadrupeds as well as bipeds of every sex and age, and was
graduated according to age and sex in the human species, and
according to utility in the brute. Each male adult was assessed
one anga, fixed at four annas (about sixpence), and cows, oxen,
buffaloes, were placed upon a level with the lord of the creation.
Ten goats or sheep were estimated as one anga; but a camel was
equivalent to four angas, or one rupee, which Raja Gaj Singh
doubled. This tax, which is by far the most certain in a country
perhaps still more pastoral than agricultural, is most providently
watched, and though it has undergone many changes since
it was originally imposed, it yet yields annually two lakhs of
rupees.
4. Sāīr, or ‘imposts.’ This branch is subject to much fluctuation,
and has diminished greatly since the reign of Surat Singh.
The duties levied in the capital alone formerly exceeded what is
collected throughout the whole of his dominions; being once
estimated at above two lakhs, and now under one. Of this
amount, half is collected at Rajgarh, the chief commercial mart
of Bikaner. The dread of the Rahats, who have cut off the
communications with the Panjab, and the want of principle
within, deter merchants from visiting this State, and the caravans
from Multan, Bahawalpur, and Shikarpur, which passed through
.bn 650.png
.pn +1
Bikaner to the eastern States, have nearly abandoned the route.
The only duties of which he is certain are those on grain, of four
rupees on every hundred maunds sold or exported, and which,
according to the average sale price of these regions, may be
about two per cent.
Paseti.—5. Paseti is a tax of five[6.2.20] rupees on every plough used
in agriculture. It was introduced by Raja Rae Singh, in commutation
of the corn-tax, or levy in kind, which had long been
established at one-fourth of the gross produce. The Jats were
glad to compound, and get rid of the agents of corruption, by
the substitution of the plough-tax. It formerly yielded two
lakhs of rupees, but with decreasing agriculture has fallen, like
every other source, to a little more than one-half, but still yields
a lakh and a quarter.
.fn 6.2.20
[Pānch, from which the tax derives its name.]
.fn-
Malba.—6. Malba[6.2.21] is the name of the original tax which the
Jat communities imposed \[207] upon themselves, when they
submitted to the sway in perpetuity of Bika and his successors.
It is the land-tax[6.2.22] of two rupees on each hundred bighas of land
cultivated in Bikaner. It is now unproductive, not realizing
fifty thousand rupees, and it is said that a composition has been
effected, by which it has been, or will be, relinquished: if so,
Surat Singh gives up the sole legitimate source of revenue he
possesses.
.fn 6.2.21
[Malba properly means ‘sweepings, rubbish,’ then miscellaneous
revenue.]
.fn-
.fn 6.2.22
Mal is the term for land which has no irrigation but from the heavens.
.fn-
.ce
Recapitulation
.ta l:30 r:12 w=60%
1. Khalisa, or fisc[6.2.23]| Rs. 100,000
2. Dhuan | 100,000
3. Anga | 200,000
.bn 651.png
.pn +1
4. Sair, imposts[6.2.24] | 75,000
5. Paseti, plough-tax | 125,000
.if t
6. Malba, land-tax | 50,000
| —-——
Total | 650,000
| —-——
.if-
.if h
6. Malba, land-tax | 50,000
Total | 650,000
.if-
.ta-
.fn 6.2.23
.ta l:15 r:3 c:10 c:10 r:12
Nohar district | 84| villages | Revenue| Rs. 100,000
Reni | 24| ” | ” | 10,000
Rania | 44| ” | ” | 20,000
.if t
Jaloli | 1| ” | ” | 5,000
| | | | —-——
Total original Fiscal Lands |||| 135,000
| | | | —-——
.if-
.if h
Jaloli | 1| ” | ” | 5,000
Total original Fiscal Lands |||| 135,000
.if-
.ta-
.ti 0
since Rajgarh, Churu, and other places recovered.
.fn-
Besides this, the fullest amount arising to the prince from
annual taxation, there are other items which occasionally replenish
the treasure of Surat Singh.
.fn 6.2.24
Impost Duties in old times, namely:
.ta l:7 l:20 r:10
Town of |Nunkaran | Rs. 2,000
|Rajgarh | 10,000
|Shaikhsar | 5,000
Capital—Bīkaner | | 75,000
.if t
From Churu and other towns|| 45,000
| | —-——
| | 137,000
| | —-——
.if-
.if h
From Churu and other towns|| 5,000
| | 137,000
.if-
.ta-
.fn-
Datoi.—Datoi is a triennial tax of five rupees levied on each
plough.[6.2.25] It was instituted by Raja Zorawar Singh. The whole
country is liable to it, with the exception of fifty villages in
Asaichwati, and seventy of the Beniwals, conditionally exempted,
to guard the borders. It is now frequently evaded by the feudal
chieftains, and seldom yields a lakh of rupees.
.fn 6.2.25
[Dānt, dānta, ‘a tooth,’ then ‘a ploughshare.’]
.fn-
In addition to these specific expedients, there are many
arbitrary methods of increasing the “ways and means” to satisfy
the necessities or avarice of the present ruler, and \[208] a train
of dependent harpies, who prey upon the cultivating peasantry,
or industrious trader. By such shifts, Surat Singh has been
known to double his fixed revenue.
Dand, Khushhali.—The terms Dand and Khushhali, though
etymologically the antipodes of each other—the first meaning a
‘compulsory contribution,’ the other a ‘benevolence, or voluntary,’[6.2.26]—have
a similar interpretation in these regions, and make
the subjects of those parts devoutly pray that their prince’s
house may be one rather of mourning than rejoicing, and that
defeat rather than victory may be attendant on his arms.
.fn 6.2.26
Khush means ‘happiness, pleasure, volition’; ap ki khushi, ‘at your
pleasure.’ [hāl = ‘circumstances.’]
.fn-
The term dand is coeval with Hindu legislation. The bard
Chand describes it, and the chronicler of the life of the great
.bn 652.png
.pn +1
Siddhraj of Anhilwara, “who expelled the seven Daddas,” or
‘great evils,’ whose initial letter was d, enumerates dand as one
of them, and places it with the Dholis and Dakins, or minstrels
and witches, giving it precedence amongst the seven plagues
which his ancestors and tyrant custom had inflicted on the subject.
Unhappily, there is no Siddhraj to legislate for Rajputana; and
were there fourteen Daddas by which Surat Singh could swell
his budget, he would retain them all for the oppression of the
impoverished Jats, who, if they could, would be happy to expel
the letter S from amongst them. But it is from the chieftain,
the merchant, and the banker that the chief sums are realized;
though indirectly the poor peasant contributes his share. There
are fourteen collectors of dand,[6.2.27] one to every chira or division,
and these are furnished with arbitrary schedules according to
the circumstances, actual or supposed, of each individual. So
unlimited are these exactions, that the chief of Gandeli for two
years offered the collector of his quarter ten thousand rupees if
he would guarantee him against any further demand during even
twelve months; and being refused, he turned the collector out,
shut the gates of his castle, and boldly bid his master defiance.
.fn 6.2.27
This was written in 1813.
.fn-
One of his expedients to levy a khushhali, or ‘benevolence,’ is
worth relating: it was on the termination of his expedition
against Bhatner, which added this celebrated desert and castle
to his territory, and in which he was attended by the entire
feudal army of Bikaner. On his return, “flushed with conquest,”
he demanded from each house throughout his dominions the sum
of ten rupees to cover the expenses of the war. If the tyrant-ridden
subjects of Surat Singh thus rejoice in his successes, how
must they feel for his defeats! To them both are alike ominous,
when every \[209] artifice is welcomed, every villainy practised,
to impoverish them. Oppression is at its height, and must work
out its own cure.
Feudal Levies.—The disposable force of all these feudal principalities
must depend on the personal character of the Raja. If
Surat Singh were popular, and the national emergencies demanded
the assemblage of the Kher, or levée en masse, of the “sons of
Bika,” he might bring ten thousand Rajputs into the field, of
whom twelve hundred might be good horse, besides the foreign
troops and park; but under present circumstances, and the
.bn 653.png
.pn +1
rapid deterioration of every branch of society, it may be doubted
whether one-half could be collected under his standard.
The household troops consist of a battalion of foreign infantry,
of five hundred men with five guns, and three squadrons of horse,
about two hundred and fifty in number; all under foreign
leaders. This is independent of the garrison of the capital, whose
commandant is a Rajput of the Parihar tribe, who has twenty-five
villages assigned for the payment of his troops.[6.2.28]
.fn 6.2.28
[The State now supports for Imperial service the well-known Camel
Corps, called the Ganga Risāla.]
.fn-
.bn 654.png
.pn +1
.ce
Schedule exhibiting the Fiefs of Bikaner.
.if t
.ta l:15 c:1| l:9 c:1| l:9 c:1| r:8| r:8| r:5 c:1| l:5
_
|| || || |Retainers:| ||
Names of ||Clans.||Places of || Revenue. | | ||Remarks.
Chieftains.|| ||Abode. || | Foot.| Horse. ||
_
Behri Sal | | Bika || Mahajan | | 40,000 | 5,000 | 100 | | [A]
| | || | | | | | |
| | || | | | | | |
Abhai Singh | | Benirot || Bhukarka | | 25,000 | 5,000 | 200 | |
Anup Singh | | Bika || Jasana | | 5,000 | 400 | 40 | |
Pem Singh | | Do. || Bai | | 5,000 | 400 | 25 | |
Chain Singh | | Benirot || Sawa | | 20,000 | 2,000 | 300 | |
Himmat Singh | | Rawat || Rawatsar | | 20,000 | 2,000 | 300 | |
Sheo Singh | | Benirot || Churu | | 25,000 | 2,000 | 200 | |
Ummed Singh |┐| Bidawat |┌| Bidesar |┐| 50,000 | 10,000 | 2,000 | | [B]
Jeth Singh |┘| |└| Sondwa |┘| | | | |
Bahadur Singh |┐| |┌| Mainsar |┐| | | | |
Suraj Mall |├| Narnot |┤| Tendesar |├| 40,000 | 4,000 | 500 | |
Guman Singh |│| |│| Katar |│| | | | |
Atai Singh |┘| |└| Kachor |┘| | | | |
Sher Singh | | Narnot || Nimbaj | | 5,000 | 500 | 125 | |
Devi Singh |┐| |┌| Sidmukh |┐| | | | |
Ummed Singh |├| Narnot |┤| Karipura |├| 20,000 | 5,000 | 400 | |
Surthan Singh |│| |│| Ajitpura |│| | | | |
Karnidhan |┘| |└| Beasar |┘| | | | |
Surthan Singh | | Kachhwaha || Nainawas | | 4,000 | 150 | 30 |┐| [C]
Padam Singh | | Panwar || Jethsisar| | 5,000 | 200 | 100 |├|
Kishan Singh | | Bika || Hayadesar || 5,000 | 200 | 50 |┘|
Rao Singh | | Bhatti || Pugal[29] || 6,000 | 1,500 | 40 | | [D]
Sultan Singh | | Do. || Rajasar | | 1,500 | 200 | 50 | |
Laktir Singh | |