// ppgen source pottery2-src.txt
// last edit: 01-Feb-2015

.dt The History of Pottery, Volume 2 by Henry Beauchamp Walters, a Project Gutenberg eBook

// Plate on
.dm onplate $1
.hr 75%
.fs 80%
.dv class='plate figcenter'
.rj
PLATE $1
.dm-

// Plate off
.dm offplate
.dv-
.fs 100%
.hr 75%
.dm-

// inline images
.dm ii $1 $2 $3 $4
.if h
$3<img class="inline" style="width:auto; height:0.75em;" src="images/$1" alt="$2" />$4
.if-
.if t
$3[$2]$4
.if-
.dm-

.dm hang $1
.fs $1
.in +4
.ti -2
.dm-

.dm unhang
.fs 100%
.in
.dm-
// Summary small font w/ hanging indent

.dm start_summary
.fs 95%
.in +6
.ti -2
.dm-

.dm stop_summary
.fs 100%
.in
.dm-

// Begin Poetry
.dm onpoem
.fs 95%
.nf b
.dm-

// End Poetry
.dm offpoem
.nf-
.fs 100%
.dm-

.sr h |#vol1_(\d+)|http://www.gutenberg.org/files/48154/48154-h/48154-h.htm#Page_\1|
.sr h |#vol1_pl|http://www.gutenberg.org/files/48154/48154-h/48154-h.htm#pl|
.sr h |#vol1_fig|http://www.gutenberg.org/files/48154/48154-h/48154-h.htm#fig|
.sr h |#vol1_biblio|http://www.gutenberg.org/files/48154/48154-h/48154-h.htm#biblio|
.sr h |#vol1_ch|http://www.gutenberg.org/files/48154/48154-h/48154-h.htm#ch|
.sr hu |PGADDRESS|http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48154|

.if h

.de .multiline {display: inline-block; text-align: center; vertical-align: middle;}

.de .figcenter p {font-family:sans-serif; font-size:smaller; }
.de .figleft p { font-family:sans-serif;\
   font-size:smaller; }
.de .figright p { font-family:sans-serif;\
   font-size:smaller; }

.de .center   { text-align: center }
.de .plate    { width:90% }
.de .inline   { display: inline-block; vertical-align: middle; white-space:nowrap; }
.de .hang     { padding-left: 0.125in; text-indent: -.125in; text-align: justify; }
.de div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA;border:1px solid silver; margin:2em 5% 0 5%; text-align: justify;}
.de .htmlonly  { visibility: visible; display: block; }
.de div.tnotes p { text-align:left; }
.de @media handheld { .htmlonly { visibility: hidden; display: none;} }
.de top        { vertical-align: top; }
.de a:link     { text-decoration: none; }
.dv class='tnotes'

Transcriber’s Note:

Minor errors in punctuation and formatting have been silently
corrected. Please see the transcriber’s #note:endnote# at the end of this
text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues
encountered during its preparation. The end note also discusses the
handling of the many Greek inscriptions.

Volume I of this text is available separately at Project Gutenberg
at:

.ti 4
PGADDRESS

.dv class='htmlonly'>
References to Volume I are linked as well for ease of navigation.
.dv-

.dv-
.if-

.if t
Transcriber’s Note:

This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects.
Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. Bold font is
delimited by the ‘=’ character. Superscripted and subscripted
characters are shown as ‘^2’ and ‘_{2}’ respectively.

This text includes the rendering of ancient Greek inscriptions, using
the alphabets of a number of different regions, not all of which exist
in the unicode character set. Some are printed in reverse order
(right to left) and some are also mirror-imaged. It is not possible
to render these inscriptions as text without a wholesale loss of
information about the variant forms. Each inscription, therefore, is
simply rendered using modern Greek characters, including several
archaic characters (koppa = Ϙ and digamma= Ϝ) which are supported
in unicode fonts. These inscriptions are better viewed, obviously,
in the HTML or epub versions which can be found at Project Gutenberg.

Minor errors and inconsistency in punctuation and formatting have been
silently corrected. Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of
this text for details regarding the handling of any other textual
issues encountered during its preparation.

Footnotes appeared in the printed text numbered sequentially on each
page. They have been renumbered to be unique across the text, and are
gathered at the end of each chapter. The occasional references to
them by the original number have been changed as well.

Volume I of this text is available separately from Project Gutenberg
at:

.ti 4
PGADDRESS
.if-
.bn 001.png
.bn 002.png
.hr 75%
.sp 4
.h1
HISTORY OF ANCIENT POTTERY
.bn 003.png
.bn 004.png
.bn 005.png
.pm onplate XLIX
.il id=pl49 fn=plate49_005.jpg w=388px
.ca
<s>ATTIC BLACK-FIGURED HYDRIA:</s>
HARNESSING OF HORSES TO CHARIOT
<s>(<sc>British Museum</sc>).</s>
.ca-
.pm offplate
.bn 006.png


.sp 4

.nf c
<xl>HISTORY OF ANCIENT POTTERY</xl>
<l>GREEK, ETRUSCAN, AND ROMAN</l>

<l>BY H. B. WALTERS, M.A., F.S.A.</l>
BASED ON THE WORK OF
SAMUEL BIRCH
.sp 1
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II

<s>WITH 300 ILLUSTRATIONS
INCLUDING 8 COLOURED PLATES</s>
.nf-

.if h
.il fn=i_006.jpg w=104px
.if-
.if t
.ce
[ILLUSTRATION]
.if-

.nf c
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1905
.nf-
.bn 007.png



.fs 60%
.nf c
<s>PRINTED BY
HAZELL, WATSON
AND VINEY, LD.,
LONDON AND AYLESBURY,
ENGLAND.</s>
.nf-
.bn 008.png
.pn v

.sp 4
.h2 id="toc"
CONTENTS OF VOLUME II
.sp 2
.ta lt:60 rb:10
     |                                      <sc>Page</sc>

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II            |             #v:toc#
LIST OF PLATES IN VOLUME II       |           #ix:lop#
LIST OF TEXT-ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME II  |    #xi:loi#


PART III

THE SUBJECTS ON GREEK VASES

–
CHAPTER XII
<i>INTRODUCTORY—THE OLYMPIAN DEITIES</i>

Figured vases in ancient literature—Mythology and art—Relation\
of subjects on vases to literature—Homeric and dramatic\
themes and their treatment—Interpretation and classification\
of subjects—The Olympian deities—The Gigantomachia—The\
birth of Athena and other Olympian subjects—Zeus and\
kindred subjects—Hera—Poseidon and marine deities—The\
Eleusinian deities—Apollo and Artemis—Hephaistos, Athena,\
and Ares—Aphrodite and Eros—Hermes and Hestia   |   #1–53:ch12#

CHAPTER XIII
<i>DIONYSOS AND MISCELLANEOUS DEITIES</i>

Dionysos and his associates—Ariadne, Maenads, and Satyrs—Names\
of Satyrs and Maenads—The Nether World—General\
representations and isolated subjects—Charon, Erinnyes,\
Hekate, and Thanatos—Cosmogonic deities—Gaia and Pandora—Prometheus\
and Atlas—Iris and Hebe—Personifications—Sun,\
Moon, Stars, and Dawn—Winds—Cities and countries—The\
Muses—Victory—Abstract ideas—Descriptive names   |   #54–92:ch13#
.bn 009.png
.pn +1

CHAPTER XIV
<i>HEROIC LEGENDS</i>

Kastor and Polydeukes—Herakles and his twelve labours—Other\
contests—Relations with deities—Apotheosis—Theseus and his\
labours—Later scenes of his life—Perseus—Pelops and Bellerophon—Jason\
and the Argonauts—Theban legends—The\
Trojan cycle—Peleus and Thetis—The Judgment of Paris—Stories\
of Telephos and Troilos—Scenes from the Iliad—The\
death of Achilles and the Fall of Troy—The Odyssey—The\
Oresteia—Attic and other legends—Orpheus and the Amazons—Monsters—Historical\
and literary subjects  |    #93–153:ch14#

CHAPTER XV
<i>SUBJECTS FROM ORDINARY LIFE</i>

Religious subjects—Sacrifices—Funeral scenes—The Drama and\
burlesques—Athletics—Sport and games—Musical scenes—Trades\
and occupations—Daily life of women—Wedding\
scenes—Military and naval subjects—Orientals and Barbarians—Banquets\
and revels—Miscellaneous subjects—Animals    |  #154–186:ch15#

CHAPTER XVI
<i>DETAILS OF TYPES, ARRANGEMENT, AND ORNAMENTATION</i>

Distinctions of types—Costume and attributes of individual deities—\
Personifications—Heroes—Monsters—Personages in everyday\
life—Armour and shield-devices—Dress and ornaments—Physiognomical\
expression on vases—Landscape and architecture—Arrangement\
of subjects—Ornamental patterns—Maeander,\
circles, and other geometrical patterns—Floral\
patterns—Lotos and palmettes—Treatment of ornamentation in\
different fabrics      | #187–235:ch16#

CHAPTER XVII
<i>INSCRIPTIONS ON GREEK VASES</i>

Importance of inscriptions on vases—Incised inscriptions—Names\
and prices incised underneath vases—Owners’ names and\
dedications—Painted inscriptions—Early Greek alphabets—Painted\
inscriptions on early vases—Corinthian, Ionic, Boeotian,\
and Chalcidian inscriptions—Inscriptions on Athenian vases—Dialect—Artists’\
signatures—Inscriptions relating to the subjects—Exclamations—Καλός-names—The\   // Tr: Kalos
Attic alphabet and\
orthography—Chronology of Attic inscriptions—South Italian\
vases with inscriptions    |  #236–278:ch17#
.bn 010.png
.pn +1

PART IV

ITALIAN POTTERY

CHAPTER XVIII
<i>ETRUSCAN AND SOUTH ITALIAN POTTERY</i>

Early Italian civilisation—Origin of Etruscans—Terramare civilisation—Villanuova\
period—Pit-tombs—Hut-urns—Trench-tombs—Relief-wares\
and painted vases from Cervetri—Chamber-tombs—Polledrara\
ware—<lang=it>Bucchero</lang> ware—Canopic\
jars—Imitations of Greek vases—Etruscan inscriptions—Sculpture\
in terracotta—Architectural decoration—Sarcophagi—Local\
pottery of Southern Italy—Messapian and Peucetian\
fabrics    |  #279–329:ch18#

CHAPTER XIX
<i>TERRACOTTA IN ROMAN ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE</i>

Clay in Roman architecture—Use of bricks—Methods of construction—Tiles—Ornamental\
antefixae—Flue-tiles—Other uses—Inscriptions\
on bricks and tiles—Military tiles—Mural reliefs—List\
of subjects—Roman sculpture in terracotta—Statuettes—Uses\
at Rome—Types and subjects—Gaulish terracottas—Potters\
and centres of fabric—Subjects—Miscellaneous uses\
of terracotta—Money-boxes—Coin-moulds    |  #330–392:ch19#

CHAPTER XX
<i>ROMAN LAMPS</i>

Introduction of lamps at Rome—Sites where found—Principal parts\
of lamps—Purposes for which used—Superstitious and other\
uses—Chronological account of forms—Technical processes—Subjects—Deities—Mythological\
and literary subjects—<lang=fr><em>Genre</em></lang>\
subjects and animals—Inscriptions on lamps—Names of potters\
and their distribution—Centres of manufacture   |   #393–429:ch20#
.bn 011.png
.pn +1

CHAPTER XXI
<i>ROMAN POTTERY: TECHNICAL PROCESSES, SHAPES, AND USES</i>

Introductory—Geographical and historical limits—Clay and glaze—Technical\
processes—Stamps and moulds—<lang=fr><em>Barbotine</em></lang> and\
other methods—Kilns found in Britain, Gaul, and Germany—Use\
of earthenware among the Romans—Echea—Dolia and\
Amphorae—Inscriptions on amphorae—Cadus, Ampulla, and\
Lagena—Drinking-cups—Dishes—Sacrificial vases—Identification\
of names    |  #430–473:ch21#

CHAPTER XXII
<i>ROMAN POTTERY, HISTORICALLY TREATED; ARRETINE WARE</i>

Roman Pottery mentioned by ancient writers—“Samian” ware—Centres\
of fabric—The pottery of Arretium—Characteristics—Potters’\
stamps—Shapes of Arretine vases—Sources of inspiration\
for decoration—“Italian Megarian bowls”—Subjects—Distribution\
of Arretine wares     | #474–496:ch22#

CHAPTER XXIII
<i>ROMAN POTTERY (continued); PROVINCIAL FABRICS</i>

Distribution of Roman pottery in Europe—Transition from Arretine\
to provincial wares—<lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang>—Shapes and centres of\
fabric—Subjects—Potters’ stamps—Vases with <lang=fr><em>barbotine</em></lang>\
decoration—The fabrics of Gaul—St. Rémy—Graufesenque—“Marbled”\
vases—Vases with inscriptions (Banassac)—Lezoux—Vases\
with medallions (Southern Gaul)—Fabrics of Germany—<i>Terra\
sigillata</i> in Britain—Castor ware—Upchurch and\
New Forest wares—Plain pottery—<lang=la><em>Mortaria</em></lang>—Conclusion  |    #497–555:ch23#

INDEX  |    #557:index#
.ta-
.bn 012.png
.pn +1



.h2 id='lop'
LIST OF PLATES IN VOLUME II

.ce 2
(<em>Except where otherwise noted, the objects are in
the British Museum</em>)

.ta rt:7 lt:48 rb:14
PLATE | |

XLIX.| Attic black-figured hydria: Harnessing of horses to chariot\
(<em>colours</em>)                     |#<i>Frontispiece</i>:pl49#

                                                         TO FACE PAGE

L.| Contest of Athena and Poseidon: vase at Petersburg (from\
Baumeister)                                                 | #24:pl50#
LI.| Kotyle by Hieron: Triptolemos at Eleusis               | #26:pl51#
LII.| The Under-world, from an Apulian vase at Munich (from\
Furtwaengler and Reichhold)                                 | #66:pl52#
LIII.| Helios and Stars (the Blacas krater)                 | #78:pl53#
LIV.| The Sack of Troy: kylix by Brygos in Louvre (from Furtwaengler\
and Reichhold)                                              | #134:pl54#
LV.| Scenes from funeral lekythi (Prothesis and cult of tomb)    | #158:pl55#
LVI.| Early Etruscan red ware                               | #300:pl56#
LVII.| Etruscan hut-urn and <lang=it>Bucchero</lang> ware   | #302:pl57#
LVIII.| Etruscan imitations of Greek vases                  | #308:pl58#
LIX.| Etruscan antefix and sarcophagus                      | #316:pl59#
LX.| Sarcophagus of Seianti Thanunia                        | #322:pl60#
LXI.| Roman mural reliefs: Zeus and Dionysos                | #366:pl61#
LXII.| Roman mural reliefs: Theseus; priestesses            | #370:pl62#
LXIII.| Roman lamps (1st century <sc>B.C.</sc>)             | #402:pl63#
LXIV.| Roman lamps: mythological and literary subjects      | #412:pl64#
LXV.| Roman lamps: miscellaneous subjects                   | #416:pl65#
LXVI.| Moulds and stamp of Arretine ware                    | #492:pl66#
LXVII.| Gaulish pottery (Graufesenque fabric)               | #520:pl67#
LXVIII.| Gaulish pottery from Britain (Lezoux fabric)       | #526:pl68#
LXIX.| Romano-British and Gaulish pottery                   | #544:pl69#
.ta-
.bn 013.png
.pn +1
.bn 014.png
.pn +1

.sp 4
.h2 id=loi
LIST OF TEXT-ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME II

.ta rt:7 lt:30 lt:20 rb:10
FIG. | |   |                                                          PAGE
111. | Gigantomachia, from Ionic vase in Louvre       | <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>   |  #13:fig111#
112. | Poseidon and Polybotes, from kylix in Berlin   | <cite>Gerhard</cite>           |  #14:fig112#
113. | The birth of Athena                            | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite>        |  #16:fig113#
114. | Hermes slaying Argos (vase at Vienna)          | <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>      |  #20:fig114#
115. | Poseidon and Amphitrite (Corinthian pinax)     | <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang>       |  #23:fig115#
116. | Apollo, Artemis, and Leto                      | <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> | #30:fig116#
117. | Aphrodite and her following (vase at Athens)   | <lang=grc>Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.</lang> | #43:fig117#    // Tr: Eph. Arch.
118. | Eros with kottabos-stand                       | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #48:fig118#
119. | Hermes with Apollo’s oxen (in the Vatican)     | <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #51:fig119#
120. | Dionysos with Satyrs and Maenads (Pamphaios\
hydria)                                              | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite>  | #59:fig120#
121. | Maenad in frenzy (cup at Munich)              | <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #63:fig121#
122. | Charon’s bark (lekythos at Munich)            | <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #70:fig122#
123. | Thanatos and Hypnos with body of warrior      | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #71:fig123#
124. | Nike sacrificing bull                         | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #88:fig124#
125. | Herakles and the Nemean lion                  | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #96:fig125#
126. | Herakles bringing the boar to Eurystheus      | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #97:fig126#
127. | Apotheosis of Herakles (vase at Palermo)      | <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> | #107:fig127#
128. | Peleus seizing Thetis                         | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #121:fig128#
129. | Judgment of Paris (Hieron cup in Berlin)      | <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> | #122:fig129#
130. | Capture of Dolon                              | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #129:fig130#
131. | Pentheus slain by Maenads                     | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #142:fig131#
132. | Kroisos on the funeral pyre (Louvre)          | <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #150:fig132#
133. | Alkaios and Sappho (Munich)                   | <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #152:fig133#
134. | Scene from a farce                            | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #161:fig134#
135. | Athletes engaged in the Pentathlon            | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #163:fig135#
136. | Agricultural scenes (Nikosthenes cup in Berlin)|   <cite>Baumeister</cite> | #170:fig136#
.bn 015.png
.pn +1
137. | Warrior arming; archers (Euthymides amphora in Munich)| <cite>Hoppin</cite> | #176:fig137#
138. | Banqueters playing kottabos               | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite>    | #181:fig138#
139. | Maeander or embattled pattern                             |            | #212:fig139#
140. | Maeander (Attic)                                          | | #212:fig140#
141. | Maeander (Ionic)                                          | | #212:fig141#
142. | Maeander and star pattern                                 | | #212:fig142#
143. | Maeander (Attic, 5th century)                             | | #213:fig143#
144. | Maeander (Attic, about 480 <sc>B.C.</sc>)                 | | #213:fig144#
145. | Net-pattern                                               | | #215:fig145#
146. | Chequer-pattern                                           | | #216:fig146#
147. | Tangent-circles                                           | | #216:fig147#
148. | Spirals under handles (Exekias)                           | | #217:fig148#
149. | Wave-pattern (South Italy)                                | | #218:fig149#
150. | Scale-pattern (Daphnae)                                   | | #218:fig150#
151. | Guilloche or plait-band (Euphorbos pinax)                 | | #219:fig151#
152. | Tongue-pattern                                            | | #219:fig152#
153. | Egg-pattern                                               | | #220:fig153#
154. | Leaf- or chain-pattern                                    | | #221:fig154#
155. | Ivy-wreath (black-figure period)                          | | #222:fig155#
156. | Ivy-wreath (South Italian)                                | | #222:fig167#
157. | Laurel-wreath (South Italian)                             | | #223:fig157#
158. | <lang=la><em>Vallisneria spiralis</em></lang> (Mycenaean) | | #224:fig158#
159. | Lotos-flower (Cypriote)                                   | | #224:fig159#
160. | Lotos-flowers and buds (Rhodian)            | <cite>Riegl</cite> | #225:fig160#
161. | Palmette-and lotos-pattern (early B.F.)                   | | #225:fig161#
162. | Lotos-buds (Attic B.F.)                                   | | #226:fig162#
163. | Chain of palmettes and lotos (early B.F.)                 | | #226:fig163#
164. | Palmettes and lotos under handles (Attic B.F.)            | | #227:fig164#
165. | Palmette on neck of red-bodied amphorae                   | | #228:fig165#
166. | Enclosed palmettes (R.F. period)                          | | #228:fig166#
167. | Oblique palmettes (late R.F.)                             | | #229:fig167#
168. | Palmette under handles (South Italian)                    | | #230:fig168#
169. | Rosette (Rhodian)                                         | | #231:fig169#
170. | Rosette (Apulian)                                         | | #231:fig170#
171. | Facsimile of inscription on Tataie lekythos  | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #242:fig171#
172. | Facsimile of Dipylon inscription          | <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> | #243:fig172#
173. | Scheme of alphabets on Greek vases          |               | #248:fig173#
174. | Facsimile of inscription on Corinthian pinax | <cite>Roehl</cite> | #251:fig174#
175. | Facsimile of signatures on François vase | <cite>Furtwaengler and Reichhold</cite> | #257:fig175#
.bn 016.png
.pn +1
176. | Facsimile of signature of Nikias      | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #259:fig176#
177. | Figure with inscribed scroll (fragment at Oxford)        | | #264:fig177#
178. | Etruscan tomb with cinerary urn       | <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> | #285:fig178#
179. | Villanuova cinerary urns from Corneto | <lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang> | #286:fig179#
180. | Painted pithos from Cervetri in Louvre| <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> | #293:fig180#
181. | Canopic jar in bronze-plated chair    | <lang=it><cite>Mus. Ital.</cite></lang>| #305:fig181#
182. | Etruscan alphabet, from a vase        | <cite>Dennis</cite> | #312:fig182#
183. | Terracotta sarcophagus in Brit. Mus.  | <cite>Dennis</cite> | #318:fig183#
184. | Painted terracotta slab in Louvre     | <cite>Dennis</cite> | #319:fig184#
185. | Askos of local Apulian fabric         | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #326:fig185#
186. | Krater of “Peucetian” fabric          | <lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>  | #328:fig186#
187. | Concrete wall at Rome                 | <cite>Middleton</cite>| #338:fig187#
188. | Concrete wall faced with brick        | <cite>Middleton</cite>| #339:fig188#
189. | Concrete arch faced with brick        | <cite>Middleton</cite>| #339:fig189#
190. | Diagram of Roman wall-construction    | <cite>Blümner</cite>  | #340:fig190#
191. | Roman terracotta antefix              | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #343:fig191#
192. | Method of heating in Baths of Caracalla | <cite>Middleton</cite> | #347:fig192#
193. | Flue-tile with ornamental patterns    |                    | #348:fig193#
194. | Stamped Roman tile                    | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #354:fig194#
195. | Inscribed tile in Guildhall Museum                       | | #359:fig195#
196. | Inscribed tile from London                               | | #363:fig196#
197. | Mask with name of potter              | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #377:fig197#
198. | Gaulish figure of Aphrodite           | <cite>Blanchet</cite>| #383:fig198#
199. | Gaulish figure of Epona               | <cite>Blanchet</cite>| #386:fig199#
200. | Terracotta money-box                  | <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>| #390:fig200#
201. | Terracotta coin-mould                 | <cite>Daremberg and Saglio</cite>| #392:fig201#
202. |  Lamp from the Esquiline              | <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell Inst.</cite></lang> | #399:fig202#
203. | “Delphiniform” lamp                                      | | #399:fig203#
204. | Lamp with volute-nozzle                                  | | #400:fig204#
205. | Lamp with pointed nozzle                                 | | #400:fig205#
206. | Lamp with grooved nozzle                                 | | #401:fig206#
207. | Lamp with plain nozzle                                   | | #401:fig207#
208. | Lamp with heart-shaped nozzle                            | | #402:fig208#
209. | Mould for lamp                        | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #405:fig209#
210. | Lamp with signature of Fortis         | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #424:fig210#
211. | Stamps used by Roman potters                             | | #440:fig211#
212. | Roman kiln at Heddernheim             | <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> | #444:fig212#
213. |  Kiln found at Castor                                    | | #447:fig213#
214. |  Plan of kiln at Heiligenberg   | <cite>Daremberg and Saglio</cite> | #450:fig214#
215. | Section of ditto                | <cite>Daremberg and Saglio</cite> | #450:fig215#
216. | Ampulla                               | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #466:fig216#
.bn 017.png
.pn +1
217. | Lagena from France                                       | | #467:fig217#
218. | Arretine bowl in Boston: death of Phaëthon     | <cite>Philologus</cite> | #484:fig218#
219. | Arretine krater with Seasons             | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #488:fig219#
220. | “Italian Megarian” bowl                  | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #491:fig220#
221. | Gaulish bowl of Form 29                                  | | #500:fig221#
222. | Gaulish bowl of Form 30                                  | | #501:fig222#
223. | Gaulish bowl of Form 37                                  | | #502:fig223#
224. | Vase of St.-Rémy fabric                  | <cite>Déchelette</cite> | #517:fig224#
225. | Vase of Aco, inscribed                   | <cite>Déchelette</cite> | #518:fig225#
226. | Vase of Banassac fabric from Pompeii     | <cite>Mus. Borb.</cite> | #525:fig226#
227. | Medallion from vase of Southern Gaul: scene \
        from the <cite>Cycnus</cite>                     | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #531:fig227#
228. | Medallion from vase: Atalanta and Hippomedon    | <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> | #532:fig228#
229. | Jar from Germany, inscribed              | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #537:fig229#
230. |  Roman mortarium from Ribchester         | <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite> | #551:fig230#
.ta-
.bn 018.png
.pn 1

.sp 4
.h2
PART III | THE SUBJECTS ON GREEK VASES

.sp 4
.h3 id=ch12
CHAPTER XII | <i>INTRODUCTORY—THE OLYMPIAN DEITIES</i>

.pm start_summary
Figured vases in ancient literature—Mythology and art—Relation of subjects
on vases to literature—Homeric and dramatic themes and their treatment—Interpretation
and classification of subjects—The Olympian
deities—The Gigantomachia—The birth of Athena and other Olympian
subjects—Zeus and kindred subjects—Hera—Poseidon and marine
deities—The Eleusinian deities—Apollo and Artemis—Hephaistos,
Athena, and Ares—Aphrodite and Eros—Hermes and Hestia.
.pm stop_summary

.sp 2

The representation of subjects from Greek mythology or daily
life on vases was not, of course, confined to fictile products. We
know that the artistic instincts of the Greeks led them to
decorate almost every household implement or utensil with
ornamental designs of some kind, as well as those specially
made for votive or other non-utilitarian purposes. But the
fictile vases, from the enormous numbers which have been
preserved, the extraordinary variety of their subjects, and the
fact that they cover such a wide period, have always formed
our chief artistic source of information on the subject of Greek
mythology and antiquities.

Although (as has been pointed out in Chapter #IV:vol1_ch04#.) ancient
literature contains scarcely any allusions to the painted vases,
we have many descriptions of similar subjects depicted on
other works of art, such as vases of wood and metal, from
.bn 019.png
.pn +1
Homer downwards. The cup of Nestor (Vol. I. pp. #148:vol1_148#, #172:vol1_172#)
was ornamented with figures of doves[1], and there is the famous
description in the first Idyll of Theocritus[2] of the wooden cup
(<lang=grc>κισσύβιον</lang>) which represented a fisherman casting his net, and     // Tr: kissybion
a boy guarding vines and weaving a trap for grasshoppers,
while two foxes steal the grapes and the contents of his
dinner-basket; the whole being surrounded, like the designs
on some painted vases, with borders of ivy and acanthus. The
so-called cup of Nestor (<lang=grc>νεστορίς</lang>) at Capua[3] was inscribed with      // Tr: nestoris
Homeric verses, and the <lang=grc>σκύφος</lang> or cup of Herakles with the             // Tr: skyphos
taking of Troy[4]. Anakreon describes cups ornamented with
figures of Dionysos, Aphrodite and Eros, and the Graces[5];
and Pliny mentions others with figures of Centaurs, hunts
and battles, and Dionysiac subjects[6]. Or, again, mythological
subjects are described, such as the rape of the Palladion[7],
Phrixos on the ram[8], a Gorgon and Ganymede[9], or Orpheus[10];
and other “storied” cups are described as being used by the
later Roman emperors. But the nearest parallels to the vases
described in classical literature are probably to be sought in
the chased metal vases of the Hellenistic and Roman periods.[11]
We read of <lang=la><em>scyphi Homerici</em></lang>, or beakers with Homeric scenes,
used by the Emperor Nero, which were probably of chased
silver[12]; and we have described in Chapter #XI:vol1_ch11#. what are
apparently clay imitations of these vases, usually known as
“Megarian bowls,” many bearing scenes from Homer in relief
on the exterior.

In attempting a review of the subjects on the painted vases,
we are met with certain difficulties, especially in regard to
arrangement. This is chiefly due to the fact that each period
has its group of favourite subjects; some are only found in
early times, others only in the later period. Yet any chronological
.bn 020.png
.pn +1
method of treatment will be found impossible, and it
is hoped that it will, as far as possible, be obviated by the
general allusions in the historical chapters of this work to the
subjects characteristic of each fabric and period.

Embracing as they do almost the whole field of Greek myth
and legend, the subjects on Greek vases are yet not invariably
those most familiar to the classical student or, if the stories
are familiar, they are not always treated in accordance with
literary tradition. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind
that the popular conception of Greek mythology is not always
a correct one, for which fact the formerly invariable system of
approaching Greek ideas through the Latin is mainly responsible.
The mythology of our classical dictionaries and school-books
is largely based on Ovid and the later Roman compilers,
such as Hyginus, and gives the stories in a complete connected
form, regarding all classical authorities as of equal value, and
ignoring the fact that many myths are of gradual growth
and only crystallised at a late period, while others belong to
a relatively recent date in ancient history.[13]

The vases, on the other hand, are contemporary documents,
free from later euhemerism and pedantry, and presenting the
myths as the Athenian craftsmen knew them in the popular
folk-lore and religious observances of their day. It cannot be
too strongly insisted upon that a vase-painter was never an
illustrator of Homer or any other writer, at least before the
fourth century <sc>B.C.</sc> (see Vol. I. p. #499:vol1_499#). The epic poems, of
course, contributed largely to the popular acquaintance with
ancient legends, and offered suggestions of which the painter
was glad to avail himself; but he did not, therefore, feel
bound to adhere to his text. This will be seen in the list of
Homeric subjects given below (p. #126# ff.); and we may also refer
here to the practice of giving fanciful names to figures, which
obtains at all periods, and has before now presented obstacles
to the interpreter.

The relation of the subjects on vases to Greek literature is
an interesting theme for enquiry, though, in view of what has
already been said, it is evident that it must be undertaken with
.bn 021.png
.pn +1
great caution. The antiquity and wide popularity of the
Homeric poems, for instance, would naturally lead us to expect
an extensive and general use of their themes by the vase-painter.
Yet this is far from being the case. The <cite>Iliad</cite>,
indeed, is drawn upon more largely than the <cite>Odyssey</cite>; but even
this yields in importance as a source to the epics grouped under
the name of the Cyclic poets. It may have been that the
poems were instinctively felt to be unsuited to the somewhat
conventional and monotonous style of the earlier vase-paintings,
which required simple and easily depicted incidents. We are
therefore the more at a loss to explain the comparative rarity
of subjects from the <cite>Odyssey</cite>, with its many adventures and
stirring episodes; scenes which may be from the <cite>Iliad</cite> being
less strongly characterised and less unique—one battle-scene, for
instance, differing little from another in method of treatment.
But any subject from the <cite>Odyssey</cite> can be at once identified by
its individual and marked character. It may be that the
<cite>Odyssey</cite> had a less firm hold on the minds of the Greeks than
the <cite>Iliad</cite>, which was more of a national epic, whereas the
<cite>Odyssey</cite> was a stirring romance.[14] It may also be worth noting
that scenes from the <cite>Odyssey</cite> usually adhere more closely to the
Homeric text than those from the <cite>Iliad</cite>.

Another reason for the scarcity of Iliad-scenes may be that
the Tale of Troy as a whole is a much more comprehensive
story, of which the <cite>Iliad</cite> only forms a comparatively small
portion. Hence the large number of scenes drawn both from
the Ante-Homerica and the Post-Homerica, such as the stories
of Troilos and Memnon, or the sack of Troy. The writings of
the Cyclic poets begin, as Horace reminds us, <lang=la><em>ab ovo</em></lang>,[15] from
the egg of Leda, and the Kypria included the whole story of the
marriage of Peleus and Thetis, the subsequent Judgment of
Paris, and his journey to Greece after Helen, scenes from all
these events being extremely popular on the vases.[16] The
<cite>Patrokleia</cite> deals with the events of the earlier years of the war,
the <cite>Aithiopis</cite> of Arktinos with the stories of Penthesileia and
Memnon, and the death of Achilles, and the <cite>Little Iliad</cite> of
.bn 022.png
.pn +1
Lesches with the events of the tenth year down to the fall of
Troy. All provided frequent themes for the vase-painter, as may
be seen by a reference to a later page (#119# ff.). The <cite>Iliupersis</cite> of
Arktinos and Lesches might almost be reconstructed from two or
three large vases, whereon all the episodes of the catastrophe are
collected together (see p. 134); but when we come to the <cite>Nostoi</cite>
of Agias and the Telegonia, the vase-painters suddenly fail us,
the stories of Odysseus’ wanderings and Orestes’ vengeance
seeming to supply the deficiency.

Luckenbach[17] has pointed out that the only right method of
investigating the relation is to begin with vase-paintings for
which the sources are absolutely certain, as with scenes from the
<cite>Iliad</cite> and <cite>Odyssey</cite>. In this way the subjects from other epics
can be rightly estimated and the contents of the poems restored.
Further, in investigating the sources of the vase-painters, and
the extent to which they adhered to them or gave free play to
the imagination, the three main periods of vase-painting must
be separately considered, though the results in each case prove
to be similar. By way of exemplifying these methods he enters
in great detail into certain vase-subjects, their method of treatment
on vases of the different periods, and their approximation
to the text. Thus, the funeral games for Patroklos (<cite>Il.</cite> xxiii.)
are depicted on the François vase (see p. #11#) with marked
deviations from Homer’s narrative; and not only this, but
without characterisation, so that if the performers were not
named the subject could hardly have been identified. To note
one small point, all Homeric races took place in two-horse
chariots (<lang=la><em>bigae</em></lang>), but on B.F. vases four-horse <lang=la><em>quadrigae</em></lang> are
almost invariably found.[18]

Subjects of a more conventional character, such as battle
scenes, farewell scenes, or the arming of a warrior, present even
more difficulty. Even when names occur it is only increased.
We must assume that the vase-painter fixed on typical names
for his personages, without caring whether he had literary
authority. In some cases the <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang> scenes seem to be developed
from heroic originals, in others the contrary appears to be the
.bn 023.png
.pn +1
case.[19] It is not, however, unfair to say that the Epos was
the vase-painter’s “source.” The only doubtful question is the
<em>extent</em> of his inspiration; and, at all events, it was a <em>source</em> in
the sense that no other Greek literature was until we come to
the fourth century.

Turning now to the consideration of later literature,[20] we
find in Hesiod a certain parallelism of theme to the vases, but
little trace of actual influence. Indirectly he may have affected
the vase-painter by his crystallisation of Greek mythology in
the Theogony, where he establishes the number of the Muses
(l. 77), and also the names of the Nereids.[21] It is, however,
interesting to note the Hesiodic themes which were also
popular with the vase-painters: the creation of Pandora; the
fights of Herakles and Kyknos, and of Lapiths and Centaurs,
and the pursuit of Perseus by the Gorgons; the contest of
Zeus with Typhoeus (or Typhon); and the birth of Athena.[22]

The influence of lyric poetry was even slighter. Somewhat
idealised figures of some of the Greek lyrists appear on R.F.
vases, such as Sappho and Anakreon (see p. #152#); but this
is all. In regard to Pindar and Bacchylides, the idealising and
heroising tendencies of the age may be compared with the
contemporary tendency of vase-paintings, and the latter may
often be found useful to compare with—if not exactly to
illustrate—the legends which the two poets commemorate.
For instance, in the ode of Bacchylides in which he describes
the fate of Kroisos, there is a curious deviation from the
familiar Herodotean version, the king being represented as
voluntarily sacrificing himself.[23] The only vase-painting dealing
with this subject (Fig. #132:fig132#, p. 150) apparently reproduces this
tradition.

With the influence of the stage we have already dealt elsewhere.[24]
.bn 024.png
.pn +1
With the exception of the Satyric drama, it can hardly be
said to have made itself felt, except in the vases of Southern
Italy, in the fourth century <sc>B.C.</sc>, but indications of the
Satyric influence may be traced in many R.F. Attic vases, no
doubt owing to their connection with the popular Dionysiac
subjects. On a vase in Naples[25] are represented preparations
for a Satyric drama. When we reach the time of tragic and
comic influence, we not only find the subjects reproduced, but
even their stage setting; in other words, the vases are not so
much intended to illustrate the written as the acted play, just
as it was performed.

The whole question is admirably summed up by Luckenbach[26]
in the following manner: (1) The Epos is the chief source
of all vase-paintings from the earliest time to the decadence
inclusive, and next comes Tragedy, as regards the later vases
only; of the influence of other poetry on the formation
of myths in vase-paintings there is no established example.
(2) <em>Vase-paintings are not illustrations</em>, either of the Epos or
of the Drama, and there is no intention of reproducing a story
accurately; hence great discrepancies and rarity of close
adherence to literary forms; but the salient features of the
story are preserved. (3) Discrepancies in the naming of personages
are partly arbitrary, partly due to ignorance; the
extension of scenes by means of rows of bystanders, meaningless,
but thought to be appropriate, is of course a development
of the artist’s, conditioned by exigencies of space.
Anachronisms on vases are of frequent occurrence. (4) Such
scenes as those of warriors arming or departing are always the
painter’s own invention, ordinary scenes being often “heroised”
by the addition of names. But individuals are not necessarily
all or always to be named; and, again, the artist often gives
names without individualising the figures. (5) In the archaic
period successive movements of time are often very naïvely
blended (see p. 10); the difference between art and literature
is most marked in scenes where a definite moment is not
indicated. (6) Vase-paintings often give a general survey of
a poem, the scene not being drawn from one particular passage
.bn 025.png
.pn +1
or episode. The features of one poem are in art sometimes
transferred to another.

The attention that has been paid now for many years to
collecting, assorting, and critically discussing the material
afforded by the vases has much diminished the difficulties of
this most puzzling branch of archaeology. It has been chiefly
lightened by the discovery from time to time of inscribed vases,
though, as has just been noted, even these must be treated
with caution; and even now, of course, there are numerous
subjects the interpretation of which is either disputed or purely
hypothetical. But we can at least pride ourselves on having
advanced many degrees beyond the labours of early writers
on the subject, down to the year 1850.

When painted vases first began to be discovered in Southern
Italy, the subjects were supposed to relate universally to the
Eleusinian or Dionysiac mysteries, and this school of interpretation
for a long time found favour in some quarters, even
in the days of Gerhard and De Witte. But it was obvious
from the first that such interpretations did not carry the
investigator very far, and even in the eighteenth century other
systems arose, such as that of Italynski, who regarded the
subjects as of historical import.[27] Subsequently Panofka endeavoured
to trace a connection between the subjects and the
names of artists or other persons recorded on the vases, or,
again, between the subjects and shapes. The latter idea, of
course, contained a measure of truth, as is seen in many instances[28];
but it was, of course, impossible to follow out either
this or the other hypothesis in any detail.

The foundations of the more scientific and rational school of
interpretation were laid as early as the days of Winckelmann,
and he was followed by Lanzi, Visconti, and Millingen, and
finally Otto Jahn, who, as we have seen, practically revolutionised
the study of ceramography. Of late, however, the
question of the interpretation of subjects has been somewhat
relegated to the background, owing to the overwhelming
.bn 026.png
.pn +1
interest evoked by the finds of early fabrics or by the efforts
of German and other scholars to distinguish the various schools
of painting in the finest period.

Millingen, in the Introduction to his <lang=fr><cite>Vases Grecs</cite></lang>, drew up a
classification of the subjects on vases which need not be detailed
here, but which, with some modifications, may be regarded as
holding good to the present day. He distinguishes ten classes,
the first three mythological, the next four dealing with daily
life, and the three last with purely decorative ornamentation.
A somewhat similar order is adopted by Müller in his
<lang=de><cite>Handbuch</cite></lang>, by Gerhard in his <lang=de><cite>Auserlesene Vasenbilder</cite></lang>, and by
Jahn in his Introduction to the Munich Catalogue (p. cc ff.).
In the present and following chapters the arrangement and
classification of the subjects adhere in the main to the system
laid down by these writers; and as the order is not, of course,
chronological in regard to style, reference has been made where
necessary to differences of epoch and fabric.[29] It may be convenient
to recapitulate briefly the main headings under which
the subjects are grouped.

.fs 95%
.in 6
.ti -4
\ \ I. The Olympian deities and divine beings in immediate connection
with them, such as Eros and marine deities.
.ti +2
(<i>a</i>) In general; (<i>b</i>) individually. (Chapter #XII:ch12#.)

.ti -4
\ II. Dionysos and his cycle, Pan, Satyrs, and Maenads. (Page #54# ff.)

.ti -4
III. Chthonian and cosmogonic deities, personifications, and
minor deities in general. (Page #66# ff.)

.ti -4
\ IV. Heroic legends and mythology in general.

.in 6
.ti -2
(<i>a</i>) Herakles; (<i>b</i>) Theseus, Perseus, and other heroes;
(<i>c</i>) local or obscure myths; (<i>d</i>) the Theban and
Trojan stories; (<i>e</i>) monsters. (Chapter #XIV:ch14#.)
.in

.ti -4
\ \ V. Historical subjects. (Page #149# ff.)

.ti -4
\ VI. Scenes from daily life and miscellaneous subjects (for detailed
classification see p. #154#). (Chapter #XV:ch15#.)
.in

The number of subjects to be found on any one vase is of
course usually limited to one, two, or at most three, according
to the shape. Usually when there is more than one the subjects
are quite distinct from one another; though attempts have
been made in some cases, as in the B.F. amphorae, to trace
.bn 027.png
.pn +1
a connection.[30] On the other hand, the R.F. kylikes of the
strong period often show a unity of subject running through
the interior and exterior scenes, whether the theme is mythological
or ordinary.[31] It was only in exceptional cases that an
artist could devote his efforts to producing an entire subject,
as on some of the large kylikes with the labours of Theseus,[32]
or the vases representing the sack of Troy.[33] The great
François vase in Florence is a striking example of a mythology
in miniature, containing as it does more than one subject
treated in the fullest detail. And here reference may be made
to the main principles which governed the method of telling
a story in ancient art, and prevailed at different periods.[34] The
earliest and most simple is the <em>continuous</em> method, which
represents several scenes together as if taking place simultaneously,
although successive in point of time. This method
was often employed in Oriental art, but is not found in Hellenic
times; it was, however, revived by the Romans under the
Empire, and prevailed all through the early stages of Christian
art. Secondly, there is the <em>complementary</em> method, which aims
at the complete expression of everything relating to the central
event. The same figures are not in this case necessarily
repeated, but others are introduced to express the action of
the different subjects, all being collected in one space without
regard to time, as in the continuous style. This is of Oriental
origin, and is first seen in the description of Achilles’ shield;
it is also well illustrated in the François vase, in the story
of Troilos. Here the death of Troilos is not indeed actually
depicted, but the events leading up to it (the water-drawing at
the fountain and the pursuit by Achilles) and those consequent
on it (the announcement of the murder to Priam and the
setting forth of Hector to avenge it) are all represented
without the repetition of any figures. Lastly, there is the
<em>isolating</em> method, which is purely Hellenic, being developed
from the complementary. This is best illustrated by the Theseus
.bn 028.png
.pn +1
kylikes, with their groups of the labours, which, it should be
remembered, are not continuous episodes in one story, but
single events separated in time and space, and collected together
with a sort of superficial resemblance to the other methods.

Some description of the François vase has been given elsewhere
(Vol. I. p. #370:vol1_370#)[35]; but as it is unique in its comprehensiveness,
and as a typical presentation of the subjects most popular
at the time when vase-painters had just begun to pay special
attention to mythology, it may be worth while to recapitulate
its contents here. The subjects are no less than eleven in
number, arranged in six horizontal friezes, with figures also
on the handles, and there are in all 115 inscriptions explaining
the names of the personages and even of objects (<em>e.g.</em> <lang=grc>ὑδρία</lang>,   // Tr: hydria
for the broken pitcher of Polyxena). Eight of these subjects
belong to the region of mythology:—(1) On the neck: the hunt
of the Calydonian boar, and (2) the landing of Theseus and
Ariadne at Naxos, accompanied by dancing youths and
maidens. (3) On the shoulder: chariot race at the funeral
games of Patroklos, and (4) combat of Centaurs and Lapiths
(with Theseus). (5) On the body: the marriage of Peleus
and Thetis, attended by the gods in procession. (6) On the
body: the death of Troilos (see above), and (7) the return of
Hephaistos to Olympos. (8) On each of the handles, Ajax
with the body of Achilles. On the flat top of the lip is
represented (9) a combat of pigmies and cranes; on either
side of the foot (10) a lion and a panther devouring a bull
and stag, Gryphons, Sphinxes, and other animals; and on the
upper part of the handles (11) Gorgons and figures of the
Asiatic Artemis (see p. #35#) holding wild animals by the neck.

.tb

It is, of course, impossible to indicate all the subjects on
the thousands of painted vases in existence; and it must
also be remembered that many are of disputed meaning.
The succeeding review must therefore only be considered as a
.bn 029.png
.pn +1
general summary which aims at omitting nothing of any interest
and avoiding as far as possible useless repetition. In the
references appended under each subject the principle has been
adopted of making them as far as possible representative of
all periods, and also of selecting the most typical and artistic
examples, as well as the most accessible, publications.[36]

In dealing with the subjects depicted on Greek vases, we
naturally regard the Olympian deities as having the preeminence.
We will therefore begin by considering such scenes
as have reference to actions in which those deities were
engaged, and, secondly, representations of general groups of
deities, either as spectators of terrestrial events or without
any particular signification. It will then be convenient to
deal with the several deities one by one, noting the subjects
with which each is individually connected. We shall in the
following chapter proceed to consider the subordinate deities,
such as those of the under-world and the Dionysiac cycle, and
personifications of nature and abstract ideas. Chapter #XIV:ch14#.
will be devoted to the consideration of heroic legends, mythological
beings, and historical subjects; and in Chapter #XV:ch15#.
will be discussed all such subjects as relate to the daily life
of the Greeks.

.h4
<sc>The Olympian Deities</sc>

One of the oldest and most continuously popular subjects
is the <b>Gigantomachia</b>, or Battle of the Gods and Giants,
which forms part of the Titanic and pre-heroic cosmogony,
and may therefore take precedence of the rest. The Aloadae
(Otos and Ephialtes), strictly speaking, are connected with a
different event—the attack on Olympos and chaining of Ares;
but the scenes in which they occur are so closely linked with
the Gigantomachy proper that it is unnecessary to differentiate
them. We also find as a single subject the combat of Zeus
with the snake-footed Typhon.[37]

The <lang=la><em>locus classicus</em></lang> of Greek art for the Gigantomachia is
.bn 030.png
.pn +1
of course the frieze of the great altar at Pergamon (197 <sc>B.C.</sc>),
but several vases bear representations almost as complete,
though it is not as a rule possible to identify the giants except
where their names are inscribed.[38] Most vases give only one
to three pairs of combatants.

.il id=fig111 fn=fig111_030.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 111. GIGANTOMACHIA, FROM IONIC VASE IN LOUVRE.

Some pairs are found almost exclusively together, <i>e.g.</i> Athena
and Enkelados, or Ares and Mimas; Artemis and Apollo
are generally opposed to the Aloadae Otos and Ephialtes,
Zeus to Porphyrion, and Poseidon to Polybotes (Fig. #112:fig112#) or
Ephialtes. Hestia alone, the “stay-at-home” goddess of the
hearth, is never found in these scenes, but Dionysos, Herakles,
and the Dioskuri all take their part in aiding the Olympian
deities. Zeus hurls his thunderbolts[39]; Poseidon is usually
depicted with his trident, or hurling the island of Nisyros
(indicated as a rock with animals painted on it) upon his
.bn 031.png
.pn +1
adversary[40]; Hephaistos uses a pair of tongs with a burning coal
in them as his weapon[41]; and Dionysos is in some cases aided
by his panther.[42] Aeolus occurs once with his bag of winds.[43]

.il id=fig112 fn=fig112_031.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 112. POSEIDON AND THE GIANT POLYBOTES, FROM THE KYLIX IN BERLIN.

The following groups can be identified on vases by inscriptions
or details of treatment:—

.fs 90%
.in +1
.nf b
Zeus and Agasthenes, Hyperbios, and Ephialtes: Louvre E 732 (Fig. #111:fig111#).
Zeus and Porphyrion: Berlin 2531.
Hera and Harpolykos: Louvre E 732.
.bn 032.png
.pn +1
Hera and Rhoitos (miswritten Phoitos): Berlin 2531.
Poseidon and Polybotes: Louvre E 732; Berlin 2531 = Fig. #112:fig112#.
Poseidon and Ephialtes: Reinach, ii. 188.
Apollo and Ephialtes: Berlin 2531.
Artemis and Otos: Reinach, ii. 164.
Artemis and Aigaion: Berlin 2531.
Hephaistos and Euryalos: B.M. E 47.
Hephaistos and Klytios: Berlin 2293.
Athena and Enkelados: B.M. B 252; Louvre E 732; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 8.
Ares and Mimas: Berlin 2531; B.M. B 617.
Hermes and Hippolytos: Berlin 2293.
Hermes and Polybios (?): Louvre E 732.
Dionysos and Eurymedon: <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> xx. pl. 7.
Athena with arm of Akratos: Berlin 2957 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 88.
Death of Otos (supposed): Bibl. Nat. 299 = Reinach, ii. 255.
.nf-
.in
.fs 100%

Among scenes supposed to take place in Olympos, the most
important is the <b>Birth of Athena</b> from the head of Zeus.[44]
Usually she is represented as a diminutive figure actually
emerging from his head, but in one or two instances she stands
before him fully developed,[45] as was probably the case in the
centre of the east pediment of the Parthenon. This subject
is commoner on B.F. vases, and does not appear at all after
the middle of the fifth century.[46] In most cases several of the
Olympian deities are spectators of the scene; sometimes
Hephaistos wields his axe or runs away in terror at the
result of his operations[47]; in others the Eileithyiae or goddesses
of child-birth lend their assistance.[48] On a R.F. vase in the
Bibliothèque Nationale Athena flies out backwards from Zeus’
head.[49]

In accordance with a principle already discussed (Vol. I.
p. #378:vol1_378#), the composition or “type” of this subject is sometimes
adopted on B.F. vases for other groups of figures, where the
absence of Athena shows clearly that the birth scene is not
.bn 033.png
.pn +1
intended, and no particular meaning can be assigned to the
composition.[50]

Representations of the <b>Marriage of Zeus and Hera</b> cannot
be pointed to with certainty in vase-paintings. On B.F. vases
we sometimes see a bridal pair in a chariot accompanied by
various deities, or figures with the attributes of divinities[51];
but the chief figures are not in any way characterised as such,
and it is better to regard these scenes as idealisations of ordinary
marriage processions. On the other hand, there are undoubted
representations of Zeus and Hera enthroned among the
Olympian deities or partaking of a banquet.[52]

.il id=fig113 fn=fig113_033.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 113. THE BIRTH OF ATHENA (BRIT. MUS. B 244).

The story of the enchaining of Hera in a magic chair by
Hephaistos, and her subsequent liberation by him, is alluded
to on many vases, though one episode is more prominent than
the others. Of the expulsion of Hephaistos from heaven we
find no instance, and of the release of Hera there is only one
doubtful example[53]; but we find a parody of the former’s combat
.bn 034.png
.pn +1
with Ares, who forces him to liberate Hera.[54] The episode most
frequent is that of the <b>return of Hephaistos</b> in a drunken
condition to Olympos, conducted by Dionysos and a crowd
of Satyrs; of this there are fine examples on vases of all
periods.[55] On earlier vases Hephaistos rides a mule; on the
later he generally stumbles along, leaning on Dionysos or a
Satyr for support.

On the François vase we see Zeus and Hera, with an
attendant train of deities, Nymphs, and Muses, going in a
chariot to the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis; on many vases
we have the reception of the deified Herakles among the
gods of Olympos[56]; and on others groups of deities banqueting
or without particular signification.[57] But on the late
Apulian vases it is a frequent occurrence to find an upper
row of deities as spectators of some event taking place just
below: thus they watch battles of Greeks and Persians,[58] or
such scenes as the contract between Pelops and Oinomaos,[59] the
madness of Lykourgos,[60] the death of Hippolytos,[61] and others
from heroic legend, which it is unnecessary to specify here;
only a few typical ones can be mentioned.[62] They also appear
as spectators of scenes in or relating to the nether-world.[63]

.tb

<b>Zeus</b> appears less frequently than some deities, and seldom
alone; but still there are many myths connected with him,
besides those already discussed. As a single figure he appears
enthroned and attended by his eagle on a Cyrenaic cup in the
.bn 035.png
.pn +1
Louvre[64]; or again in his chariot, hurling a thunderbolt[65]; in
company with his brother-gods of the ocean and under-world,
Poseidon and Hades, he is seen on a kylix by Xenokles.[66] He
is also found with Athena,[67] with Hera, Apollo, Artemis, Aphrodite,
and Hermes[68]; and frequently with Herakles at the latter’s
reception into heaven.[69] In one instance he settles a dispute
between Aphrodite and Persephone.[70] He receives libations from
Nike,[71] or performs the ceremony himself, attended by Hera,
Iris, and Nike,[72] and is also attended by Hebe and Ganymede
as cupbearers.[73] His statue, especially that of <lang=grc>Ζεὺς Ἑρκεῖος</lang> at  // Tr: Zeus Herkeios
Troy, sometimes gives local colour to a scene.[74]

Most of the scenes in which he appears relate to his various
love adventures, among which the legends of Europa, Io, and
Semele are the most conspicuous; but first of his numerous
<lang=fr><em>amours</em></lang> should perhaps be mentioned his wooing of his consort
Hera. He carries her off while asleep from her nurse in Euboea,[75]
and also appears to her in the form of a cuckoo.[76] The rape of
Ganymede by his eagle appears once or twice on vases,[77] but
more generally Zeus himself seizes the youth while he is engaged
in bowling a hoop or otherwise at play.[78] On a fine late vase
with Latin inscriptions Ganymede appears in Olympos,[79] and
he is also depicted as a shepherd.[80]

Semele Zeus pursues and slays with the thunderbolt[81]; the
.bn 036.png
.pn +1
birth of her son Dionysos from his thigh is represented but
rarely on vases, and is liable to confusion with other subjects.
This story falls into three episodes: (1) the reception of the
infant by Hermes from Dirke, in order to be sewn into Zeus’
thigh[82]; (2) the actual birth scene[83]; (3) the handing over of
the child to the Nymphs.[84] Of his visit to Alkmena there are
no certain representations, but two comic scenes on South
Italian vases[85] may possibly refer to it, and one of them at
least seems to be influenced by the burlesque by Rhinton,
from which Plautus borrowed the idea of his <cite>Amphitruo</cite>. The
apotheosis of Alkmena, when her husband places her on a
funeral pyre after discovering her misdeed, is represented on
two fine South Italian vases in the British Museum; in one
case Zeus looks on.[86] His appearing to Leda in the form
of a swan only seems to find one illustration on a vase,
but in one case he is present at the scene of Leda with
the egg.[87]

He is also depicted descending in a shower of gold on
Danaë[88]; or as carrying off the Nymphs Aegina and Thaleia[89];
or, again, with an unknown Nymph, perhaps Taygeta.[90] In the
form of a bull, on which Europa rides, he provides a very
favourite subject, of which some fine specimens exist.[91] One
variation of the type is found on an Apulian vase, where
Europa advances to caress the bull sent by Zeus to fetch her.[92]
.bn 037.png
.pn +1
The story of Io[93] resolves itself into several scenes, all of which
find illustration on the vases: (1) the meeting of Io and Zeus
when she rests at the shrine of Artemis after her wanderings[94];
(2) Io in the form of a cow, guarded by Argos[95]; (3) the
appearance of her deliverer Hermes[96]; (4) Hermes attacks and
slays Argos (Fig. #114:fig114#).[97]

.il id=fig114 fn=fig114_037.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorlegeblätter</cite></lang>.</s>

FIG. 114. HERMES SLAYING ARGOS IN PRESENCE OF ZEUS (VASE AT VIENNA).]
.ca-

In addition, the presence of Zeus may be noted in various
scenes from heroic or other legends, which are more appropriately
discussed under other headings[98], such as the freeing
of Prometheus[99], the combat of Herakles and Kyknos[100], or the
weighing of the souls of Achilles and Hector[101]; at the sending
of Triptolemos, the flaying of Marsyas, the death of Aktaeon,
.bn 038.png
.pn +1
and that of Archemoros[102]; at the creation of Pandora and the
Judgment of Paris[103]; the rape of the Delphic tripod and that of
the Leukippidae, at Peleus’ seizing of Thetis,[104] and with Idas and
Marpessa.[105] The story of the golden dog of Zeus, which was
stolen by Pandareos, is referred to under a later heading.[106]

.tb

<b>Hera</b> apart from Zeus appears but seldom, but there are a
few scenes in which she is found alone; of those in which she
is an actor or spectator some have been already described, the
most important being the story of Hephaistos’ return to heaven.[107]
As her figure is not always strongly characterised by means of
attributes, it is not always to be identified with certainty. As
a single figure she forms the interior decoration of one fine R.F.
kylix,[108] and her <lang=grc>ξόανον</lang>, or primitive cult-idol, is sometimes found // Tr: xoanon
as an indication of the scene of an action.[109] On one vase she
is represented at her toilet.[110]

There is a vase-painting which represents Hera on her throne
offering a libation to Prometheus, an aged figure who stands
before her.[111] She is also present at the liberation of Prometheus[112];
in a scene probably intended for the punishment of Ixion[113]; at
the creation of Pandora[114]; and in scenes from the story of Io.[115]
She suckles the child Herakles in one instance,[116] and in another
appears with him in the garden of the Hesperides[117]; she is also
present at his reconciliation with Apollo at Delphi,[118] and at his
apotheosis,[119] receiving him and Iolaos.[120] On an early Ionic vase
.bn 039.png
.pn +1
she appears contending with him in the presence of Athena and
Poseidon, and wears a goat-skin head-dress, as in the Roman
type of Juno Sospita or Lanuvina.[121]

The scene in which she appears most frequently is the
Judgment of Paris (see below, p. #122#); she is also present at
the birth of Dionysos[122]; at the stealing of Zeus’ golden dog
by Pandareos[123]; at the contest between Apollo and Marsyas[124];
at the slaughter of the Niobids[125]; and with Perseus and
Athena.[126]

She appears sometimes with Hebe, Iris, and Nike, from whom
she receives libations[127]; and in one scene, apparently from a
Satyric drama, she and Iris are attacked by a band of Seileni
and rescued by Herakles.[128]

.tb

.il id=fig115 fn=fig115_040.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang></s>

FIG. 115. POSEIDON AND AMPHITRITE ON A CORINTHIAN PINAX.
.ca-

<b>Poseidon</b> is a figure somewhat rare in archaic art as a whole,
especially in statuary, but is more frequently seen on vases,
mostly in groups of deities, or as a spectator of events taking
place in or under the sea, his domain. Among subjects already
discussed, he is present at the birth of Athena,[129] at the nuptials
of Zeus and Hera,[130] and in assemblies of the Olympian gods,
generally with his consort Amphitrite[131]; he also takes part in
the Gigantomachia and the reception of Herakles into Olympos.[132]
He is represented in a group with his brother deities of the
higher and nether world, Zeus and Hades[133]; with Apollo,
Athena, Ares, and Hermes[134]; among the Eleusinian deities
.bn 040.png
.pn +1
at the sending forth of Triptolemos[135]; and occasionally in
Dionysiac scenes as a companion of the wine-god.[136] As a
single figure he is frequently found on the series of archaic
tablets or <em>pinakes</em> found near Corinth, and also in company
with Amphitrite (Fig. #115:fig115#)[137]; on later vases not so frequently.[138]
In one instance he rides on a bull,[139] in others on a horse,
sometimes winged[140]; elsewhere he drives in a chariot with
.bn 041.png
.pn +1
Amphitrite and other deities[141]; he watches the Sun-god in
his car rising out of the waves[142]; and one vase has the
curious subject of Poseidon, Herakles, and Hermes engaged
in fishing.[143]

.pm onplate L
.il id=pl50 fn=plate50_042.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>

<sc>Athena and Poseidon Contending for Attica; Vase from Kertch (at Petersburg).</sc>
.ca-
.pm offplate

Among scenes in which he plays an active part the most
interesting is the dispute with Athena for the ownership of
Attica, also represented on the west pediment of the Parthenon[144];
his love adventures, especially his pursuit of Amymone[145] and
Aithra,[146] are common subjects, but in many cases the object
of his pursuit cannot be identified.[147] He receives Theseus under
the ocean,[148] and possibly in one case Glaukos, on his acceptance
as a sea-god[149]; he is also present at the former’s recognition
by Aigeus.[150] He is seen at the death of Talos,[151] and with
Europa crossing the sea.[152] In conjunction with other deities,
chiefly on late Italian vases, he is present as a spectator of
various episodes, such as the adventures of Bellerophon,
Kadmos, or Pelops, the rape of Persephone, the creation of
Pandora, the death of Hippolytos, and in one historical scene,
a battle of Greeks and Persians.[153] He superintends several of
the adventures of Herakles, notably those in which he is
specially interested, as the contests with Antaios and Triton[154];
and he supports Hera in her combat with that hero.[155] He is
.bn 042.png
.pn +1
.bn 043.png
.bn 044.png
also seen with Perseus on his way to slay Medusa,[156] and among
the Gorgons after that event.[157]

.tb

In connection with Poseidon it may be convenient to mention
here other divinities and beings with marine associations—such
as Okeanos, Nereus, and Triton, and the Nereids or sea-nymphs,
daughters of Nereus, with the more rarely occurring
Naiads. Of these the name of Okeanos occurs but once, on
the François vase. The figure itself has disappeared, but the
marine monster on which he rides to the wedding of Peleus
and Thetis, and the inscription, remain. <b>Nereus</b> appears as
a single figure, with fish-tail and trident,[158] but is most frequently
met with in connection with the capture of his daughter Thetis
by Peleus, either as a spectator or receiving the news from
a Nereid.[159] He also watches the contest of Herakles with
Triton,[160] himself encountering the hero in some cases.[161] On
one vase Herakles has seized his trident and threatens him
by making havoc of his belongings.[162] He appears at Herakles’
combat with Kyknos,[163] and at his apotheosis,[164] and also offers
a crown to Achilles.[165] In one case he is found in Dionysos’
company.[166] With his daughter Doris he watches the pursuit
of another Nereid by Poseidon.[167]

<b>Triton</b> is found as a single figure,[168] and (chiefly on B.F. vases)
engaged in a struggle with Herakles.[169] He also carries Theseus
through the sea to Poseidon,[170] and watches the flight of Phrixos
and Helle over the sea.[171] The group of deities represented
by Ino and Leukothea, Palaimon, Melikertes, and Glaukos
.bn 045.png
.pn +1
appear in isolated instances,[172] as do Proteus[173] and Skylla[174]—the
latter as single figures, without reference to their connection
with the <cite>Odyssey</cite>. A monstrous unidentified figure, with
wings and a serpentine fish-tail, which may be a sea-deity (in
one case feminine), is found on some early Corinthian vases[175];
possibly Palaimon is intended.

<b>The Nereids</b>, who are often distinctively named, are sometimes
found in groups,[176] especially watching the seizure of
Thetis or bearing the news to Nereus[177]; or, again, carrying
the armour of Achilles over the sea and presenting it to him.[178]
On one vase they mourn over the dead Achilles.[179] They are
also present at the reception of Theseus,[180] the contest of
Herakles and Triton,[181] and with Europa on the bull.[182] Kymothea
offers a parting cup to Achilles[183]; the Naiads, who are
similar beings, present to Perseus the cap, sword, shoes, and
wallet.[184] They are also found grouped with various deities,[185]
and even one in the under-world.[186] Thetis appears once as
a single figure, accompanied by dolphins[187]; for her capture
by Peleus and relations with Achilles, see p. #120# ff.

.tb

<b>The Eleusinian deities</b> Demeter and Persephone (or Kore)
are usually found together, not only in scenes which have a
special reference to their cult, but in general assemblies of the
gods. They once appear in the Gigantomachia.[188] Scenes
.bn 046.png
.bn 047.png
.bn 048.png
.pn +1
which refer to the Eleusinian cycle are found exclusively on
later examples,[189] and as a rule merely represent the two chief
deities grouped with others, such as Dionysos and Hekate,
and with their attendants, Iacchos, Eumolpos, and Eubouleus.[190]
One vase represents the initiation of Herakles, Kastor, and
Polydeukes in the Lesser Mysteries of Agra[191]; another, the
birth of Ploutos, who is handed to Demeter in a cornucopia by
Gaia, rising from the earth, in the presence of Persephone,
Triptolemos, and Iacchos[192]; and others, the birth of Dionysos
or Iacchos—a very similar composition.[193] Demeter and Persephone
are represented driving in their chariot, with attendant
deities and other figures,[194] or standing alone, carrying sceptre
and torches respectively,[195] or pouring libations at a tomb (on
a sepulchral vase).[196] They are present at the carrying off
of Basile by Echelos (a rare Attic legend),[197] and Demeter
alone is seen, once at the birth of Athena,[198] once at the
slaughter of the dragon by Kadmos,[199] once enthroned,[200] and
once with Dionysos as Thesmophoros, holding an open roll
with the laws (<lang=grc>θεσμοί</lang>) of her cult.[201]                              // Tr: thesmoi

.pm onplate LI
.il id=pl51 fn=plate51_046.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca <sc>Kotyle by Hieron: Triptolemos at Eleusis (British Museum).</sc>
.pm offplate

Closely connected with Eleusis is the subject of the sending
forth of <cite>Triptolemos</cite> as a teacher of agriculture in his winged
car. This is found on vases of all periods,[202] but is best
exemplified on the beautiful kotyle of Hieron in the British
Museum (Plate LI.), where, besides Olympian and Chthonian
deities, the personification of Eleusis is present. Besides the
other Eleusinian personages, Keleos and Hippothoon are also
.bn 049.png
.pn +1
seen.[203] Triptolemos is generally seated in his car, but in one
or two cases he stands beside it[204]; in another he is just
mounting it.[205] On the latter vase Persephone holds his plough.
On a vase in Berlin Triptolemos appears without his car,
holding a ploughshare; Demeter presents him with ears of
corn, and Persephone holds torches.[206]

<b>Persephone</b> is also seen with Iacchos,[207] who, according to
various accounts, was her son or brother. She appears with
Aphrodite and Adonis,[208] and one vase is supposed to represent
the dispute between her and Aphrodite over the latter, which
was appeased by Zeus.[209]

The story of the rape of Persephone by Hades, her sojourn
in the under-world, and her return to earth is also chiefly
confined to the later vases, especially the incident of the
rape.[210] In the elaborate representations of the under-world
on late Apulian vases she generally stands or sits with Hades
in a building in the centre.[211] She is often depicted in scenes
representing the carrying off of Kerberos by Herakles,[212] or
banqueting with Hades.[213] On both early and late vases
Hermes, in his character of Psychopompos, is seen preparing
to conduct her back from the nether world (see Plate #XLV:vol1_pl45#.),[214]
or actually on his way.[215] In another semi-mystical version of
the return of Persephone, signifying the return of spring and
vegetation, her head or part of her body emerges from the earth,[216]
.bn 050.png
.pn +1
in one case accompanied by the head of Dionysos, whereat
Satyrs and Maenads flee affrighted.[217] The interpretation of
some of these scenes, however, has been much questioned.[218]

.tb

The number of vases with subjects representing the three
Delphic deities—<b>Apollo</b>, <b>Artemis</b>, and <b>Leto</b>—is considerable.
The appearances of Apollo, at any rate, are probably only
exceeded in number by those of Athena, Dionysos, and
Herakles. It is, in fact, impossible to make a complete
enumeration of the groups in which Apollo occurs, and a
general outline alone can be given.[219]

Apollo as a single figure is often found both on B.F. and
R.F. vases, usually as Kitharoidos, playing his lyre; sometimes
also he is distinguished by his bow.[220] As Kitharoidos he is
usually represented standing,[221] but in some cases is seated.[222]
He is sometimes accompanied by a hind[223] or a bull (Apollo
Nomios?).[224] He is represented at Delphi seated on the
Pythoness’ tripod,[225] or is seated at an altar,[226] or pours a libation.[227]
He rides on a swan[228] or on a Gryphon,[229] and also crosses
the sea on a tripod.[230] In some scenes he is characterised as
Daphnephoros,[231] holding a branch of laurel, or is represented
in the attitude associated with Apollo Lykeios, resting with
one hand above his head.[232] In one scene the type of Apollo
Kitharoidos closely resembles that associated with the sculptor
Skopas.[233]
.bn 051.png
.pn +1

.il id=fig116 fn=fig116_051.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> ix.</s>
FIG. 116. APOLLO, ARTEMIS, AND LETO.
.ca-

When he is grouped with Artemis, the latter deity usually
carries a bow and quiver,[234] or they pour libations to one
another;[235] but more commonly they stand together, without
engaging in any action. They are also depicted in a chariot.[236]
More numerous are the scenes in which Leto is also included
(as Fig. #116:fig116#), though she is not always to be identified with
certainty.[237] In this connection may be noted certain scenes
relating to Apollo’s childhood: his birth is once represented,[238]
and on certain B.F. vases a woman is seen nursing two children
(one painted black, the other white), which may denote Leto
with her infants, though it is more probably a symbolic representation
of Earth the Nursing-mother (Gaia Kourotrophos; see
p. #73#).[239] Tischbein published a vase of doubtful authenticity,
.bn 052.png
.pn +1
which represents Leto with the twins fleeing from the serpent
Python at Delos[240]; but in two instances Apollo certainly
appears in Leto’s arms, in one case shooting the Python with
his bow.[241]

With these three is sometimes joined Hermes—in one
instance at Delphi, as indicated by the presence of the
<em>omphalos</em>[242]; or, again, Hermes appears with Apollo alone,
or with Apollo and Artemis.[243] Poseidon is seen with Apollo,
generally accompanied by Artemis and Hermes, also by
Leto and other indeterminate female figures.[244] In conjunction
with Athena, Apollo is found grouped with Hermes, Dionysos,
Nike, and other female figures; also with Herakles.[245] With
Aphrodite he is seen in toilet scenes, sometimes anointed by
Eros.[246] In one case they are accompanied by Artemis and
Hermes,[247] and on one vase Apollo is grouped with Zeus and
with Aphrodite on her swan.[248] He accompanies the chariots
of various deities, such as Poseidon, Demeter, and Athena,[249]
especially when the latter conducts Herakles to heaven.[250]

Apollo, in one case, is associated with the local Nymph Kyrene
on a fragment of a vase probably made in that colony.[251] He
frequently receives libations from Nike,[252] and in one case is
crowned by her.[253] With Nymphs and female figures of indeterminate
character he occurs on many (chiefly B.F.) vases, sometimes
as receiving a libation.[254] On several red-figured vases he is
.bn 053.png
.pn +1
accompanied by some or all of the nine Muses, one representing
their contest with Thamyris and Sappho.[255] He and Artemis are
specially associated with marriage processions, whether of Zeus
and Hera or of ordinary bridal couples.[256] Apollo also appears in
a chariot drawn by a boar and a lion at the marriage of
Kadmos and Harmonia.[257]

In Dionysiac scenes he is a frequent spectator[258]; he greets
Dionysos among his thiasos,[259] joins him in a banquet,[260] or
accompanies Ariadne’s chariot[261] or the returning Hephaistos[262];
listens to the Satyr Molkos playing the flutes,[263] or is grouped
with Satyrs and Maenads at Nysa.[264] More important and of
greater interest are the scenes which depict the legend of
Marsyas, and they may fitly find a place here. The story is
told in eight different episodes on the vases, which may be
thus systematised:

.fs 95%
.in +6
.ti -4
1. Marsyas picks up the flutes dropped by Athena: Berlin 2418
= Baumeister, ii. p. 1001, fig. 1209: cf. Reinach, i. 342 (in
Boston).

.ti -4
2. First meeting of Apollo and Marsyas: Millin-Reinach, i. 6.

.ti -4
3. The challenge: Berlin 2638.

.ti -4
4. Marsyas performing: B.M. E 490; Reinach, i. 452 (Berlin 2950),
i. 511 (Athens 1921), ii. 312; Jatta 1093 = Reinach, i. 175 =
Baumeister, ii. p. 891, fig. 965.

.ti -4
5. Apollo performing: Jatta 1364 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 63; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vi. 11.

.ti -4
6. Apollo victorious: Reinach, ii. 310; Petersburg 355 = Reinach,
i. 14 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 5.

.ti -4
7. Condemnation of Marsyas: Naples 3231 = Reinach, i. 405;
Reinach, ii. 324.

.ti -4
8. Flaying of Marsyas: Naples 2991 = Reinach, i. 406 (a vase with
reliefs); Roscher, ii. 2455 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 64.
.fs 100%
.in
.bn 054.png
.pn +1

Among other scenes in which Apollo (generally accompanied
by Artemis) plays a personal part, the following may be
mentioned: the slaying of the Niobids by the two deities[265];
the slaying of Tityos by Apollo[266] (in one case Tityos is represented
carrying off Leto, who is rescued by Apollo)[267]; and
various love adventures in which Apollo is concerned.[268] The
name of the Nymph pursued by him in the latter scenes cannot,
as a rule, be identified; one vase appears to represent him contending
with Idas for the possession of Marpessa.[269] He also
heals the Centaur Cheiron (this appears in burlesque form),[270] and
protects Creusa from the wrath of Ion.[271] He is seen seeking for
the cattle stolen from him by Hermes, and contending with that
god over the lyre.[272] He frequently appears in Birth of Athena
scenes as Kitharoidos,[273] and also at the sending forth of Triptolemos[274]
or in the under-world.[275] In one case he appears (with
Athena, Artemis, and Herakles) as protecting deity of Attica,
watching a combat of Greeks and Amazons.[276] On one vase there
is a possible reference to Apollo Smintheus, with whom the
mouse was especially associated.[277]

Like other deities, Apollo and Artemis are frequently found
on Apulian vases as spectators of the deeds of heroes, or other
events in which they are more or less interested; some of these
subjects have already been specified (see above, p. #17#). Apollo
especially is often seen in connection with the story of Herakles,
or the Theban and Trojan legends. One burlesque scene
represents his carrying off the bow of Herakles to the roof
of the Delphic temple,[278] and the subject of the capture
.bn 055.png
.pn +1
of the tripod, with the subsequent reconciliation, is of very
frequent occurrence.[279] As Apollo Ismenios, the patron of
Thebes, he is a spectator of the scene of the infant Herakles
strangling the snakes[280]; in one case he is represented disputing
with Herakles over a stag,[281] which may be another version of the
story of the Keryneian stag, a scene in which he also occurs.[282]
He is seen with Herakles and Kyknos,[283] Herakles and Kerberos,[284]
and is very frequently present at the apotheosis of the hero.[285]

Apollo and Artemis watch Kadmos slaying the dragon,[286] and
one or other of them is present at the liberating of Prometheus[287];
Apollo alone is seen with Oedipus and Teiresias,[288] and
watches the slaying of the Sphinx by the former.[289] Among
Trojan scenes he is sometimes present at the Judgment of Paris,[290]
also at the sacrifice of Iphigeneia, the pursuit of Troilos, the
combats of Achilles and Ajax with Hector, and the recognition
of Aithra by her sons.[291] He is, of course, frequently seen in
subjects from the Oresteia, both in Tauris and at Delphi,[292] and at
the death of Neoptolemos before the latter temple.[293] The pair are
also seen at the carrying off of Basile by Echelos (see p. 140).[294]

The <lang=grc>ξόανον</lang>, or primitive cult-statue, of Apollo is sometimes          // Tr: xoanon]
represented; in one case Kassandra takes refuge from Ajax
before it, instead of the usual statue of Athena.[295]

.tb

The appearances of <b>Artemis</b>, as distinct from Apollo, need not
detain us long; she is sometimes found in mythological scenes,
but frequently as a single figure, of which there are some fine
.bn 056.png
.pn +1
examples.[296] A winged goddess grasping the neck or paws of an
animal or bird with either hand frequently occurs on early vases,
and is usually interpreted as Artemis in her character of <lang=grc>πότνια   // Tr: : potnia thêrôn
θηρῶν</lang> or mistress of the brute creation, sometimes called the
Asiatic or Persian Artemis.[297] On an early Boeotian vase (with
reliefs) at Athens is a curious representation of Artemis Diktynna,
a quasi-marine form of the goddess, originally Cretan (?); on
the front of her body is represented a fish, and on the either side
of her is a lion.[298] As a single figure she appears either with bow
or quiver, or with lyre, sometimes accompanied by a stag or
hind, or dogs[299]; she also rides on a deer[300] or shoots at a stag.[301]
Or, again, she is attended by a cortège of Nymphs[302] or rides in
a chariot.[303] Like that of Apollo, her <lang=grc>ξόανον</lang> is sometimes introduced   // Tr: xoanon
into a scene as local colouring.[304]

The myth with which she is chiefly associated is that of
Aktaeon, which may find a place here, though in most cases
Aktaeon alone is represented, being devoured by his hounds.[305]
A curious subject on a vase at Athens appears to be the burial of
Aktaeon, Artemis being present.[306] She is also represented at the
sacrifice of Iphigeneia, for whom a stag was substituted by her
agency,[307] and in connection with the same story at her shrine in
Tauris.[308] She is especially associated with Apollo in such scenes
as the contest with and flaying of Marsyas,[309] the rape of the
.bn 057.png
.pn +1
Delphic tripod by Herakles[310] and the subsequent reconciliation,[311]
or the appearance of Orestes at Delphi.[312] The two deities sometimes
accompany nuptial processions in chariots, Artemis as
<lang=la><em>pronuba</em></lang> holding a torch, but it is not easy to say whether these
scenes refer to the nuptials of Zeus and Hera or are of ordinary
significance.[313] A scene in which she pursues a woman and
a child with bow and arrow may have reference to the slaughter
of the Niobids.[314]

Other scenes in which she is found are the Gigantomachia[315]
and the Birth of Athena[316]; or she is seen accompanying the
chariots of Demeter[317] and Athena,[318] and with Aphrodite and
Adonis.[319] She disputes with Herakles over the Keryneian stag[320];
and is also present when he strangles the snakes,[321] and at his
apotheosis in Athena’s chariot.[322] She attends the combat of
Paris and Menelaos,[323] and as protecting deity of Attica she
watches a combat of Greeks and Amazons.[324] A vase in Berlin,
on which are depicted six figures carrying chairs (Diphrophori,
as on the Parthenon frieze) and a boy with game, may perhaps
represent a procession in honour of Artemis.[325]

.tb

<b>Hephaistos</b> is a figure who appears but seldom, and never
as protagonist, except in the case of his return to Olympos,[326]
a subject already discussed (p. #17#), as has been his appearance
in the Gigantomachia[327] and at the birth of Athena.[328] In
conjunction with the last-named goddess he completes the
creation and adornment of Pandora on two fine vases in
the British Museum[329]; he is also present at the birth of
.bn 058.png
.pn +1
Erichthonios.[330] His sojourn below the ocean with Thetis and
the making of Achilles’ armour also occur.[331] Representations of
a forge on some B.F. vases may have reference to the Lemnian
forge of Hephaistos and his Cyclopean workmen.[332] He is also
seen with Athena,[333] at the punishment of Ixion,[334] and taking part
in a banquet with Dionysos.[335]

.tb

More important than any of the other Olympian deities, for
the part she plays in vase-paintings, is <b>Athena</b>, the great goddess
of the Ionic race, and especially of Athens. Of her birth from
the head of Zeus we have already spoken, as also of the part she
plays in the Gigantomachia (p. #15#). The separate episode of her
combat with Enkelados (her invariable opponent) is frequently
depicted on B.F. vases[336]; but in one instance she tears off the
arm of another giant, Akratos.[337] We have also seen her
assisting at the creation of Pandora,[338] and contending with
Poseidon for Attica.[339] She receives the infant Dionysos at the
time of his birth,[340] and is also generally present at that of
Erichthonios,[341] and once with Leto at that of Apollo and
Artemis.[342] She is, of course, an invariable actor in Judgment
of Paris scenes, in one of which she is represented washing
her hands at a fountain in preparation for the competition.[343]

From assemblies of the gods she is rarely absent, and she is
also associated with smaller groups of divinities, such as Apollo
and Artemis (p. #31#), with Ares or Hephaistos,[344] or with Hermes,[345]
or in Eleusinian[346] or Dionysiac scenes.[347] Thus she assists at
.bn 059.png
.pn +1
the slaying of the Niobids,[348] and on one vase is confronted
with Marsyas, before whom she has just dropped the flutes.[349]
Scenes in which she appears receiving a libation from Nike
are extremely common[350]; and she is also found with Iris and
Hebe.[351] In one instance she herself pours a libation to Zeus.[352]

Generally the companion of princes and patroness of heroes,
she protects especially Herakles, whom she aids in his exploits
and conveys finally in her chariot to Olympos, where he is
introduced by her to Zeus.[353] Some scenes represent the two
simply standing together[354]; in others she welcomes and
refreshes him after his labours,[355] and in one case he is
supposed to be represented pursuing her.[356] It is unnecessary
to particularise here the various scenes in which she attends
Herakles (see p. #95# ff.); but one may be mentioned as peculiar,
where she carries him off in her chariot with the Delphic
tripod which he has just stolen.[357] Another rare scene
connected with the Herakles myths is one in which, after
the fight with Kyknos (see p. #101#), Zeus protects her from
the wrath of Ares.[358] Another of her favourite heroes is
Theseus,[359] and she is even more frequently associated with
Perseus, whom she assists to overcome and escape from the
Gorgons.[360] She gives Kadmos the stone with which to slay
the dragon,[361] and is also seen with Bellerophon,[362] Jason and
the Argonauts,[363] and Oedipus.[364] She is present at the rape
.bn 060.png
.pn +1
of Oreithyia by Boreas,[365] at the punishment of Ixion,[366] and
at the setting out of Amphiaraos[367]; at the stealing of Zeus’
golden dog by Pandareos[368]; also at the rape of the Leukippidae
by the Dioskuri,[369] and of Basile by Echelos (see p. #140#),[370] and
in a scene from the tragedy of Merope.[371]

The scenes where she is assisting the Greek heroes in the Trojan
War are almost too numerous to specify, her favourite being
of course Achilles; her meeting with Iris (<cite>Il.</cite> viii. 409) is once
depicted,[372] and she also appears in connection with the dispute
over Achilles’ arms.[373] She is not so frequently seen with her
other favourite, Odysseus, but in one instance she is present
when he meets with Nausikaa,[374] and also when he blinds
Polyphemos.[375] On the numerous vases representing Ajax
and Achilles (or other heroes) playing at draughts, the figure
or image of the goddess is generally present in the background.[376]
The same type on B.F. vases is adopted for the
subject of two heroes casting lots before her statue[377]; lastly,
she appears as the friend and patron of Orestes when expiating
the slaying of his mother.[378]

As a single figure Athena is represented under many types
and with various attributes, seated with her owl[379] or in
meditation,[380] writing on tablets[381] or holding the <lang=grc>ἀκροστόλιον</lang>  // Tr: akrostolion
of a ship[382]; playing on a lyre[383] or flutes,[384] or listening to a
player on the flute or lyre[385]; with a man making a helmet,[386]
.bn 061.png
.pn +1
or herself making the figure of a horse,[387] and in a potter’s
workshop.[388] On an early vase she appears between two
lions[389]; or she is accompanied by a hind (here grouped with
other goddesses).[390] She is depicted running,[391] and occasionally
is winged[392]; or she appears mounting a chariot, accompanied
by various divinities.[393] As the protecting goddess of Attica
she watches a combat of Greeks and Amazons[394]; she also
attends the departure or watches combats of ordinary warriors,[395]
or receives a victorious one.[396] In one instance she carries a dead
warrior home.[397]

There are many representations of her image, either as a
<lang=grc>ξόανον</lang> or cultus-statue, or recalling some well-known type of   // Tr: xoanon
later art. Among the former may be mentioned her statue
at Troy, whereat Kassandra takes refuge from Ajax,[398] and
the Palladion carried off by Odysseus and Diomede.[399] Among
the latter, three can be traced to or connected with creations
of Pheidias: viz. the chryselephantine Parthenos statue[400]; the
Lemnian type, holding her helmet in her hand (Plate #XXXVI:vol1_pl36#.)[401];
and the Promachos, in defensive attitude, with shield and spear.[402]
The last-named type (earlier, of course, than the famous statue
on the Acropolis) is that universally adopted for the figure
of Athena on the obverse of the Panathenaic amphorae, on
which she is depicted in this attitude between two Doric
columns surmounted by cocks (on the later examples by
figures of Nike or Triptolemos).[403] Her statue is also represented
.bn 062.png
.pn +1
as standing in a shrine or heroön[404]; or as the recipient
of a sacrifice or offering.[405] Her head or bust alone appears
on several vases.[406]

.tb

<b>Ares</b>, in the few instances in which he appears on vases, is
generally in a subordinate position; he is a spectator at the
birth of Athena[407]; and appears twice on the François vase, at
the wedding of Peleus and Thetis, and again in an attitude
of shame and humility, to indicate the part he played in the
story of Hephaistos and Hera; of his combat with the former god
mention has already been made (p. #16#). In the Gigantomachia
his opponent is Mimas, with whom he also appears in single
combat[408]; and he aids his son Kyknos against Herakles and
Athena.[409] He is seen in several of the large groups of Olympian
deities,[410] or in smaller groups, <i>e.g.</i> with Poseidon and Hermes,[411]
with Apollo, Artemis, and Leto,[412] or with Athena[413] or his spouse
Aphrodite[414]; also with Dionysos, Ariadne, and Nereus.[415] He
also receives a libation from Hebe.[416] He is seen at the birth
of Pandora,[417] the punishment of Ixion,[418] the slaying of the
Niobids,[419] the apotheosis of Herakles,[420] and the contest of that
hero with the Nemean lion.[421] In some cases his type is not to
be distinguished from that of an ordinary warrior or hero, as in
one case where he or a warrior is seen between two women.[422]
.bn 063.png
.pn +1

.tb

<b>Aphrodite</b> seldom appears as a protagonist on vases, and in
fact plays a small personal part in mythology. Apart from scenes
of a fanciful nature she is usually a mere spectator of events;
but as she is not often characterised by any distinctive attribute,
there is in many cases considerable difficulty in identifying her
personality. This is especially the case on B.F. vases, on which
her appearances are comparatively rare. One vase represents
her at the moment of her birth from the sea in the presence
of Eros and Peitho[423]; she also appears (on late vases only) with
Adonis,[424] embracing him, and in two instances mourning for him
after his death[425]; but caution must be exercised in most cases
in identifying this subject, which is but little differentiated from
ordinary love scenes. One scene apparently represents Zeus
deciding a dispute between her and Persephone over Adonis.[426]

More commonly she is seen riding over the sea on a goose
or swan,[427] of which there is one exceedingly beautiful example
in the British Museum; here she is to be recognised as the
Heavenly Aphrodite (Ourania), whereas in her character of
Pandemos (profane or unlicensed love) she rides on a goat.[428]
In other instances the swan draws her chariot over the sea,[429]
or she is borne by a pair of Erotes,[430] or sails in a shell, as in
the story of her birth and appearance in the island of Kythera[431];
in others, again, her chariot is drawn (on land) by the Erotes,[432]
or by a lion, wolf, and pair of boars.[433] She is also represented
at her toilet[434] or bathing,[435] in the latter case in the attitude
.bn 064.png
.pn +1
of the <lang=fr><em>Vénus accroupie</em></lang> of sculpture; in these instances again
there is often difficulty in distinguishing from scenes of ordinary
life. Again, she is represented spinning,[436] playing with a swan,[437]
or caressing a hare,[438] or in company with a young hunter,[439]
possibly meant for Adonis.

.il id=fig117 fn=fig117_064.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=grc>Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.</lang> 1897.</s>                                  // Tr: Eph. Arch.
<sc>FIG. 117. APHRODITE AND HER FOLLOWING (VASE AT ATHENS).</sc>
.ca-

In many scenes she is grouped with a cortège of attendant
Nymphs and personified figures, often with names attached.[440]
Besides Eros, the following are found on these vases: Pothos
(Longing) and Himeros (Charm), Hygieia (Health), Peitho
(Persuasion), Paidia (Play), Pandaisia (Good Cheer), Eunomia
(Orderliness), Euthymia (Cheerfulness), Eudaimonia (Happiness),
Hedylogos (Winning Speech), and Kleopatra (a fancy name).
Eros himself she embraces[441] and suckles,[442] and in some cases
he assists in her toilet, perfuming her hair from an unguent
flask,[443] or adjusting her sandals[444]; he is seldom absent from
her side on the later vases. In one instance Aphrodite and
.bn 065.png
.pn +1
two Erotes make a basket of golden twigs.[445] Their heads
or busts are also found on late vases, as is that of Aphrodite
alone.[446]

In relation to other mythological subjects she is frequently
found in assemblies of the gods, especially in the spectator
groups on Apulian vases[447]; also at the birth of Athena (rarely),[448]
at the marriage of Zeus and Hera,[449] and in the Gigantomachia
(very rare).[450] She is seen among the Eleusinian deities,[451] and
in scenes from the nether world[452]; and she accompanies the
chariots of Athena and Demeter.[453] She also accompanies
Poseidon in his wooing of Amymone,[454] and is present at the
slaying of Argos by Hermes,[455] the punishment of Aktaeon[456]
and the contest of Apollo and Marsyas,[457] and the wooing of
Europa by Zeus.[458] She is also grouped with Apollo and the
Muses listening to Thamyris and Sappho.[459]

She is seldom seen with Herakles, but is present at his
apotheosis,[460] and also with him in the Garden of the Hesperides[461];
she is once seen with Theseus,[462] and is present at
the rape of the Leukippidae by the Dioskuri.[463] Other heroes
with whom she is connected (chiefly as a spectator on the
Apulian vases) are Kadmos, Meleager, Perseus, and Pelops.[464]
In the tale of Troy, however, she plays a more important part.
The Judgment of Paris is, of course, the scene with which she
is chiefly connected[465]; in one instance she appears alone with
.bn 066.png
.pn +1
Paris, unless Anchises be here meant.[466] She is present at the
first meeting and wedding of Peleus and Thetis[467]; at the toilet
of Helen, and at her carrying off by Paris[468]; she assists her son
Aeneas in his combat with Diomede,[469] and is present at the rape
of Kassandra.[470] Helen takes refuge from Menelaos with her in
her temple[471]; and finally she assists Aeneas to escape with the
aged Anchises from Troy.[472]

.tb

Besides the scenes in which he appears with Aphrodite, <b>Eros</b>
is a sufficiently important personage on vases to demand a
section to himself. On the black-figured vases he never appears,
nor on the earlier red-figured ones is it possible to find many
instances, but towards the end of the fifth century his popularity
is firmly established, while on the Italian vases, especially the
the later Apulian, his presence is almost invariable, not only in
mythological scenes, but in subjects from daily life. As a single
figure he occurs again and again, generally holding a wreath,
mirror, box, fan, or some object which may be regarded as
signifying a lover’s present.

Concurrently with his increasing popularity we note the
change that comes over the conception of his personality.
Beginning as a full-grown youth of fair proportions, his form
gradually attenuates and becomes more juvenile, or even in some
cases infantile, as in Hellenistic art; while on the Apulian vases
it assumes an androgynous, altogether effeminate character.
His hair is arranged in feminine fashion, and his person is
adorned with earrings, bracelets, anklets, and chains, remaining
otherwise entirely nude, except that he sometimes wears soft
shoes of a feminine kind (see Plate #XLIV:vol1_pl44#. and Fig. #118:fig118#).

On the red-figured vases he generally appears as a single
figure, though on those of the “fine” style he is often in
attendance on Aphrodite; roughly speaking, it may be said
that he figures in all scenes that deal with the passion of Love,
.bn 067.png
.pn +1
such as the Judgment of Paris,[473] the story of Adonis,[474] the marriage
of Dionysos and Ariadne,[475] or the love-affairs of Zeus, Poseidon,
and other gods.[476]

In other legends in which Love plays a part, such as the
stories of Jason and Medeia,[477] Phaidra and Hippolytos,[478] Peleus
and Thetis (or Theseus and Ariadne),[479] Pelops and Hippodameia,[480]
Paris and Helen,[481] he is also to be seen; as also at
the carrying off of Persephone.[482] Moreover, he occurs in several
scenes where the reason is not so apparent, as at the birth of
Erichthonios,[483] in the Garden of the Hesperides,[484] at the suckling
of Herakles by Hera,[485] with Herakles and a Centaur,[486] and in
the nether world[487]; also with deities such as Zeus, Athena, Nike,
Helios and Selene, and Dionysos[488]; anointing the head of
Apollo.[489] The cosmogonic conception of Eros and his connection
with Gaia is referred to in the next chapter under the latter
heading (p. #73#). Two Erotes draw the chariot of Demeter
and Persephone[490]; and he is also seen in company with the
Nereids.[491] His presence in Dionysiac scenes, especially on the
later vases, is often to be noted, though without any special
meaning to be attached to it[492]; in one instance he is carried
on the back of a Seilenos.[493] In many of these scenes he merely
accompanies Aphrodite, and they do not therefore require
enumeration. Lastly, he is seen in company with Sappho,[494]
the great poetess of Love.
.bn 068.png
.pn +1

In non-mythological scenes he is found almost as frequently,
especially in toilet scenes,[495] or what we may regard as “scenes
of courting”; but on the later vases these exhibit little or no
action, and are not worth considering in detail, with a few
exceptions. Thus we see Eros in marriage processions,[496] in
musical scenes,[497] and at banquets[498]; at a sacrifice to a term[499];
watching girls play the game of <em>morra</em>[500] (“How many fingers
do I hold up?”); swinging them, or being danced on their
feet[501]; in scenes of fruit- and incense-gathering[502]; or pouring
wine into a krater.[503] He appears with Agon (see p. #89#)
training in the palaestra.[504] He pursues a youth or a girl,[505]
embraces a girl,[506] or is carried by her pick-a-back[507]; offers
a hare to a youth,[508] or drives a youth with a whip from an
altar[509]; and in one instance is about to chastise with a slipper
two youths who are playing with a top and hoop[510]; these two
latter scenes may be regarded as implying the power of Eros
over youth. He is also seen shooting an arrow at a woman,[511]
an idea characteristic of Anacreontic and Alexandrine poetry.
Another scene which recalls the wall-paintings of the Hellenistic
Age is on a vase in the British Museum, representing two Erotes
being weighed in scales.[512]

As a single figure he pursues a hare or kills a snake[513];
crouches before a plant[514]; is represented armed with shield
and spear[515]; or places a sash or wreath on a tripod.[516] He
is borne in a chariot by horses or swans,[517] or rides on
.bn 069.png
.pn +1
a horse, deer, dog, or swan.[518] He is also seen playing various
games, such as the <em>kottabos</em> or <em>morra</em>,[519] see-sawing or playing
knucklebones,[520] or with a ball or hoop or toy-boat.[521] Or he
plays the flute or lyre[522]; or plays with animals, such as a deer,
dove, swan[523]; or finally (on Apulian vases) with a toy which
resembles a wheel, and was probably used for magic purposes,
as several passages of literature
indicate.[524]

.il id=fig118 fn=fig118_069.jpg align=l w=200px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 118. EROS WITH KOTTABOS-STAND (BRIT. MUS.).

Lastly, we must give a
survey of the frequent representations
of Eros flying
through the air carrying
some attribute, which are so
universal on the Italian vases,
though some of the earliest
types also represent him in
this manner. Thus he carries
a hare, or dove or other
bird[525]; fruit (such as grapes
or pomegranates), flowers, and
branches[526]; wreaths, dishes of
fruit, baskets, vases of various
.bn 070.png
.pn +1
forms, and a spit of meat[527]; thyrsi, tambourines, lyres, torches,
incense-burners, strigils, and ladders[528]; fans, parasols, mirrors,
toilet-boxes, strings of beads, and sashes, or balls.[529]

.tb

Among the other associates of Aphrodite the chief are Peitho,
Pothos, and Himeros, of whom mention has already been made.
<b>Peitho</b>, except where her name is given, is not always easy to
identify; the other two are not differentiated from Eros in form,
and are, in fact, only variations of the conception of Love, as
are the more rarely occurring Phthonos (<lang=la><em>Amor invidiosus</em></lang>)[530] and
Talas (<lang=la><em>Amor infelix</em></lang>), the latter of whom is associated with
Sappho.[531] Peitho is found with Himeros in one instance,[532] and
in another with Eukleia[533]; she also accompanies Aphrodite in
Eleusinian and other scenes,[534] at the deliverance of Andromeda,[535]
in the Garden of the Hesperides,[536] and at the rape of Helen[537]
and the Leukippidae,[538] and at the recovery of Helen by
Menelaos[539]; she consoles her when mourning for Adonis[540];
and is present at the moment of her birth.[541] Like Eros, she
is seen in company with Sappho,[542] and she also appears with
Meleager and Atalante.[543]

.tb

<b>Pothos</b> and <b>Himeros</b> are seen floating over the sea with Eros
on a fine R.F. vase in the British Museum,[544] and at the Judgment
of Paris[545]; and grouped together generally as Erotes, they may
be distinguished on some late vases. Pothos attends at the
.bn 071.png
.pn +1
toilet of Helen,[546] and plays the flutes in a Dionysiac scene.[547]
Himeros is seen swinging Paidia (another of Aphrodite’s following)[548];
at the marriage of Herakles and Hebe[549]; presenting a
crown to Dionysos,[550] or removing his shoes,[551] and accompanying
him in a scene of preparation for the Satyric drama.[552]

.tb

<b>Hermes</b>, the messenger of the gods, is a common figure on
vases of all periods, but chiefly as a subordinate agent, though
he plays a leading part in some scenes, and frequently occurs
as a single figure.[553] Some small vases are decorated merely
with his head, wearing the winged petasos.[554] He is represented
passing over the sea with a lyre,[555] carrying a ram,[556] riding on a
ram or goat,[557] or reclining on the latter animal[558]; also as
making a libation[559] or sacrificing a goat.[560] He presides over
the palaestra,[561] and is also seen standing between Sphinxes,[562]
or again (apparently as a statue) standing by a fountain.[563] In
one scene he leads a dog disguised as a pig,[564] and he is also
represented tending a flock of sheep,[565] or fishing.[566]

The story so vividly recounted in the Homeric hymn of his
infantile theft of Apollo’s oxen is given in several scenes, including
his taking refuge in his cradle (Fig. #119:fig119#)[567]; he is also
represented with his mother Maia,[568] and disputing with Apollo
over the lyre which he invented.[569] The only other myth in
which he plays a chief part is his pursuit of the Nymph Herse
.bn 072.png
.pn +1
in the presence of her father Kekrops and her sister Aglauros.[570]
He appears in the Gigantomachia (in one instance as Zeus’
charioteer),[571] frequently at the birth of Athena,[572] and with the
bridal <lang=fr><em>cortège</em></lang> of Zeus and Hera[573]; also in numerous assemblies
of the Olympian deities, especially on the Apulian vases.[574] He
is present at the seizing of Ganymede,[575] and defends Hera
against an attack of Seileni.[576] His slaying of Argos and
deliverance of Io has already been mentioned[577]; and he assists
in recovering the golden dog of Zeus which was stolen by
Pandareos.[578]

.il id=fig119 fn=fig119_072.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>

FIG. 119. HERMES WITH APOLLO’S OXEN.
.ca-

He is present at the return of Hephaistos,[579] at Poseidon’s
capture of Amymone,[580] with Aphrodite mourning for Adonis,[581]
and with Apollo slaying Tityos and the Niobids and contending
with Marsyas,[582] also at his reconciliation with Herakles.[583] He
accompanies the chariots of Poseidon, Apollo, and Athena,[584] and
also those of mortals, especially in wedding processions[585]; and
.bn 073.png
.pn +1
he is also seen with Eos and Selene,[586] Kastor and Polydeukes,[587]
Prometheus,[588] Leda at the finding of the egg,[589] and at the birth
of Pandora.[590] He is specially associated with Zeus, Apollo,
Athena, and Dionysos,[591] and also appears with Aphrodite
Pandemos[592]; he is not infrequently found in Dionysiac scenes[593];
and to him is entrusted the newly born Dionysos to be handed
over to the Nymphs of Nysa.[594] On B.F. vases he is frequently
seen leading a procession of Nymphs.[595]

As a Chthonian deity he is present in many scenes relating
to the nether world, especially on the large Apulian vases,[596]
and in connection with the Eleusinian myths, such as the
carrying off of Persephone.[597] As Psychagogos or Psychopompos
he is seen in Hades waiting to conduct Persephone to earth,
or actually <lang=fr><em>en route</em></lang> with her.[598] He frequently performs the
same office for mortals, conducting them to Charon’s bark.[599]
He is also found in company with Thanatos,[600] and with Herakles
bringing back Alkestis.[601] A unique scene with Hermes in his
Chthonian capacity is on a vase where he is represented
chaining up Kerberos[602]; and another, yet more curious, depicts
him standing by a jar (<lang=grc>πίθος</lang>) from which a number of small                  // Tr: pithos
winged figures (<lang=grc>εἴδωλα</lang> or ghosts) are flying out, with a supposed           // Tr: eidôla
reference to the Athenian festival of the <lang=grc>Πιθοίγια</lang>.[603]                    // Tr: Pithoigia
.bn 074.png
.pn +1

In the stories of Herakles he plays an important part, as also
in those of Theseus and other heroes, and he is frequently visible
in scenes from the Trojan legends. He conveys the infant
Herakles to Cheiron for instruction,[604] and conducts the hero to
Hades to fetch Kerberos[605]; he is also seen feasting or bathing
with him,[606] and in company with him and Athena,[607] and most
frequently in connection with his apotheosis.[608] With Theseus
he is found more rarely[609]; but he frequently accompanies
Perseus in his flight from the Gorgons.[610] In other heroic scenes
he is often one of the spectator deities on Apulian vases. In
one instance he is seen banqueting with an unidentified hero.[611]

In the Trojan legends his chief appearance is as conductor
of the goddesses to the Judgment of Paris[612]; and in one case
he accompanies Peleus when bringing the infant Achilles to
Cheiron.[613] He also assists Zeus in weighing the souls of
Achilles and Hector,[614] conducts Priam to Achilles,[615] and is
present in many other scenes which need not be recounted
in detail. A scene difficult of explanation represents him
accompanying Odysseus in a chariot.[616]

A Herm or terminal figure of Hermes is a not uncommon
feature on vases, especially of the R.F. period,[617] and generally
as the object of a sacrifice made to it.[618]

Last of the Olympian deities comes <b>Hestia</b>, who is usually
coupled with Hermes; she, however, only appears on a few vases
in gatherings of the Olympian deities,[619] as on the François vase,
where she attends the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis, and at
the marriage of Herakles and Hebe.[620]

.fm

.fn 1
<cite>Il.</cite> xi. 635: cf. Athen, xi. 489 F.
.fn-

.fn 2
i. 27 ff.: cf. Vol. I. p. #180:vol1_180#.
.fn-

.fn 3
Athenaeus, xi. p. 489 B.
.fn-

.fn 4
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 782 B.
.fn-

.fn 5
<cite>Od.</cite> 5.
.fn-

.fn 6
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiii. 155.
.fn-

.fn 7
<cite>Ibid.</cite> 156.
.fn-

.fn 8
Mart. viii. 51: cf. Juv. i. 76.
.fn-

.fn 9
Stat. <cite>Theb.</cite> i. 543.
.fn-

.fn 10
Virg. <cite>Ecl.</cite> iii. 46.
.fn-

.fn 11
Schreiber, <cite>Alexandr. Toreutik, passim</cite>;
Robert in <i>50^{tes} Winckelmannsfestprogr.</i>
1890.
.fn-

.fn 12
Suet. <cite>Ner.</cite> 47: see Vol. I. pp. #134:vol1_134#,
#185:vol1_185#, #499:vol1_499#.
.fn-

.fn 13
Cf. Miss Harrison, <cite>Mythol. and Monum. of Athens</cite>, p. ii; and see Vol. I. p. #13:vol1_13#.
.fn-

.fn 14
See on this subject <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 83.
.fn-

.fn 15
<cite>Art. Poet.</cite> 147.
.fn-

.fn 16
See Luckenbach in <lang=de><cite>Jahrb. für Class.
Phil.</cite></lang> Suppl.-Bd. xi. (1880), p. 575 ff.
.fn-

.fn 17
<cite>Op. cit.</cite> p. 493 ff.
.fn-

.fn 18
The only exceptions are in the Panathenaic
contests, which are of course not
epic: cf. B.M. B 130–31.
.fn-

.fn 19
See on this subject <lang=la><cite>Comm. in hon.
T. Mommseni</cite></lang>, p. 163 ff.; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang>
1876, p. 116; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 366,
and, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> x. p. 13 ff.
.fn-

.fn 20
Luckenbach, <cite>op. cit.</cite> p. 560 ff.
.fn-

.fn 21
There is only one vase (Naples
2296 = Reinach, <lang=fr><cite>Répertoire</cite></lang>, i. 476) on
which the names of the Nereids are
derived from Homer.
.fn-

.fn 22
<cite>Op. et Di.</cite> 60 ff.; <cite>Scut.</cite> 345 ff., 178,
216; <cite>Theog.</cite> 820, 924 ff.
.fn-

.fn 23
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 267.
.fn-

.fn 24
Vol. I. p. #472:vol1_472#: see also below, p. #159#.
On the subject generally see Vogel, <lang=de><cite>Scenen
Eur. Trag.</cite></lang>; Huddilston, <cite>Gk. Tragedy
in Vase-paintings</cite>; Engelmann, <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Studien zu den Tragikern</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 25
Reinach, i. p. 114.
.fn-

.fn 26
<cite>Op. cit.</cite> p. 636.
.fn-

.fn 27
See for further details of early theories
Vol. I. p. #21:vol1_21#.
.fn-

.fn 28
<i>E.g.</i> the B.F. hydriae with water-drawing
scenes; the funeral lekythi;
and the R.F. cups with their subjects
relating to banquets and revels.
.fn-

.fn 29
See also Chapters VI.–XI. throughout.
.fn-

.fn 30
Morgenthau, <lang=de><cite>Zusammenhang d. Bilder
auf gr. Vasen</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 31
Cf. for instance E 39, 45, 47, 48, in
B.M.
.fn-

.fn 32
See below, p. #108#.
.fn-

.fn 33
See p. #134#.
.fn-

.fn 34
This subject has been admirably
treated by Wickhoff in his <cite>Roman Art</cite>
(Eng. edn.), p. 13 ff.
.fn-

.fn 35
The publication of this vase by
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenmalerei</cite></lang>,
pls. 1–3, 11–13, with full discussion
of subjects and technical details,
has now superseded all previous illustrations.
The only other complete ones
were in <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> iv. 54–8 (Reinach,
i. p. 134–36) and <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> ii. pls. 1–5.
The general view given in Plate #XXVIII:vol1_pl28#.
is reproduced from the first-named work.
.fn-

.fn 36
For the abbreviations used in the
following notes see the Bibliography
(#Vol. I:vol1_biblio#.).
.fn-

.fn 37
Munich 125 = Reinach, ii. 120 =
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 32;
B.M. F 237: cf. also B.M. B 62.
.fn-

.fn 38
The best and most complete examples
are as follows:—B.F.: B.M.
B 208; Reinach, i. 162 = Louvre E 732.
R.F.: B.M. E 47, 469; Berlin 2293,
2531 (both in <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. pls. 8 and
5; the latter very good); Bibl. Nat.
573 = Reinach, ii. 256. Best of all (late
R.F.), a grand vase found in Melos
(<lang=fr><cite>Monum. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1875, pt. 4, pls. 1–2 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 7), on which no less
than eighteen deities are engaged, but
none of the giants are named. Hera,
Hephaistos, and Amphitrite are absent.
Figs. 111 and 112 give two of these—E 732
in Louvre, and the interior of
Berlin 2531.
.fn-

.fn 39
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 8.
.fn-

.fn 40
Reinach, ii. 188 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 5.
.fn-

.fn 41
B.M. E 47; Berlin 2293.
.fn-

.fn 42
B.M. B 253, E 443 (and see p. #56#).
.fn-

.fn 43
<cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite> xx. (1896),
pl. 7: cf. the archaic frieze of the Siphnian
treasury at Delphi.
.fn-

.fn 44
B.F.: B.M. B 147 (a very fine
early example, but much restored), 244
(Fig. #113:fig113#), 424; Berlin 1704 (also
good). R.F.: B.M. E 15, E 410 (fine);
Reinach, ii. 207.
.fn-

.fn 45
Reinach, i. 171.
.fn-

.fn 46
Reinach in <lang=fr><cite>Revue des Études Grecques</cite></lang>,
1901, p. 127, traces the subject to a
Megarian origin.
.fn-

.fn 47
<cite>B.M. Vases</cite>, ii. p. 11.
.fn-

.fn 48
B.M. B 147, 218, 244.
.fn-

.fn 49
<cite>Cat.</cite> 444.
.fn-

.fn 50
See B.M. B 157, B 341; also Berlin
1899 (= <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 22) and Reinach,
ii. 21, 2.
.fn-

.fn 51
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 197 (a fine vase, by
Amasis?) and B 298: see on the subject
Foerster, <lang=de><cite>Hochzeit des Zeus und Hera</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 52
B.M. E 82; Wernicke, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang>
pl. 1, 7 = Reinach, ii. 266.
.fn-

.fn 53
Petersburg 355 = Reinach, i. 14 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 5 (also interpreted as
a sculptor finishing off a statue of
Hera).
.fn-

.fn 54
B.M. F 269 (gods nicknamed respectively
Daidalos and Enyalios).
.fn-

.fn 55
B.F.: François vase; B.M. B 42
(Plate #XXI:vol1_pl21#.), 264; Vienna 218; Athens
628 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894, pl. 8. R.F.:
Bibl. Nat. 539 = Reinach, ii. 261; Reinach,
ii. 3 = Millin-Reinach, i. 9; Reinach, ii.
311; Munich 776 = Baumeister, i. p. 644,
fig. 714 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 29; Munich 780 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>: i. pl. 46 A
= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. 9, 3.
.fn-

.fn 56
See below, p. #107#; the best examples
are Berlin 2278 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 9
(Sosias); B.M. B 379; Reinach, ii. 76
(in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 57
B.M. B 345; E 67, 444; Berlin 2060;
Reinach, i. 157, 1, 2 and 203 = Baumeister,
iii. pl. 93, fig. 2400 (by Oltos and
Euxitheos, a very fine example); a late
instance, Petersburg 419 = Reinach, i.
161.
.fn-

.fn 58
Reinach, i. 98; 194 (Dareios in
council).
.fn-

.fn 59
B.M. F 278; Reinach, i. 379.
.fn-

.fn 60
B.M. F 271.
.fn-

.fn 61
B.M. F 279.
.fn-

.fn 62
Numerous examples will be found
in the pages of Reinach’s <lang=fr><cite>Répertoire</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 63
Rape of Persephone: Reinach, i. 99;
other scenes, <cite>ibid.</cite> i. 355; B.M. F 270.
.fn-

.fn 64
E 668 = Reinach, i. 435; and cf. Jatta
1405 = Reinach, i. 483; Bibl. Nat. 489.
.fn-

.fn 65
Reinach, ii. 287.
.fn-

.fn 66
B.M. B 425: cf. <cite>Mus. Greg.</cite> ii. 21, 1.
.fn-

.fn 67
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 82 (also i. 22?), and
Vienna 329.
.fn-

.fn 68
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 30 (may be Poseidon);
Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> 37, 3; B.M. E 432
(Artemis); Naples S.A. 702 = Reinach,
i. 499 and Reinach, ii. 183 (Aphrodite);
Bibl. Nat. 229 (Zeus with Hera, Athena,
Ares, and Hermes); <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1898, p. 189, and <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>,
1899, No. 15 (with Hermes).
.fn-

.fn 69
B.M. B 166, B 379, B 424, E 262;
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, 20; Berlin
1857 (H. plays lyre); Petersburg 1775 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 9, 1 = Reinach, i. 302
(parody): and see below, p. #107#.
.fn-

.fn 70
Reinach, i. 156, 1.
.fn-

.fn 71
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 14 (now in B.M.);
Munich 345 = Reinach, i. 66.
.fn-

.fn 72
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 38 (fine
polychrome pyxis in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 73
B.M. E 381; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 20.
.fn-

.fn 74
B.M. F 278; Roscher, iii. p. 969.
.fn-

.fn 75
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 68 (in
Louvre): cf. Eusebius, <cite>Prep. evang.</cite>
iii. 84<cite>b</cite>.
.fn-

.fn 76
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 29A (doubtful).
.fn-

.fn 77
Reinach, i. 335, 2.
.fn-

.fn 78
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 18 (= Helbig, ii. p. 310,
No. 104); Bibl. Nat. 416 = Reinach, i.
472; Berlin 2032 = Reinach, i. 334.
.fn-

.fn 79
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1887, pl. 10.
.fn-

.fn 80
B.M. F 542.
.fn-

.fn 81
B.M. E 313; Reinach, i. 408.
.fn-

.fn 82
Petersburg 1792 = Reinach, i. 1: see
Robert, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Märchen</cite></lang>, pl. 2, p. 179 ff.
.fn-

.fn 83
Petersburg 1793 = Reinach, i. 3;
Bibl. Nat. 219 = <lang=de><cite>Mon. Ant. di Barone</cite></lang>,
pl. 1; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1895, No. 27:
see also for the first Robert, <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Märchen</cite></lang>, pl. 3, p. 189.
.fn-

.fn 84
B.M. E 182; Bibl. Nat. 440 =
Reinach, ii. 260; and see p. 55, note #644:f644#.
.fn-

.fn 85
B.M. F 150; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. (1886),
p. 276 (see Vol. I. p. #473:vol1_473#).
.fn-

.fn 86
B.M. F 149 (signed by Python) =
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xi. pl. 6; B.M. F 193.
.fn-

.fn 87
B.M. F 286; Reinach, i. 278.
.fn-

.fn 88
B.M. E 711; Petersburg 1723 =
Baumeister, i. p. 406, fig. 447 (both
R.F.).
.fn-

.fn 89
Aegina: Helbig, ii. p. 311, No. 113
= Wernicke, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> 6, 4; Berlin
3239 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 17; <cite>Boston Mus.
Report</cite> for 1895, No. 39 (a sister brings
the news to her father Asopos). Thaleia:
Reinach, ii. 285 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 16 =
Wernicke, 6, 3.
.fn-

.fn 90
Reinach, ii. 144: see below, p. #82#.
.fn-

.fn 91
B.F.: Louvre E 696 = Reinach, i.
162; Athens 853 = Reinach, i. 507; <cite>id.</cite>
ii. 49. R.F.: B.M. E 231; Munich 208
= Jahn, <lang=de><cite>Entführung d. Europa</cite></lang>, pl. 7
(polychrome on white); Petersburg 1637
= Reinach, i. 24, and 1915 = Reinach,
i. 22 (Europa brought to Zeus). Late:
B.M. F 184; Naples 3218 = Jahn, <cite>op. cit.</cite>
pl. 1 (Eros on bull).
.fn-

.fn 92
Helbig, ii. p. 312, No. 118 = Overbeck,
<lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol. Atlas</cite></lang>, pl. 6, fig. 13.
.fn-

.fn 93
See generally <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>,
1900, p. 62, and <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1903, p. 37;
also <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 12.
.fn-

.fn 94
Berlin 3164, and Reinach, ii. 16 =
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 25, 26.
.fn-

.fn 95
Reinach, i. 407.
.fn-

.fn 96
<cite>Ibid.</cite> i. 111, 1 = Berlin 2651 (R.F.),
and 111, 2 = Munich 573 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
1890–91, pl. 12, 1 (B.F.); <cite>Boston Mus.
Report</cite>, 1900, No. 21.
.fn-

.fn 97
B.M. B 164; Bibl. Nat. 302 = <lang=fr><cite>Él.
Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 97; Reinach, i. 363; Vienna
338 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 11, 1 =
Fig. #114:fig114#; <cite>ibid.</cite> i. 111, 4 = Jatta 1498 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 12, 2.
.fn-

.fn 98
See generally Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.</cite></lang>
ii. p. 27 ff., 181 ff.
.fn-

.fn 99
Reinach, i. 388.
.fn-

.fn 100
See p. #101#; Zeus defending Athena
against Ares after the combat, <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 51 (Boston vase).
.fn-

.fn 101
See p. #130#.
.fn-

.fn 102
B.M. E 140; Reinach, i. 342, 405,
452; <cite>ibid.</cite> i. 229; i. 235.
.fn-

.fn 103
B.M. E 467 and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxi. pl. 1;
Petersburg 1807 = Reinach, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 104
B.M. B 316; E 224; Naples 2638 =
Reinach, i. 78.
.fn-

.fn 105
Munich 745 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pl. 16.
.fn-

.fn 106
See p. #141#.
.fn-

.fn 107
See above, p. #16#.
.fn-

.fn 108
Munich 336 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.
Atlas</cite></lang>, pl. 9, 19; head only,
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 29; also perhaps in Naples
2900 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1653, fig. 1714;
but more probably Aphrodite is intended.
.fn-

.fn 109
Overbeck, <cite>op. cit.</cite> iii. p. 18; Reinach,
i. 231, ii. 16.
.fn-

.fn 110
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 34.
.fn-

.fn 111
Bibl. Nat. 542 = Reinach, i. 141.
.fn-

.fn 112
Reinach, i. 388.
.fn-

.fn 113
B.M. E 155.
.fn-

.fn 114
B.M. E 467.
.fn-

.fn 115
B.M. B 164; Berlin 3164; Reinach,
i. 111, 4.
.fn-

.fn 116
B.M. F 107.
.fn-

.fn 117
Naples 2873 = Millin-Reinach, i. 3:
cf. B.M. F 148 and Reinach, i. 301.
.fn-

.fn 118
Reinach, ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 119
B.M. B 379; Berlin 2278; Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, 20.
.fn-

.fn 120
Bibl. Nat. 253 = Reinach, i. 399.
.fn-

.fn 121
B.M. B 57: cf. the Hera <lang=grc>αἰγοφάγος</lang>         // Tr: aigophagos
at Sparta (Paus. iii. 15, 9).
.fn-

.fn 122
Petersburg 1792 = Reinach, i. 1;
Bibl. Nat. 219.
.fn-

.fn 123
<lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> 1898, p. 586.
.fn-

.fn 124
Jatta 1093 = Reinach, i. 175.
.fn-

.fn 125
Reinach, i. 463.
.fn-

.fn 126
Naples 2202 = Dubois-Maisonneuve,
<cite>Introd.</cite> pls. 45–46.
.fn-

.fn 127
Reinach, ii. 9, 321 and <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 30
(Hebe); Reinach, ii. 325 (Iris).
.fn-

.fn 128
B.M. E 65 = Reinach, i. 193.
.fn-

.fn 129
B.M. B 147, E 410.
.fn-

.fn 130
B.M. B 197.
.fn-

.fn 131
B.M. E 82; Berlin 2278 = <lang=de><cite>Ant.
Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 9.
.fn-

.fn 132
See above, p. #13# (esp. Berlin 2531
(Fig. #112:fig112#), Reinach, ii. 188 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
i. 5, <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, No. 41,
and Helbig, ii. p. 304, No. 81 = <lang=de><cite>Mus.
Greg.</cite></lang> ii. pl. 56, 1); B.M. B 166; Berlin
2278; Reinach, ii. 76; Louvre F 30 =
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xiii. (1889), pl. 4 (by Amasis).
.fn-

.fn 133
B.M. B 425: cf. <lang=de><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 21, 1.
.fn-

.fn 134
B.M. B 212, B 262, and Reinach, ii.
23, 30 = Munich 145 (Apollo); <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite>, 1896, No. 1, and Athens 750
(Hermes); Athens 838, <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 30(?),
iii. 13, 36 A (Athena and Hermes); B.M.
B 191 (Ares and Hermes), B 228 (Athena,
Ares, Herakles); <cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite>
41 (Apollo, Eros, Nereids, Papposilenos).
.fn-

.fn 135
B.M. E 140.
.fn-

.fn 136
Reinach, ii. 35; and see B.M.
E 445.
.fn-

.fn 137
Berlin 347–473 (alone), 474–537 (with
A.): see also 787–833; specimens published
in <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. pls. 7–8 (<i>e.g.</i>
Fig. #115:fig115# = Berlin 495).
.fn-

.fn 138
B.M. E 322; Berlin 2164; Bibl.
Nat. 363 = Reinach, ii. 257, 4; <i>ibid.</i>
ii. 22, 8; Petersburg 1531, 2164. With
Amphitrite pouring a libation: <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> vii. 2 (Duris in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 139
Reinach, ii. 35.
.fn-

.fn 140
Athens 880; Bibl. Nat. 314.
.fn-

.fn 141
Berlin 1869; Athens 836; Reinach,
ii. 22; B.M. B 254 (<lang=grc>Ἀφροδίτη</lang> inscribed    // Tr: Aphroditê
by error for <lang=grc>Ἀμφιτρίτη</lang>).                  // Tr: Amphitritê
.fn-

.fn 142
Naples 3219 = Reinach, i. 125.
.fn-

.fn 143
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 14.
.fn-

.fn 144
Plate #L:pl50#.: cf. Bibl. Nat. 222 =
Reinach, ii. 251 = Rayet and Collignon,
p. 121.
.fn-

.fn 145
Reinach, i. 124, 465, ii. 22 (Jatta
1346), 181; Athens 1171 = Heydemann,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. Vas.</cite></lang> pl. 2, 1. Amymone alone may
be intended on Bibl. Nat. 359.
.fn-

.fn 146
B.M. E 174; Reinach, ii. 23 = Helbig,
ii. p. 309, No. 102.
.fn-

.fn 147
Bibl. Nat. 432 = Millin-Reinach, ii.
20; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 20–25; Bibl. Nat. 370;
Reinach, i. 286 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 2,
by Brygos (perhaps the Nymph Salamis:
cf. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix. p. 56; the scenes on the exterior
of this cup may refer to Kychreus,
the son of Poseidon and Salamis, and
the snake slain by him). Athens 1551 =
Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vas.</cite></lang> pl. 1, fig. 2,
seems to represent Poseidon pursuing a
Nereid.
.fn-

.fn 148
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. pp. 277–79, and cf.
pl. 14 (Louvre G 104, by Euphronios),
where Theseus is received by Amphitrite.
.fn-

.fn 149
Bibl. Nat. 418 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 278.
.fn-

.fn 150
B.M. E 264.
.fn-

.fn 151
Reinach, i. 361.
.fn-

.fn 152
<i>E.g.</i> i. 36.
.fn-

.fn 153
Reinach, i. 108, 195; Berlin 2634;
Reinach, i. 379; i. 99; B.M. E 467;
B.M. F 279; Reinach, i. 98.
.fn-

.fn 154
B.M. B 196, Munich 114 = Reinach,
i. 422; Reinach, ii. 61; and see
B.M. B 228; Reinach, i. 301; ii. 66
(Kyknos).
.fn-

.fn 155
B.M. B 57.
.fn-

.fn 156
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1886, pl. 10 (with the
Graiae); <lang=de><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1878, pl. 2 (in
Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 157
Millin-Reinach, ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 158
B.M. B 428 = Roscher, iii. 247.
.fn-

.fn 159
B.M. E 9, 73; Reinach, i. 64, i. 78
(= Naples 2638), ii. 278; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vii. 2 (Duris in Louvre); Munich 369
= Furtwaengler and Reichhold, 24
(Hieron): all R.F. See also p. 120.
.fn-

.fn 160
B.M. B 201; Reinach, i. 346, 6–7.
.fn-

.fn 161
B.M. B 225, E 162; Bibl. Nat. 255 =
Reinach, ii. 61. See p. 101.
.fn-

.fn 162
Reinach, i. 339.
.fn-

.fn 163
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66 (inscribed
<lang=grc>Ἅλιος Γέρων</lang>).                           // Tr: Halios Gerôn
.fn-

.fn 164
Reinach, ii. 76.
.fn-

.fn 165
Naples 3352 = Reinach, i. 485.
.fn-

.fn 166
B.M. B 551.
.fn-

.fn 167
Athens 1551.
.fn-

.fn 168
B.M. E 109; Berlin 1676 = Reinach,
ii. 22; Louvre F 148.
.fn-

.fn 169
B.M. B 223, 311; Reinach, i. 227,
ii. 61, 1. See p. 101.
.fn-

.fn 170
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 277.
.fn-

.fn 171
Naples 3412 = Reinach, i. 498.
.fn-

.fn 172
B.M. B 166 (Palaimon?), E 156
(Leukothea: see p. #136#); Reinach, i. 319
(Ino?): for possible instances of Melikertes
see Berlin 779, 780, 914, and
Roscher, ii. p. 2635.
.fn-

.fn 173
Naples 1767 = Engelmann-Anderson,
<cite>Atlas to Homer</cite>, <cite>Od.</cite> pl. iv. 22; B.M.
B 201.
.fn-

.fn 174
B.M. F 218.
.fn-

.fn 175
Berlin 1007, 1008; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 31
and 32 B (fem.); see Vol. I. p. #314:vol1_314#.
.fn-

.fn 176
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 59 (Branteghem Coll.
85); B.M. E 774 (names given to fancy
scene): see also Munich 331; Naples
2638 = Reinach, i. 78, 2; and Kretschmer,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. Vaseninschr.</cite></lang> p. 200.
.fn-

.fn 177
See p. 25, note #159:f159#; also Reinach,
p. 231.
.fn-

.fn 178
B.M. F 69; Jatta 1496 = Reinach, i.
112; Reinach, i. 300; Roscher, iii. 221–24:
see generally Heydemann’s <lang=de><cite>Nereiden mit
Waffen</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 179
Louvre E 643 = Reinach, i. 311.
.fn-

.fn 180
Reinach, i. 83, 232.
.fn-

.fn 181
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 61.
.fn-

.fn 182
Berlin 3241 = Roscher, iii. 218;
Petersburg 1915 = Reinach, i. 21.
.fn-

.fn 183
Reinach, i. 286.
.fn-

.fn 184
B.M. B 155.
.fn-

.fn 185
<cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite> 41; and in
assemblies of the gods, Reinach, ii. 76.
.fn-

.fn 186
Naples 3222 = Reinach, i. 167.
.fn-

.fn 187
Vase in Boston (1900 Report, No. 4):
cf. for a Nereid(?) with dolphins, Louvre
G 3.
.fn-

.fn 188
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1875, pt. 4, pls. 1–2.
.fn-

.fn 189
The best example is a votive plaque
found at Eleusis in 1895 (Athens 1968 =
<lang=grc>Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.</lang> 1901, pl. 1): see also Petersburg  // Tr: Eph. Arch.
1792 and 525 = Reinach, i. 1 and
11 = Baumeister, i. pp. 474–75.
.fn-

.fn 190
For other deities in Eleusinian scenes,
see under Aphrodite, Hermes, Dionysos,
Hekate.
.fn-

.fn 191
B.M. F 68.
.fn-

.fn 192
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900), p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 193
Petersburg 1792–93 = Reinach, i. 1, 3.
.fn-

.fn 194
Reinach, ii. 32; B.M. F 90.
.fn-

.fn 195
Reinach, ii. 321; Athens 1844 = <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1881, pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 196
Athens 1626 = Dumont-Pottier, pl. 37.
.fn-

.fn 197
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 39 (Berlin):
cf. <lang=grc>Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.</lang> 1893, pl. 9, and see p. #140#          // Tr: Eph. Arch.
below.
.fn-

.fn 198
Berlin 1704 = Reinach, i. 197.
.fn-

.fn 199
Berlin 2634.
.fn-

.fn 200
Athens 1120 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1901, pl. 8.
.fn-

.fn 201
Reinach, ii. 329 (very dubious): cf.
a terracotta from Cyprus in B.M. (A 326).
.fn-

.fn 202
B.F.: Reinach, ii. 32–33. R.F.:
B.M. E 140 (Plate #LI:pl51#.); E 183, E 281,
E 469; Petersburg 1207 = Reinach, i. 10;
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iv. 7, 4. Late: Petersburg
350 = Reinach, i. 12; Helbig, 127 =
Millin-Reinach, ii. 31, and 152 = Reinach,
ii. 34; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. 6.
.fn-

.fn 203
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 62; a newly acquired
R.F. amphora in B.M.: see also Roscher,
<i>E.g.</i> Keleos, p. 1028; Reinach, i. 286 (?);
Munich 336.
.fn-

.fn 204
B.M. E 274 and Munich 299: see
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.</cite></lang> iii. p. 535.
.fn-

.fn 205
Bibl. Nat. 424 = Reinach, i. 463.
.fn-

.fn 206
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1899, pl. 7.
.fn-

.fn 207
Naples S.A. 11 = Reinach, i. 401.
.fn-

.fn 208
Reinach, i. 124.
.fn-

.fn 209
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 156, 1: see Apollod. iii. 14,
4, and Hygin. <cite>Astron.</cite> ii. 7.
.fn-

.fn 210
B.F.: B.M. B 310. R.F.: Reinach,
i. 99, 156, 2; B.M. F 277; Baumeister,
i. pl. 7, fig. 462: and see Helbig,
144 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol. Atlas</cite></lang>,
18, 12.
.fn-

.fn 211
See below, p. #67#; also Berlin 1844
and <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 21, 1, for earlier
examples.
.fn-

.fn 212
Reinach, i. 389 and 401 (= Naples
S.A. 11); <i>ibid.</i> ii. 70.
.fn-

.fn 213
B.M. E 82, F 68.
.fn-

.fn 214
B.F.: B.M. B 261; Munich 728 =
Reinach, ii. 48. Late: B.M. F 332 =
Plate #XLV:vol1_pl45#.
.fn-

.fn 215
Reinach, i. 522, 1 = Roscher, ii.
p. 1378; Baumeister, i. p. 423, fig. 463
(inscribed).
.fn-

.fn 216
Reinach, i. 228 (Berlin 2646) and
348 (Boston); <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895,
p. 37 (Berlin); Harrison, <cite>Prolegomena
to Gk. Religion</cite>, p. 277 (vase in Dresden;
Satyrs astonished; Hermes present).
.fn-

.fn 217
Reinach, i. 144 = Louvre F 311 =
Baumeister, i. p. 445, fig. 493.
.fn-

.fn 218
Robert, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Märchen</cite></lang>, p. 198 ff.:
see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 232, xx. p. 106 ff., and
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, vi. (1891), p. 113; also below,
under Ge-Pandora (p. #73#), and Harrison,
<cite>Prolegom. to Gk. Religion</cite>, p. 277 ff.
.fn-

.fn 219
For a more complete tabulation see
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythologie</cite></lang>, vol. iv., especially
pp. 42 ff., 322 ff.; also the plates
of vol. ii. of the <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>, and the Atlas
to Overbeck, pls. 19 to end.
.fn-

.fn 220
Bibl. Nat. 367 = Reinach, ii. 257.
.fn-

.fn 221
B.M. B 260, 681.
.fn-

.fn 222
B.M. B 592; Berlin 1868.
.fn-

.fn 223
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 3; ii. 6A = Petersburg 411.
.fn-

.fn 224
B.M. B 195, F 145(?); Berlin 1867;
Reinach, ii. 29.
.fn-

.fn 225
Reinach, ii. 286.
.fn-

.fn 226
B.M. E 80.
.fn-

.fn 227
B.M. E 516; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 228
B.M. E 232; Reinach, ii. 157, 296;
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 10, 2.
.fn-

.fn 229
B.M. E 543; Reinach, ii. 228; Berlin
2641 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 44.
.fn-

.fn 230
Helbig, 97 = Reinach, i. 79 = Baumeister,
i. p. 102, fig. 108.
.fn-

.fn 231
Millin-Reinach, i. 46; Petersburg
411 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 6A.
.fn-

.fn 232
B.M. F 311; Naples 2902 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
ii. 97A.
.fn-

.fn 233
Reinach, ii. 310 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 65.
.fn-

.fn 234
B.M. B 260, 548, E 274, 383, 514;
Brygos vase in Louvre = Reinach. i. 246;
Naples R.C. 169 = Reinach, i. 313 (Artemis
with torch; localised at Delphi by
a crow on the omphalos).
.fn-

.fn 235
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 10 (Berlin 2206) and 32;
Vienna 331; Reinach, ii. 27; B.M.
E 579; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 356.
.fn-

.fn 236
B.M. E 262; Reinach ii. 26 (=
Louvre F 297), 284 (?); on Melian amphora
(Athens 475 = Rayet and Çollignon,
pl. 3), Apollo in chariot, before which
stands Artemis with stag.
.fn-

.fn 237
B.M. B 680, E 256; Reinach, ii. 27–8,
45 (Naples S.A. 192); Athens 1342.
.fn-

.fn 238
Athens 1962 (Leto about to bring
forth, assisted by Eileithyia).
.fn-

.fn 239
B.M. B 168, 213; <cite>Mus. Greg.</cite> ii. 39,
1 a; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 2. Nyx (Night) was
similarly represented on the Kypselos
chest (Paus. v. 18, 1).
.fn-

.fn 240
Reinach, ii. 310.
.fn-

.fn 241
Berlin 2212 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.</cite></lang>
iv. p. 378; Bibl. Nat. 306 =
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 1 A.
.fn-

.fn 242
Berlin 2645 = Reinach, i. 397 (Apollo
on omphalos, with hind); Reinach, ii.
26 (Louvre F 297), 28 (Bibl. Nat. 443),
i. 184 (Fig. #116:fig116#); B.M. E 502 (omphalos);
Athens 1362 (by Mys, a fine
example).
.fn-

.fn 243
Reinach, ii. 29; B.M. B 215, 245;
Petersburg 9 = Reinach, ii. 24 (Apollo
crowned by woman); <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 39;
Bibl. Nat. 428; Munich 157.
.fn-

.fn 244
B.M. B 212, 262; Reinach, ii. 23,
323; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 30 (?), 36 C: and cf.
<cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite> 41.
.fn-

.fn 245
B.M. B 238; Reinach, ii. 24 (Munich
47), 25, 30; Naples 1891 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii.
35; Munich 609 = Reinach, ii. 42.
.fn-

.fn 246
B.M. F 311, 399.
.fn-

.fn 247
B.M. E 785.
.fn-

.fn 248
Reinach, ii. 183.
.fn-

.fn 249
<cite>Ibid.</cite> ii. 25 (?), 32, 72–73; B.M.
B 203, and <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 6, 1;
and see generally Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.</cite></lang>
iv. p. 51.
.fn-

.fn 250
B.M. B 199–201, 211, etc.; Reinach,
ii. 72; Berlin 1827 (all B.F.).
.fn-

.fn 251
B.M. B 6; see Vol. I. p. #344:vol1_344#.
.fn-

.fn 252
Reinach, i. 253; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 47–48
(also Iris).
.fn-

.fn 253
Naples 1762 = Millingen-Reinach, 29.
.fn-

.fn 254
B.M. B 259, 261; E 323, 415; <lang=fr><cite>Él.
Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 13 (= Reinach, ii. 27). In some
of these Artemis may be intended.
.fn-

.fn 255
Berlin 2388; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 79, 80, 83, 86
(a fine example); Jatta 1538 = Reinach,
i. 526; Helbig, 133 = <cite>Mus. Greg.</cite> ii.
15, 2; and cf. <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for
1898, No. 54 (A. as a neat-herd?).
.fn-

.fn 256
B.M. B 197, 298; B.M. B 257,
Reinach, ii. 154, and Millingen-Reinach,
44.
.fn-

.fn 257
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 7, 3 = Roscher, ii.
842.
.fn-

.fn 258
B.M. B 195, 255–56, 258; F 77;
Reinach, ii. 23.
.fn-

.fn 259
Petersburg 1807 = Reinach, i. 8 =
Baumeister, i. p. 104, fig. 110.
.fn-

.fn 260
Munich 62 = Reinach, ii. 75.
.fn-

.fn 261
B.M. B 179.
.fn-

.fn 262
Reinach, ii. 31.
.fn-

.fn 263
Reinach, ii. 287 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 62
(inscribed <lang=grc>ΑΕΛΙΟΣ</lang>: see below, p. #78#).         // Tr: AELIOS
.fn-

.fn 264
Millin-Reinach, i. 54.
.fn-

.fn 265
B.F.: <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 22. R.F.:
B.M. E 81; Reinach, i. 227 = Vol. I.
p. #442:vol1_442#. Late: Jatta 424 = Reinach, i.
463; Naples 3246 = Roscher, iii. 407
(Niobe at grave of children).
.fn-

.fn 266
B.F.: Reinach, i. 244 (= Louvre
E 864), 245; Bibl. Nat. 171 = <i>ibid.</i> ii.
252. R.F.: B.M. E 278.
.fn-

.fn 267
Louvre G 42 = Reinach, ii. 26.
.fn-

.fn 268
B.M. E 64 (= Reinach, i. 111), E 170
(= <i>E.g.</i> i. 185); <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 21; and see
Millin-Reinach, i. 71.
.fn-

.fn 269
Munich 745 = Reinach, i. 67 =
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, 16: see
also Bibl. Nat. 171 = Reinach, ii.
253.
.fn-

.fn 270
B.M. F 151.
.fn-

.fn 271
Reinach, i. 375.
.fn-

.fn 272
Helbig 227 = Reinach, i. 357; <i>E.g.</i>
ii. 259 = Bibl. Nat. 820 (?).
.fn-

.fn 273
B.M. B 147.
.fn-

.fn 274
Naples 690, 3245.
.fn-

.fn 275
Reinach, i. 355.
.fn-

.fn 276
Millin-Reinach, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 277
Reinach, ii. 297.
.fn-

.fn 278
Petersburg 1777 = Reinach, i. 153.
.fn-

.fn 279
See below, p. #103#.
.fn-

.fn 280
B.M. F 479.
.fn-

.fn 281
Reinach, ii. 56, 3: see p. 97.
.fn-

.fn 282
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 233.
.fn-

.fn 283
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66.
.fn-

.fn 284
Reinach, ii. 69.
.fn-

.fn 285
See p. 106, note #1219:f1219#, for B.F. scenes;
for R.F. (in Olympos), Reinach, i. 222
and ii. 76.
.fn-

.fn 286
Berlin 2634.
.fn-

.fn 287
Reinach, i. 388.
.fn-

.fn 288
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 2, 11 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 9, 6.
.fn-

.fn 289
B.M. E 696.
.fn-

.fn 290
Berlin 2633; Reinach, ii. 87 (?);
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 11 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1894,
p. 252.
.fn-

.fn 291
B.M. F 159; François vase; Helbig
106 = Reinach, ii. 101; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vi. 7 (Duris in Louvre); B.M. E 468,
Helbig 232 = Reinach, ii. 59; Reinach,
i. 218.
.fn-

.fn 292
Reinach i. 105 (Naples 3223) and
i. 504; B.M. F 166, Berlin 3256, Naples
1984 = Reinach, i. 390, 2, and <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1890, p. 90 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 293
Reinach, i. 321.
.fn-

.fn 294
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 39 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 295
B.M. E 336: cf. Reinach, i. 218 and
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.</cite></lang> iv. p. 15.
.fn-

.fn 296
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 1; Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 67, 2; <i>E.g.</i> p. 602 ff.
(cultus-statue of the moon-goddess,
Artemis Munychia); and see note #299:f299#.
.fn-

.fn 297
Vol. I. p. #289:vol1_289#; Berlin 301 = Reinach,
i. 380; Naples 304 = Reinach, i. 380;
Baumeister, i. p. 132, fig. 139; François
vase; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 2
(Karlsruhe).
.fn-

.fn 298
Athens 462 = Reinach, i. 517: see
$1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1892, p. 219 ff.                     // Tr: Eph. Arch
.fn-

.fn 299
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 7 (with hind and lyre);
Bibl. Nat. 365 = Reinach, ii. 257 (drawing
arrow from quiver); Bibl. Nat. 491 =
<lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1885, pl. 32; Reinach, i. 494
(with two dogs); Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de
France</cite></lang>, pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 300
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 8, 43; Naples 3253 =
Reinach, i. 194; B.M. F 274; Reinach,
ii. 228.
.fn-

.fn 301
B.M. E 432.
.fn-

.fn 302
Millin-Reinach, ii. 77.
.fn-

.fn 303
B.M. E 262 = Reinach, ii. 45; and
see <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 9 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 304
Naples 2200 = Reinach, i. 379;
Berlin 3164; Reinach, ii. 16 (?).
.fn-

.fn 305
B.F.: Athens 882 = Heydemann,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. Vas.</cite></lang> pl. 8, 3; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 103 C.
Late: B.M. F 176, F 480 (Etruscan);
Berlin 3239 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 103 B;
Reinach, i. 229 and 250 (the former of
these now at Boston).
.fn-

.fn 306
Athens 835 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1890,
pl. 8.
.fn-

.fn 307
B.M. F 159.
.fn-

.fn 308
Reinach, i. 104, 133, 158, 504.
.fn-

.fn 309
Athens 1921 = Reinach, i. 511.
.fn-

.fn 310
B.M. B 195, B 316, E 255; Bibl.
Nat. 251 = Reinach, ii. 252.
.fn-

.fn 311
Reinach, ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 312
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 132.
.fn-

.fn 313
B.M. B 197, B 298; Reinach, ii. 154:
cf. B.M. B 257.
.fn-

.fn 314
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 90.
.fn-

.fn 315
See above, p. #15#.
.fn-

.fn 316
B.M. E 410.
.fn-

.fn 317
Reinach, ii. 32.
.fn-

.fn 318
B.M. B 203.
.fn-

.fn 319
Reinach, i. 499.
.fn-

.fn 320
B.M. B 231; Reinach, i. 233.
.fn-

.fn 321
B.M. F 479.
.fn-

.fn 322
B.M. B 320; Reinach, ii. 72; in
Olympos, B.M. B 379, Berlin 2278, and
Reinach, ii. 76.
.fn-

.fn 323
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 7 = Duris kylix in
Louvre.
.fn-

.fn 324
Millin-Reinach, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 325
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 36.
.fn-

.fn 326
See note #326:f326# on p. #17#.
.fn-

.fn 327
B.M. E 47; Berlin 2293.
.fn-

.fn 328
B.M. B 147, B 244; B.M. E 410;
Bibl. Nat. 444.
.fn-

.fn 329
E 467 and D 4.
.fn-

.fn 330
Berlin 2537 = Reinach, i. 208; <i>ibid.</i>
i. 66 (Munich 345), 113.
.fn-

.fn 331
Berlin 2294; and see below, p. #130#.
.fn-

.fn 332
B.M. B 507; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 51: cf. p. 171.
.fn-

.fn 333
Bibl. Nat. 820 = Reinach, ii. 259 (?).
.fn-

.fn 334
Reinach, i. 330.
.fn-

.fn 335
B.M. B 302, and cf. F 68.
.fn-

.fn 336
B.M. B 252: see <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> ii.
p. 67.
.fn-

.fn 337
Berlin 2957 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 88 (Etruscan).
.fn-

.fn 338
B.M. D 4; E 467.
.fn-

.fn 339
Plate #L:pl50#.; and see p. #24#.
.fn-

.fn 340
B.M. E 182; Petersburg 1792 =
Reinach, i. 1.
.fn-

.fn 341
Berlin 2537; B.M. E 372; Munich
345 = Reinach, i. 66; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii.
2 = Reinach, i. 113.
.fn-

.fn 342
Athens 1962.
.fn-

.fn 343
Reinach, i. 126: for other examples
see p. #122#.
.fn-

.fn 344
Bibl. Nat. 216 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 96
(Ares); Bibl. Nat. 820 = Reinach, ii.
259 (Hephaistos).
.fn-

.fn 345
B.M. E 268; Bibl. Nat. 220 (= Reinach,
ii. 211) and 229; and see under
Hermes, p. #52#, note #591:f591#.
.fn-

.fn 346
Reinach, i. 11.
.fn-

.fn 347
B.M. B 552; Berlin 2179 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 6; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 38, 2<i>E.g.</i> (with
Poseidon and Dionysos).
.fn-

.fn 348
Reinach, i. 463.
.fn-

.fn 349
Berlin 2418 = Baumeister, ii. p. 1001,
fig. 1209: cf. B.M. E 490 and Reinach,
i. 342 (in Boston); Reinach, i. 175, 510,
511 (Athens 1921).
.fn-

.fn 350
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 68, 76 A; with N. sacrificing,
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, No. 51.
.fn-

.fn 351
B.M. E 324 (Hebe?); Reinach, ii.
323 (Hebe?); <i>ibid.</i> 324 (Iris).
.fn-

.fn 352
Vienna 329: cf. <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 82 (A.
with Z., but not pouring libation).
.fn-

.fn 353
See p. #106# for these scenes, in which
she is almost invariably present.
.fn-

.fn 354
B.M. B 198, B 498; Helbig 93 =
<lang=it><cite>$1</cite></lang> ii. 54, 2.
.fn-

.fn 355
B.M. D 14; Berlin 2626 = <lang=de><cite>Coll.
Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i. 67; Millin-Reinach, ii. 41.
.fn-

.fn 356
Reinach, ii. 75 (doubtful).
.fn-

.fn 357
Stackelberg, pl. 15.
.fn-

.fn 358
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 51 (vase in
Boston).
.fn-

.fn 359
B.M. E 48; Berlin 2179 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 6; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900,
No. 25; Reinach, i. 55, 6 (Petersburg
116), 91, 421 (Petersburg 2012), ii. 271;
and see <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 12, 2.
.fn-

.fn 360
B.M. B 155, 248, 380, E 181, 493,
F 83; Bibl. Nat. 277 = Reinach, i. 290;
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1878, pl. 2.
.fn-

.fn 361
B.M. E 81; Petersburg 2189 =
Reinach, i. 5(?).
.fn-

.fn 362
Reinach, i. 108, 195, 331.
.fn-

.fn 363
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 102, 226.
.fn-

.fn 364
B.M. E 696.
.fn-

.fn 365
Reinach, i. 184.
.fn-

.fn 366
B.M. E 155.
.fn-

.fn 367
Reinach, i. 480.
.fn-

.fn 368
<em>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</em> 1898, p. 586.
.fn-

.fn 369
Reinach, i. 231.
.fn-

.fn 370
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 39 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 371
Reinach, i. 363.
.fn-

.fn 372
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 296: see pp. #77#, #128#.
.fn-

.fn 373
At meeting of Paris and Helen,
Athens 1942 = Reinach, i. 402; at
combat of Ajax and Hector, <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 7 (Duris in Louvre); at dispute
over the arms, B.M. E 69; and see for
other instances, Reinach, i. 3, 82, 138,
174, 218; ii. 59, 266.
.fn-

.fn 374
Reinach, ii. 110.
.fn-

.fn 375
Vase in Boston: see 1899 Report,
No. 16.
.fn-

.fn 376
See below, p. #124#.
.fn-

.fn 377
B.M. B 541, E 160.
.fn-

.fn 378
Reinach, i. 5 (?), 158, 390; <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 90 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 379
Berlin 2313 = Reinach, i. 416 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vii. 4, 3.
.fn-

.fn 380
B.M. E 316 = Plate #XXXVI:vol1_pl36#.
.fn-

.fn 381
Reinach, ii. 123 (= Munich 1185),
262 (= Bibl. Nat. 369).
.fn-

.fn 382
B.M. E 299.
.fn-

.fn 383
Berlin 1846 = Reinach, ii. 30 (before
Dionysos).
.fn-

.fn 384
Reinach, i. 342.
.fn-

.fn 385
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 166; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>,
1896, No. 1.
.fn-

.fn 386
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 83.
.fn-

.fn 387
Berlin 2415 = Reinach, i. 343 (the
Trojan horse?).
.fn-

.fn 388
Vol. I. p. #223:vol1_223#, Fig. #72:vol1_fig72#.
.fn-

.fn 389
Reinach, i. 501.
.fn-

.fn 390
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 44.
.fn-

.fn 391
B.M. E 515, 519.
.fn-

.fn 392
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, pl. 12; Bibl. Nat.
260; Louvre F 380.
.fn-

.fn 393
B.M. B 203; Reinach, ii. 73; with
Poseidon, Athens 836; with Hermes,
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 4, 1.
.fn-

.fn 394
Millin-Reinach, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 395
Reinach, ii. 125, 130; Bibl. Nat.
232, 256 = Rein. ii. 254.
.fn-

.fn 396
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 44.
.fn-

.fn 397
Bibl. Nat. 260.
.fn-

.fn 398
B.M. B 242, 379, 541, E 160, 470,
F 160, 209, 278; Munich 65 = Reinach,
i. 76; Naples 2422 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, 34.
.fn-

.fn 399
See below, p. #133#.
.fn-

.fn 400
B.M. E 494, E 696; E 716 (moulded
vase); and cf. B 611 (Nikephoros).
.fn-

.fn 401
B.M. B 222, E 305 (Pl. XXXVI.),
E 324, E 515; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 82; Bibl. Nat.
219; <em>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</em> 1898, p. 586.
.fn-

.fn 402
For a fine example of Athena Promachos
see Athens 1169 = Benndorf,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 31, 2.
.fn-

.fn 403
See Vol. I. p. #389:vol1_389#, and Plates
#XXXIII:vol1_pl33#., #XXXIV:vol1_pl34#.; also the B.M.
examples B 130–46, 602–12.
.fn-

.fn 404
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 67.
.fn-

.fn 405
B.M. B 80; Berlin 1686 = Rayet-Collignon,
pl. 7; Reinach, ii. 122;
Athens 1858 = Reinach, i. 396 (identified
as Athena Nike or Onka); for the
trophy-like form of the figure on the
last-named cf. the coins of Pergamon
inscribed <lang=grc>Ἀθηνᾶς Νικηφόρον</lang>: see also                   // Tr: Athênas Nikêphoron
for a curious subject Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u.
Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 31, fig. 1.
.fn-

.fn 406
B.M. D 22; Bibl. Nat. 472 =
Reinach, i. 131, 4.
.fn-

.fn 407
B.M. B 147; Reinach, i. 156.
.fn-

.fn 408
B.M. B 617; Berlin 2531; Bibl.
Nat. 573 = Reinach, ii. 256; Athens
1259 = Reinach, i. 506.
.fn-

.fn 409
See p. #101#; for his subsequent attack
on Athena, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 51
(vase in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 410
B.M. E 67, E 82; Reinach, i. 203.
.fn-

.fn 411
B.M. B 191, B 228.
.fn-

.fn 412
<cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1896, p. 6,
fig. 4.
.fn-

.fn 413
Bibl. Nat. 216 (= <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 96)
and 229.
.fn-

.fn 414
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 94–95; B.M. E 82, and
Berlin 2278 (in assemblies of gods); <em>Gaz.
Arch.</em> 1876, pl. 34.
.fn-

.fn 415
B.M. B 551; and see Athens 903.
.fn-

.fn 416
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 98.
.fn-

.fn 417
B.M. E 467.
.fn-

.fn 418
B.M. E 155.
.fn-

.fn 419
Reinach, i. 463.
.fn-

.fn 420
B.M. B 379; Berlin 1961 (= Reinach,
ii. 43) and 2278; Bibl. Nat. 254.
.fn-

.fn 421
Reinach, ii. 91.
.fn-

.fn 422
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 99.
.fn-

.fn 423
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mittheil.</cite></lang> 1899, pl. 7: cf.
Paus. vii. 8.
.fn-

.fn 424
B.M. F 108, 373 (?); Millingen-Reinach,
26; Reinach, i. 119, 265, 325,
479 (?); <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 66 (?).
.fn-

.fn 425
Reinach, i. 499 = Naples S.A. 702;
also Naples 2900 = Millingen-Reinach,
41 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1653, fig. 1714.
.fn-

.fn 426
Reinach, i. 156.
.fn-

.fn 427
B.M. D 2; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xii. pl. 13; <lang=de><cite>Jahrb.</cite></lang>
1886, pl. 11, 2; Berlin 2636 (<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
iv. 5) and 2688 (= Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic.
Vasenb.</cite></lang> 37, 3); Reinach, ii. 7, 183.
Late: B.M. F 240, 556.
.fn-

.fn 428
Berlin 2635 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1889, p.
208 = Roscher, iii. 1514.
.fn-

.fn 429
Berlin 2660.
.fn-

.fn 430
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 6.
.fn-

.fn 431
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>. 1898, p. 137
(Dresden vase): cf. Paul, <i>E.g.</i> Fest. iii.
<i>E.g.</i> Cytherea and the B.M. terracottas
D 89–91.
.fn-

.fn 432
B.M. E 712, 775; Athens 1944;
Reinach, i. 124, ii. 323; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi
Fitt.</cite></lang> 324.
.fn-

.fn 433
Reinach, i. 353.
.fn-

.fn 434
B.M. E 230, F 311; Athens 1588 =
Roscher, iii. p. 2119 (Fig. #117:fig117#); Reinach,
i. 39, ii. (290; <cite>Burlington Fine Arts
Club Cat.</cite> 1903), p. 108, No. 46.
.fn-

.fn 435
Reinach, ii. 301, 320; Berlin 2707 =
<lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, pl. 62, 2.
.fn-

.fn 436
Petersburg 1983 = Reinach, i. 15.
.fn-

.fn 437
Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 13, 4.
.fn-

.fn 438
Berlin 4126 = Reinach, i. 128.
.fn-

.fn 439
B.M. E 699 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xi. pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 440
B.M. E 224, 697, 698, 775; Berlin
3257 (with Eunomia and Euthymia at
marriage of Herakles and Hebe); Naples
S.A. 316 = Reinach, i. 477 (with Eukleia,
Klymene, and Pannychis); <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>,
1889–90, pls. 9–10 (without names);
Fig. #117:fig117# = Athens 1588 = Roscher, iii.
p. 2119 (with Kore, Hebe, Eudaimon,
Harmonia, and others).
.fn-

.fn 441
Reinach, ii. 315; Millin-Reinach,
i. 65.
.fn-

.fn 442
Reinach, i. 198.
.fn-

.fn 443
B.M. E 230, E 289, and cf. F 311;
Baumeister, i. p. 618, fig. 687 (? see
p. 57, note #710:f710#).
.fn-

.fn 444
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 38.
.fn-

.fn 445
Stackelberg, pl. 30: cf. B.M. E 697.
.fn-

.fn 446
Reinach, i. 129; B.M. F 258; Bibl.
Nat. 1005, 1133 (head of A. adorned by
two Erotes).
.fn-

.fn 447
See above, p. #17#.
.fn-

.fn 448
B.M. E 15; Reinach, i. 156(B.F.).
.fn-

.fn 449
B.M. B 197.
.fn-

.fn 450
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1875, pls. 1–2.
.fn-

.fn 451
Petersburg 350, 525 = Reinach, i.
11–12; <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900), p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 452
B.M. F 270, 332; Reinach, i. 355–56,
479.
.fn-

.fn 453
B.M. B 203; F 90.
.fn-

.fn 454
Reinach, i. 124, 465; ii. 181.
.fn-

.fn 455
Berlin 3164; Reinach, i. 111, 4 and
416.
.fn-

.fn 456
Berlin 3239.
.fn-

.fn 457
Reinach, i. 405, 452 (Berlin 2950);
ii. 197.
.fn-

.fn 458
Helbig 118 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.
Atlas</cite></lang>, 6, 13.
.fn-

.fn 459
Reinach, i. 526.
.fn-

.fn 460
Reinach, i. 481; Berlin 2278; Furtwaengler-Reichhold,
20; at marriage
with Hebe, Berlin 3257.
.fn-

.fn 461
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 462
Reinach, i. 91.
.fn-

.fn 463
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 464
Naples 3226 = Millin-Reinach, ii. 7
(Kadmos); B.M. F 271 (Pelops);
Reinach, i. 188, and <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1896,
pl. 2 (Perseus); Naples S.A. 11 =
Reinach, i. 401 (Meleager).
.fn-

.fn 465
See below, p. #122#.
.fn-

.fn 466
Millingen-Reinach, 43: cf. Berlin
3244 for another possible Anchises.
.fn-

.fn 467
B.M. E 424; François vase.
.fn-

.fn 468
Reinach, i. 437.
.fn-

.fn 469
B.M. E 73; <cite>Tyszkiewicz Coll.</cite> pl. 18
(now in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 470
B.M. F 209.
.fn-

.fn 471
Reinach, i. 222, and cf. i. 437 and
B.M. F 278 (statue of A.); Noel des
Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, iii. pl. 39.
.fn-

.fn 472
B.M. B 173, 280; Reinach, ii.
116.
.fn-

.fn 473
B.M. E 289; Reinach, i. 7, 15, 126;
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 10, 3.
.fn-

.fn 474
B.M. F 108 (anointing Adonis’ hair).
.fn-

.fn 475
B.M. E 129.
.fn-

.fn 476
Zeus and Danaë: B.M. E 711;
Europa: B.M. E 231, F 184, Naples 3218
(Eros on bull); Reinach, i. 22, 24.
.fn-

.fn 477
Reinach, i. 449.
.fn-

.fn 478
B.M. F 272, 279; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1890, p. 89 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 479
B.M. E 424; Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#. fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 480
B.M. F 271, 331; Reinach, i. 235.
.fn-

.fn 481
Reinach, i. 9, 402 (Athens 1942),
437.
.fn-

.fn 482
Reinach, i. 156, ii. 309.
.fn-

.fn 483
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 66.
.fn-

.fn 484
B.M. E 227.
.fn-

.fn 485
B.M. F 107.
.fn-

.fn 486
Reinach, i. 22.
.fn-

.fn 487
B.M. F 270; Reinach, i. 355, 455
(with Orpheus).
.fn-

.fn 488
Reinach, i. 66; <i>E.g.</i> i. 100, 167; B.M.
F 152, 194; Gerhard, <lang=de><cite>Akad. Abhandl.</cite></lang>
pl. 7, fig. 1 = Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 394
(with Helios and Selene ?see p.
79, note #954:f954#); B.M. F 74 and F 102
(Herakles).
.fn-

.fn 489
B.M. F 311: cf. F 399.
.fn-

.fn 490
B.M. F 90.
.fn-

.fn 491
B.M. F 69: cf. <cite>Bourguignon Sale
Cat.</cite> 41.
.fn-

.fn 492
B.M. E 228, 428, 435, 703; F 58,
60, 72, 382; Millin-Reinach, ii. 16
(offers wreath to D.).
.fn-

.fn 493
Millin-Reinach, i. 20.
.fn-

.fn 494
Reinach, i. 525, 526.
.fn-

.fn 495
B.M. E 225, 229, 705; F 138, 308,
310, 332.
.fn-

.fn 496
Reinach, i. 206.
.fn-

.fn 497
B.M. E 126, 189, 191.
.fn-

.fn 498
B.M. F 48.
.fn-

.fn 499
Athens 1946 = Dumont-Pottier, i.
pl. 21, 5.
.fn-

.fn 500
B.M. E 205 (?); Reinach, i. 412.
.fn-

.fn 501
B.M. F 123 (cf. p. #50#, note #547:f547#);
Reinach, ii. 315 = Baumeister, ii. p. 780,
fig. 834.
.fn-

.fn 502
B.M. E 704; E 721.
.fn-

.fn 503
Reinach, i. 232.
.fn-

.fn 504
<cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite> 1899, p. 158 =
<cite>Burlington Club Cat.</cite> 1903, p. 97, No. 11.
.fn-

.fn 505
B.M. E 397, Reinach, ii. 142; B.M.
E 217, 360, 702, Reinach, ii. 315.
.fn-

.fn 506
Reinach, ii. 317; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 22, fig. 1 (? see p. 80, note #970:f970#).
.fn-

.fn 507
Reinach, ii. 191.
.fn-

.fn 508
Naples 2961.
.fn-

.fn 509
B.M. E 297.
.fn-

.fn 510
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 27, p. 262.
.fn-

.fn 511
Petersburg 1181 = Reinach, ii. 318:
cf. Reinach, i. 250, and <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1890, p. 89 (see p. 46, note #478:f478#).
.fn-

.fn 512
F 220.
.fn-

.fn 513
B.M. E 293; Reinach, i. 465.
.fn-

.fn 514
B.M. E 652.
.fn-

.fn 515
Bibl. Nat. 366 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 51.
.fn-

.fn 516
B.M. E 526, 528.
.fn-

.fn 517
Reinach, i. 479; <i>Ibid.</i> i. 57.
.fn-

.fn 518
Reinach, i. 55, Millin-Reinach, ii.
59; Reinach, ii. 324, <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 53;
Reinach, i. 347; <i>E.g.</i> ii. 248, B.M. F 555.
.fn-

.fn 519
B.M. F 579 = Fig. #118:fig118#; Reinach,
i. 277.
.fn-

.fn 520
Baumeister, iii. p. 1573, fig. 1633;
B.M. E 501.
.fn-

.fn 521
B.M. E 706, Naples 2872 = Reinach,
ii. 169; B.M. E 296, <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 49;
B.M. F 221.
.fn-

.fn 522
B.M. E 241, Reinach, i. 229, ii. 302;
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 50.
.fn-

.fn 523
B.M. E 213; Reinach, i. 36; B.M.
F 68, F 441.
.fn-

.fn 524
B.M. F 223, 279, 373: cf. Theocr. ii.
30 (<lang=grc>ῥόμβος</lang>); Hor. <cite>Epod.</cite> xvii. 7 (<em>turbo</em>).   // Tr: rhombos
.fn-

.fn 525
B.M. E 118, 571; F 219, 257,
Reinach, i. 312 (dove), <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 49
(cock).
.fn-

.fn 526
B.M. E 13; F 294, 340, 378;
Reinach, i. 528, B.M. F 17, 308, 409.
.fn-

.fn 527
B.M. F 132, 225, 278, 280, 258 (two
Erotes holding wreath); F 165, 176, 329,
389; F 310; F 234, 257, 306, 414, 440;
E 518.
.fn-

.fn 528
B.M. F 349; E 242, F 391; Baumeister,
i. p. 498, fig. 540; B.M. F 387,
481; F 294, 382, Millin-Reinach, i. 20
(torch and bow); B.M. F 443; E 239;
F 308, 414 (Plate #XLIV:vol1_pl44#.).
.fn-

.fn 529
B.M. F 420, 434; F 456; F 13, 219,
292, 325; F 31, 280, 317, 323; F 37;
E 293, 388; F 31, 63, 234, 278; F 280,
315, 337, 373.
.fn-

.fn 530
Naples S.A. 11 = Reinach, i. 401
(at death of Meleager).
.fn-

.fn 531
<lang=de><cite>Abhandl. d. k. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> viii.
pl. 1, fig. 1 (with Sappho).
.fn-

.fn 532
B.M. E 222; also at the toilet of
Aphrodite (Fig. #117:fig117# above).
.fn-

.fn 533
Raoul-Rochette, <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Inéd.</cite></lang> 8.
.fn-

.fn 534
Petersburg 350 = Reinach, i. 12;
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900),  p. 93; Reinach,
i. 124.
.fn-

.fn 535
Reinach, i. 188.
.fn-

.fn 536
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 537
Reinach, i. 437.
.fn-

.fn 538
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 539
Noel des Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, iii. pl. 39.
.fn-

.fn 540
Naples 2900 = Millingen-Reinach, 41.
.fn-

.fn 541
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1899, pl. 7.
.fn-

.fn 542
Reinach, i. 526.
.fn-

.fn 543
Roscher, iii. p. 1811.
.fn-

.fn 544
B.M. E 440.
.fn-

.fn 545
Berlin 2633.
.fn-

.fn 546
B.M. E 226.
.fn-

.fn 547
Reinach, ii. 302: see also <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, No. 11, and Jatta
1093 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Satyr- u. Bakchennamen</cite></lang>,
pl. 1 (holding grapes).
.fn-

.fn 548
Munich 234 = Reinach, i. 298 =
Baumeister, iii. p. 1571, fig. 1632.
.fn-

.fn 549
Berlin 3257.
.fn-

.fn 550
Reinach, ii. 200.
.fn-

.fn 551
Jatta 1093.
.fn-

.fn 552
Naples 3240 = Reinach, i. 114.
.fn-

.fn 553
B.M. B 32; Louvre G 10; Reinach,
ii. 276.
.fn-

.fn 554
Berlin 4003 = <lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i.
pl. 50.
.fn-

.fn 555
B.M. E 58.
.fn-

.fn 556
Louvre F 159; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 87.
.fn-

.fn 557
Berlin 2727 and Reinach, i. 159;
Berlin 1881.
.fn-

.fn 558
B.M. B 549.
.fn-

.fn 559
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 73 (Hermaios), 76.
.fn-

.fn 560
Millin-Reinach, i. 51.
.fn-

.fn 561
Reinach, ii. 276.
.fn-

.fn 562
B.M. B 32; Athens 592 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1893, pl. 2.
.fn-

.fn 563
B.M. B 332.
.fn-

.fn 564
Vienna 321 (cf. Ar. <cite>Ach.</cite> 729 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 565
Reinach, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 566
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 14 and 75.
.fn-

.fn 567
Louvre E 702 = Reinach, i. 354;
Helbig, 227 = Reinach, i. 357 = Baumeister,
i. p. 680, fig. 741 (Fig. #119:fig119#).
.fn-

.fn 568
Reinach, ii. 25; De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à
l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 569
Bibl. Nat. 820 = Reinach, ii. 259.
.fn-

.fn 570
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 93; Millin-Reinach, i.
70; Reinach, ii. 330.
.fn-

.fn 571
B.M. F 237, and see above, p. #15#.
.fn-

.fn 572
Berlin 1702 (Hermes Kyllenios), and
see p. #15#.
.fn-

.fn 573
B.M. B 197; Reinach, ii. 266.
.fn-

.fn 574
See above, p. #17#.
.fn-

.fn 575
Reinach, i. 472.
.fn-

.fn 576
B.M. E 65.
.fn-

.fn 577
See p. #20#.
.fn-

.fn 578
Louvre A 478 (<cite>Hermes</cite>, 1898, p. 638);
<cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite> 1898, p. 586.
.fn-

.fn 579
Reinach, i. 234.
.fn-

.fn 580
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 124.
.fn-

.fn 581
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 499.
.fn-

.fn 582
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 244; i. 463; i. 175.
.fn-

.fn 583
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 584
B.M. B 203 (Athena); Reinach, ii.
22, 26, 73; Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
4, 1.
.fn-

.fn 585
B.M. B 340; E 44, 459; Reinach,
ii. 125, 152, 275.
.fn-

.fn 586
Athens 1345 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. pl. 10;
Millin-Reinach, ii. 37 (Lasimos in
Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 587
Millin-Reinach, ii. 44.
.fn-

.fn 588
Reinach, i. 388.
.fn-

.fn 589
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 380.
.fn-

.fn 590
B.M. E 467; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxi. pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 591
See generally under those deities;
for H. and Athena: B.M. B 144, Reinach,
i. 257, ii. 42 (Panathenaic); B.M. E 268,
Reinach, i. 520 (Athens 477), ii. 25, 211
(Bibl. Nat. 220).
.fn-

.fn 592
Berlin 2635 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 208.
.fn-

.fn 593
B.M. B 257, 259, 267, 302 (banqueting);
Berlin 2160 (with the Satyr
Oreimachos); Reinach, i. 129 (playing
lyre).
.fn-

.fn 594
B.M. B 424, E 492; Petersburg 1792,
1793 (= Reinach, i. 1 and 3); Helbig,
103 = Rayet and Collignon, p. 223;
Reinach, i. 93, ii. 310; and see <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 1, p. 1 ff, and p. 55,
note #642:f642#.
.fn-

.fn 595
B.M. B 230; Oxford 222; Reinach,
ii. 29.
.fn-

.fn 596
See p. #69#.
.fn-

.fn 597
B.M. F 277; Reinach, i. 99: cf. <cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900), p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 598
See p. 28; also Naples 1989 = <lang=fr><cite>Él.
Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 91, and Reinach, i. 522.
.fn-

.fn 599
Reinach, i. 456; Berlin 2455; Munich
209 = Fig. #122:fig122#, p. #70#.
.fn-

.fn 600
Athens 1093 = Roscher, ii. p. 2678;
Berlin 2991.
.fn-

.fn 601
Louvre F 60.
.fn-

.fn 602
Bibl. Nat. 269.
.fn-

.fn 603
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xx. p. 101: cf. the story of
Pandora’s “box,” and see Vol. I. p. #152:vol1_152#
and p. #75# below.
.fn-

.fn 604
Munich 611 = Reinach, i. 419.
.fn-

.fn 605
Reinach, i. 389, ii. 32, 70.
.fn-

.fn 606
B.M. B 167, B 301; B 229.
.fn-

.fn 607
Reinach, i. 297, 323, ii. 70, 74–75.
.fn-

.fn 608
B.M. B 166, 318, 379; Louvre F 116–117;
Reinach, i. 222, 368, ii. 76.
.fn-

.fn 609
Bibl. Nat. 172; Reinach, i. 91, ii.
271.
.fn-

.fn 610
B.M. B 248, B 280, E 493; Bibl.
Nat. 277 = Reinach, i. 290; <i>E.g.</i> ii. 48;
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1878, pl. 2 (represents an
earlier episode).
.fn-

.fn 611
Bibl. Nat. 224.
.fn-

.fn 612
See p. #122#.
.fn-

.fn 613
Athens 966.
.fn-

.fn 614
Reinach, i. 89, 144.
.fn-

.fn 615
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 138, ii. 99.
.fn-

.fn 616
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, 10 (Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 617
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 78–81; Bibl. Nat. 839:
see Roscher, i. p. 2393.
.fn-

.fn 618
B.M. B 362, 627, E 585; Berlin
1928, 2172; Schreiber-Anderson, 16, 8,
and 14, 3.
.fn-

.fn 619
B.M. B 345, E 444; Berlin 2278;
Reinach, i. 203; <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 620
<cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 364.
.fn-
.bn 075.png
.pn +1


.sp 4
.h3 id=ch13
CHAPTER XIII |<i>DIONYSOS AND MISCELLANEOUS DEITIES</i>

.pm start_summary
Dionysos and his associates—Ariadne, Maenads, and Satyrs—Names of
Satyrs and Maenads—The Nether World—General representations and
isolated subjects—Charon, Erinnyes, Hekate, and Thanatos—Cosmogonic
deities—Gaia and Pandora—Prometheus and Atlas—Iris and
Hebe—Personifications—Sun, Moon, Stars, and Dawn—Winds—Cities
and countries—The Muses—Victory—Abstract ideas—Descriptive
names.
.pm stop_summary

.h4 id=sec13_1
§ 1. <sc>Dionysos and his Associates</sc>

The most important deity in Greek mythology outside the
Olympian circle is undoubtedly <b>Dionysos</b>; but the part that is
played by him and his attendant train in Greek art is out of all
proportion even to this, at least in the vase-paintings. Apart
from what we may regard as strictly mythological subjects,
such as the Birth of Dionysos and scenes in which other
gods or heroes are introduced, the number and variety of the
themes are so great that an exhaustive enumeration is quite
impossible; nor indeed would it repay the trouble to give a
complete list of what may for convenience be termed Dionysiac
scenes. Suffice it to say that they occur with equal frequency
on the vases of all periods from the middle of the sixth century
onwards.

The personages with whom we have to deal in this section
are, besides Dionysos himself, his spouse Ariadne, Pan, with his
“double” Aegipan, and the motley rout of Satyrs, Seileni, and
Maenads, who appear either in the wine-god’s company or by
themselves. Dionysos is generally accompanied by one or
more Maenads or Seileni, whether engaged in some definite
action, such as pouring wine or playing flutes, or no; but he is
.bn 076.png
.pn +1
also not infrequently seen as a single figure.[621] On the earlier
vases he is elderly and bearded, but on the later youthful and
beardless. He is occasionally represented with horns,[622] or in the
form of a man-headed bull.[623] He is depicted sacrificing at an
altar,[624] pouring a libation,[625] or slaying a fawn[626] or goat
<lang=grc>χιμαιροφόνος</lang>[627]; banqueting,[628] or playing on the lyre.[629] He   // Tr: chimairophonos
rides on a bull,[630] goat,[631] mule,[632] or panther,[633] or in a winged
chariot[634]—in one case drawn by Gryphons, in another by a
Gryphon, bull, and panther[635]—or in a chariot shaped like a ship[636];
or is carried by a Seilenos.[637] On a beautiful cup by Exekias[638]
he sails over the ocean in a boat, the mast of which grows
into a vine. We are reminded in this scene of the Homeric
hymn (xix.) and the story of the Tyrrhenian pirates, a subject
which, according to one interpretation, is represented on a vase
at Athens.[639]

His birth is not often represented, and chiefly on R.F. vases[640];
it has been referred to already in detail, in reference to Zeus.
When handed over to Hermes,[641] the newly born infant is conveyed
by that god to Nysa, where he is finally delivered to a
Seilenos, to be nursed by the Nymphs of that place.[642] Or he is
handed directly to a Nymph by Zeus,[643] or, by a curious error or
confusion on the artist’s part, to Ariadne, his future bride.[644]
.bn 077.png
.pn +1
There is a possible representation of the Indian Dionysos or
Bassareus,[645] India being the land whence he was fabled to come;
and other vases represent various events connected with his first
manifestation of himself in Greece: such as the madness he
brought on Lykourgos, who refused to receive him,[646] and his
subsequent sacrifice after his triumph[647]; the death of the
similarly contumelious Pentheus (the story on which the plot
of the <cite>Bacchae</cite> turns)[648]; or his supposed visit to the Athenian
Ikarios.[649] He sometimes appears with his mother Semele,
whom he brings back from Hades[650]; in one or two instances
their heads are seen rising from the ground to indicate their
return from the nether world.[651] They are then solemnly
introduced into Olympos.[652]

Dionysos is frequently grouped with various deities, such as
Apollo, Athena, and Hermes[653]; or they are seen in his company
at a banquet.[654] He sometimes appears at the birth of Athena,[655]
the apotheosis of Herakles,[656] and his marriage with Hebe[657]; or
in heroic scenes, such as the Judgment of Paris,[658] or the combat
of Herakles and Kyknos.[659] He appears with the Seileni who
attack Hera and Iris,[660] and brings back Hephaistos to Olympos.[661]
He frequently takes part in the Gigantomachia, usually in single
combat,[662] being aided by his panther, and sometimes by Seileni
and Maenads.[663] Sometimes he is seen preparing for this event,
.bn 078.png
.pn +1
wearing a cuirass, while Satyrs or Maenads hold the rest of
his armour.[664] He is also grouped with Gaia <lang=grc>Κουροτρόφος</lang>,[665] and   // Tr: Kourotrophos
with Poseidon and Nike[666]; or accompanies the chariot of
Athena[667]; and is seen in more than one assembly of the
Olympian deities.[668]

His wooing and consoling of the deserted Ariadne[669] is an
attractive and popular subject, and several vases seem to
represent the nuptial ceremonies between the pair,[670] or the
preparations for the same, with Eros assisting at the bride’s
toilet.[671] Numerous are the instances in which he is seen
grouped with Ariadne, often in loving embrace,[672] and generally
surrounded by his cortège,[673] but also alone. Or, again, he and
Ariadne drive in a chariot drawn by lions,[674] panthers,[675] stags,[676] or
goats[677]; in two cases Ariadne drives her own chariot alone,[678] in
another Dionysos is seen alone in a four-horse chariot.[679] They
are also seen reclining together at a banquet,[680] sometimes
accompanied by Herakles and other deities.[681] On a vase of
quasi-Etruscan style[682] we see the sleeping Ariadne surrounded
by Dionysos, Satyrs, and Maenads. This presumably refers
to the scene in Naxos.

The numerous vases on which Dionysos appears, with or
without Ariadne, accompanied by a throng of Satyrs and
Maenads, sometimes in high revelry, sometimes in more peaceful
circumstances, may next be mentioned, though it is not necessary
.bn 079.png
.pn +1
to cite more than a few typical examples[683]; equally numerous
are smaller groups, where only one or two followers appear, but
only a few of these need be particularised.[684] Thus we see him
in peaceful converse with Maenads or Nymphs[685]; seizing them
with amorous intent[686]; listening to a Satyr playing the lyre or
flute[687]; or going to a banquet, accompanied by Satyrs with
torches[688]; or feeding a bird.[689] In banquet scenes he receives
drink from a Satyr,[690] or plays at the kottabos (see p. #182#)[691]; or
Seileni steal his food and drink.[692] He watches a Lydian woman
dancing in armour,[693] or dances himself to the flutes played by
an actor.[694] In one instance he is seen leaving his chariot to
join in the revels of his followers[695]; in another he takes part
in the orgies of the Scythian Agathyrsi,[696] and he is seen in
a drunken condition, supported by one of his followers.[697]
He is not infrequently grouped with Eros, from whom he
receives drink or a wreath[698]; also with Pan,[699] or with semi-personified
figures such as Komos (Revelry)[700] or Oinopion
(Wine-drinker).[701]

<b>Pan</b> only makes his appearance on late vases, usually in
Dionysiac groups,[702] or as a single figure on the smaller Apulian
wares; when he is depicted with goat’s legs and squat proportions,
.bn 080.png
.pn +1
.bn 081.png
.pn +1
he is usually called Aegipan[703]; or, again, Paniskos, when he
has the form of a beardless youth.[704] He surprises a Nymph
asleep,[705] and is sometimes associated with the Nymph Echo.[706]

.il id=fig120 fn=fig120_080.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 120. DIONYSOS WITH SATYRS AND MAENADS (HYDRIA BY PAMPHAIOS IN BRIT. MUS.).

Dionysos’ connection with the Attic drama is more specially
indicated by scenes in which he appears as the inventor or
patron of tragedy, presenting a tragic mask to a young actor[707];
he also appears in an elaborate scene representing the preparations
for a Satyric drama.[708] As the object of worship he is sometimes
seen in a form which implies a reference to some primitive
cult, as an aniconic pillar-image (<lang=grc>ξόανον</lang> or <lang=grc>βαίτυλος</lang>)[709]; or, again,  // Tr: xoanon: baitylos
in the form of a tree (Dionysos Dendrites), and homage is paid
to him by Maenads.[710] Besides sacrifices to his image, we see
sacrificial dances performed,[711] or choragic tripods consecrated
to him.[712] His statue is once seen at a fountain.[713]

.tb

We must now treat of the scenes in which Seileni and Satyrs,
Maenads and Nymphs, appear independently of Dionysos, or in
particular actions without relation to him. They are, indeed,
often, if not invariably, present in all scenes in which he takes
part, whether mythological or of a less definite character; as,
for instance, the return of Hephaistos to Olympos,[714] in which
the gods are usually accompanied by a more or less riotous
escort of Satyrs, and others as already mentioned. The attack
of the Satyrs on Iris and Hera has been alluded to in connection
with the latter[715]; and they seldom elsewhere appear in relation
to the Olympian deities or other myths, except in those scenes
which depict the rising of Persephone or Ge-Pandora from the
earth.[716] But Satyrs and Maenads are sometimes represented
.bn 082.png
.pn +1
as performing sacrifices, not only to Dionysos,[717] but also to
Herakles,[718] or to a terminal figure of Hermes.[719] We turn next
to scenes of more general character.

There are numerous vases, especially of the R.F. period, on
which groups of Satyrs and Maenads are represented in revels
of a more or less wild and unrestrained character, or else in
more peaceful association. Those in which Dionysos himself
is present have already been enumerated, but the general types
may be now considered. It may, perhaps, be possible to distinguish
two, or even three, classes of this subject: the inactive
groups of Satyrs and Maenads[720]; those in which they rush along
in frenzy and unrestrained licence, brandishing their thyrsi, or
with tambourines (<em>tympana</em>) and other musical instruments[721];
and, lastly, scenes of convivial revelry (<lang=grc>κῶμοι</lang>), in which they are    // Tr: kômoi
engaged in drinking from all sorts of vessels.[722] Sometimes these
revels are strictly confined to Satyrs, and then they become
absolutely licentious in character[723]; or, again, a group of
Maenads unattended tear along with torches, thyrsi, and musical
instruments[724]; or, lastly, both join in dances hand-in-hand, a
subject which on early vases is often adopted for a long frieze
encircling a vase.[725]

As a pendant to these, many subjects and single figures must
here be mentioned which seem to be excerpts from the larger
compositions, as well as independent motives presenting special
features found in the more elaborate scenes. We begin with
subjects in which both Satyrs and Maenads take part, among
which we find a favourite subject to be the gathering of fruit,[726]
.bn 083.png
.pn +1
especially grapes, and the processes of the vintage.[727] Satyrs
offer drink to Maenads,[728] or play the flutes for them to dance to[729];
and there is a favourite series of subjects of an amorous character,
in which the Satyrs pursue the objects of their passion,[730]
or surprise them asleep,[731] seize them and overcome their struggles
to escape,[732] and finally enfold them in embraces,[733] or carry them
on their shoulders.[734] Satyrs are also seen surprising women
while bathing[735]; and a group of them appear astonished at the
sunrise.[736]

.tb

We may next dismiss briefly the scenes which depict <b>Maenads</b>
alone, usually as single figures. They sometimes appear in a
state of frenzy (Fig. #121:fig121#),[737] dancing with snakes twisted round
their arms,[738] or playing castanets,[739] or tearing a kid to pieces
(<lang=grc>χιμαιροφόνος</lang>).[740] In quieter fashion they ride on a mule[741] or     // Tr: chimairophonos
bull,[742] or are seen accompanied by hinds, goats, and panthers,[743]
or playing with a cat and bird.[744]

.tb

.il id=fig121 fn=fig121_084.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>

FIG. 121. MAENAD IN FRENZY (CUP AT MUNICH).
.ca-

<b>Satyrs</b> in independent scenes often appear in burlesque guise,
attired and acting as athletes,[745] or as warriors,[746] with the
.bn 084.png
.pn +1
Amazonian <em>pelta</em>,[747] or even enacting the part of Herakles in the
Garden of the Hesperides[748]; and are present in other scenes
of a burlesque nature, which may often be derived from the
Satyric drama, such as one in which they carry ghosts (<lang=grc>εἴδωλα</lang>)            // Tr: eidôla
with torches.[749] There is also a long list of scenes of miscellaneous
character: a Seilenos washing,[750] or piling up bedding(?)[751];
fishing[752]; as potter, poking a furnace[753]; acting as footman to
a girl and carrying a parasol[754]; flogging a youth,[755] or holding
a boy Satyr on his hand[756]; caressing a hare[757]; and so on.
.bn 085.png
.pn +1
Satyrs fight with torches[758]; sport with deer and other animals[759];
ride on goats, asses, and mules,[760] or lead them along[761]; and in
one instance a Satyr has fallen off his mule, and a companion
runs to help him[762]; in another, two Satyrs draw a third in
a cart.[763] They are seen carrying chairs[764] and vessels of various
kinds, such as amphorae, situlae, kraters, rhyta,[765] or wine-skins[766];
also seated on wine-skins or wine-jars,[767] playing games with
jugs and wine-jars,[768] balancing drinking-cups on their backs,[769]
pouring wine into a jar[770] or drawing it out from the mixing-bowl,[771]
or playing games, such as see-saw or ball.[772] Many of
these scenes are from the interiors of R.F. cups, to which
they were well adapted, the varied attitudes giving so much
scope for the ingenuity of the daring artists of the period.
Scenes in which Satyrs play the lyre or flute are, very
numerous.[773]

A feature of the numerous Dionysiac subjects on vases is
the tendency to individualise Satyrs and Maenads by means
of names, sometimes meaningless, sometimes names otherwise
known in mythology, and frequently personifications of abstract
conceptions, such as we shall see later to be very common on
vases of all periods; in these cases they usually have some
relation to the character or occupation of the personages to
whom they are attached. The Satyrs Marsyas and Olympos
sometimes appear in the larger compositions[774]; the former
has been already mentioned in another connection. There
is also a curious representation of Akratos,[775] the deity of
unmixed wine (a liquid which to the Greeks implied an
.bn 086.png
.pn +1
extravagance of revelry, owing to the intoxicating nature of
the undiluted beverage). A type of Seilenos covered from
head to foot with shaggy skin, and known as Papposeilenos,
is often found on the later vases.[776] It is difficult to distinguish
in all cases between Seileni and Satyrs on the
vases, and the exact differences between the various types
have not yet been properly elucidated, so that the terms
are of necessity somewhat conventional.[777] The equine type
of Satyr, with horse’s hoofs as well as tail, which is so
frequently found on the sixth-century Ionic vases, has been
noted elsewhere.[778] The young beardless Satyr is mostly found
in the later period.

The number of vases on which Satyrs and Maenads are
distinguished by name is very large, but only a few of the
more important need be mentioned, along with some of the
more curious names from the isolated instances.[779] On a vase
in Berlin[780] no less than ten Maenads are named—Anthe
(Flower), Choro (Dance), Chrysis (Gold), Kale (Beauty), Kisso
(Ivy), Makaria (Blessed), Naia, Nymphe, Phanope, and Periklymene
(Renowned); on one at Leyden[781] six—Dorkis, Io, Klyto,
Molpe (Song), Myro, and Xantho (Fair-hair). On the former
vase a Seilenos is expressly so named, and on the latter are
four Satyrs with names; on a kylix by Brygos in the British
Museum[782] the Seileni attacking Iris are styled Babacchos,
Dromis, Echon, Terpon, etc.[783]

Other Satyr-names are Briacchos,[784] Dithyrambos,[785] Demon,[786]
Hedyoinos (Sweet Wine),[787] Hybris (Insolence),[788] Hedymeles
.bn 087.png
.pn +1
(Sweet Song),[789] Komos (Revelry),[790] Kissos (Ivy),[791] Molkos,[792]
Oinos,[793] Oreimachos,[794] Simos (Snub-nose),[795] Tyrbas (Rout).[796]

The Maenads’ names are if anything more numerous:
Bacche,[797] Choiros (Pig!),[798] Doro,[799] Eudia (Calm),[800] Eudaimonia
(Happiness),[801] Euthymia (Good Cheer),[802] Erophyllis,[803] Galene
(Calm),[804] Hebe (Youth),[805] Komodia (Comedy) and Tragoedia
(Tragedy),[806] Kalyke (Bud),[807] Lilaia,[808] Mainas,[809] Nymphaia,[810]
Opora (Harvest) and Oreias (Mountain-Nymph),[811] Oinanthe,[812]
Pannychis (All-night Revel),[813] Polyerate (Well-beloved),[814]
Philomela,[815] Sime (Snub-nose),[816] Terpsikome,[817] Thaleia,[818] Rodo
(Rose),[819] Paidia,[820] and Kraipale,[821] a name which is not easy to
render in classical English, but which denotes the results
following on a night’s debauch.

.pm onplate LII
.il id=pl52 fn=plate52_088.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Furtwaengler and Reichhold</cite>.</s>

<sc>The Under-World, from an Apulian Vase at Munich.</sc>
.ca-
.pm offplate

.h4 id=sec13_2
§ 2. <sc>The Nether World</sc>

The Chthonian character of Dionysos brings us by a natural
transition to the <b>deities of the under-world</b>, and in connection
.bn 088.png
.bn 089.png
.bn 090.png
.pn +1
therewith it will be convenient to treat of Death-deities of
all kinds, as well as scenes representing the life of the nether
regions.

Of Demeter and Persephone, the Chthonian goddesses <lang=fr><em>par
excellence</em></lang>, we have already spoken (p. #27#), and of the myths
connected with them, such as the rape of the latter by <b>Hades</b>
or Pluto, the king of the realms named after him. It is
owing to this connection with Persephone that Hades is found
in such scenes as the sending forth of Triptolemos,[822] or at her
return to the upper world,[823] as well as at the rape of his consort.
He is frequently seen in company with her, as the rulers of
the nether world,[824] especially on the large Italian “under-world
vases” referred to below, and sometimes they are represented
banqueting together.[825] As king of the nether world he is
appropriately grouped with his brothers Zeus and Poseidon,
the rulers of the air and ocean.[826] He is occasionally carried
by Herakles on his shoulders,[827] but the meaning of this subject
is uncertain. He also appears as a single figure, with sceptre
and cornucopia.[828]

The only general representations of the under-world are to
be found on the large Apulian vases made for sepulchral purposes
(Vol. I. p. #476:vol1_476#), of which some half-dozen are conspicuous
for the number of subjects and figures they contain. All these
are collected together in the <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorlegeblätter</cite></lang>, Series E.,
the list being as follows:—

.ta lcclccl
(1) Munich 849      |=|<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E.| pl. 1|=|Reinach,| i. 258
(2) Naples 3222     |=|           ”    | pl. 2     |=|    ”  |  i. 167
(3) Karlsruhe 388   |=|           ”    | pl. 3, 1  |=|    ”  |  i. 108
(4) Naples S.A. 709 |=|           ”    | pl. 3, 2  |=|    ”  |  i. 455
(5) Petersburg 424  |=|           ”    | pls. 4 and| |       |
                    | |                |    5, 1   |=|    ”  |  i. 355
(6) Petersburg 426  |=|           ”    | pl. 6, 2  |=|    ”  |  i. 479
.ta-
.bn 091.png
.pn +1

No. (1) is reproduced in Plate #LII:pl52#. On a smaller scale, or
fragmentary, are the following:—

.ta lcclccl
(7) Petersburg 498    |=| <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E.| pl. 5, 2 | | |
(8) B.M. F 270        |=|       ”        |   pl. 6, 1  |=| Reinach,| i. 356
(9) Karlsruhe 256     |=|       ”        |   pl. 6, 3  |=|     ”   | i. 455
(10) Jatta Coll. 1094 |=|       ”        |   pl. 6, 4  |=|     ”   | i. 356
(11) Naples S.A. 11   |=|       ”        |   pl. 6, 5  |=|     ”   | i. 401
.ta-

There are also three B.F. vases having reference to the
under-world, though in the first two cases it is probable that
the scene relates to the return of Persephone (see p. #28#), the
accompanying figure of Sisyphos only being introduced to mark
the locality:—

.in 4
.ti -2
(12) B.M. B 261 (Hades, Persephone, Hermes, Sisyphos).

.ti -4
(13) Munich 728 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. pl. 6, 6 = Reinach, ii. 48
(similar scene).

.ti -4
(14) Berlin 1844 (Persephone and Sisyphos only).
.in

On the Apulian vases there is usually in the centre a pillared
building representing the palace of Hades, in which he and his
spouse stand or sit; round this are grouped various figures and
episodes connected with the nether regions: Herakles carrying
off Kerberos[829]; Orpheus with his lyre, sometimes accompanied
by Eurydike[830]; persons undergoing punishment, such as
Sisyphos with his rock[831]; Tantalos threatened with a rock,
not as in the usual legend suffering from thirst[832]; the Danaids
with their hydriae[833]; and Theseus and Peirithoös sitting
with their hands bound behind them.[834] In one instance a
Fury, at the instance of Hades and Hekate, is binding one,
the other having already entered on his punishment[835]; in
another we see Theseus liberated and about to depart from
his friend (see below, p. #111#).[836]
.bn 092.png
.pn +1

Among the administrators of these penalties are Aiakos,
Minos, and Rhadamanthos, the judges of the souls[837]; the
Erinnyes or Furies[838]; and allegorical personages, such as Dike
(Justice),[839] Ananke (Necessity),[840] or Poinae (Punishments).[841]
Of the Chthonian deities, Hermes,[842] Hekate,[843] Triptolemos,[844]
and Iacchos[845] are present. Olympian deities are also sometimes
introduced as spectators.[846] Other figures introduced
are Megara with the two children of Herakles[847]; Pelops with
Myrtilos and Hippodameia[848]; a group of the Blessed Shades[849];
and (but not on this class of vase) Oknos with his ass, a subject
depicted by Polygnotos in his great fresco at Delphi.[850] The
subject of Ixion on the wheel is usually found by itself, but
occurs on the neck of one of the Apulian vases.[851]

Another subject which may be associated with the above
scenes is that of <em>Charon</em> and his bark; on the vases, however,
its significance is purely sepulchral, as it is confined to the Attic
white lekythi (Vol. I. p. #459:vol1_459#), on some of which the dead man
is represented entering the ferry-boat.[852] Some vases of Etruscan
fabric also represent groups of Chthonian deities, especially
Charon, who in the mythology of that people is no longer
“the grim ferryman that poets write of,” but <em>Charun</em>, a hideous
demon wielding a huge hammer.[853] In one instance he
separates Alkestis from Admetos[854]; in another he watches
Ajax stabbing a captive Trojan.[855]

.il id=fig122 fn=fig122_093.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>

FIG. 122. CHARON’S BARK (LEKYTHOS AT MUNICH).
.ca-

The <em>Erinnyes</em> or Furies play an important part in the
.bn 093.png
.pn +1
nether-world scenes,[856] and one is also represented at the
punishment of Ixion.[857] They pursue Orestes after the slaughter
of his mother and Aigisthos to Delphi and Tauris,[858] and even
when with Pylades he comes to make himself known to
Electra.[859] Among other mythological scenes they are found
at the combat of Herakles and Kyknos[860]; with Pelops,[861] and
with Medeia and Jason[862]; and threatening with punishment
the hero Agrios, who is seized and bound upon an altar by
Oineus and Diomedes.[863] <em>Kerberos</em> is once seen without
Herakles in the under-world vases[864]; and there is a very
curious representation of his being chained up by Hermes.[865]
.bn 094.png
.pn +1

<em>Hekate</em> as a Chthonian deity frequently appears on the
under-world vases[866]; she is also connected with Eleusinian
scenes and legends,[867] such as the sending of Triptolemos,[868]
the birth of Dionysos or Iacchos,[869] or with the rape and return
of Persephone.[870] She appears also as a single figure.[871] Allusion
has already been made to the Chthonian associations of Hermes,
Triptolemos, and Iacchos (pp. #27#, #52#).

.il id=fig123 fn=fig123_094.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 123. THANATOS AND HYPNOS WITH BODY OF WARRIOR (FROM BRIT. MUS. D 58).

<em>Thanatos</em>, the personification of Death, appears on vases[872]
almost exclusively in one aspect, as the bearer of souls in
conjunction with Hypnos (Sleep); they convey the body of
Memnon from Troy to his home in Egypt,[873] and this type is
borrowed for other scenes (<i>e.g.</i> on the funeral lekythi) in
which an ordinary warrior is borne “to his long home.”[874]
.bn 095.png
.pn +1
In one instance Thanatos is seen urging Ajax on to commit
suicide[875]; he also appears on another vase where the subject
may relate to the story of Ixion.[876] Representations of Death-demons
or Harpies,[877] and of <lang=grc>Κῆρες θανάτοιο</lang>, or small winged                 // Tr: Kêres thanatoio
figures boding or signifying death,[878] are by no means uncommon.
It has been held by some writers that the personifications of
Thanatos above referred to are more properly to be regarded
as <lang=grc>Κῆρες θανάτοιο</lang>.[879] These small winged figures are also             // Tr: Kêres thanatoio
employed to represent a soul escaping from a deceased person[880];
or, again, to indicate the souls of Achilles and Hector (or
Memnon) when weighed by Zeus (see below, pp. #130#, #132#).[881]
We also find actual representations on B.F. vases of the
ghost of a hero, especially in Trojan scenes; he floats through
the air fully armed, with large wings.[882]

.h4 id=sec13_3
§ 3. <sc>Cosmogonic and other Deities</sc>

In the next instance it will be found appropriate to discuss
sundry representations which are connected with the earlier
or Titanic cosmogony, although, with the exception of the
Gigantomachia, already discussed, allusions thereto are comparatively
rare on vases.
.bn 096.png
.pn +1

Chief among these personages is <b>Ge</b> or <b>Gaia</b>, the Earth-mother,
half Titanic, half Chthonian, who is usually represented
as a figure rising half out of the ground, with flowing hair.
She thus appears in several Gigantomachia scenes (as the
mother of the giants, who were <lang=grc>Γηγενεῖς</lang>, earth-born),[883] and at     // Tr: Gêgeneis
the birth of Dionysos and Erichthonios, where she hands the
child to Athena.[884] As a full-length figure she appears protecting
her sons Tityos and Antaios against Apollo and
Herakles respectively[885]; also in certain doubtful scenes on
B.F. vases as the Nursing-mother (<lang=grc>Κουροτρόφος</lang>), with two              // Tr: Kourotrophos
children in her arms,[886] though we have already seen (p. #30#)
that these are susceptible of another interpretation. Finally,
the series of scenes in which men are represented hammering
on the head of a female figure rising from the earth[887] may be
regarded as referring to Gaia, with allusion to the custom of
smiting on the earth to raise spirits. In this connection
Gaia is undoubtedly to be identified with Pandora (see
below).[888] A cognate subject is that of a similar female head
or bust in company with Eros, sometimes found on late
Italian vases.[889] If Gaia is here intended, her connection with
Eros finds some support in the poetic cosmogonies[890]; otherwise
it may be Aphrodite.

The story of <em>Kronos</em>, who swallowed the stone given to him
by his wife Rhea in place of his children, is possibly depicted
on one vase,[891] though the genuineness thereof is open to
.bn 097.png
.pn +1
doubt. The stone is enveloped in drapery to prevent discovery.
A bust of Kronos has also been identified on a
vase.[892] The story of Zagreus and his destruction by the
Titans, which belongs to the same cycle, also finds one or
two representations. One vase appears to represent them
devouring him piecemeal.[893]

Another personage who may perhaps be regarded as of pre-Olympian
origin is <em>Themis</em>, who comes between Gaia and
Apollo in the occupation of the prophetic stool at Delphi
(Aesch. <cite>Eum.</cite> 2). Aigeus, the father of Theseus, is represented
as consulting her seated on her tripod,[894] and one vase has been
supposed to depict her conversing with Zeus before the birth
of Dionysos.[895] She also appears at the Judgment of Paris.[896]

<em>Kybele</em>, the mother of the gods, only occurs in one or two
doubtful instances, with the lion which is usually associated
with her.[897]

Among the primitive and recondite Greek cults which go
back to a remote origin, that of <b>the Kabeiri</b> may perhaps
be mentioned here. Previous to the discovery, in 1887–88,
of their sanctuary near Thebes, little was known, either
from literary or monumental sources, of these mysterious
deities; but the excavations on this site yielded large quantities
of pottery with scenes relating to their cult, mostly of
a burlesque character.[898] Among these was one very interesting
fragment representing (with names inscribed) the Kabeiros and
his son (Pais) banqueting, and attended by two deities known
as Mitos and Pratoleia.[899] Lenormant noticed that the spectator-deities
on an under-world vase in the British Museum correspond
exactly to the four Cabeiric deities as described by
certain ancient authorities.[900]

Turning next to myths which treat of the semi-divine personages
of the earliest cosmogony, we have the legends given
.bn 098.png
.pn +1
by Hesiod of Prometheus and the creation of <b>Pandora</b>; and
we may include with them the Titan Atlas. Pandora, it has
been already noted, is only a variation of Gaia,[901] and this is
borne out by the name given to her on a beautiful polychrome
cup in the British Museum representing her creation, completed
by Hephaistos and Athena.[902] She is there named
<lang=grc>Ἀνεσιδώρα</lang>, “She who sends up gifts,” <i>E.g.</i> from the earth.      // Tr: Anesidôra
The subject is not so popular as might have been expected,
but appears on two other vases in the Museum, in each case
with Olympian deities as spectators of the event, and on a
beautiful vase now at Oxford.[903] The story of the opening of
the <lang=grc>πίθος</lang> has not found its way into art, but its connection          // Tr: pithos
with the Athenian feast of the <lang=grc>πιθοίγια</lang> is curiously illustrated      // Tr: pithoigia
in one instance.[904]

<b>Prometheus</b> too is seldom seen, and chiefly on B.F. vases.
In one case he receives a libation from Hera,[905] and there are
two or three representations of his liberation by Herakles.[906]
On a Cyrenaic cup he is grouped with Atlas, the vulture
pecking at his breast, while the other groans under the
burthen of the heavens.[907] <b>Atlas</b> is found almost exclusively
with Herakles in connection with his visit to the Garden of
the Hesperides. Either he is actually present in the Garden[908]
or is confronted with the hero, who in some cases bears his
burden for him while he obtains the apples.[909] He is also seen
in company with a Sphinx.[910]

.tb

We now come to discuss a few subordinate deities or semi-divine
personages who do not fall into any of the preceding
categories.
.bn 099.png
.pn +1

<b>Asklepios</b>, chiefly a figure of later art, is exceedingly rare
on vases. There is, in fact, only one on which he can
certainly be identified. This is a late R.F. vase at Athens,
on which he is seen reclining on a couch feeding a serpent
and accompanied by Hygieia.[911] Nor does the latter occur
elsewhere, though her name, as already noted (p. #43#), is
sometimes given to one of the personified figures attending
on Aphrodite.[912] <b>Eileithyia</b>, the goddess of childbirth, generally
appears, in duplicated form, assisting Zeus at the birth of
Athena,[913] or Leto at that of Apollo and Artemis.[914] She is
closely related to Artemis, and a representation of a goddess
who has been identified as Artemis-Eileithyia may be seen
on an early Boeotian vase with reliefs at Athens.[915]

<b>Iris</b>, the messenger of the gods, is usually distinguished
from Nike by her caduceus or herald’s staff, and from Hebe
by her wings. She is often depicted as a single figure,[916] or
pouring a libation to Hera, Athena, or other deities.[917] She is
associated more especially with Hera, as Hermes is with Zeus,
and attends on the former in several scenes of assemblages
of the gods.[918] In company with Hera she is attacked by a
troop of Seileni and defended by Herakles,[919] and on another
vase she is similarly surprised by a troop of Centaurs.[920] She
assists at the creation of Pandora,[921] at the Judgment of Paris,[922]
and at the wedding of Peleus and Thetis,[923] and also appears
in the Garden of the Hesperides.[924] She is also seen with
Paris carrying off Helen[925]; and with Menelaos fetching her
.bn 100.png
.pn +1
back[926]; and in another scene, apparently drawn from a Homeric
source (<cite>Il.</cite> viii. 397 ff.), where she dissuades Athena and Hera
from taking sides in the war, at the behest of Zeus.[927] She
conveys the infant Herakles to the Centaur Cheiron,[928] and is
also seen in company with a warrior.[929]

<b>Hebe</b> in Olympos performs somewhat similar functions to
Iris, more particularly that of pouring out wine for the gods.[930]
She is also specially associated with Herakles at and after
his apotheosis,[931] appearing as his bride in several instances.[932]
Besides these, she frequently appears in assemblies of the
gods,[933] or at the punishment of Marsyas,[934] or the Judgment
of Paris.[935]

.h4 id=sec13_4
§ 4. <sc>Personifications</sc>

The next group of deities with which we have to deal is
that of the various personifications which are to be found in
great numbers on vases of all periods, especially the later.
These naturally fall under several headings, which, following
the lines of the classification adopted by M. Pottier in a
valuable article on the subject,[936] we may distribute as follows:—

.fs 95%
.in +10
1. Physical (Sun, Moon, Dawn, Winds, etc.).
2. Geographical (Cities, Rivers, Mountains, etc.).
3. Products of earth (Wine, Harvest, etc.).
4. Groups of various kinds (Muses, Nymphs, etc.).
5. Physical conditions (Health, Old Age, etc.).
6. Social advantages (Wealth, Peace, Victory, etc.).
7. Ethical ideas (Justice, Envy, Strife, etc.).
8. Metaphysical ideas (Necessity, Law, etc.).
9. Social enjoyments (Comedy, Tragedy, Revelry, etc.).
10. Descriptive names.
.fs 100%
.in
.bn 101.png
.pn +1

Of some of these, indeed, we have already treated—such as
the beings included in the following of Aphrodite and Dionysos,
Ge-Pandora, Hebe (Youth), and the deities of the nether world.
The rest we now proceed to consider in order, beginning
with natural phenomena, and firstly those of an astronomical
character.

I. <b>Helios</b>, the Sun, who in some senses, especially in the
mythology of the Roman poets, is identical with Phoebus Apollo,
is only once so identified on vases.[937] He is usually depicted
in his four-horse chariot rising out of the sea (as on the eastern
pediment of the Parthenon), either as a single figure or in
connection with some myth, indicating that the action takes
place at sunrise. As a single figure he appears both on early
and late vases, on the latter, usually, as an upper decoration
on the large Apulian kraters.[938] He is also accompanied by
Eos (Dawn) and Selene (Moon), by Hemera (Day), or by Eros[939];
but in most cases he and Selene appear together, the latter
descending as he rises (as on the Parthenon pediment).
Thus on R.F. vases they denote the time of the action, as
when Theseus descends below the sea to visit Poseidon,[940]
or as on the Blacas krater in the British Museum, when
Eos pursues Kephalos.[941] On the latter vase four stars are also
depicted diving into the sea, to indicate their setting. On
Apulian vases he is present at the seizure of Persephone,[942] at
the flight of Pelops from Oinomaos,[943] at the madness of
Lykourgos,[944] at the Judgment of Paris,[945] and in the Garden
of the Hesperides.[946] In one instance a group of Satyrs start
back affrighted at his appearance.[947] There are two instances
.bn 102.png
.bn 103.png
.bn 104.png
.pn +1
of his encounter with Herakles, who endeavoured to stay his
progress with his bow.[948]

.pm onplate LIII
.il id=pl53 fn=plate53_102.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca <sc>Helios and Stars, from the Blacas Krater in the British Museum.</sc>
.pm offplate

<b>Selene</b>, the Moon, appears in many of the scenes already
described under Helios, as on the Blacas krater. She is
depicted under two types, either on horseback[949] or driving a
chariot like Helios,[950] both as a single figure and in other
scenes; and she is sometimes characterised by the lunar disc
or crescent. Besides the scenes already referred to, she
appears on horseback at the birth of Dionysos[951] and at the
pursuit of Medeia by Jason.[952] The magic arts used by
Thessalian witches to draw down the moon from heaven are
also the subject of a vase-painting,[953] where two women essay
to perform this feat by means of a rope, addressing her,
“O Lady Moon!”

<b>Stars</b> are occasionally represented with an astronomical
reference, as on the Blacas krater, where they appear in the
form of youths, or grouped with Helios, Selene, and Eos.[954]
Phosphoros, the Morning Star, may be identified in this connection,
represented as a youth running[955]; but in other cases
they are not personified, as on a vase which represents the
moon and stars with the constellation Pegasos.[956]

<b>Hemera</b>, the Day, we have already once noted; but in art
she is hardly to be distinguished from Eos (Dawn). Nor can
Nyx (Night) be identified with certainty on vases.[957] <b>Eos</b> is not
an uncommon figure, especially on R.F. vases, and she also plays
a part in certain myths. As a single figure she appears rising
from the sea in, or driving, a four-horse chariot like Helios,[958]
.bn 105.png
.pn +1
her steeds in one case being named Phlegethon and Lampon.
She is also represented flying with two hydriae, from which
she pours out dew upon the earth.[959] She is frequently seen
pursuing or carrying Kephalos[960] or Tithonos,[961] and is present
at the apotheosis of Alkmena.[962] At the combat of her son
Memnon with Achilles she and the other mother, Thetis,
are generally present.[963] She also pleads with Zeus for her
son’s safety,[964] and bears away his body after the fatal issue of
the fight.[965]

Next we have to deal with <b>the Winds</b>, as personified by the
figures of Boreas, Zephyros, etc. As single figures they seldom
appear, though we have possible instances of <em>Boreas</em>, with
the unusual type of a serpent’s tail,[966] or simply as a winged
male figure.[967] A wind-god is seen in an episode from the
Gigantomachia opposing the chariot of Zeus,[968] and another
in an assemblage of deities round Apollo Kitharoidos.[969]
<em>Zephyros</em> is seen pursuing Hyakinthos,[970] and he and Boreas
together bear the body of a warrior to the tomb in the same
manner as Hypnos and Thanatos.[971] But the most important
subject connected with Boreas is his pursuit of the Athenian
maiden Oreithyia, a frequent scene on the later R.F. vases,[972]
some being very fine examples. Erechtheus, Kekrops, and the
.bn 106.png
.pn +1
Nymphs Aglauros, Herse, and Pandrosos, are usually present,
and the latter in one case announce the news to Kekrops or
Erechtheus.[973] Boreas is also depicted in the act of punishing
Phineus by blinding him, and attacked by the latter’s friend
Parebios.[974]

On some early B.F. vases we find winged beings which may
be styled <em>Boreades</em>, in conjunction with Harpies, apparently
representing the influences of good and evil winds respectively.[975]
Zetes and Kalais, the sons of Boreas, will be treated of in the
story of the Argonautika.[976] The <em>Aurae</em> or breezes have been
identified on a well-known vase in the British Museum,[977] and
on an Apulian vase in the same collection is a head undoubtedly
intended for Aura.[978] The <em>Hyades</em> or rain-goddesses in
two instances extinguish the flames of a funeral pyre at
the bidding of Zeus, at the apotheosis of Alkmena[979] and of
Herakles[980]; in one of the latter instances they are named
Arethusa and Premnusia. They also receive the infant
Dionysos.[981] <em>Echo</em> belongs perhaps rather to the Dionysiac
cycle, appearing as the beloved of Pan.[982]

.tb

II. We may next consider the personifications of <b>cities and
countries</b>, which are, indeed, in some cases more than merely
symbolical figures, being actual goddesses with a definite cult,
such as the Nymph Kyrene, who often appears on works of art.[983]
On the great Naples vase representing Dareios in a council
of war, personifications of <em>Hellas</em> and <em>Asia</em> are placed among
the spectator-deities,[984] and the former seems also to be indicated
on a similar vase with a battle of Greeks and Persians.[985] On
one of the late vases with the subject of Pelops and Oinomaos,
a personification of the locality <em>Olympia</em> appears to be similarly
.bn 107.png
.pn +1
present,[986] just as on the Hieron kotyle the personification of
Eleusis is included among the Eleusinian and other deities at
the sending forth of Triptolemos.[987] The city of <em>Thebes</em> is personified
in several instances, especially as a spectator of Kadmos
slaying the dragon[988]; also on a “Megarian” bowl with reliefs
in the British Museum, the subjects on which are taken from
the <cite>Phoenissae</cite> of Euripides.[989] <em>Nemea</em>, the scene of Herakles’
victory over the lion, and of the death of Archermos, is similarly
personified as a Nymph in the representations of both subjects,[990]
and the town of <em>Krommyon</em> as a Nymph protests against the
slaying of the sow by Theseus.[991] The Nymph <em>Sparta</em> occurs
once, dismounting from her horse.[992] Two cups of the early
B.F. class usually known (from their subjects) as Cyrenaic, bear
representations of the Nymph <em>Kyrene</em> (see above)—in one case
with Apollo, in the other holding a branch of silphium (the local
product) and surrounded by Boreads and Harpies (see above).[993]

Among the Greek islands, <em>Aegina</em> and <em>Salamis</em> were supposed
to have derived their names from Nymphs beloved of Zeus
and Poseidon, who are represented pursuing these quasi-personified
figures[994]; we may also regard Europa as coming
under that category.[995] Zeus also pursues <em>Taygeta</em>, who is
connected with the mountain in Laconia.[996] On one vase we
find the names of the islands <em>Delos</em>, <em>Euboea</em>, and <em>Lemnos</em>,[997]
given, presumably in pure fancy, to two Maenads and a Satyr
in a Dionysiac scene where all the figures are named. A
more genuine instance is that of the Nymph <em>Krete</em> on the
Talos vase, indicating the locality.[998]

Turning to other geographical features, we have Mount
.bn 108.png
.pn +1
<em>Olympos</em> transformed into a lyre-playing companion of Satyrs[999];
or, again, river-gods such as <em>Acheloös</em>, who as a combination of
man and bull, or with a fish-body like Triton, wrestles with
Herakles.[1000] The river <em>Nile</em> appears once, but not personified—only
as an indication of landscape.[1001] In connection with the
city of Thebes we find personifications of the local river <em>Ismenos</em>
and the local fountain-Nymphs <em>Dirke</em> and <em>Krenaia</em>.[1002]

.tb

III. Natural products, such as Oinos (Wine) and Opora
(Harvest), are only found personified among the Dionysiac
conceptions with which we have already dealt (p. #65#); to
these two names we may add those of Hedyoinos (Sweet
Wine), Kissos (Ivy), Kalyke (Bud), and Rodo (Rose), the three
latter coming more under the heading of pet-names than of
strict personifications.

.tb

IV. Our next class includes certain groups of personages
(all feminine) which for the most part hold their own throughout
all periods of art and literature, and are, so to speak, more
crystallised into definite mythological personages, associated
with the gods and human beings of the legendary ages. These
are the Muses, the Charites or Graces, the Horae or Seasons,
the Moirae or Fates, and the Erinnyes or Furies.

<b>The Muses</b> do not appear so frequently in vase-paintings
as in sculpture, and mostly on later vases. Two fine R.F.
examples of the whole nine (with their appropriate attributes)
call for mention[1003]; other vases give a more limited number,
or even single figures[1004]; but it must be remembered that in
.bn 109.png
.pn +1
such cases identification is difficult, as characterisation by means
of a lyre or scenic mask does not necessarily connote the
presence of a Muse. On one vase Terpsichore is seen with
two figures inscribed as Mousaios and Melousa[1005]; but these
may be no more than fancy names for an ordinary group of
musicians. Five of them are seen in a group with Apollo,
Thamyris, and Sappho,[1006] and elsewhere they accompany
Apollo.[1007]

The <em>Graces</em> can nowhere be identified on Greek vases, though
they form a well-known type in sculpture; but there is an
Etruscan kylix in the British Museum (probably copied from
a Greek original), which appears to represent them as an
interior group.[1008] The <em>Horae</em> or Seasons appear (without distinctive
names) on the François vase at the nuptials of Peleus
and Thetis, and on the Sosias cup[1009] in an Olympian assemblage
(three in each case); also two of them at the sending forth
of Triptolemos.[1010] The three <em>Moirae</em> (Fates) appear on the
François vase (as above), and once also at the birth of Athena[1011];
the Furies have already been discussed.[1012]

.tb

V. The personifications having reference to physical conditions
(as distinguished from ethical ideas) are comparatively
few in number. They include <em>Hebe</em> (Youth), who by virtue
of her divine attributes has already been discussed in another
section (p. #77#); <em>Hygieia</em> (Health), who is also a fully developed
goddess, but only once occurs on a vase, except among the
somewhat vague personifications surrounding Aphrodite (see
pp. #43#, #76#]); and three others, regarded as of masculine sex.
These are Geras (Old Age), Hypnos (Sleep), and Thanatos
(Death). <em>Geras</em> is seen in combat with Herakles[1013]; Thanatos
has already been discussed (p. #71#). <em>Hypnos</em> as a winged
youth hovers over Alkyoneus, whom Herakles overcame while
.bn 110.png
.pn +1
asleep[1014]; causes Ariadne to sleep while Theseus escapes[1015]; and
with Thanatos carries the body of Memnon,[1016] or an ordinary
mortal,[1017] to the tomb.

.tb

VI. Social advantages as apart from ethical qualities are
perhaps difficult to determine exactly; but we may fairly rank
under this heading such ideas as are suggested by Chrysos
(Gold) and Ploutos (Wealth); Eirene (Peace); Nike (Victory);
and the numerous attendants of Aphrodite and Dionysos, such
as Eunomia, Eudaimonia, and others already named (pp. #43#, #65#).
<em>Chrysos</em> and <em>Ploutos</em> as boys accompany Nike in her chariot[1018];
<em>Eirene’s</em> appearance on vases is doubtful, but she may appear
in one instance carrying the infant Ploutos.[1019] The birth of
Ploutos seems to be represented in one instance.[1020]

But by far the most important personage in this class is
<b>Nike (Victory)</b>, whose appearance as a winged female figure
is so often attested by inscriptions on R.F. vases that she can
generally be identified with certainty. She is especially popular
as a single figure on the Nolan amphorae and lekythi of the
“severe” and “strong” periods, some of which are conspicuously
beautiful examples.[1021] Altogether her appearances rival those
of Eros in number, though on the Italian vases they are far
fewer. Whether Nike ever occurs on B.F. vases is a very
doubtful point, and has been denied by many scholars, but
some figures are not easy to explain in any other way.[1022] On
other works of art she does not appear before 480 <sc>B.C.</sc>, unless
.bn 111.png
.pn +1
the “Nike” of Archermos is to be so identified; it seems
probable that she was an offshoot from Athena, whom we
know to have been worshipped under the name of Nike, as in
her temple on the Athenian Acropolis.

She is frequently associated with the gods, either in scenes
from mythology or in groups apart from action[1023]; usually
she pours libations to them, or crowns them in reference to some
achievement. Thus we find her with Zeus,[1024] with Hera,[1025] with
Athena,[1026] with Poseidon and Dionysos,[1027] with Apollo (especially
at his victory over Marsyas),[1028] with Artemis Elaphebolos,[1029] and
with Aphrodite.[1030] She frequently crowns or pours libations
to Herakles, or attends him at his apotheosis[1031]; on the later
vases she takes Athena’s place in conveying him in a chariot
to Olympos.[1032]

Among the numerous mythological events in which Nike
plays a more or less symbolical part may be mentioned the
Gigantomachia, in which she drives Zeus’ chariot,[1033] the birth
of Athena,[1034] the sending of Triptolemos,[1035] the Judgment of
Paris,[1036] the birth of Dionysos[1037] and that of Erichthonios,[1038] and
the punishment of Ixion.[1039] Among Trojan scenes she appears
with Achilles arming,[1040] at his (supposed) fight with Telephos
and possibly also at that with Memnon,[1041] and at the carrying
off of the Palladion.[1042] She is also seen with Herakles in the
.bn 112.png
.pn +1
Garden of the Hesperides,[1043] with the Dioskuri,[1044] with Perseus
and Bellerophon,[1045] with Orestes at Delphi[1046]; crowning Hellas
as the victor over the Persians[1047]; and in many scenes with
Dionysos.[1048]

More numerous and characteristic, however, are the scenes in
which she appears as a single figure, or associated with mortals,
usually victorious warriors or athletes. As a single figure she
most commonly pours a libation over an altar,[1049] or flies towards
the altar bearing a torch, incense-burner, lyre, tripod, sash,
or other attribute[1050]; in one case (unless Iris is intended) a jug
and caduceus.[1051] Especially characterised as the goddess of
Victory, she often holds a palm-branch.[1052] She frequently takes
part in religious and sacrificial ceremonies, such as the decoration
or dedication of a choragic tripod,[1053] or burns incense,[1054] or herself
sacrifices a ram or bull.[1055] The last-named subject is, however,
commoner on gems and a certain class of terracotta reliefs.[1056]
On one vase she gives drink to a bull[1057]; or, again, she rides
on a sacrificial bull[1058]; or places a hydria on a fountain or
altar.[1059] She pursues a hare, doe, or bird,[1060] or offers a bird to a
youth.[1061] On the later Panathenaic amphorae and elsewhere she
.bn 113.png
.pn +1
holds the <lang=grc>ἀκροστόλιον</lang> or stern-ornament of a ship[1062]; and            // Tr: akrostolion
sometimes she erects a trophy.[1063]

.il id=fig124 fn=fig124_113.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 124. NIKE SACRIFICING BULL (BRITISH MUSEUM F 66).

She appears in a chariot drawn by female Centaurs,[1064] or
accompanied by Chrysos and Ploutos (see above),[1065] and she also
conducts a victorious warrior in this manner.[1066] In other instances
she pours a libation to a warrior,[1067] who is sometimes inscribed
with a fanciful name[1068]; or, again, as anticipating his victory, she
brings him his helmet.[1069] She is, however, more frequently seen
in athletic scenes, crowning a victorious athlete,[1070] rider,[1071] or
charioteer,[1072] or superintending the games in the palaestra,[1073]
torch-races,[1074] or the taking of an oath by an athlete.[1075] In
.bn 114.png
.pn +1
musical contests she performs the same functions, crowning
or pouring libations to a successful performer.[1076] She crowns
a successful potter in his workshop,[1077] and also a poet (?).[1078]
A being of similar character, who may perhaps be recognised
in the figure of a winged youth on some B.F. and early R.F.
vases, is Agon, the personification of athletic contests.[1079]

On the later R.F. vases the figure of Nike is often duplicated,
probably more to produce a balanced composition than for any
other reason.[1080]

.tb

VII. The next class of personifications is that of abstract
ethical ideas. Even on the earlier vases there are found a
considerable number of these, such as Eris (Strife); but on the
later, unlimited play is given to the tendency of the age (seen
also in sculpture and painting) to invest every abstract idea
with a personality, apart from any idea of deification or
mythological import.

Among these, by far the most numerous examples are, of
course, those relating to the passion of Love. We have already
traced the development of the type and conception of Eros in
vase-paintings, and in the same place we have had occasion
to speak of the associated ideas which became personified as
subsidiary conceptions to that of Love, such as Peitho
(Persuasion), Pothos (Yearning), and Himeros (Charm), Phthonos
(Envy or <lang=la><em>Amor invidiosus</em></lang>), and Talas (Unfortunate or Unrequited
Love).[1081] Of a similar type are the feminine conceptions
associated with Aphrodite-Eudaimonia (Happiness), Euthymia
(Cheerfulness), and the like.[1082]

Among other abstract ideas are those of <em>Arete</em> (Virtue) and
<em>Hedone</em> (Pleasure), which have been suggested as represented
on one vase.[1083] On a R.F. vase in Vienna, <em>Dike</em> (Justice) is seen
.bn 115.png
.pn +1
overcoming <em>Adikia</em> (Injustice)[1084]; <em>Apate</em> (Deceit) on the vase
with Dareios in council beguiles the goddess Asia with bad
advice,[1085] and also leads Tereus astray[1086]; <em>Phobos</em> (Fear) drives the
chariot of Ares when he assists Kyknos against Herakles[1087];
he is specially associated with the god of war, the idea being
that of inducing panic among enemies; and in many cases
his head appears, like that of the Gorgon, as a device on
shields.[1088] In one instance he appears as a lion-headed monster.[1089]
Artemis, in the capacity of <em>Aidos</em> (Shame), hinders Tityos from
carrying off Leto.[1090] <em>Eris</em> (Strife) appears on B.F. vases as
a winged female figure running, in scenes of combat, chariot-races,
etc., or as a single figure.[1091] But the identification is not
always certain; in some combat scenes it is possible that Ate
or a Ker is meant, and in those of an agonistic character we
may see Agon, the personification of athletics (see above,
p. #89#).[1092]

.tb

VIII. The metaphysical ideas next to be discussed are almost
exclusively punitive agencies, either connected with scenes in
the under-world (Ananke, Poinae, and the Furies), or bringing
down penalties and disasters on the heads of wrong-doers, such
as the personifications of madness which occur in many of the
tragic subjects on Apulian vases.

In the first group we reckon <em>Ananke</em> (Necessity) and the
<em>Poinae</em> (Punishments), who appear with the Furies in a scene
from the under-world,[1093] <em>Ate</em> or <em>Ker</em> (Destiny), a winged figure
seen at the death of Hector[1094] and at the madness of Lykourgos[1095];
.bn 116.png
.pn +1
and <em>Nemesis</em> (Vengeance) in the scene between Atreus and
Thyestes,[1096] with reference to its fate-fraught character. In less
tragic circumstances the latter is present in a bridal scene, with
attributes of a flower and an apple.[1097] The Moirae or Fates
have already been mentioned (p. #83#), as has Themis or Divine
Ordinance (p. #74#).

The second group includes <em>Lyssa</em> (Frenzy), who drives
Aktaeon, Hippolytos, and Lykourgos to madness or destruction[1098];
<em>Mania</em> (Madness), who similarly drives Herakles to slay his
children[1099]; and <em>Oistros</em> (<i>E.g.</i> a Gad-fly), who performs similar
functions when Medeia is about to slay hers.[1100]

.tb

IX. Personifications relating to social enjoyments, such as
games, the drama, or banquets, are closely analogous to many
of those described under headings III. and VI., and occur in the
same connection. Thus in Dionysiac scenes we find Choro
(Dance), Molpe (Song), Dithyrambos, Hedymeles (Sweet Song),
Komos (Revelry), Komodia and Tragoedia (Comedy and
Tragedy), and Pannychis and Kraipale, typifying all-night
revels and their consequences.[1101]

.tb

X. Finally, there are what M. Pottier has described as
personifications of individualities, under which heading fall
many conceptions which do not find a place in any of the
classes already discussed. Among these are many of the names
given to Maenads and Satyrs (p. #65#), which are intermediate
between personal names and embodiments of abstract or
physical ideas, some inclining more to one side, some to the
other. Of these it is only necessary to mention as illustrative
of the present subject the Mainas[1102] and the Nymphe[1103] found
as names of individuals on several vases, and the Oinopion or
“Wine-drinker” on vases by Exekias.[1104]
.bn 117.png
.pn +1

To the same class belong the names given to Nymphs of
various kinds, such as the Nereids (see p. #26#) or the Hesperides.
The latter are named on one vase[1105] as Asterope, Chrysothemis,
Hygieia, and Lipara; on another[1106] as Aiopis, Antheia, Donakis,
Kalypso, Mermesa, Nelisa, and Tara.

Of more general signification, and sometimes perhaps to be
regarded as descriptive titles rather than names, are such as
Archenautes (Ship-captain),[1107] Komarchos (Master of Revels),[1108]
or Paidagogos (Tutor).[1109] On the other hand, Neanias, Komos,
Paian (given to boys at play),[1110] and Eutychia (on the tomb of a
woman)[1111] may be merely fanciful personal names.

.fm

.fn 621
B.M. B 589, B 693; B 180 (between
vine-poles); Bibl. Nat. 176; Hartwig,
pl. 30, fig. 2 (Hieron); Branteghem Coll.
No. 28 (Hermaios); Athens 1583 = Rayet
and Collignon, p. 291; <cite>Amer. Journ. of
Arch.</cite> 1900, pl. 1, p. 185 (Duris in
Boston).
.fn-

.fn 622
Petersburg 880 = Reinach, i. 13.
.fn-

.fn 623
B.M. F 194.
.fn-

.fn 624
B.M. E 257.
.fn-

.fn 625
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 7, fig. 2
(Nikosthenes in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 626
B.M. E 439.
.fn-

.fn 627
B.M. E 362.
.fn-

.fn 628
Athens 1583 = Rayet and Collignon,
p. 291.
.fn-

.fn 629
Bibl. Nat. 576 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 33, 1.
.fn-

.fn 630
Reinach, ii. 35.
.fn-

.fn 631
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 159.
.fn-

.fn 632
B.M. B 225, B 378, B 426, E 102;
Louvre F 133; Petersburg 855 = Reinach,
i. 18.
.fn-

.fn 633
B.M. E 429; Millin-Reinach, i. 60,
ii. 17; Reinach, i. 168, ii. 302.
.fn-

.fn 634
Reinach, ii. 32 (cf. Triptolemos).
.fn-

.fn 635
<cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite> 57; <lang=fr><cite>Mon.
Grecs</cite></lang>, 1879, pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 636
B.M. B 79.
.fn-

.fn 637
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 3, 3<i>E.g.</i>.
.fn-

.fn 638
Munich 339 = Reinach, ii. 36 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, 7, 1.
.fn-

.fn 639
<cite>Cat.</cite> 969 = Reinach, i. 415: see p. #178#.
.fn-

.fn 640
B.M. E 182; Bibl. Nat. 219 = <lang=it><cite>Mon.
di Barone</cite></lang>, pl. 1; Reinach, i. 1 and 3 =
Petersburg 1792 and 1793; and see p. #19#.
.fn-

.fn 641
B.M. E 492; Reinach, i. 93, 122;
Helbig 103 = Rayet and Collignon,
p. 223.
.fn-

.fn 642
Petersburg 2007 = Reinach, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 643
Bibl. Nat. 440 = Reinach, ii. 260.
.fn-

.fn 644
Reinach, i. 93.
.fn-

.fn 645
Baumeister, i. p. 434, fig. 483: cf.
B.M. E 695 (doubtful).
.fn-

.fn 646
B.M. F 271; Naples 3219 = Reinach,
i. 125 and 3237 = Millingen-Reinach, 1
= Baumeister, ii. p. 834, fig. 918.
.fn-

.fn 647
Naples 3237 = Millingen-Reinach, 2
= Baumeister, ii. p. 835, fig. 919.
.fn-

.fn 648
B.M. E 775 = Fig. #131:fig131#; Munich 807
= Baumeister, ii. p. 1204, fig. 1396; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
vii. (1892), pl. 5, p. 154 (Dionysos
not present); and see below, p. #142#.
.fn-

.fn 649
B.M. B 149, B 153, E 166.
.fn-

.fn 650
B.M. F 194 (D. with bull’s head).
.fn-

.fn 651
Naples S.A. 172 = Reinach, i. 498:
cf. Louvre F 136 and F 311 (Reinach,
i. 144).
.fn-

.fn 652
Berlin 1904.
.fn-

.fn 653
B.M. B 347 (Hermes and Apollo);
Bibl. Nat. 231; Athens 903 (Ares,
Hermes, Herakles); Munich 157; Reinach,
i. 8 (Petersburg 1807), 203, ii. 24,
42, and 75 (Munich 47, 609, 62), 30,
35, 74.
.fn-

.fn 654
B.M. B 302; E 66 (Herakles).
.fn-

.fn 655
B.M. E 410.
.fn-

.fn 656
B.M. B 200, B 201, B 318–21; Berlin
1961, 2278.
.fn-

.fn 657
Berlin 3257.
.fn-

.fn 658
Munich 773; and see Overbeck,
<lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> p. 210.
.fn-

.fn 659
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66.
.fn-

.fn 660
B.M. E 65.
.fn-

.fn 661
See p. #17#.
.fn-

.fn 662
B.M. B 253, E 8, E 303, E 443;  Bibl.
Nat. 230; and see p. #14#.
.fn-

.fn 663
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, No. 14
(Maenads); Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>,
pl. 6 (Seileni).
.fn-

.fn 664
Petersburg 1600 = Reinach, i. 25;
Bibl. Nat. 391 = Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de
France</cite></lang>, pl. 8.
.fn-

.fn 665
B.M. B 168 (?): see Reinach, ii. 38
and p. #30#.
.fn-

.fn 666
B.M. E 445.
.fn-

.fn 667
B.M. B 203.
.fn-

.fn 668
B.M. E 444; Reinach, i. 203: see
note #653:f653#, p. 56.
.fn-

.fn 669
Berlin 2179 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 6.
.fn-

.fn 670
B.M. F 171 (crowned by Nike);
Athens 667; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 356.
.fn-

.fn 671
Millin-Reinach, ii. 43 (doubtful);
Baumeister, i. p. 618, fig. 687.
.fn-

.fn 672
B.M. B 198, B 256–59, E 129, E 279,
F 307; Reinach, i. 161 = Baumeister, i.
p. 441, fig. 491; Millin-Reinach, ii. 16,
49 A (D. throws himself into arms
of A.).
.fn-

.fn 673
B.M. B 204, 206, 208, F 1, 69.
.fn-

.fn 674
Würzburg, Phineus cup = Reinach,
i. 201 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 41 (lions and stags).
.fn-

.fn 675
B.M. E 546; Jatta 1092 = Reinach,
i. 482.
.fn-

.fn 676
Petersburg 1427 = Reinach, i. 18.
.fn-

.fn 677
Reinach, ii. 37, 6.
.fn-

.fn 678
B.M. B 179; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, 86.
.fn-

.fn 679
B.M. B 206.
.fn-

.fn 680
B.M. B 302, B 476, B 556; Bibl.
Nat. 433 = Millin-Reinach, i. 38; Cambridge
48.
.fn-

.fn 681
Millin-Reinach, i. 37.
.fn-

.fn 682
Reinach, i. 215.
.fn-

.fn 683
B.F.: B.M. B 206, B 300 = Fig. #120:fig120#,
B 427; Reinach, ii. 141 and i. 203 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 1, 3 (D. in chariot).
R.F.: B.M. E 16, 55, 75, 228, 362,
462; Berlin 2471 = <lang=fr><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i.
55; Bibl. Nat. 357 = <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>,
vii. pl. 2; Roscher, iii. p. 2118. Late:
B.M. F 1, 77, 179, 303–4; Reinach, ii.
200. See also p. #61#.
.fn-

.fn 684
See <cite>B.M. Cat.</cite> and Reinach, <i>E.g.</i>;
B.M. B 148, E 110, 253, 503, F 149;
Berlin 2174; Bibl. Nat. 222 = Reinach,
ii. 251; Louvre F 3, F 5, F 101, F 124,
F 204, G 43.
.fn-

.fn 685
B.M. E 350 (receiving wine from
Nymph).
.fn-

.fn 686
B.M. E 184.
.fn-

.fn 687
Berlin 2402 = <lang=fr><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i. 57;
Berlin 2290 = Baumeister, i. p. 555,
fig. 592 (Hieron); Reinach, ii. 155 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 4, 5 (Taleides), and
ii. 289, 6.
.fn-

.fn 688
B.M. E 465, F 153.
.fn-

.fn 689
Reinach, ii. 301.
.fn-

.fn 690
B.M. E 511, F 56.
.fn-

.fn 691
B.M. F 37, 275; in F 273 Ariadne
similarly occupied.
.fn-

.fn 692
B.M. E 66, E 786.
.fn-

.fn 693
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 40.
.fn-

.fn 694
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. (1886), p. 278: cf. B.M.
F 188.
.fn-

.fn 695
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 6 = Louvre
G 34.
.fn-

.fn 696
<i>Ibid.</i> pls. 38–39, 1, and see p. #181#.
.fn-

.fn 697
Athens 1282–83 = <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr.
Hell.</cite></lang> 1895, p. 98.
.fn-

.fn 698
B.M. E 703, F 152; Millin-Reinach,
ii. 16 and ii. 40.
.fn-

.fn 699
B.M. F 114; Millin-Reinach, ii. 21.
.fn-

.fn 700
Reinach, ii. 38.
.fn-

.fn 701
B.M. B 210; <lang=fr><cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite></lang>
18 (both Exekias).
.fn-

.fn 702
B.M. E 228, 241, 435, F 163, 270;
Reinach, ii. 301; Millingen-Reinach, 2.
.fn-

.fn 703
B.M. E 228, F 203, F 253.
.fn-

.fn 704
B.M. F 437.
.fn-

.fn 705
Petersburg 2161.
.fn-

.fn 706
B.M. F 83, 381.
.fn-

.fn 707
B.M. F 163; Munich 848 = Reinach,
i. 383.
.fn-

.fn 708
Naples 3240 = Reinach, i. 114 =
Baumeister, i. pl. 5, fig. 422.
.fn-

.fn 709
Minervini, <lang=fr><cite>Mon. du Barone</cite></lang>, pl. 7.
.fn-

.fn 710
B.M. E 451–52, 471; Berlin 1930,
2290 (= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 4); Naples
2419 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pls. 36–7 (see Vol. I. p. #141:vol1_141#); Schreiber-Anderson,
pl. 14, 8.
.fn-

.fn 711
Berlin 2029; Naples 2411 = Reinach,
i. 154.
.fn-

.fn 712
Bologna 286.
.fn-

.fn 713
B.M. B 332.
.fn-

.fn 714
See p. #17#; and cf. B.M. B 42
(Plate #XXI:vol1_pl21#.).
.fn-

.fn 715
See pp 22, 76; also Berlin 2591.
.fn-

.fn 716
Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 21
and p. 69 ff.; Reinach, i. 144, 228;
Harrison, <cite>Prolegomena to Gk. Religion</cite>,
p. 277; and see pp. #29#, #73#.
.fn-

.fn 717
See p. 60, note #710:f710#.
.fn-

.fn 718
B.M. E 505.
.fn-

.fn 719
Reinach, i. 472, ii. 198.
.fn-

.fn 720
B.M. B 203–4, 206, 427, F 58, 77,
80–1, 156.
.fn-

.fn 721
B.M. F 75–6, 276; Louvre F 120,
F 124 (= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890, 5, 3), G 33,
G 57; Naples 3113, 3241 (= Reinach, i.
384); Munich 184 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pl. 46 (Hieron); <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang>
1887, 15 (Hieron in Brussels); Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 6, 31–2.
.fn-

.fn 722
Hartwig, <i>E.g.</i> pl. 5; <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 12, 1; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 79, 2<i>E.g.</i>;
B.M. B 297 (Plate XXX.); Satyr as
single figure, Louvre G 24.
.fn-

.fn 723
B.M. E 35, E 768; Hartwig, <i>E.g.</i>
pl. 45 (Hieron); Cambridge 48.
.fn-

.fn 724
B.M. F 133; Naples 2419 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 37; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 352.
.fn-

.fn 725
B.M. B 296; Reinach, ii. 75 (Munich
62), 141; Karlsruhe 259 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 30; <cite>Amer.
Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1900, pp. 188–189;
Vienna 231.
.fn-

.fn 726
Louvre F 334.
.fn-

.fn 727
B.M. B 426; Bibl. Nat. 320; Petersburg
9 = Reinach, ii. 24; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> 1899,
pl. 5; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 3, 2
(Nikosthenes).
.fn-

.fn 728
B.M. E 510.
.fn-

.fn 729
B.M. E 437, E 439, F 49, F 227.
.fn-

.fn 730
B.M. E 319; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 72, 2<i>E.g.</i>;
Munich 408 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pls. 44–5.
.fn-

.fn 731
B.M. E 555; Berlin 2241; Naples
S.A. 313; Reinach, i. 340, ii. 261 (Bibl.
Nat. 852).
.fn-

.fn 732
B.M. B 265, E 368; Bibl. Nat. 539
= Reinach, ii. 261; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 45;
Louvre F 161, F 381, G 34 (= Hartwig,
pl. 6), G 46.
.fn-

.fn 733
B.M. F 192; Munich 184 = Furtwaengler-Reichhold,
pl. 46 (Hieron);
Reinach, i. 223 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 5;
and cf. Adamek, <lang=fr><cite>Vasen des Amasis</cite></lang>,
pl. 2 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 734
<lang=fr><cite>Sale Cal. Hôtel Drouot</cite></lang>, 11 May,
1903, No. 62.
.fn-

.fn 735
Reinach, i. 201.
.fn-

.fn 736
Roscher, i. 1998.
.fn-

.fn 737
Munich 332 = Baumeister, ii. p. 847,
fig. 928.
.fn-

.fn 738
B.M. E 253, and cf. E 510; Bibl.
Nat. 357 = <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, vii. pl. 3;
Munich 372 = Reinach, ii. 117; and cf.
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 220.
.fn-

.fn 739
B.M. E 357; Karlsruhe 242; Reinach,
i. 281 (?); Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 32.
.fn-

.fn 740
Athens 1353 = <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
1895, p. 95; Bibl. Nat. 357 = <lang=fr><cite>Monuments
Piot</cite></lang>, vii. pl. 2; Munich 807 = Millingen-Reinach,
pl. 5.
.fn-

.fn 741
Louvre F 311 = Reinach, i. 144.
.fn-

.fn 742
B.M. B 284 (?), B 486 (?); Reinach,
ii. 77; Millin-Reinach, ii. 12.
.fn-

.fn 743
B.M. B 515, E 567.
.fn-

.fn 744
Millin-Reinach, ii. 49 A.
.fn-

.fn 745
Munich 542; Stackelberg, 24; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 331 (as racing charioteers,
driving Maenads).
.fn-

.fn 746
B.M. E 377; Louvre G 73 (trumpeting);
Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 6;
and see p. 56, note #663:f663#.
.fn-

.fn 747
B.M. E 3 (with pelta and trumpet);
Louvre G 89.
.fn-

.fn 748
B.M. E 539.
.fn-

.fn 749
Millin-Reinach, i. 20.
.fn-

.fn 750
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Mus. Chius.</cite></lang> 208.
.fn-

.fn 751
B.M. E 487.
.fn-

.fn 752
B.M. E 108.
.fn-

.fn 753
See Vol. I. p. #216:vol1_216#, Fig. #68:vol1_fig68#.
.fn-

.fn 754
Berlin 2589 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1684,
fig. 1766.
.fn-

.fn 755
Helbig, 186 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 80, 1<i>E.g.</i>.
.fn-

.fn 756
Berlin 2550.
.fn-

.fn 757
B.M. B 148.
.fn-

.fn 758
Berlin 2578.
.fn-

.fn 759
B.M. B 168; Reinach, ii. 98; with a
mouse, Reinach, i. 500.
.fn-

.fn 760
B.M. E 102; B 168.
.fn-

.fn 761
B.M. E 139, E 338.
.fn-

.fn 762
Millingen-Reinach, 59.
.fn-

.fn 763
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, No. 14.
.fn-

.fn 764
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> ii. 199.
.fn-

.fn 765
Berlin 2240; B.M. F 363; <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 7, 1; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl.
45, p. 28; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 331.
.fn-

.fn 766
B.M. E 24, E 261; Hartwig, <i>E.g.</i>
.fn-

.fn 767
Munich 139; Reinach, i. 460; Hartwig,
pls. 7 and 44, 1.
.fn-

.fn 768
B.M. E 35, E 530, E 768.
.fn-

.fn 769
Berlin 2267 = Hartwig, <i>E.g.</i> pl.
2, 1.
.fn-

.fn 770
Reinach, ii. 303.
.fn-

.fn 771
<cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 57; Louvre G 91.
.fn-

.fn 772
B.M. E 387, E 467.
.fn-

.fn 773
B.M. B 560, E 583; Berlin 2243;
Louvre F 204 = <cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite>
1896, p. 14; Baumeister, i. p. 555, fig.
592.
.fn-

.fn 774
Naples 3235 = Reinach, i. 103 =
Roscher, iii. 861.
.fn-

.fn 775
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> vii. pl. 62, p. 54.
.fn-

.fn 776
B.M. F 273; Reinach, ii. 201, 235;
Naples 2846; <cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 41,
57.
.fn-

.fn 777
See Loeschcke in <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894,
p. 521.
.fn-

.fn 778
Vol. I. pp. #353:vol1_353#, #355:vol1_355#, and p. #208# below.
.fn-

.fn 779
See generally Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Satyr- u.
Bakchennamen</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 780
<cite>Cat.</cite> 2471.
.fn-

.fn 781
Reinach, ii. 268.
.fn-

.fn 782
E 65.
.fn-

.fn 783
See also Jatta Coll. 1093; B.M.
E 253; Naples 2369; Roscher, iii.
p. 2118; De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel
Lambert</cite></lang>, pls. 13, 27. For Terpon see also
Reinach, i. 203, and Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 784
B.M. E 253.
.fn-

.fn 785
Reinach, i. 249; Roscher, iii. p.
2115.
.fn-

.fn 786
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>,
27.
.fn-

.fn 787
Reinach, ii. 200.
.fn-

.fn 788
Munich 384 = Reinach, i. 130 (see
Heydemann, <i>E.g.</i> pp. 25, 36: cf.
Hydris, B.M. E 65).
.fn-

.fn 789
Heydemann, <lang=de><lang=de><cite>Satyr- u. Bakchennamen</cite></lang></lang>,
p. 29 (<i>E.g.</i>).
.fn-

.fn 790
B.M. E 82; Berlin 2471, 2532;
Naples 2369; Reinach, i. 426, ii. 6, 38,
200.
.fn-

.fn 791
Berlin 2532.
.fn-

.fn 792
Reinach, ii. 287 (name also read as
Molpos).
.fn-

.fn 793
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 302.
.fn-

.fn 794
Berlin 2160.
.fn-

.fn 795
Munich 780; Naples 2369, 3235;
Jatta 1093; Reinach, ii. 268.
.fn-

.fn 796
Naples 3235.
.fn-

.fn 797
Bologna 286.
.fn-

.fn 798
Naples 2369.
.fn-

.fn 799
Heydemann, <i>E.g.</i> p. 28 (x).
.fn-

.fn 800
Jatta 1093; Reinach, ii. 302.
.fn-

.fn 801
Jatta 1093.
.fn-

.fn 802
Berlin 3257.
.fn-

.fn 803
B.M. E 253.
.fn-

.fn 804
Reinach, ii. 6.
.fn-

.fn 805
Jatta 1093.
.fn-

.fn 806
Reinach, ii. 3 = Millin-Reinach, i.
9; Reinach, ii. 38.
.fn-

.fn 807
Heydemann, <i>E.g.</i> p. 29 (β).
.fn-

.fn 808
<i>Ibid.</i> (α).
.fn-

.fn 809
B.M. E 492; Naples 2419; Karlsruhe
208; De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel
Lambert</cite></lang>, 13.
.fn-

.fn 810
B.M. E 350: cf. Nymphe on Berlin
2471.
.fn-

.fn 811
Jatta 1093.
.fn-

.fn 812
B.M. E 182; Heydemann, p. 20 (X)
= Dubois-Maisonneuve, <lang=fr><cite>Introd.</cite></lang> 22.
.fn-

.fn 813
Naples S.A. 316; Heydemann, p.
19 (U).
.fn-

.fn 814
Heydemann. p. 19 (U).
.fn-

.fn 815
Gerhard, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 59.
.fn-

.fn 816
Naples S.A. 172 = Reinach, i. 498.
.fn-

.fn 817
<lang=fr><cite>Pourtalès Cat.</cite></lang> 29, 2.
.fn-

.fn 818
Naples 3235, 2419.
.fn-

.fn 819
Heydemann, p. 29 (z).
.fn-

.fn 820
Naples 2883.
.fn-

.fn 821
<cite>Strena Helbigiana</cite>, p. 111 = <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, No. 20.
.fn-

.fn 822
B.M. E 183.
.fn-

.fn 823
B.M. B 261, B 425, F 332 (Plate
XLV.).
.fn-

.fn 824
Munich 728; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 21, 1;
and see Nos. 1–7 in the list given below.
.fn-

.fn 825
B.M. E 82, F 68.
.fn-

.fn 826
B.M. B 425: cf. <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii.
21, 1.
.fn-

.fn 827
Millin-Reinach, ii. 10; <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs.
Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1855, pls. 1–2.
.fn-

.fn 828
Roscher, i. p. 1802.
.fn-

.fn 829
See below, p. #99#, and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii.
p. 296 (Hades is frequently present).
.fn-

.fn 830
See Nos. 1–4, 7, 8, 11; for Eurydike,
Nos. 7–9.
.fn-

.fn 831
See Nos. 1–3 and 12–14; also Munich
153, and Louvre F 382.
.fn-

.fn 832
See No. 1; for the rock version of
the legend, cf. Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> i. 90.
.fn-

.fn 833
Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6; B.M. F 210; Munich
153 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1924, fig. 2040;
Reinach, i. 408 (parody).
.fn-

.fn 834
Nos. 3, 4, 9 (P. only), and 11.
.fn-

.fn 835
No. 10.
.fn-

.fn 836
No. 1.
.fn-

.fn 837
Nos. 1, 2, 5, 9.
.fn-

.fn 838
Nos. 1–6, 10, 11.
.fn-

.fn 839
Nos. 1, 4, 10.
.fn-

.fn 840
No. 2 (see Baumeister, iii. p. 1928).
.fn-

.fn 841
No. 3.
.fn-

.fn 842
Nos. 1–5, 8.
.fn-

.fn 843
Nos. 3, 6, 10.
.fn-

.fn 844
Nos. 2, 3, 9.
.fn-

.fn 845
No. 11.
.fn-

.fn 846
See Nos. 5 and 8.
.fn-

.fn 847
Nos. 1–3: cf. <cite>Od.</cite> xi. 269, and Paus.
x. 29, 7.
.fn-

.fn 848
No. 2.
.fn-

.fn 849
No. 1.
.fn-

.fn 850
Reinach, i. 408 (parody): cf. Paus.
x. 29, 1.
.fn-

.fn 851
B.M. E 155; Berlin 3023 = Reinach,
i. 330 = Baumeister, i. p. 767, fig. 821;
and No. 5 above.
.fn-

.fn 852
B.M. D 61; Berlin 2455, 2680, 2681
(= Reinach, i, 457); Munich 209 =
Baumeister, i. p. 378, fig. 414 (Fig. #122:fig122#);
Athens 1660–62 (= <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 23);
<i>ibid.</i> 1663, 1665 (= <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
i. pls. 1–2).
.fn-

.fn 853
B.M. F 486; Vienna 448 = Reinach,
i. 343; Reinach, i. 220; Helbig, 121 =
Reinach, ii. 121 is doubtful.
.fn-

.fn 854
Bibl. Nat. 918 = Reinach, i. 395 =
Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>, ii. frontispiece.
.fn-

.fn 855
Bibl. Nat. 920 = Reinach, i. 88.
.fn-

.fn 856
See above, p. #69#, note #838:f838#.
.fn-

.fn 857
See No. 5 above.
.fn-

.fn 858
See below, p. #138#.
.fn-

.fn 859
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1899, No. 38.
.fn-

.fn 860
Reinach, i. 475.
.fn-

.fn 861
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 204, 290 (Berlin 3072).
.fn-

.fn 862
Naples 3221 = <i>Ibid.</i> i. 402.
.fn-

.fn 863
B.M. F 155: see below, p. #141#.
.fn-

.fn 864
No. 8 above.
.fn-

.fn 865
Bibl. Nat. 269.
.fn-

.fn 866
See above, p. #69#, note #843:f843#.
.fn-

.fn 867
B.M. F 68; Petersburg 525 = Reinach,
i. 11.
.fn-

.fn 868
B.M. E 183; Reinach, ii. 324.
.fn-

.fn 869
Petersburg 1792 = Reinach, i. 1:
cf. <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900), p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 870
B.M. F 277; Reinach, i. 99 (and see
i. 155); <i>E.g.</i> i. 522, 1, and Baumeister, i.
p. 423, fig. 463.
.fn-

.fn 871
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 37 A.
.fn-

.fn 872
See Ubell, <cite>Thanatos</cite>, p. 22 ff. He
doubts the possibility of the identification
of Thanatos on Greek vases.
.fn-

.fn 873
Athens 1093 = Roscher, ii. 2678;
Reinach, i. 149 = Baumeister, i. p. 727,
fig. 781: cf. Louvre F 388 (where Pottier
identifies the warrior as Sarpedon).
.fn-

.fn 874
B.M. D 58 (= Fig. #123:fig123#), E 12 (=
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. pl. 3, figs. 1–2); Athens
1654 = Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 29; <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1893, p. 86 (in Berlin); with
body of woman, Athens 1653 = Dumont-Pottier,
i. pls. 27–28, and <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895,
pl. 2. All but two of these are funeral
lekythi.
.fn-

.fn 875
Reinach, i. 278.
.fn-

.fn 876
B.M. E 155.
.fn-

.fn 877
Berlin 2157 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. p. 211;
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 37 (see under
Herakles, p. #103#, note #1172:f1172#).
.fn-

.fn 878
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xii. p. 340 (Ker seizing
soul of fallen warrior); also for a Ker in
combats, Reinach, ii. 63, 126 (Munich
781), 97 (in the latter case protecting
Aeneas against Diomede); also i. 113
(Berlin 1713, 1714), 223, where they
represent demons of good or evil according
to the will of the gods.
.fn-

.fn 879
See Robert, <cite>Thanatos</cite>, and <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xii. p. 345. The Ker hovering over
Alkyoneus (see below, p. #100#) in Reinach,
i. 255, 451, may be a Hypnos (see Koepp
in <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1884, p. 42 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 880
B.M. D 54; Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic.
Vasenb.</cite></lang> pls. 14, 33; Athens 688 =
Reinach, i. 165 = Roscher, ii. 1147;
Stackelberg, pl. 48: and cf. Reinach,
i. 347 (= <cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 19) and
Benndorf, <i>E.g.</i> pl. 42, 2; in the former
the soul is armed; in the latter the
winged figure may be the <lang=grc>Κήρ</lang>. There                     // Tr: Kêr
often seems to be a confusion between
the <lang=grc>εἴδωλον</lang> or ghost and the <lang=grc>Κήρ</lang> or                     // Tr: Kêr: eidôlon
<lang=grc>Δαίμων</lang>, both in its functions and its art-form.         // Tr: Daimôn
Thus, on the vase given in <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xx. p. 101 (see p. #52#), small winged
figures like souls are seen flying out of
the jar, which are here intended to represent
evil spirits or maleficent ghosts, like
the evils let out of the jar by Pandora.
.fn-

.fn 881
B.M. B 639; Reinach, i. 89; Millin-Reinach,
i. 19.
.fn-

.fn 882
B.M. B 240, B 543; Berlin 1921.
.fn-

.fn 883
Fig. #112:fig112#, p. 14; Naples 2883 =
Reinach, i. 181: cf. the beautiful conception
on the Pergamene frieze.
.fn-

.fn 884
B.M. E 182 and Petersburg 1792 =
Reinach, i. 1; Reinach, i. 66, 113,
208.
.fn-

.fn 885
B.M. E 278, Reinach, i. 244 (Louvre
E 864), 245, 249; B.M. B 196.
.fn-

.fn 886
B.M. B 168, B 213; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii.
1, 2.
.fn-

.fn 887
Bibl. Nat. 298 = Reinach, i. 249, 4 =
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xx. p. 106, fig. 2 (and cf. <i>ibid.</i> xix.
p. 235); Naples 3355 = Reinach, i. 248;
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 53 = Reinach, i. 249, 6: cf.
also B.M. F 147; Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de
France</cite></lang>, p. 69; Harrison, <cite>Prolegomena to
Gk. Religion</cite>, p. 277; and see above,
p. #29#.
.fn-

.fn 888
As on the vase <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxi. pl. 1, p. 5:
cf. Schol. in Ar. <cite>Av.</cite> 971, and Sophocles’
drama of <cite>Pandora or the Hammerers</cite>
(<lang=grc>Σφυροκόποι</lang>): see also <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, vi.         // Tr: Sphyrokopoi
(1891), p. 113 ff., and for another explanation,
Robert, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Märchen</cite></lang>,
p. 194 ff. A vase in Berlin (<lang=de><cite>Cat.</cite></lang> 2646
= Reinach, i. 229 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 232)
represents the <lang=grc>Ἄνοδος</lang> of Ge-Pandora,                // Tr: Anodos
with Satyrs astonished at the sight.
.fn-

.fn 889
Munich 558; Naples S.A. 287;
Reinach, i. 129.
.fn-

.fn 890
Hes. <cite>Theog.</cite> 116; Ar. <cite>Av.</cite> 696 ff.
.fn-

.fn 891
<lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1875, pl. 9.
.fn-

.fn 892
Roscher, ii. p. 1550.
.fn-

.fn 893
B.M. E 246: see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xi. p. 343.
.fn-

.fn 894
Berlin 2538 = Reinach, ii. 162.
.fn-

.fn 895
Petersburg 1793 = Reinach, i. 3; but
see below, p. #125#.
.fn-

.fn 896
Petersburg 1807 = Reinach, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 897
B.M. B 49 = Reinach, ii. 122;
Millin-Reinach, i. 50.
.fn-

.fn 898
See <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> xiii. (1888), p. 412 ff.
and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 77 ff.; also Vol. I.
p. #391:vol1_391#.
.fn-

.fn 899
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 9.
.fn-

.fn 900
B.M. F 270: see Daremberg and
Saglio, <cite>Dict.</cite>, <i>E.g.</i> Cabeiri.
.fn-

.fn 901
See above, p. #73#, note #888:f888#, for representations
of Ge-Pandora rising from the
earth, which may be considered in connection
with the creation of Pandora.
.fn-

.fn 902
D 4.
.fn-

.fn 903
E 467, 789; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxi. pl. 1 (here
P. rises out of the ground, assisted by
Epimetheus with his hammer; Zeus and
Hermes are present).
.fn-

.fn 904
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xx. p. 101: see above, p. #52#.
.fn-

.fn 905
Bibl. Nat. 542 = Reinach, i. 141.
.fn-

.fn 906
Berlin 1722 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 9, 8,
and another B.F. vase in Reinach, i. 388;
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, iv. (1889), pls. 5–6, fig. 1.
.fn-

.fn 907
Helbig, 275 = Reinach, ii. 48 =
Baumeister, iii. p. 1411, fig. 1567.
.fn-

.fn 908
B.M. F 148; Naples 3255 = Reinach,
i. 236.
.fn-

.fn 909
Berlin 3245 = Gerhard, <lang=de><cite>Ges. Akad.
Abhandl.</cite></lang> pl. 19; Athens 957 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xiii. pl. 3 (H. bears the heavens).
.fn-

.fn 910
Reinach, i. 471.
.fn-

.fn 911
Athens 1926 = Reinach, i. 515. Possibly
also on a Berlin vase (<lang=de><cite>Arch.
Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 89) with a similar
subject, which may, however, denote a
“sepulchral banquet.” See Harrison,
<cite>Prolegomena to Gk. Religion</cite>, p. 349.
.fn-

.fn 912
B.M. E 224, E 698.
.fn-

.fn 913
B.M. B 218, 244 (Fig. #113:fig113#), E 410;
Louvre E 861 and Berlin 1704 = Reinach,
i. 156, 198.
.fn-

.fn 914
Athens 1962.
.fn-

.fn 915
<i>Ibid.</i> 466 = Plate XLVII.
.fn-

.fn 916
B.M. E 720; Munich 351 = Reinach,
ii. 46; Berlin 2248 = Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr.
u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 27, 2; Bibl. Nat. 841
= Millin-Reinach, i. 62; Roscher, ii.
p. 350 (with tablets; B.F. in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 917
Reinach, ii. 324; <i>ibid.</i> 325 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
i. 32 (may be Nike).
.fn-

.fn 918
B.M. E 67; Bibl. Nat. 444; Reinach,
i. 99, 339, 463: and see <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1895, p. 38 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 919
B.M. E 65 = Reinach, i. 193; Berlin
2591: cf. Bibl. Nat. 840 = Reinach, ii. 260.
.fn-

.fn 920
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> i. pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 921
B.M. E 467.
.fn-

.fn 922
Berlin 1895.
.fn-

.fn 923
François vase.
.fn-

.fn 924
Reinach, i. 301.
.fn-

.fn 925
B.M. R.F. amphora (uncatalogued).
.fn-

.fn 926
Reinach, ii. 34.
.fn-

.fn 927
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 296: see p. #39#.
.fn-

.fn 928
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 47.
.fn-

.fn 929
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 279.
.fn-

.fn 930
B.M. E 381(?); <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 20, 31
(= Reinach, ii. 9), 33 (= <i>E.g.</i> ii. 321).
.fn-

.fn 931
B.F. (H. in chariot): B.M. B 201,
317; Bibl. Nat. 253 = Reinach, i. 399;
Reinach, ii. 76, 161. In Olympos: B.F.:
B.M. B 379. R.F.: Reinach, ii. 186.
.fn-

.fn 932
Berlin 3257 = Baumeister, i. p. 630,
fig. 700; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 364; Reinach,
ii. 8: see p. #108#.
.fn-

.fn 933
Berlin 2278 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 9;
Reinach, i. 157, 203; Roscher, iii. p. 2119
(with Aphrodite).
.fn-

.fn 934
Jatta 1093; Reinach, i. 175.
.fn-

.fn 935
Petersburg 1807 = Reinach, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 936
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1889–90, p. 5 ff.: see
also on the subject generally the article
<lang=de><cite>Personifikationen</cite></lang> in Roscher’s <lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 937
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 62 = Reinach, ii. 287: see
above, p. #32#.
.fn-

.fn 938
B.F.: Berlin 1983; Bibl. Nat. 220
and Reinach, ii. 211 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 115–116
(in the former case the solar disc is on
his head). Late: B.M. F 305; Reinach,
i. 258 (Karlsruhe 388), 368; Millin-Reinach,
i. 16, ii. 49.
.fn-

.fn 939
Reinach, i. 99, 100, 312 (Naples
3222), 291 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 114 (Hemera);
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 394 (?see p. #79#,
note #954:f954#). In the last but one they step
out of a boat.
.fn-

.fn 940
Reinach, i. 232.
.fn-

.fn 941
B.M. E 466 = Plate #LIII:pl53#. A general
view in colours, <cite>Art Journal</cite>, Sept.
1904.
.fn-

.fn 942
Reinach, i. 99.
.fn-

.fn 943
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 100.
.fn-

.fn 944
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 125.
.fn-

.fn 945
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 11 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1894, p. 252.
.fn-

.fn 946
Reinach, i. 236.
.fn-

.fn 947
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 109.
.fn-

.fn 948
Cambridge 100 = Stackelberg, pl. 15;
Athens 900 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. pl. 9.
.fn-

.fn 949
B.M. E 252, 466, 776; Berlin 2519
= <cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite>, i. 63; Reinach, i. 312
(Naples 3222), 451.
.fn-

.fn 950
Berlin 2293 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 268 (a
fine R.F. kylix); Athens 1345 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xix. pl. 10. The figure in the chariot
may be perhaps identified as Nyx; see
Berlin 2519, where Selene rides a horse
and another goddess drives a chariot;
also B.M. E 776. See <cite>Art Journal</cite>, Sept.
1904, p. 290.
.fn-

.fn 951
Petersburg 1793 = Reinach, i. 3.
.fn-

.fn 952
Reinach, i. 402.
.fn-

.fn 953
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 319 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 118.
.fn-

.fn 954
B.M. E 466 (Plate LIII.); Naples
3256 = Reinach, i. 100 (here as stars).
.fn-

.fn 955
B.M. E 466; Reinach, i. 236, 291 (?),
339; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> iv. 394 (?).
.fn-

.fn 956
Bibl. Nat. 449 = Reinach, i. 129:
cf. B.M. F 573, E 658, E 659, and <cite>Art
Journal</cite>, Sept. 1904, p. 289.
.fn-

.fn 957
But see above, note #950:f950#; p. #30#, note #239:f239#.
.fn-

.fn 958
R.F.: B.M. E 449, E 776 (? Nyx;
see above); Helbig, 132 = Reinach, ii.
46. Late: Millin-Reinach, ii. 37 (with
Hermes; vase by Lasimos in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 959
Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. 6 =
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 108 A = Roscher, i. 1257; De
Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 960
B.F.: Louvre E 702 = Reinach, i.
354. R.F.: B.M. E 72, 466; Reinach,
i. 463 (= Bibl. Nat. 423), and ii. 81
(= Helbig, 80); Reinach, i. 107 = Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch</cite></lang>. pls. 39–40 (by Hieron;
may be either K. or T.); Bibl. Nat. 374
= Millin-Reinach, ii. 34. Late: Millin-Reinach,
i. 48. Eos carrying K.: Berlin
2537 = Reinach, i. 208.
.fn-

.fn 961
Oxford 275 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 137;
Bibl. Nat. 846.
.fn-

.fn 962
B.M. F 149.
.fn-

.fn 963
Reinach, ii. 105; B.M. E 468: see
Reinach, i. 144, ii. 254 (Bibl. Nat. 207).
.fn-

.fn 964
Reinach, i. 156, 1.
.fn-

.fn 965
Reinach, i. 347 = <cite>Bourguignon Sale
Cat.</cite> 19; Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i.
pl. 5; Roscher, i. 1265 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vi. 7.
.fn-

.fn 966
B.M. B 104 = Vol. I. p. #351:vol1_351#; and cf.
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 31 ff.
.fn-

.fn 967
B.M. B 431, B 445; <cite>Forman Sale
Cat.</cite> 318.
.fn-

.fn 968
B.M. F 237.
.fn-

.fn 969
B.M. B 212.
.fn-

.fn 970
B.M. F 39; Berlin 2305 = Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch</cite></lang>. pl. 72, 1; <i>ibid.</i> pl. 22, 1 (see
p. 47, note #506:f506#12); and cf. Reinach, ii. 248;
<cite>Philologus</cite>, 1893, p. 211.
.fn-

.fn 971
B.M. D 59.
.fn-

.fn 972
B.M. E 480, E 512; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii.
pl. 6; Berlin 2165 = Reinach, i. 352;
Munich 376 = Reinach, i. 240 = Baumeister,
i. p. 352, fig. 373; Reinach,
i. 305; Helbig, 101 = Reinach, ii. 78 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> ii. 9; Rayet and Collignon,
p. 299 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 973
Berlin 2165 = Reinach, i. 352.
.fn-

.fn 974
Reinach, i. 346: cf. Serv. <cite>ad Aen.</cite>
iii. 209; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1882, p. 90 ff.;
Roscher, iii. p. 1566.
.fn-

.fn 975
B.M. B 4, B 104: see Studniczka,
<cite>Kyrene</cite>, p. 26, and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 109 ff.
.fn-

.fn 976
See below pagelink?], pp. #115#, #116#.
.fn-

.fn 977
B.M. E 804 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 135.
.fn-

.fn 978
B.M. F 277.
.fn-

.fn 979
B.M. F 149.
.fn-

.fn 980
Munich 384 = Reinach, i. 130;
Reinach, i. 481.
.fn-

.fn 981
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>,
pl. 11: cf. Reinach, i. 1.
.fn-

.fn 982
B.M. E 228 (see note in <cite>Cat.</cite>); F 381.
.fn-

.fn 983
See especially Studniczka, <cite>Kyrene</cite>,
and on the subject generally, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix.
p. 47 ff.
.fn-

.fn 984
Naples 3253 = Reinach, i. 194.
.fn-

.fn 985
Naples 3256 = Reinach, i. 98.
.fn-

.fn 986
B.M. F 271.
.fn-

.fn 987
B.M. E 140 = Plate LI.
.fn-

.fn 988
Naples 3226 = Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned.
Mon.</cite></lang> i. pl. 27; Millin-Reinach, ii. 7 (in
Louvre); Berlin 2634 = Roscher, ii. 837.
.fn-

.fn 989
G 104.
.fn-

.fn 990
B.M. B 319; Naples 3255 = Reinach,
i. 235; <i>ibid.</i> i. 466 (Petersburg 523), ii. 51.
.fn-

.fn 991
B.M. E 48, 74, 84; <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang>
ii. 1: see <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1885, p. 116, and
Loeschcke in <lang=de><cite>Dorpater Programm</cite></lang> for
1887.
.fn-

.fn 992
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, p. 63.
.fn-

.fn 993
B.M. B 4, B 6. See Vol. I. p.
#341:vol1_341# ff.
.fn-

.fn 994
See above, pp. #19#, #24#.
.fn-

.fn 995
See above, p. #19#.
.fn-

.fn 996
Reinach, ii. 144: see Paus. iii. 1,
2, and 18, 10; Apollod. iii. 10, 3, 1;
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 491, note.
.fn-

.fn 997
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>,
pl. 28.
.fn-

.fn 998
Jatta 1501 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pl. 38.
.fn-

.fn 999
Naples 3235 = Reinach, i. 103 =
Roscher, iii. 861.
.fn-

.fn 1000
B.M. E 437 (fish-body); and see
p. #101#.
.fn-

.fn 1001
Petersburg 350 = Reinach, i. 12.
.fn-

.fn 1002
Naples 3226 = Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned.
Mon.</cite></lang> i. pl. 27 (Ismenos and Krenaia):
cf. Millin-Reinach, ii. 7. The nymph
Dirke is, according to Robert, represented
in the figure rising from the
ground to receive the child Dionysos at
his birth on the vase Petersburg 1792 =
Reinach i. 1 (otherwise Gaia): see his
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Märchen</cite></lang>, p. 185.
.fn-

.fn 1003
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 86; Munich 805 =
Reinach, i. 391 (see <i>ibid.</i> p. 277) =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iv. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1004
François vase (at Peleus and Thetis’
nuptials); B.M. E 805; Berlin 2391,
2401 (Klio and Terpsichore): cf. <lang=fr><cite>Bull.
de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> 1895, p. 102 (in Louvre;
three figures named Ourania, Kalliope,
and Melpomene).
.fn-

.fn 1005
B.M. E 271.
.fn-

.fn 1006
Reinach, i. 526 = Jatta 1538.
.fn-

.fn 1007
See p. #32#.
.fn-

.fn 1008
F 478; and see Jatta 654 = <cite>Gaz.
Arch.</cite> 1880, pl. 19, for a possible
instance.
.fn-

.fn 1009
Berlin 2278 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 9.
.fn-

.fn 1010
Petersburg 350 = Reinach, i. 12.
.fn-

.fn 1011
Louvre E 861 = Reinach, i. 156.
.fn-

.fn 1012
See p. #70#; and also p. #137#, under
Orestes.
.fn-

.fn 1013
B.M. E 290.
.fn-

.fn 1014
Reinach, i. 255, 451 (but see note #879:f879#
on p. #72#).
.fn-

.fn 1015
Reinach, i. 222 = Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#.;
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, No. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1016
B.M. E 12; Reinach, i. 149 = Baumeister,
i. p. 727, fig. 781.
.fn-

.fn 1017
B.M. D 58 = Fig. #123:fig123#; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895,
pl. 2; Dumont-Pottier, i. pls. 27–8.
.fn-

.fn 1018
Berlin 2661 = Rayet and Collignon,
p. 257. For Ploutos see also Reinach,
i. 1 (at birth of Dionysos), and the following
notes.
.fn-

.fn 1019
Munich 291 = Reinach, ii. 47 (more
probably Iris).
.fn-

.fn 1020
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi. (1900), p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 1021
See <i>e.g.</i> B.M. E 287, E 574 (Plate
XXXVI.), E 643; Oxford 312–314.
.fn-

.fn 1022
Studniczka, <lang=de><cite>Siegesgöttin</cite></lang> (1898), and
in Roscher’s <lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>, iii. p. 318: see
also Sikes, <cite>Nike of Archermos</cite> (Cambridge,
1890), and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 111 ff.
Studniczka regards the following as
certain B.F. instances: B.M. B 1, B 106_{3},
B 125_{2}, B 334; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1889, pls. 5–6,
figs. 2, 2a; Jahn, <lang=de><cite>Entführung d. Europa</cite></lang>,
pl. 5. The instances on late careless B.F.
vases, such as B 356, B 357, B 652 in B.M.,
are not to the point, as these belong to
the fifth century.
.fn-

.fn 1023
B.M. E 444; Reinach, i. 157, 1;
<cite>Mus. Greg.</cite> ii. 21, 1; Berlin 2278 = <cite>Ant.
Denkm.</cite> i. 9.
.fn-

.fn 1024
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 14 (in B.M.); Reinach, i.
66, 194, 417, ii. 266 (N. crowning Z.);
Berlin 2167 (Z. and Poseidon).
.fn-

.fn 1025
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 32 and iii. 38 (= Berlin
2317); Petersburg 355 = Reinach, i. 14.
.fn-

.fn 1026
Naples 3373; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 76 A: cf.
Reinach, i. 1, 3, 5, 37, 158; B.M. B 608,
610, E 523; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 68.
.fn-

.fn 1027
B.M. E 445.
.fn-

.fn 1028
Reinach, i. 14, 253 (Bibl. Nat. 392),
406, 511, ii. 310; Naples 1891 = <lang=fr><cite>Él.
Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 35; <i>ibid.</i> ii. 48.
.fn-

.fn 1029
B.M. E 432.
.fn-

.fn 1030
Reinach, ii. 290.
.fn-

.fn 1031
B.M. E 262; Reinach, i. 22, 251;
B.M. F 178, Athens 1346 = Dumont-Pottier,
i. pl. 15, <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 69
(N. crowning H.).
.fn-

.fn 1032
See p. #107#, note #1222:f1222#.
.fn-

.fn 1033
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1875, pls. 1–2; Petersburg
523 = Reinach, i. 467.
.fn-

.fn 1034
B.M. E 410.
.fn-

.fn 1035
Reinach, i. 286 (?), 398 (Berlin
2521).
.fn-

.fn 1036
B.M. F 109; Reinach, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 1037
B.M. E 182; Reinach, i. 1, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1038
Reinach, i. 113; and cf. BM. E 788.
.fn-

.fn 1039
Berlin 3023 = Reinach, i. 330.
.fn-

.fn 1040
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> 18, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1041
Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. 22;
Reinach, i. 358 (unwinged figure; may
be Eris).
.fn-

.fn 1042
Naples 3231 = Reinach, i. 299.
.fn-

.fn 1043
Reinach, i. 236.
.fn-

.fn 1044
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 361 (crowning them); Inghirami,
<lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 187.
.fn-

.fn 1045
Reinach, ii. 49; i. 108, 195.
.fn-

.fn 1046
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 390.
.fn-

.fn 1047
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 98.
.fn-

.fn 1048
B.M. F 163; Reinach, i. 197, 8, ii.
198, 287.
.fn-

.fn 1049
B.M. E 574 = Plate #XXXVI:vol1_pl36#.; B.M.
E 287, E 643; Reinach, ii. 7.
.fn-

.fn 1050
Reinach, i. 254 (Bibl. Nat. 392),
340, Athens 1018 = Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic.
Vasenb.</cite></lang> 19, 3 (torch); B.M. E 251,
E 513, Roscher, iii. 329, Benndorf, <i>op. cit.</i>
47, 2 (incense-burner); B.M. E 574
(lamp); Oxford 274, Athens 1362,
Reinach, ii. 235, 310, De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll.
à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 4, Benndorf,
<i>op. cit.</i> 47, 1 (lyre); Athens 1362, Reinach,
i. 410 (tripod); Benndorf, <i>op. cit.</i>
48, 1 (wreath). On Oxford 312 she
plays on a lyre. On her costume and
attributes generally see Roscher, iii.
p. 330.
.fn-

.fn 1051
Munich 351 = Reinach, ii. 46: see
above, p. #76#, note #1048:f1048#.
.fn-

.fn 1052
Petersburg 355 = Reinach, i. 14;
B.M. F 109; Jatta 1050.
.fn-

.fn 1053
B.M. E 455–56; Reinach, i. 195,
ii. 180; <i>ibid.</i> i. 403, 428; Roscher, iii.
330; <lang=fr><cite>Cab. Pourtalès</cite></lang>, pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 1054
Reinach, i. 492.
.fn-

.fn 1055
B.M. F 66 = Fig. #124:fig124#; Naples 2684 =
Reinach, i. 474; Reinach, ii. 206; <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, No. 51.
.fn-

.fn 1056
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> vii. p. 275 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1057
Munich 386 = Reinach, ii. 46 =
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 19.
.fn-

.fn 1058
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 361.
.fn-

.fn 1059
Athens 1026 = Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic.
Vasenb.</cite></lang> 23, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1060
Oxford 265; B.M. E 538; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
i. 100.
.fn-

.fn 1061
Reinach, ii. 216.
.fn-

.fn 1062
B.M. B 608; Berlin 2211 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
i. 96.
.fn-

.fn 1063
B.M. E 700; Reinach, ii. 326 =
Roscher, iii. 326 (here she is putting on
the inscription).
.fn-

.fn 1064
B.M. F 550.
.fn-

.fn 1065
Berlin 2661 = Rayet and Collignon,
p. 257.
.fn-

.fn 1066
Reinach, ii. 4; Millin-Reinach, i.
24; Jatta 1050.
.fn-

.fn 1067
B.M. E 264, 275, 476, 576.
.fn-

.fn 1068
B.M. E 379.
.fn-

.fn 1069
B.M. E 128; Reinach, i. 268.
.fn-

.fn 1070
B.M. F 170; Reinach, i. 45, 378, 2,
ii. 187, 230, 292.
.fn-

.fn 1071
Reinach, ii. 262 (Bibl. Nat. 364),
291; and see 298.
.fn-

.fn 1072
Millin-Reinach, ii. 72.
.fn-

.fn 1073
B.M. B 607; Stackelberg, pl. 25
(Hegias); Oxford 288 (<cite>Cat.</cite> pl. 15);
Louvre F 109 (? Agon).
.fn-

.fn 1074
Reinach, ii. 320; <cite>Tyszkiewicz Coll.</cite>
pl. 35 (now in B.M.); Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi
Fitt.</cite></lang> 363.
.fn-

.fn 1075
Reinach, i. 322.
.fn-

.fn 1076
B.M. E 460, 469; Reinach, i. 49, 378,
ii. 274.
.fn-

.fn 1077
Vol. I. p. #223:vol1_223#.
.fn-

.fn 1078
Reinach, i. 63.
.fn-

.fn 1079
B.M. B 1 (?); Petersburg 183 =
Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, pl. 87; Reinach, ii. 126
(?); Daremberg and Saglio, <cite>Dict. s.v.</cite>
Agon, fig. 180; Louvre F 109: see also
<cite>Burlington Fine Arts Club Cat.</cite> (1903),
pp. 92, 97.
.fn-

.fn 1080
B.M. F 20; Berlin 3023; Millingen-Reinach,
36; Helbig, 90 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang>
ii. 60, 3; and see Knapp, <cite>Nike</cite>, p. 37.
.fn-

.fn 1081
See above, p. #49#.
.fn-

.fn 1082
See p. #43#.
.fn-

.fn 1083
<lang=de><cite>Jahreshefte</cite></lang>, 1899, p. 16 = Reinach,
i. 279; but more probably the scene
refers to Orestes and Pylades in Tauris.
.fn-

.fn 1084
Vienna 319 = Reinach, i. 353: for
Dike in under-world see p. #69#.
.fn-

.fn 1085
Naples 3253 = Reinach, i. 194.
.fn-

.fn 1086
Naples 3233 = Reinach, i. 239.
.fn-

.fn 1087
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66; B.M.
B 364, B 365: see Reinach, i. 223.
.fn-

.fn 1088
See Roscher, iii. p. 2934.
.fn-

.fn 1089
Louvre E 723: see <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1902,
p. 255.
.fn-

.fn 1090
Reinach, ii. 26, 4 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1091
B.M. B 334; Berlin 1775; Karlsruhe
259; Petersburg 1807 = Reinach,
i. 7 (at Judgment of Paris); Reinach, i.
100 (with Pelops), ii. 26, 1, 161; Baumeister,
i. p. 18, fig. 20.
.fn-

.fn 1092
For unidentified winged deities see
Louvre F 54 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 5,
fig. 2 (Exekias); <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91,
pl. 3, fig. 2 (Nikosthenes).
.fn-

.fn 1093
Naples 3222 = Baumeister, iii. p.
1927, fig. 2042 A: see p. #69#.
.fn-

.fn 1094
Reinach, ii. 100 (now in B.M.: see
<cite>Class. Review</cite>, 1899, p. 468).
.fn-

.fn 1095
Naples 3237 = Baumeister, ii. p. 834,
fig. 918 (?): see below, p. #91#, note #1098:f1098#, for
other interpretations.
.fn-

.fn 1096
Millingen-Reinach, 23.
.fn-

.fn 1097
Reinach, i. 173.
.fn-

.fn 1098
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 229 (in Boston); B.M. F 279;
B.M. F 271 and Naples 3237 = Baumeister,
ii. p. 834, fig. 918: cf. Reinach,
i. 331, 1. The name of Typhlosis (Blindness)
has also been suggested for the
figure on the Naples vase.
.fn-

.fn 1099
Vol. I. p. #480:vol1_480# (Assteas vase in Madrid).
.fn-

.fn 1100
Munich 810 = Reinach, i. 363.
.fn-

.fn 1101
See above, p. #65#, for instances.
.fn-

.fn 1102
B.M. E 492; Naples 2419; Karlsruhe
208.
.fn-

.fn 1103
Berlin 2471.
.fn-

.fn 1104
B.M. B 210: see p. #58#, note #701:f701#.
.fn-

.fn 1105
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 1106
Naples 2873 (Assteas).
.fn-

.fn 1107
B.M. E 455.
.fn-

.fn 1108
Munich 378.
.fn-

.fn 1109
Naples 3255 = Reinach, i. 235.
.fn-

.fn 1110
Berlin 2658 = Reinach, i. 375.
.fn-

.fn 1111
B.M. F 111.
.fn-
.bn 118.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h3 id=ch14
CHAPTER XIV | <i>HEROIC LEGENDS</i>

.pm start_summary
Kastor and Polydeukes—Herakles and his twelve labours—Other contests—Relations
with deities—Apotheosis—Theseus and his labours—Later
scenes of his life—Perseus—Pelops and Bellerophon—Jason and the
Argonauts—Theban legends—The Trojan cycle—Peleus and Thetis—The
Judgment of Paris—Stories of Telephos and Troilos—Scenes from
the Iliad—The death of Achilles and the Fall of Troy—The Odyssey—The
Oresteia—Attic and other legends—Orpheus and the Amazons—Monsters—Historical
and literary subjects.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2

In treating of the subject of heroic legends, we propose to
deal first with the more prominent heroes, such as Kastor and
Polydeukes, Herakles, Theseus, and Perseus, and with the tales
of Thebes and Troy; next with the series of myths connected
specially with Attica or other localities; then with semi-mythical
personages, such as Orpheus and Thamyris, which lead us
on to the next division of the subject—scenes connected with
Greek history.

.tb

<b>Kastor and Polydeukes</b> do not play a very extensive part
on vases; and as they are not further characterised than by
the petasos and two spears, which are the ordinary equipment
of young horsemen, they are not always to be identified with
certainty, except in mythological scenes. Among these they
appear in the Gigantomachia,[1112] or in company with Herakles
are initiated into the lesser mysteries at Agra[1113]; they are also
seen at the apotheosis of Herakles.[1114] They are present when
.bn 119.png
.pn +1
Leda discovers the egg laid by Nemesis,[1115] and on two B.F.
vases appear with Leda and Tyndareus in a family group[1116];
they are also seen in company with Hermes,[1117] with Paris and
Helen,[1118] with Danaos taking refuge in Attica,[1119] in a scene from
the <em>Merope</em> of Euripides,[1120] and at the slaying of the Sphinx by
Oedipus.[1121] They take part in the hunt of the Calydonian boar,[1122]
and in many scenes from the Argonautika, such as the death
of Talos,[1123] the punishment of Amykos,[1124] and others of doubtful
meaning.[1125] There is more than one representation of their
carrying off the Leukippidae,[1126] the best being the beautiful
Meidias vase in the British Museum (Plate #XLI:vol1_pl41#.), where all the
figures are named.[1127] They appear as hunters,[1128] as deified beings
present at a Theoxenia (<lang=la><em>lectisternium</em></lang>), or feast of the gods,[1129]
and are crowned by Nike (with stars over their heads).[1130]

.h4
<sc>Herakles</sc>

Of all the heroic legends the most numerous and the most
important are those of the Herakleid. They appear on vases
of all periods, though in the largest proportion on the black-figured
varieties, and include every event in his life, from his
birth to his deified life in Olympos. Of the visit of Zeus to
his mother Alkmena we have already spoken, as also of her
apotheosis.[1131] As an infant we see Herakles engaged in strangling

.bn 120.png
.pn +1
the serpents sent by Hera, while his brother Iphikles recoils in
terror[1132]; later on Hera appears to be reconciled to his existence,
for she is actually seen suckling him at her breast.[1133] Next he is
carried off by Hermes to Cheiron the Centaur for his education,[1134]
and we see him undergoing instruction on the lyre from Linos,[1135]
or on his way, accompanied by an old woman carrying his lyre.[1136]
By the time when his series of labours begins he is usually
represented as a full-grown bearded man, especially on the
archaic vases; but he appears in a few instances as a quite
youthful beardless figure.

Of all the achievements of Herakles the most famous are the
Twelve Labours, to which he was subjected by Hera at the hands
of Eurystheus. We find them all represented on vases, with the
exception of the cleansing of the Augean stables, which may be
presumed to have offered too many difficulties to the painter;
it only occurs once in the whole history of Greek art, on a
metope at Olympia. The horses of Diomede only occur once,
the Keryneian stag thrice, and the Stymphalian birds five times;
but the rest may be described as common. In all these scenes
Herakles is usually accompanied by Athena; also, but less
frequently, by Iolaos and Hermes.

.tb

I. <em>The Nemean Lion.</em>

Of this subject we find two “normal” types on B.F. vases,[1137]
with one or two abnormal versions; on R.F. vases the treatment
is less stereotyped.

.in +10
.ti -8
.fs 95%
B.F. (1) Standing type:—Herakles plunges sword into lion’s neck
(both upright): B.M. B 160, B 232, B 621 (Plate XXX.).
H. strangles lion: Berlin 1720 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, 6, 3
(Exekias); <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 6, 3 (Charitaios).

.ti -4
(2) Crouching type:—Herakles stoops and strangles lion:
B.M. B 159, B 199, B 318 (Fig. #125:fig125#); Petersburg 68 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 4, 6 (Taleides).
.bn 121.png
.pn +1

.ti -4
(3) Abnormal:—Lion on its back; Herakles slays it with club:
Reinach, ii. 52. Herakles pursues lion: Louvre F 108 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 1, 5 (Nikosthenes).

.ti -8
R.F. (1) Herakles with lion over shoulder about to hurl it on
Eurystheus (type borrowed from Erymanthian Boar, see
below): B.M. B 193 = Plate #XXXII:vol1_pl32#. (Andokides).

.ti -4
(2) Crouching type: Munich 415 = Reinach, i. 150 = Baumeister,
i. p. 656, fig. 723; B.M. E 168; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> v.
(1890), pl. 12 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, 7, 2 (Nikosthenes,
in Boston). See also B.M. E 104 (abnormal).

.il id=fig125 fn=fig125_121.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 125. HERAKLES AND THE NEMEAN LION (BRITISH MUSEUM).
.fs 100%
.in

We may also note here a curious B.F. vase, on which Herakles
is seen in the forests of Nemea preparing the lion’s skin for his
own wear.[1138]


II. <em>The Cretan Bull.</em>

.fs 95%
.in +10
.ti -4
Type: Herakles seizes the bull from the front and ties its legs with
a cord.

.ti -2
B.F. B.M. B 309; Berlin 1886, 1898; Helbig, 31; Reinach, ii.
55, 5 = Baumeister, i. p. 660, fig. 727.

.ti -2
R.F. B.M. E 104; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 7, 2 (Nikosthenes,
in Boston) = <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> v. (1890), p. 324.

.ti -2
Late. Berlin 3145 = Millingen-Reinach, 11; Athens 1931.

See also a very remarkable vase in <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> No. 305
(now at Boston), where the same subject appears each side, one
B.F., the other R.F. (by Andokides).[1139]
.in
.fs 100%
.bn 122.png
.pn +1


III. <em>The Erymanthian Boar</em> (see Klein, <cite>Euphronios</cite>, p. 87).

.fs 95%
.in +10
.ti -8
(1) The capture:

.ti -2
B.M. B 462; Louvre F 236; Berlin 1981, 2034; Naples 2705
and S.A. 150; Athens 858, 860 (all B.F.).

.ti -8
(2) The bringing back of the boar (Eurystheus absent; Athena usually
receives the hero):

.ti -2
B.M. B 447, 492; Cambridge 57; Munich 694; Athens 1097
(all B.F.).

.il id=fig126 fn=fig126_122.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 126. HERAKLES BRINGING THE BOAR TO EURYSTHEUS (BRITISH MUSEUM).

.ti -2
(3) Herakles hurls the boar upon Eurystheus, who hides himself in
a large sunk jar (<lang=grc>πίθος</lang>):                                          // Tr: pithos

.ti -2
B.F. B.M. B 161 (Fig. #126:fig126#); Reinach, ii. 55, 1; Helbig, 37;
Louvre F 59, 202.

.ti -2
R.F. B.M. E 44 (Euphronios) = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 23; Louvre G 17 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890, pl. 10.
.fs 100%
.in

IV. <em>The Keryneian Stag.</em>

.fs 95%
.in +2
B.F. B.M. B 169, B 231.

R.F. Reinach, i. 233.
.in

A dispute between Apollo and Herakles over a stag (Rein. ii. 56, 3:
see p. #34#) may perhaps be referred to this subject, as the myth is
not otherwise known, but it is more usually Artemis who endeavours
to thwart Herakles’ capture.
.bn 123.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
V. <em>The Stymphalian Birds.</em>

Found only on four B.F. vases (B.M. B 163; Louvre F 387;
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 172; and Munich 1111 = Reinach, ii. 58) and
one late example (Reinach, ii. 297). Herakles shoots the birds with
bow and arrow.
.fs 100%

.sp 2
VI. <em>The Lernaean Hydra.</em>

.fs 95%
This subject, occurring only on archaic vases, has no very
fixed type; the Hydra has seven or nine heads, and the body of
a serpent or of a cuttle-fish. Iolaos sometimes assists Herakles,
and in two cases the crab sent by Hera is also visible.

.in +10
.ti -8
B.F. Early: Reinach, i. 389; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1898, pl. 12; Reinach, i.
118 (6) = Louvre E 851.

.ti -2
Later: Reinach, i. 118 (1) = Berlin 1854 (crab); <i>ibid.</i> 118 (3);
118 (5) = Louvre F 386 = Millin-Reinach, ii. 75 (Athena
slays crab); Reinach, ii. 53 = Baumeister, i. p. 657, fig. 724;
Berlin 1801 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 7, 3: see also Athens
792 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 4, 1, where two successive
scenes are given.

.ti -8
R.F. Reinach, ii. 76. Hydra has cuttle-fish body and ten or eleven
heads.
.fs 100%
.in

.sp 2
VII. <em>The Horses of Diomede.</em>

.fs 95%
Naples 2506; Reinach, ii. 297 (?).
.fs 100%

.sp 2
VIII. <em>The Augean Stables.</em>

.fs 95%
Not found on vases.
.fs 100%

IX. <em>The Combat with Geryon and Capture of his Cattle.</em>

.fs 95%
A very favourite subject on B.F. and early vases, including
some of the finest specimens. Geryon is at first winged and
only three-headed, then triple-bodied, represented as three
armed warriors united,[1140] one or two of whom generally fall
wounded. Herakles attacks with bow.

.in +10
.ti -2
Early B.F. “Proto-Corinthian”: B.M. A 487 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> v. p. 176.
Chalcidian: B.M. B 155; Bibl. Nat. 202 = Reinach, ii. 58 and
253 = Plate #XXII:vol1_pl22#.
.bn 124.png
.pn +1

.ti -2
Late B.F. B.M. B 156, B 194; Louvre F 53 = Reinach, ii. 59 =
Baumeister, i. p. 662, fig. 729 (Exekias); <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 299,
and Bibl. Nat. 223 (abnormal types).

.ti -2
R.F. Munich 337 (Plate #XXXVIII:vol1_pl38#.) = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
22 (Euphronios); Noel des Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, pl. 38.

.ti -2
Late. Berlin 3258; Naples 1924 = Millingen-Reinach, 27.
.fs 100%
.in

The driving off of the cattle by Herakles is also represented:

.in +6
.fs 95%
.ti -2
B.M. E 104; Reinach, ii. 58, 5; and see Klein, <cite>Euphronios</cite>, p. 61.
.fs 100%
.in

.sp 2
X. <em>The Girdle of Hippolyta.</em>

.fs 95%
.in +4
B.F. B.M. B 533.

Late. Naples 3241 = Reinach, i. 384.
.fs 100%
.in

Besides the scenes in which Herakles is evidently capturing
the girdle, there are many vases on which he is seen in combat
with Hippolyte and other Amazons, such as Andromache or
Alkaia, assisted himself by Iolaos or Telamon.

.in +6
.fs 95%
.ti -2
B.F. B.M. B 154, B 426; Louvre E 875; Cambridge 44; <cite>Bourguignon
Sale Cat.</cite> 18 (Exekias); Berlin 3988 = <cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite>, i. pl. 49.

.ti -2
R.F. B.M. E 45; Reinach, i. 166; Bibl. Nat. 535 = Reinach, ii. 265;
Bologna 322; Reinach, i. 353 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vii. 4, 1 (Duris).

.ti -2
Late. Jatta 423 = Reinach, i. 206.
.fs 100%
.in

.sp 2
XI. <em>Fetching Kerberos from Hades.</em>

The various types and methods of representing this subject
have been collected in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 296; as typical examples
may be given:

.in +6
.fs 95%
.ti -2
Early B.F. Louvre E 701 = Reinach, i. 153; Reinach, i. 389, ii. 32.

.ti -2
Late B.F. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 295 (in B.M.); Reinach, ii. 69.

.ti -2
R.F. <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang> viii. (1893), pl. 2 (in Berlin) and p. 160 (in Boston).

.ti -2
Late. On several of the “under-world” vases, see p. #68#, Nos. 1–4, 11.
.fs 100%
.in

.sp 2
XII. <em>Fetching the Golden Apples from the Garden of the
Hesperides.</em>

There are two versions of this myth. In one, which seems
to be the earlier, Atlas fetches the apples, while Herakles
supports the universe for him (see above, p. #75#). The vases
.bn 125.png
.pn +1
representing Herakles in the Garden surrounded by the Nymphs
(for whom see p. #92#) are almost all of the later period:

.in +4
.fs 95%
.ti -2
B.F. Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 42, 1.

.ti -2
R.F. B.M. E 224 = Furtwaengler-Reichhold, 8–9 (Plate #XLI:vol1_pl41#.).

.ti -2
Late. B.M. F 148; Naples 2873 = Millin-Reinach, i. 3 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 12, 3 (Assteas); and Naples 3255 = Reinach, i. 236 =
Baumeister, i. p. 686, fig. 745.

.ti -2
Parody. Athens 1894 = Reinach, i. 506 (?).
.fs 100%
.in

Besides the somewhat insignificant part that he plays in
the Gigantomachia,[1141] Herakles had several independent combats
of his own with gigantic monsters and such-like beings. Of
these the most popular subjects are Antaios and Alkyoneus.
The legend of Herakles’ wrestling with the former is familiar
from Pindar[1142]; on the vases Antaios is not characterised as a
giant in size or otherwise, but his mother Gaia is generally
present.[1143]

Alkyoneus, on the other hand, is represented as a being of
gigantic size, lying asleep in a cave[1144]; a small winged figure
which sometimes hovers over him has been interpreted by
some as Hypnos (Sleep), but might also be a <lang=grc>Κὴρ Θανάτοιο</lang>,        // Tr: Kêr Thanatoio
or harbinger of death.[1145] Herakles generally attacks him with
club or bow and arrow, but on one vase is depicted gouging
out his eye[1146]; on another he is assisted by Telamon with
a stone.[1147] Another giant with whom we find the hero contending
is Cacus, whose oxen he carried off. This is a purely
Roman myth, and belongs rather to the legends of the Roman
Hercules, but curiously enough it finds a place on one Greek
.bn 126.png
.pn +1
vase of Sicilian origin, which represents Cacus in a hut with
the oxen and Herakles playing a lyre in triumph.[1148]

One of the commonest subjects connected with Herakles is
his combat with Kyknos, the son of Ares, described at length
in the Hesiodic <cite>Scutum Herculis</cite>. It is mostly found on B.F.
vases, the usual “type” showing the two combatants supported
by Athena and Ares respectively in their chariots, while Zeus
appears in the midst to interrupt them.[1149] One late R.F. vase
seems to show the preparations for the combat, in the presence
of an Amazon, a Fury, and other personages[1150]; another vase,
the subsequent attack made on Athena by Ares.[1151]

We find him in combat with Acheloös, the river-god, represented
as a bull with the face of a bearded man,[1152] or occasionally,
by confusion with a sea-deity, with the body and tail of a fish.[1153]
This latter form is assumed by Triton, with whom also the
hero contends,[1154] though the myth is unknown in literature. Of
similar import is his combat with Nereus, the old man of the
sea (<lang=grc>Ἁλιος Γέρων</lang>), who appears in human form as an aged          // Tr: Halios Gerôn
man[1155]; the “type” employed on B.F. vases is similar to that
of Peleus wrestling with Thetis (see below, p. #120#), with
similar indications of the sea-god’s transformation into animals.
In one case an air of humour is imparted to the scene, and
Herakles is represented smashing the furniture in Nereus’
house.[1156]

Another important group of subjects is concerned with
Herakles’ adventures with the Centaurs, which fall under
several headings. Allusion has already been made to his early
.bn 127.png
.pn +1
education by Cheiron, and again we see him paying a visit of
a peaceful nature to the aged Pholos, who entertains him by
opening a jar of wine.[1157] The smell therefrom attracted the
other Centaurs and led to a combat, which we see vividly
depicted on many early B.F. vases, on which it was a favourite
subject, as also on later ones.[1158] We also find him in combat
with particular Centaurs, from whom he rescues a woman
carried off by them. Thus we see Hippolyta delivered from
Eurytion,[1159] and Deianeira from Nessos[1160] or Dexamenos[1161] (the
latter appears on later vases only, and there seems to be no
distinction between them in the myth).

Other adventures in which he engages include the freeing
of Prometheus from the vulture, which he slays with his
bow[1162]; the bringing back of Alkestis from Hades[1163]; the
seizure of the Kerkopes, a pair of brigands, whom he carries
off head downwards over his shoulders[1164]; and his capture by
Busiris in Egypt,[1165] with his escape after slaying the king’s
negro attendants.[1166] Among rarer myths may be mentioned
the destruction of the vines of Syleus[1167]; a possible representation
of his contest in drawing water with Lepreos[1168]; and
his combat with Erginos, the king of Orchomenos, and the
capture of his heralds.[1169] A vase in Athens, on which he is
.bn 128.png
.pn +1
depicted dragging two Satyrs in a leash,[1170] depicts an unknown
myth; as do those which represent him contending with
Geras, a personification of Old Age,[1171] and beating a winged
Ker with his club.[1172] In company with Athena he attacks an
unknown man,[1173] and he is also seen leading a Sphinx.[1174]

Next we turn to the relations between the hero and the
Olympian or other deities, which often take the form of
disputes or combats. Of these the most famous and important
is his capture of the Delphic tripod, for which he fights with
Apollo, generally in the presence of Athena and Artemis[1175];
in one instance Herakles is seen in Athena’s chariot, carrying
the tripod off with him[1176]; other vases represent the final
reconciliation with Apollo.[1177] There is a curious representation of
a combat between Herakles and Hera (depicted as the Roman
Juno Sospita, wearing a goatskin on her head), with Athena
and Poseidon assisting on either side.[1178] Another rare and interesting
subject is that of his attack on Helios, whom he
interrupts at sunrise to prevent his journey after Geryon’s
cattle from becoming known. Herakles is shown waiting
for the chariot of the sun-god as it rises from the waves, and
preparing to discharge his arrows.[1179] A later stage of the story
is illustrated by a fine R.F. vase, where he voyages over the
sea in the golden bowl given him by Helios.[1180] Lastly, he
defends Hera and Iris against the attacks of a troop of
Seileni.[1181] In other scenes where he is associated with the
gods, it is in his divine capacity after his apotheosis.

His relations with women are not so frequently depicted
but we have at least one representation of his visit to
.bn 129.png
.pn +1
Omphale[1182]; or, again, of his entertainment by Eurytos,[1183] the
carrying off of his daughter Iole,[1184] and the subsequent fight
with Eurytos.[1185] His rescue of Deianeira from the Centaur has
already been alluded to, and there may also be a reference to
his carrying her off from her father Oineus.[1186] Hesione is not
found with him on vases, but he is seen carrying off Auge[1187];
he is also associated with a Nymph, who may be Nemea.[1188]
On one vase he pursues, with amorous intention, a woman, who
may possibly be intended for Athena.[1189]

A remarkable vase-painting by Assteas of Paestum depicts
Herakles in a fit of madness destroying his children by hurling
them on a fire, on which he has already thrown the
household furniture; his mother and others look on, expressing
various emotions.[1190] In more peaceful mood he is seen
grouped with his wife Deianeira and their son Hyllos,[1191] or
with Oineus, his father-in-law.[1192]

We now proceed to note a few subjects which do not admit
of more exact classification. Herakles is initiated into the lesser
mysteries at Agra, together with Kastor and Polydeukes,[1193] and is
conducted by Hermes to the revels of the Scythian Agathyrsi
(cf. p. #179#).[1194] He is also sometimes seen carrying Hades on
his back, the latter bearing a large cornucopia[1195]; but the
signification of this subject is unknown. He accompanies the
Argonauts on their wanderings,[1196] and appears as a single
figure shooting from a bow.[1197] He is often represented performing
.bn 130.png
.pn +1
an act of sacrifice, either as a single figure[1198] or in
groups, sacrificing a ram or other animal.[1199] Some of these
scenes, where he sacrifices to the <em>xoanon</em> of Chryse,[1200] a local
Lemnian goddess, must refer to the story of Philoktetes, with
which he was connected. Or, again, conversely, we see a statue
of Herakles made the subject of offerings from others.[1201] A
scene from the story of Antigone (see below, p. #119#) is represented
as taking place before a shrine, in which stands the
deified hero interceding with Kreon for her life.[1202] He also
appears as protecting god of Attica,[1203] and also of the palaestra,
with reference to his traditional founding of the Olympian
games.[1204] Finally, there is a series of subjects which (as in the
case with most of the preceding section) may be concerned
with Herakles either before or after his apotheosis.

Among these are the numerous vases (especially B.F.) where
he is represented as being greeted by Athena or conversing
with her,[1205] or receiving a libation from her.[1206] These may
either refer to his receiving visits of encouragement from her
in the intervals between his labours, or to his reception by
her in Olympos (see below). Many vases represent him
banqueting, usually in company with Dionysos and other
deities.[1207] With Hermes and Iolaos he takes part in a procession
accompanied by music[1208]; and he is also represented
overcome with wine and forming a subject for mockery,[1209] while
.bn 131.png
.pn +1
Satyrs steal his weapons[1210] (this subject being probably taken
from a Satyric drama). Or he is represented bathing at a
fountain[1211]; and in one case fishing with Hermes and Poseidon.[1212]
He also takes part in the Gigantomachia,[1213] and is present at
the birth of Athena,[1214] in both cases by a curious anticipation
of his deified character. Exceedingly common are his appearances
with a lyre, as Kitharoidos.[1215]

The last scenes of Herakles’ earthly life are his last sacrifice
on Mount Kenaion,[1216] the wearing of the poisoned robe which
led to his death,[1217] and the subsequent burning of his body
on the funeral pyre. The last scene is occasionally combined
with his apotheosis; the Hyades quench the flames among
which his body is consuming, while the deified hero ascends
in the chariot of Athena or Nike to Olympos.[1218]

The vases relating exclusively to his apotheosis fall into
two main classes, which admit of more than one sub-division:
(1) his ascent into heaven in the chariot of Athena or Nike;
(2) his reception in Olympos. The ascent in the chariot of
Athena is almost confined to B.F. vases; on those of the
R.F. period it rarely occurs; and on the Italian vases her
place is usually taken by Nike, who is also represented crowning
him with a wreath. On the B.F. vases the “type” is
almost invariable (see Plate #XXIX:vol1_pl29#.): Herakles mounts the
four-horse chariot in which the goddess stands ready; on the
farther side of it stand various deities, the commonest being
Apollo, Dionysos, and Hebe, with Hermes at the horses’ heads;
more rarely Zeus, Hera, and Artemis are seen.[1219] In one or
two cases Iolaos acts as charioteer, Athena standing at the
.bn 132.png
.pn +1
side[1220]; or, again, Hebe performs the same office.[1221] On the late
red-figured vases the attendant deities are almost limited to
Hermes and Eros; the chariot is here usually represented as
on its way.[1222]

.il id=fig127 fn=fig127_132.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></s>
FIG. 127. RECEPTION OF THE DEIFIED HERAKLES BY ZEUS, FROM A VASE AT PALERMO.
.ca-

The first stage of the hero’s introduction into Olympos is
his introduction to Zeus by Athena, a scene common on both
B.F. and R.F. vases (Fig. #127:fig127#). The attendant deities vary very
greatly: Hermes, Apollo, Hebe, and Artemis are most often
seen; also Hera, Poseidon, Ares, and Dionysos.[1223] Besides these
there are numerous scenes in which he is grouped with various
deities, usually Athena and Hermes, but also Poseidon, Ares,
Dionysos, and Hebe, apparently in the enjoyment of his new
.bn 133.png
.pn +1
life among the welcoming gods[1224]; and to this group may be
added the scenes in which he is crowned by Nike.[1225] The
completion of his bliss is the marriage with Hebe, found on
two or three fine R.F. vases,[1226] with a numerous company of
attendant deities.

.tb

The adventures of <b>Theseus</b>, the peculiarly Attic hero, are
portrayed on vases of all dates; they are rare on the later
kinds, but are most popular on the R.F. vases of the “strong”
and “fine” periods, as would naturally be expected at a time
when his cult was coming into special prominence in Athens
(see Vol. I. p. #418:vol1_418#). Of his seven labours the only one
commonly found on the B.F. vases is the combat with the
Minotaur, but some of the finest R.F. kylikes give a complete
series. They are given in the order of his progress from his
birthplace Troezen through the Isthmus to Athens. It should
be noted that the Cretan legends, which alone are common on
the early vases, are clearly older than the more purely Attic.

The first subject to be mentioned in connection with the
story of Theseus is that of his father Aigeus consulting the
oracle of Themis.[1227] His finding of Aigeus’ sword and sandals
beneath the stone (cf. Plate #LXII:vol1_pl42#.) is not depicted on vases, but
we have a possible representation of his recognition by Aigeus,[1228]
and an unintelligible scene where he pursues or attacks his
mother Aithra, apparently wielding the newly found sword.[1229]

There are only two R.F. kylikes which give the complete
series of adventures, including that in Crete; the Duris kylix
in the British Museum (Vol. I., #frontisp:vol1_pl01#.) omits two (the bull
and Prokrustes), and others give a varying number of scenes,
omitting sometimes one, sometimes another. The adventure
.bn 134.png
.pn +1
with Periphetes appears to be confined to literature. We give
the list as follows, with the vases on which they may be seen[1230]:


(1) The pine-bender Sinis.

.in +6
.ti -3
B.F.: Athens 879. R.F.: Reinach, i. 313 (= Naples R.C. 180)
and ii. 280.
.in

(2) The sow of Krommyon, sometimes accompanied by a
Nymph or old woman, the personification of the locality.

.in +6
.ti -3
Reinach, i. 459; Noel des Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, pl. 14.
.in

(3) The brigand Skiron (in Megara); this scene is usually
to be identified by the foot-pan and the tortoise.

.in +6
.ti -3
Reinach, i. 119.
.in

(4) The wrestling with Kerkyon (at Eleusis).

.in +6
.ti -3
Reinach, i. 324.
.in

(5) Prokrustes and his bed (near Athens).

.in +6
.ti -3
B.F.: Athens 879. R.F.: B.M. E 441–42; Athens 1166 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
1889, pl. 1; Millingen-Reinach, 9–10.
.in

(6) The Marathonian bull.

.in +6
.ti -3
B.F.: Bibl. Nat. 174. R.F.: B.M. E 442; Naples 2865 =
Inghirami, <lang=ut><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 54; Millin-Reinach, i. 43: Noel des
Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, pl. 35 (in Brussels).
.in

(7) The slaying of the Minotaur.

.in +6
.ti -3
A very early representation (about 610 <sc>B.C.</sc>) on the Polledrara
hydria in the British Museum (<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiv. pl. 7: see
Chapter #XVIII:ch18#.).

.ti -3
B.F.: B.M. B 148, B 205; Munich 333 = Reinach, ii. 119 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 2, 2, and 1155 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 7, 2;
Berlin 1698 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 7, 1; Millin-Reinach, ii. 61
(Taleides).

.ti -3
R.F.: B.M. E 441; Helbig, 80 = Reinach, ii. 81 = Baumeister,
iii. p. 1790, fig. 1874.
.in
.bn 135.png
.pn +1

The complete set of seven is to be found on the following:

.in +6
.ti -3
B.M. E 84, where the scenes are duplicated on the exterior and
interior of the kylix; here the Minotaur forms the central
scene of the interior.

.ti -3
<cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite> ii. 1 (kylix by Aeson).
.in

The following are more or less complete:

.in +3
B.M. E 48 = #Frontispiece:vol1_pl01#, Vol. I. (by Duris; five scenes).

Louvre G 104 (Euphronios).

Reinach, i. 528–32.
.in

After the labours on his journey comes the purification of
Theseus on reaching Athens.[1231] To this time may perhaps be
referred a scene in which he receives a palm-branch from
Athena.[1232] There is a subject which cannot be placed in literary
tradition, but probably comes in point of time immediately
before or after the labours; this is the visit to Poseidon and
Amphitrite under the sea, whither he is borne by Triton. It
occurs on the beautiful Euphronios kylix in the Louvre (G 104)
and elsewhere.[1233]

Next in point of time we have to deal with the story of
Theseus’ voyage to Crete and his marriage with and desertion
of Ariadne. It begins with a scene in which he bids farewell
to Aigeus[1234]; then on his arrival in Crete he slays the Minotaur,
as already described. We next see the meeting with Ariadne,[1235]
followed by the nuptial ceremonies; the latter scene, together
with the subsequent arrival at Delos, and a dance of boys and
maidens liberated by Theseus, is vividly depicted on the
François vase. His desertion of the sleeping Ariadne in
Naxos and the appearance of Dionysos as her consoler form
.bn 136.png
.pn +1
the subjects of two very beautiful R.F. vases[1236]; but the return
to Athens and the death of Aigeus are not depicted.

The reign of Theseus at Athens is signalised by his combats
with the Amazons and Centaurs. In the former story he carries
off their leader Hippolyta as his queen, assisted by his friend
Peirithoös[1237]; and in another version it is Antiope whom he
overcomes,[1238] or the subject is treated in a more general fashion.[1239]
This scene is supposed to take place in Attica; but the story
of the Centaurs belongs to Thessaly, the home of Peirithoös.
The Centaurs are represented interrupting a banquet, throwing
everything into confusion, and carrying off Laodameia and other
female victims. It occurs on the François vase, and is treated
in a vivid pictorial fashion on several vases of a later period.[1240]
The episode of the death of Kaineus (see p. #145#) belongs
to this group of subjects. To the same period belongs a vase
representing the rape of a girl named Korone by Theseus and
his friend.[1241] In the story as told by Plutarch (<cite>Thes.</cite> 31) it was
Helene[1242] whom Theseus carried off; curiously enough, a figure
thus inscribed is also present on this vase,[1243] as well as Antiope
(see above). The rape (as described by Plutarch) was followed
by their descent into Hades to seize Persephone. For this they
were doomed to punishment, to sit for ever with hands bound
behind them[1244]; but in one version Theseus is allowed to depart
after a time, as is seen on one of the Apulian under-world
vases.[1245] A vase signed by Xenotimos represents Peirithoös
.bn 137.png
.pn +1
seated in a chair holding two spears[1246]; but its mythological
significance is open to question.

Closely linked with the story of Theseus is that of the love
of Phaidra for Hippolytos and the death of the latter, confined
to late Italian vases; but Phaidra has not been certainly
identified in any case.[1247] There is, however, an undoubted
representation of the appearance of the bull which overthrew
Hippolytos’ chariot.[1248]

.tb

Next in importance as a hero of Greek legend comes <b>Perseus</b>,
born from the golden shower in which Zeus visited Danae
(see p. #19#). We find representations of the scene so
touchingly sung of by Simonides, the placing of Danae and
her child in the wooden chest and sending them adrift[1249]; and
next we find Perseus as a full-grown youth, about to set forth
on his mission of slaying the Gorgon, and receiving from the
Naiads the cap, sandals, and wallet, which were to aid him
in his quest.[1250] On later vases he receives from Athena the
sickle (<em>harpe</em>) with which he slays the monster.[1251] On his way
he seizes the eye and tooth of the Graiae, a subject rarely
depicted in art.[1252] The actual slaying of the Gorgon[1253] is not
so often represented as the subsequent flight of Perseus,
generally accompanied by Athena and Hermes[1254]; in one or
two instances we see Perseus approaching his victim unobserved.[1255]
Other vases depict the headless corpse of Medusa,
from which springs the young Chrysaor or Pegasos, and the
other two Gorgons, Stheno and Euryale, either pursuing Perseus
.bn 138.png
.pn +1
or remaining with the corpse[1256]; in one instance they appeal
to Poseidon for help.[1257]

We next see Perseus arriving at the court of Kepheus to
deliver Andromeda[1258]; she is generally represented chained to
a column in the palace itself. On other vases he is depicted
in the act of slaying the monster, but this is a somewhat
rare subject.[1259] Finally, we have the return to Seriphos and
the petrifaction of the king Polydektes by showing him the
Gorgon’s head.[1260] Perseus is also represented showing the head
to Satyrs,[1261] or placing it in the wallet (<lang=grc>κίβισις</lang>),[1262] or in combat // Tr: kibisis
with Maenads[1263]; or, again, he is accompanied by Athena, who
holds the Gorgon’s head while he looks at the reflection.[1264]
Lastly, on some small R.F. vases, a bust of Perseus is depicted
wearing his winged cap.[1265]

.tb

The story of <b>Pelops</b> is chiefly connected with Olympia, and
his visit to Oinomaos; but the subjects are almost exclusively
confined to the later Apulian vases. On one B.F. (Cyrenaic)
kylix Pelops is depicted with the winged horses given him
by Poseidon,[1266] but this is exceptional. The Olympia scenes
include five episodes: (1) the arrival of Pelops at Olympia[1267];
(2) the sacrifice or compact with Oinomaos[1268]; (3) the race[1269];
.bn 139.png
.pn +1
(4) the death of Myrtilos[1270]; (5) the carrying off of Hippodameia.[1271]
Pelops also occurs with Myrtilos and Hippodameia in the
under-world.[1272]

.tb

The adventures of <b>Bellerophon</b> are not so popular as those
of other heroes, especially in the R.F. period. The story told
in the sixth <cite>Iliad</cite> appears in several scenes, beginning with
Bellerophon’s taking leave of Proitos[1273]; next we see him
delivering the letter with its <lang=grc>σήματα λυγρά</lang> to Iobates, the       // Tr: sêmata lygra
king of Lycia,[1274] and then, mounted on Pegasos, slaying the
Chimaera.[1275] Subsequent events represented on vases are the
death of the perfidious Stheneboia, who falls from the back of
Pegasos,[1276] and the marriage of Bellerophon with Philonoë.[1277]

.tb

Nor need the story of <b>Meleager</b> detain us long. Scenes
from his life are practically confined to the Calydonian boar-hunt,
a subject popular at all periods, especially on early vases.[1278]
Kastor and Polydeukes, Peleus, and other heroes, together with
Atalante, are represented as taking part, as well as Meleager.
There is also a vase on which Meleager is represented with
the boar’s hide, accompanied by Atalante, Peitho, and Eros.[1279]
Other scenes where a boar-hunt is represented, but no names
given, or only names of a fanciful kind, may or may not be
identified in this way.[1280] There is one vase which appears to
represent the death of Meleager.[1281]
.bn 140.png
.pn +1

.tb

The next of the Greek heroes with whom we have to deal
is <b>Jason</b>, with whom we must include the whole cycle of
subjects relating to the Argonautika—such as the stories of
Helle, Phineus, and Talos. The legend of the golden fleece
which gave rise to the famous quest of Jason is first illustrated
by scenes representing Helle or Phrixos in flight on the ram,[1282]
or the former grouped with her mother Nephele and her brother
Phrixos,[1283] who accompanied her on her flight. The pursuit of
Phrixos and the ram by Ino is also represented.[1284] Lastly, there
is a vase which may represent the setting out of Jason.[1285]

In the earlier history of the Argonautic expedition the
most interesting subject found on the vases is the story of
Phineus, who had been blinded for impiety by Boreas,[1286] and
was subsequently deprived of his food by the Harpies until
he was delivered by the sons of Boreas, Zetes, and Kalais.[1287]
Another event is the chastisement of Amykos by Kastor and
Polydeukes,[1288] and a fine vase of “Polygnotan” style in the
Louvre represents a group of Argonauts apparently without
any special signification.[1289] In all these scenes Kastor and
Polydeukes and the Boreades are present together with Jason.
There is also a scene which has been interpreted as belonging
to the Argonautika: Herakles is represented sacrificing to
a statue of Chryse on the island of Lemnos.[1290]

Then we have the arrival of Jason and his companions in
Kolchis,[1291] and the subsequent feats performed by the hero—his
slaying the dragon[1292] (in one version he enters into its
.bn 141.png
.pn +1
mouth[1293]), his contest with the bull,[1294] and finally the capture
of the fleece,[1295] which he is also represented as bringing to
Pelias on his return.[1296] The only important event relating to
the homeward journey is the death of Talos.[1297]

Among the events of his later life are the boiling of the
ram by Medeia,[1298] and the subsequent destruction of the aged
Pelias[1299]; the renewal of Jason’s own youth[1300]; the death of
his wife Glauke by Medeia’s agency[1301]; and the latter’s
slaughter of her children,[1302] with her pursuit by Jason.[1303] Medeia
also appears in another connection at Theseus’ leave-taking
of his father Aigeus,[1304] and among the Athenian tribal heroes
on the vase by Meidias.[1305] Though not necessarily connected
with Jason, the funeral games held after the death of Pelias[1306]
must also find mention here. Scenes therefrom are represented
on more than one vase—such as the chariot-race
conducted by Kastor and others in the presence of three
judges (Pheres, Akastos, and Argeos), and the wrestling of
Peleus and Hippalkimos.[1307] On another Zetes is victorious
over Kalais in the foot-race.[1308]

.h4
<sc>The Theban Legend</sc>

The “tale of Thebes” falls into various episodes, more
or less connected, especially those which relate to the story
.bn 142.png
.pn +1
of Oedipus and his line.[1309] Conspicuous as founder of the
city is the Phoenician <em>Kadmos</em>, whose encounter with the
dragon is depicted on vases of various periods. On some
he receives from Athena the stone with which he is to
slay the monster[1310]; on others he is seen approaching the
fountain of Ares, where he was to meet it[1311]; and, lastly,
we have the actual slaying of the dragon,[1312] sometimes in the
presence of Harmonia and various deities and personified
figures, including Thebes. After the slaying of the dragon
Kadmos sacrifices to Athena Onka.[1313] The completion of
the story is seen in his marriage with Harmonia.[1314] A rarer
subject is the punishment of Dirke by her brothers Amphion
and Zethos, who tied her to a wild bull[1315]; while a later
episode of the story is the pursuit of her sister Antiope by
her lover Phokos.[1316]

The story of the Oidipodia is introduced by the subject
of Laios (the father) carrying off the young Chrysippos.[1317] Then
we have the exposure of the infant Oedipus and his discovery
by the shepherd Euphorbos.[1318] Of later events in the life of
<em>Oedipus</em>, the only one that attained to any popularity is the
slaying of the Sphinx. The actual deed only occurs once,[1319]
and the usual “type” is that of Oedipus (usually a young
man) standing before the Sphinx, which is seated on a rock
.bn 143.png
.pn +1
or column.[1320] It is not always to be identified with certainty.[1321]
In one instance Oedipus is represented with Teiresias[1322]; in
another with persons named Sikon and Kalliope—a subject
hitherto unexplained.[1323] We need only make passing reference
here to a vase supposed to represent the tomb of Oedipus,
inscribed with a couplet of verses, at which stand two
youths.[1324]

Before continuing the story of the house of Oedipus, we must
digress to that of <em>Amphiaraos</em>, the warrior-seer, whose departure
from his wife Eriphyle to the Theban War is a favourite subject
on vases.[1325] It becomes, in fact, a “type” adopted in ordinary
scenes.[1326] We also find on the reverse of one of the vases
with this subject the departure of another warrior, perhaps
intended for the hero’s son Alkmaion, or for Adrastos.[1327] On
an early vase Amphiaraos is seen bringing home Eriphyle
in his chariot. The names of his horses, Thoas and Dion,
are given.[1328] A curious subject is that of the hero in the
bosom of his family, with his wife Eriphyle suckling her
son Alkmaion, and a maiden spinning.[1329] His death is represented
on one B.F. vase[1330]; on another his slaying of Eriphyle.[1331]
Another event is the death of the child Archemoros, caused
by a serpent.[1332] A fine late vase in Naples depicts the <em>prothesis</em>
or laying out of his body by his mother Eurydike and others.[1333]
The subsequent fight of Tydeus and Lykourgos, interrupted
.bn 144.png
.pn +1
by Adrastos, also occurs,[1334] and the reception of the fugitive
Tydeus by Adrastos.[1335] Tydeus appears once more as the
slayer of Ismene[1336]; but according to another version she and
her sister Antigone are attacked by Laodamas when the
Epigoni return to Thebes many years later.[1337] We can only
point to one possible representation of the combat of Eteokles
and Polyneikes on vases,[1338] though it is common enough, <i>e.g.</i>
in Etruscan art; but there is at least one representation of
Antigone being brought before Kreon after the burial of her
brother,[1339] which also forms a burlesque subject on the comic
stage.[1340]

.h4
<sc>The Trojan Cycle</sc>

We now come to the story of the Trojan War, linked with
which are the events which led up to it and those which
immediately followed upon it—such as the Judgment of Paris
on the one hand, and the stories of Odysseus and Orestes
on the other. These events are so numerous that they
require careful classification. They may be divided into three
main sections: (1) Ante-Homerica, including the events that
led to the war and those that took place during the first
nine years of it; (2) Homerica, or the events of the <cite>Iliad</cite>;
(3) Post-Homerica, or the stories of the death of Achilles, the
fall of Troy, the <cite>Odyssey</cite> and other <lang=grc>Νοστοί</lang>, and the Oresteia.  // Tr: Nostoi
The literary authorities for these events, on the lines of which
our classification follows, are discussed elsewhere (p. #4# ff.).

In spite of the warning of Horace that in writing of the
story of Troy it is not necessary to begin <lang=la><em>ab ovo</em></lang>, it is impossible
here to avoid reference to the earliest event which bears at
all on the subject—namely, the birth of Helen from the egg,
which was the result of Zeus’ <lang=fr><em>amour</em></lang> with Nemesis. The
.bn 145.png
.pn +1
subject is referred to on several vases, the moment chosen
being that when the egg is found by Leda.[1341] Her husband
Tyndareus and her other offspring, Klytaemnestra and the Twin
Brethren, are usually present. There is one undoubted instance
of the nuptials of Helen and Menelaos.[1342]

The first event, however, which can be regarded as having
a direct effect on the outbreak of the war is the marriage of
Peleus and Thetis, at which the apple of discord was flung
by Eris among the goddesses, and which brought about the
birth of the hero of the war, Achilles. In ancient art, especially
on vases,[1343] Peleus is depicted forcibly capturing Thetis from
the company of her sister Nereids, while she tries to elude
him by assuming various shapes, all conventionally indicated
in the vase-paintings. Some vases represent the approach
of Peleus and his pursuit of Thetis,[1344] the majority the actual
struggle (Fig. #128:fig128#),[1345] and one or two the announcement of the
issue to Nereus and the company of Nereids (who are named).[1346]

The next stage is the introduction of Thetis to the Centaur
Cheiron by Peleus.[1347] Then we have the celebration of their
nuptials, with the assembling of the gods, as described by
Catullus, and vividly, if quaintly, depicted on the François
vase,[1348] followed in due course by Peleus bringing the young
Achilles to be educated by Cheiron,[1349] and his subsequent
.bn 146.png
.pn +1
sojourn in Skyros.[1350] There is one possible representation of the
seething of Achilles in the caldron to secure his immortality.[1351]

.tb

.il id=fig128 fn=fig128_146.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 128. PELEUS SEIZING THETIS (BRITISH MUSEUM).

The next event is the <b>Judgment of Paris</b>, perhaps of all
the scenes from the story of the Trojan War the most popular
with the vase-painters of all periods. The story of the forsaken
Oenone, in the telling of which Tennyson has familiarised
us with the scene of the Judgment, did not appeal to the
unromantic Greeks in the same way. We only find one vase
on which she is possibly represented.[1352] Curiously enough,
.bn 147.png
.pn +1
the vase-paintings seldom show the central act of the story—the
award of the golden apple. In fact, in the earlier examples
Paris is omitted altogether, and we only see the three goddesses
led in procession by Hermes. One vase, again, represents
the preparations of the goddesses for the trial, Athena washing
at a fountain and Aphrodite performing her toilet with the
assistance of Eros.[1353] The rest may be classified as follows
(the order adopted showing a rough chronological development
of the type[1354]):

.il id=fig129 fn=fig129_147.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorlegeblätter</cite></lang></s>
FIG. 129. THE JUDGMENT OF PARIS (CUP BY HIERON IN BERLIN).
.ca-

.in +6
.fs 95%
.ti -2
(1) Hermes leads the three goddesses, Athena alone being characterised;
Paris absent. Only on B.F. vases.[1355]

.ti -2
(2) Procession-type preserved, but Paris is present, standing. Type
modified on R.F. vases.[1356]

.ti -2
(3) Procession-type; Paris seated; landscape introduced (see Fig. #129:fig129#).[1357]
.bn 148.png
.pn +1

.ti -2
(4) Procession-type abandoned; goddesses picturesquely grouped, with
attendant figures. Only on R.F. and later vases.[1358] In one
instance two stages seem to be represented: first, the goddesses
grouped for the Judgment, accompanied by Apollo,
Helios, and Selene; secondly, the victorious Aphrodite crowned
by Eros.[1359]
.fs 100%
.in

Parodied renderings of the subject also occur.[1360]

The reward of Paris for his judgment was, as we know,
“the fairest wife in Greece.” Accordingly we next find him
arrived at Sparta and carrying off the fair Helen as his bride.
The vases (all of the R.F. and late periods) depict him on
his arrival at Menelaos’ palace introduced to Helen,[1361] or else
we see Helen at her toilet making preparations for her new
consort[1362]; next, Paris leads away Helen or carries her off in
his chariot,[1363] and finally introduces her to his father Priam
on his return home.[1364]

The war having now broken out, we are introduced to the two
chief heroes on the Greek side, Achilles and Ajax, as they bid
farewell to their family and friends and set out in full equipment.
Achilles, accompanied by Patroklos, Menoitios, and
other heroes, bids farewell to his parents Peleus and Thetis[1365];
he also pays a farewell visit to his grandfather Nereus, who
presents him with a crown,[1366] and receives a valedictory libation
from a Nereid.[1367] Again, we see Achilles and Patroklos taking
.bn 149.png
.pn +1
leave of Nestor, accompanied by Antilochos.[1368] Ajax is represented
taking leave of Lykos,[1369] and also of his father Telamon[1370];
but as in one of the latter cases the names are wrongly applied
on the vase, it may only represent an idealised departure of an
ordinary warrior. There is also a vase which represents Nestor
arming (putting on a greave) in presence of Euaichme.[1371]

We next find the warriors gathered in Aulis, waiting for the
favouring breeze, and whiling away the time (as Euripides
describes[1372]) in the game of <lang=grc>πεσσοί</lang> or draughts, which is played  // Tr: pessoi
by Ajax and Achilles (names usually given) seated at a raised
board in full armour, with the statue of Athena behind them.[1373]
There is another variety of the type, in which the presence of
Athena seems to have more meaning. Here the two heroes
cast lots with dice before the statue, and there may be some
reference to the dispute of Ajax and Odysseus for the arms
of Achilles, which was settled by Athena.[1374] The story of the
sacrifice of Iphigeneia, though popular with poets and painters,
for some reason never found its way on to the vases until the
influence of great pictures and plays was beginning to make
itself felt; and then only appears in one instance, where the
transformation into a deer is indicated.[1375] The only other
incident of the voyage which concerns us is the halt at
Lemnos and the sacrifice to the local goddess Chryse, where
Philoktetes is bitten by the serpent and has to be left behind
on account of his wound.[1376] This island was also the scene of
the carrying off by Achilles of Chryseis, the daughter of
.bn 150.png
.pn +1
Chryses, the priest of the local goddess, of which there is one
possible representation.[1377]

Two doubtful references to opening scenes of the war are to
be found in a supposed consultation of Zeus with Themis among
the Olympian deities,[1378] and a representation of the Greeks
formally demanding back Helen,[1379] a demand which of course
was not granted. The story of Telephos also belongs to an
early stage, and three incidents therefrom are found. In one
case he is represented as wounded by the spear of Achilles[1380];
again, entering the Greek camp disguised as a beggar, in order
to apply to Agamemnon for aid[1381]; and, lastly, he is seen seizing
the infant Orestes, whom he threatens to destroy if his request is
not granted.[1382] A R.F. kylix in Boston represents in the interior
Odysseus persuading Achilles to heal Telephos’ wound; on the
exterior the wounded hero comes, not to Agamemnon’s tent,
but to his palace at Mycenae.[1383]

At a much later stage of the war comes the incident of
Troilos, a subject which attained to great popularity, especially
with the B.F. vase-painters. It falls into five distinct scenes:
(1) the departure of Troilos, with his two horses[1384]; (2) the
ambuscade of Achilles behind the fountain to which Polyxena
comes to draw water[1385]; (3) the flight of Troilos and Polyxena,
and pursuit by Achilles[1386]; (4) the death of Troilos[1387]; and (5) the
fight over his body.[1388] Of these, the ambuscade and the pursuit
are the most commonly represented.
.bn 151.png
.pn +1

A few incidents which are not to be traced in literature probably
belong to the Ante-Homeric period. They are (1) Achilles
bandaging the wounded Patroklos, on the well-known Sosias
cup[1389]; (2) the wounded Achilles tended by Patroklos and
Briseis[1390]; (3) a combat of Hector and Achilles attended by
Sarpedon and Phoinix (in one case Phoinix interrupts)[1391]; (4) a
general combat of Greeks and Trojans.[1392]

It will be most convenient to deal with the various scenes
which can be traced to the Homeric poems (or to co-ordinate
traditions) in tabular form, noting where possible the actual
passages which they appear to illustrate. But it must be borne
in mind that the vase-painter was never an illustrator; he rather
looked to literature for suggestions, which he worked out on his
own lines, and consequently coincidences with or divergencies
from the Homeric text must not be too closely insisted upon.


Book I. 187 ff. The dispute of Agamemnon and Achilles.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Possibly to be identified in such scenes as on B.M. B 327, 397, and
E 13; but very doubtful: see below, p. #133#, and Robert, <lang=de><cite>Bild
u. Lied</cite></lang>, p. 213.</s>

320 ff. Agamemnon and Briseis.

.ti -2
<s>Reinach, i. 148 = Baumeister, i. p. 721, fig. 776 (Hieron in Louvre);
and see B.M. E 76. Achilles and Briseïs are found grouped
together on two R.F. vases, but without any particular
allusion: see B.M. E 258 and Helbig, 84 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> i. pl. 6 =
Reinach, ii. 91.</s>

430 ff. Chryses propitiating Apollo.

.ti -2
<s>Engelmann-Anderson, <cite>Atlas to Iliad</cite>, iii. 12.</s>
.in

Book II. 50 ff. Agamemnon in council.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>B.M. B 149.</s>

212 ff. Thersites insulting Agamemnon.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 196.</s>
.bn 152.png
.pn +1
.in

Book III. 259 ff. Priam setting out in his chariot.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s><lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, iv. (1889), pl. 10.</s>

340 ff. Combat of Menelaos and Paris.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 20; Duris kylix in Louvre (<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 7 = Engelmann-Anderson,
vi. 23).</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book V. 95–296. Combat of Diomedes and Pandaros (a
reminiscence of).

.ti -2
<s>Berlin 764 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. pl. 7, fig. 15; and see <cite>Hermes</cite>, 1901,
p. 388; actually here Diomedes and Aeneas fight over the
body of Pandaros.</s>

312 ff. Combat of Diomedes and Aeneas, the
latter protected by Aphrodite.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 73; Tyszkiewicz Coll. pl. 18 (very fine R.F. vase, now in
Boston); Reinach, i. 120 = ii. 97 (B.F.).</s>
.in

Book VI. 215 ff. Diomedes and Glaukos exchanging arms.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Stackelberg, pl. 11, 1.</s>

258 ff. (1) Hector arming.

.ti -2
<s>Munich 378 = Reinach, ii. 94 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 14.</s>

.in +6
.ti -2
(2) Hector bidding farewell to Priam and
Hecuba.
.in

.ti -2
<s>Helbig, 134 = Reinach, ii. 94 = Engelmann-Anderson, iii. 38.</s>

.in +6
.ti -2
(3) Hector bidding farewell to Andromache
and Astyanax.[1393]
.in

.ti -2
<s><cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix. pl. 3 = B.M. E 282; Reinach, ii. 255 = Bibl. Nat. 207.</s>

.in +6
.ti -2
(4) Departure of Hector.
.in

.ti -2
<s>B.M. B 76, B 235 (?); Louvre E 638 (= Reinach, i. 243), E 642;
Reinach, ii. 160; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, iv. (1889), p. 260.</s>

321 ff. Hector conducting Paris to battle.

.ti -2
<s>Bibl. Nat. 207 = Reinach, ii. 255.</s>
.in
.bn 153.png
.pn +1

Book VII. 162 ff. Combat of Ajax and Hector.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Munich 53; Helbig, 6 = Reinach, i. 104 (see under xiv. 402 ff.);
Baumeister, i. pl. 13, figs. 779–80; B.M. E 438 (Smikros); and
see Duris kylix in Louvre (<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 7 = Engelmann-Anderson,
vii. 42).</s>
.in

Book VIII. 89 ff. Combat of Hector and Diomedes.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Reinach, ii. 96.</s>

261 ff. Teukros and Ajax son of Telamon.

.ti -2
<s>Robert, in <cite>Hermes</cite>, 1901, p. 390, mentions a fragment of a
Corinthian pinax in Berlin with these two figures, which
may either belong to the above passage, or to xii. 370 ff.,
or to xv. 415 ff.</s>

397 ff. Iris interrupting Athena (see pp. #39#, #77#).

.ti -2
<s>Reinach, ii. 296.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book IX. Achilles lying sick (apparently a <lang=la><em>contaminatio</em></lang> or confusion
of ix. 168 ff. and xviii. 35 ff.).[1394]

.ti -2
<s><lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, vii. (1892), pl. 1.</s>

173 ff. Embassy of Odysseus and Phoinix to Achilles
(R.F. vases only).

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 56 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 3, 3; Berlin 2176 (= Reinach, i.
282), 2326 (= Reinach, i. 431 = Roscher, iii. 658); Millin-Reinach,
i. 14; Reinach, i. 148 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 6
(Hieron) and 149.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book X. 330–461. Episode of Dolon; his capture by
Odysseus.

.ti -2
<s>Oxford 226; Munich 583 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, v. (1890), p. 143; Bibl. Nat.
526 = Reinach, i. 89 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> v. 5 (Euphronios);
Reinach, i. 334 = Petersburg 879; B.M. F 157 = Fig. #130:fig130#.
Dolon as single figure: Reinach, i. 306 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 1.</s>

469–525. Rhesos and his horses.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. B 234–35; Naples 2910 = Baumeister, i. p. 728, fig. 782
(Odysseus and Diomedes with the horses); <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 3, 2.</s>
.bn 154.png
.pn +1

566 ff. The horses of Rhesos brought to the tent
of Diomedes.

.ti -2
<s>Munich 583 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, v. (1890), p. 146 (a slave waters the horses;
another brings drink to Diomedes).</s>
.in

Book XI. The fight at the ships.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Munich 890 = Reinach, ii. 99 = Baumeister, i. p. 729, fig. 783.</s>
.in

Book XIV. Combat of Ajax and Aeneas (? l. 402 ff.).

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>Reinach, i. 306 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 1; <i>id.</i> i. 104 = Helbig, No. 6
(? see above, under vii. 162 ff.).</s>
.in

.il id=fig130 fn=fig130_154.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 130. CAPTURE OF DOLON (LUCANIAN KRATER IN BRITISH MUSEUM).

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XVI. 666 ff. Sarpedon carried off by Hypnos and
Thanatos.

.ti -2
<s>See Louvre F 388; but this scene is hardly to be distinguished
from those with Memnon (see below, p. #132#).</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XVII. 60 ff. Combat of Menelaos and Euphorbos, and
fight over his body.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. A 749 = Baumeister, i. p. 730, fig. 784[1395]; and see E 20.</s>
.bn 155.png
.pn +1

123 ff. Combat over body of Patroklos.

.ti -2
<s>Exekias kylix (Munich 339 = Reinach, ii. 36); Reinach, ii. 95;
Millin-Reinach, i. 49; Berlin 2264 (Oltos and Euxitheos) =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 2, 1 = Engelmann-Anderson, xiv. 76.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XVIII. 367 ff. (1) Thetis in the smithy of Hephaistos.

.ti -2
<s>Berlin 2294 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> 18, 6.</s>

.ti +4
(2) Hephaistos polishing Achilles’ shield.

.ti -2
<s><lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> ii. (1887), p. 242.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XIX. 1–18. Thetis and the Nereids bringing the armour
to Achilles.

.ti -2
(<i>a</i>) Riding on sea-monsters over the waves
(all late vases).

.ti -2
B.M. F 69; Jatta 1496 = Reinach, i. 112; Roscher, iii. 221–24;
and see Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Nereiden mit Waffen</cite></lang>.

.ti -2
(<i>b</i>) Presenting the weapons to Achilles.

.ti -2
B.M. E 363; Millin-Reinach, i. 14.

.ti -2
364 ff. Achilles arming.

.ti -2
<s>Athens 671 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> ii. 6; Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> xviii.
4, 7; vase by Amasis at Boston (<cite>Report</cite> for 1901, No. 5).</s>
.in

Book XXI. 114 ff. Combat of Achilles and Lykaon.

.in +6
.ti -2
<s>B.M. F 173.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XXII. 188 ff. Achilles pursuing Hector round the walls
of Troy.

.ti -2
<s>Reinach, ii. 102 (now in Boston: see <cite>Museum Report</cite> for 1898,</s>
No. 42).

209 ff. Zeus weighing the heroes’ souls in his
scales.[1396]

.ti -2
<s>B.M. B 639; Bibl. Nat. 385 = Reinach, i. 89; Millin-Reinach,
i. 19 = Baumeister, ii. p. 921, fig. 994.</s>
.bn 156.png
.pn +1

306 ff. Death of Hector.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 468; Munich 421; Reinach, ii. 101 = Helbig, 106;
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1899, p. 79, No. 31 (parody). Cf.
Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. 4 = Engelmann-Anderson,
<cite>Odyss.</cite> iii. 15.</s>

437 ff. Andromache suckling Astyanax (<em>compare
only</em>).

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 509.</s>
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XXIII. 157 ff. Funeral games for Patroklos.

.ti -2
François vase (chariot-race, etc.).

.ti -2
175 ff. Sacrifice of Trojan captives on the pyre
of Patroklos.

.ti -2
Naples 3254 = Reinach, i. 187.
.in

.in +6
.ti -6
Book XXIV. 16 ff. Achilles dragging Hector’s body past the
                              tomb of Patroklos.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. B 543 and <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 306 = Reinach, ii. 100 (now
in B.M.)[1397]; Berlin 1867 = Reinach, ii. 99; Naples 2746.</s>

141 ff. Achilles offering his hair to the river
Spercheios.

.ti -2
<s>B.M. E 555 (?).</s>

448 ff. Priam begging Achilles for the body of
Hector; the Achaean princes deliberating
over the ransom.

.ti -2
<s>Munich 404 (= Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 20, 3), and 890
(= Reinach, ii. 99); Petersburg 422 = Reinach, i. 138 =
Baumeister, i. p. 739, fig. 792; Reinach, i. 172 = Vienna 328;
Athens 889 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1898, pl. 4 (B.F., but poor).</s>

580 ff. Hector’s body carried out to prepare for
burial.

.ti -2
<s>Petersburg 422 (as above).</s>
.in

Among the events of the war between the death of Hector
and the final fall of Troy, those which relate to the final
exploits of Achilles are most prominent, and especially the
.bn 157.png
.pn +1
encounters with Memnon, and with Penthesileia, his death and
the events arising out of it. The story of Achilles’ fight with
Penthesileia, and the death of the Amazon queen, is less
frequently depicted, but there are some very fine examples
remaining.[1398] Other representations of Amazons arming, setting
out, or in combat may be placed here, but except where
Penthesileia is specially indicated it is better to regard them
as having no definite reference to the Trojan story.[1399] A remarkable
painting on an Apulian amphora depicts the slaying of
Thersites by Achilles in the presence of Phoinix and Diomedes.
Thersites had insulted Achilles after his slaying of Penthesileia.[1400]

The story of Memnon is related on the vases in several
scenes, beginning with his equipment and departure for the
fray.[1401] Next we see the great fight of Achilles and Memnon
over the body of Antilochos,[1402] at which the respective mothers
of the heroes, Thetis and Eos, are usually present as spectators.[1403]
The result of the fight was fatal to Memnon, whose body we
see carried off by Thanatos and Hypnos,[1404] or by Eos herself,[1405]
for burial in his native land. Eos is also represented mourning
over him.[1406] The Psychostasia, or weighing of souls by Zeus
(see p. #130#), has also been referred to this event. The body of
Antilochos is finally rescued and carried off by Nestor.[1407]

Lastly, we find a few possible representations of the death
of Achilles,[1408] and others, more certainly to be identified, of the
.bn 158.png
.pn +1
battle raging round his body, in which Diomedes is wounded[1409];
also of Ajax carrying the body off out of the battle,[1410] and the
subsequent mourning of the Nereids over it.[1411] A representation
of the ghost of a warrior, winged and fully armed, flying over a
ship,[1412] is to be regarded as that of Achilles, though to what event
it alludes is not clear. The dispute over the hero’s armour
and the suicide of the disappointed Ajax are introduced by
a scene representing the fetching of Neoptolemos, his son, from
Skyros, where he bids farewell to Lykomedes and Deidameia[1413];
of the quarrel between Ajax and Odysseus there are also several
representations.[1414] It was decided finally by Athena, who is
represented presiding over the Greek chiefs as they vote[1415]; or,
according to another version, they cast lots before her statue.[1416]
The armour is then awarded to Neoptolemos,[1417] who, according
to an oracle, was indispensable for the capture of Troy. Ajax
goes mad with disappointment, and finally commits suicide
by falling on his sword[1418]; the episode of his slaying the sheep
is not, however, represented.

The <lang=grc>Ἰλίου Πέρσις</lang>, or <b>sack of Troy</b>, which is so vividly     // Tr: Iliou Persis
represented on many of the vases of advanced and late style,
may be said to begin with the episode of the seizure of the
Palladion by Odysseus and Diomede.[1419] It is rapidly followed
by the construction of the wooden horse and its entry into
.bn 159.png
.pn +1
the city.[1420] There is, however, only one certain representation
of the death of Laokoön to be traced,[1421] and none of the
traitorous Sinon.

Several vases, especially of the later epoch, collect the chief
episodes in a frieze or in a series of groups, including the rape
of Kassandra by Ajax, son of Oileus, the death of Priam and
Astyanax, the recapture of Helen by Menelaos, and the flight
of Aeneas; other scenes represented are the leading back
of Aithra by Akamas and Demophon, and the sacrifice of
Polyxena and subsequent blinding of Polymestor by Hecuba.

I. General.

.pm hang 95%
Berlin 1685 (= Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 26, 1) and 2281;
Plate #LIV:pl54#. = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 25 (Brygos in
Louvre); Naples 2422 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 34 =
Baumeister, i. pl. 14, fig. 795; B.M. F 160, F 278.
.pm unhang

II. (<i>a</i>) Ajax seizing Kassandra at the altar of Athena.

.pm hang 95%
B.F. B.M. B 242, 379; Berlin 1698; Roscher, ii. p. 979.

.ti -2
R.F. B.M. E 336, E 470; Reinach, i. 221, 338 = Roscher, ii.
pp. 985, 981; <cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite> 33.

.ti -2
Late. B.M. F 209; Roscher, ii. p. 983.
.in

(<i>b</i>) Death of Priam and Astyanax.[1422]

.in +4
(1) Priam only.
.in

.pm hang 95%
B.M. B 241; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> iii. (1888), pp. 108–9; Reinach, ii. 109;
Berlin 3996. [Priam dead in all except second.]
.pm unhang

.in +6
.ti -2
(2) Priam usually seated on altar; Neoptolemos
swings body or head of Astyanax.
.in

.pm hang 95%
B.M. B 205; Berlin 2175, 3988; Reinach, i. 221, ii. 109; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xiv. pl. 9. [See also under I.]
.pm unhang
.in +6
.ti -2
(3) Andromache or Hecuba with body of Astyanax.
.in

.pm hang 95%
Millin-Reinach, ii. 37 (Lasimos in Louvre; also identified as
Archemoros: see p. #118#).
.pm unhang
.bn 160.png
.bn 161.png
.bn 162.png
.pn +1

(<i>c</i>) Menelaos and Helen.

.pm hang 95%
B.M. E 161, 263; Reinach, i. 437, 3 (Hieron), ii. 34; Helbig, 43
(= <cite>Mus. Greg.</cite> ii. 49, 2), and ii. p. 325 (= Baumeister, i. p. 746,
fig. 798); Millingen, <cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite> pl. 32; Louvre G 3
(Pamphaios); Reinach, i. 222 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 8, 1; Noel
des Vergers, <lang=fr><cite>Étrurie</cite></lang>, iii. pl. 39.
.pm unhang

(<i>d</i>) Akamas and Demophon with Aithra.

.pm hang 95%
B.M. B 244 (?), E 458; Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 26, 13.
.pm unhang

(<i>e</i>) Flight of Aeneas with family.

.pm hang 95%
B.M. B 173, B 280; Reinach, ii. 110 (= Munich 903), 116, 273;
Baumeister, i. p. 31, fig. 32; Helbig, 201 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii.
85, 2; Naples 2481; Bibl. Nat. 261; Louvre F 122 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 5, 1.
.pm unhang

(<i>f</i>) Sacrifice of Polyxena.

.pm hang 95%
Plate #XXIII:vol1_pl23#. = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. pl. 15 (B.M.); Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang>
pl. 27, 19.
.pm unhang

(<i>g</i>) Polymestor blinded.

.pm hang 95%
Reinach, i. 91 = Hill, <cite>Illustrations of School Classics</cite>, p. 170 (now
in B.M.).
.pm unhang

(<i>h</i>) Ajax stabbing a captive (?).

.pm hang 95%
Reinach, i. 88.
.pm unhang

.pm onplate LIV
.il id=pl54 fn=plate54_160.jpg w=600px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Furtwaengler and Reichhold</cite>.</s>

<sc>The Sack of Troy; Kylix by Brygos in Louvre.</sc>
.ca-
.pm offplate

Among the various adventures described by the Cyclic poets
in the <lang=grc>Νοστοί</lang>, few seem to have found their way into the               // Tr: Nostoi
vase-paintings except the fate of Agamemnon, the interview
of Menelaos with Proteus (told in the <cite>Odyssey</cite>), and, of course,
the adventures of Odysseus.

The house of Atreus and its story will be dealt with later
under the heading of the Oresteia: we turn now to the <b>Odyssey</b>,
scenes from which are surprisingly few in Greek art, and appear
to have attracted the painter less than the more stirring events
of the <cite>Iliad</cite>. The following, however, have been identified:

.in 6
.ti -6
Book II. 94 ff. Penelope at her loom.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Reinach, i. 191.
.fs 100%
.bn 163.png
.pn +1

.ti -6
Book III. 12 ff. Arrival of Telemachos at Nestor’s house in
Pylos.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Berlin 3289 = Roscher, iii. 298 = Engelmann-Anderson, iii. 13.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book IV. 349 ff. The story of Menelaos’ interview with Proteus.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Naples 1767 = <cite>Mus. Borb.</cite> xiii. 58 = Engelmann-Anderson, iv. 22.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book V. 228 ff. Odysseus navigating the sea on a raft.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Oxford 262, <cite>Cat.</cite> pl. 26 (burlesque). See also B.M. E 156
(Odysseus and Leukothea).
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book VI. 126 ff. Nausikaa washing clothes.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Munich 420 = Reinach, ii. 110 = Roscher, <i>s.v.</i>

.ti +6
Alkinoös and Nausikaa (parody).

Reinach, i. 153.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book IX. 345 ff. Odysseus offering wine to Polyphemos.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, p. 60.

.ti +4
371 ff. Odysseus putting out the eye of Polyphemos.

.ti -2
Plate XVI. = Helbig, i. p. 435, No. 641 (Aristonoös); Bibl. Nat.
190 = Reinach, i. 64; B.M. B 154; Louvre F 342 = <cite>Gaz.
Arch.</cite> 1887, pl. 1; Berlin 2123; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 35;
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1891, pl. 6: see Bolte, <lang=la><cite>Monum. ad Odyss. pert.</cite></lang> p. 2.

.ti +4
420 ff. Odysseus escaping under the ram.

.ti -2
B.M. B 407, 502, 687; Karlsruhe 167 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> iv. p. 249; Louvre
A 482; Reinach, i. 64: see also <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, pl. 8
(a very early instance); generally, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> iv. p. 248 ff., and
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxi. (1897), p. 28 ff.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book X. 210 ff. Odysseus and Kirke (see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 82).

(<i>a</i>) Arrival of Odysseus.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Reinach, i. 142 = Roscher, ii. 1195.
.fs 100%

(<i>b</i>) Transformations of comrades.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Reinach i. 396; Berlin 2342 = <i>ibid.</i> i. 418; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>,
1899, pp. 59, 61 (both early B.F.).
.fs 100%

(<i>c</i>) Odysseus and Kirke.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. pls. 2 (Athens 956), 4 (in B.M.), p. 81 (Oxford 262);
and see Reinach, i. 142.
.fs 100%
.bn 164.png
.pn +1

.ti -6
Book XI. 23 ff. Odysseus sacrificing before his visit to Hades.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Bibl. Nat. 422 = Reinach, i. 126 = Baumeister, ii. p. 1040, fig.
1254.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book XII. 164–200. Odysseus passing the Sirens.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Athens 958 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. pl. 1; B.M. E 440; and see <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
vi. pl. 49, p. 20 (= Louvre F 123); Corinthian aryballos in
Boston (<cite>Strena Helbigiana</cite>, p. 31).
.fs 100%
.in

Scenes from the last twelve books are even rarer:

.in 6
.ti -6
Book XVIII. 35 ff. Odysseus and Iros.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Reinach, ii. 357.
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book XIX. 385 ff. Odysseus recognised by Eurykleia.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Reinach, i. 191.

.ti +4
394 ff. The story of Autolykos.

.ti -2
In connection herewith see Munich 805 = Reinach, i. 277 for
a possible representation of the betrothal of Laertes and
Antikleia (<cite>Hermes</cite>, 1898, p. 641; Robert, <cite>Homer</cite>. <cite>Becher</cite>,
p. 90 ff.; Hyginus, <cite>Fab.</cite> 201).
.fs 100%

.ti -6
Book XXI. 393—XXII. 5 ff. The slaying of the suitors.

.fs 95%
.ti -2
Berlin 2588 = Reinach, i. 217.
.fs 100%
.in

The scenes from the <b>Oresteia</b> cover roughly the same ground
as the great trilogy of Aeschylos, together with the <cite>Iphigeneia
in Tauris</cite> and the <cite>Andromache</cite> of Euripides. We have first
the murder of Agamemnon by Klytaemnestra with her axe.[1423]
Next, Elektra making her offerings at the tomb of Agamemnon,
sometimes accompanied by her sister Chrysothemis.[1424] It must
be borne in mind that the “type” of this scene does not differ
in any respect from ordinary scenes of “offering at a <em>stele</em>,”
and therefore, where the names are not given or are obviously
modern additions, this interpretation is at best a doubtful one.
.bn 165.png
.pn +1
The same applies to the next series of vases, on which Orestes
meets Elektra at the tomb[1425]; but there seems to be one undoubted
instance of Orestes and Pylades with the urn containing
the supposed ashes of the former (cf. Soph. <cite>Electra</cite>, 1098 ff.).[1426]
The next group to be dealt with shows us Orestes slaying
Aegisthos,[1427] while Klytaemnestra is held back by Talthybios[1428];
and, finally, the death of Klytaemnestra herself.[1429]

Orestes is then pursued by the Furies,[1430] and seeks refuge at
Delphi, where he is purified by Apollo at the Omphalos[1431]; and
he is also seen at Athens, where he afterwards sought the
protection of Athena.[1432] Other vases, nearly all of late date,
and therefore under the influence of the Euripidean tragedy,
represent Orestes accompanied by Pylades, arrived at the temple
of the Tauric Artemis, where Iphigeneia presents Pylades with
the letter.[1433] Lastly, we have the death of Neoptolemos at the
hand of Orestes at Delphi.[1434]

.h4
<sc>Attic Legends</sc>

It will now be necessary to deal with sundry isolated subjects,
which do not admit of being grouped together round the name
of any one great hero or any particular legend. There are,
however, a certain number which may perhaps be regarded
as having a special connection with Athens, and with these
we will begin.[1435] Some of the specially Athenian myths have
.bn 166.png
.pn +1
already been discussed in other connections, notably the story
of Theseus (p. #108#), the dispute of Athena and Poseidon (p. #24#),
the sending of Triptolemos (p. #27#), and the rape of Kephalos
by Eos[1436] and of Oreithyia by Boreas (p. #80#). There remain
then the following:

.in 2
(1) The birth of Erichthonios, who is represented as received
by Athena from Gaia emerging out of the earth, in the presence
of Kekrops and his daughters. It only occurs on the later R.F.
vases; the type closely resembles that of the birth of Dionysos
(p. #19#).

.pm start_summary
B.M. E 372; Berlin 2537 = Reinach, i. 208 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 12;
Munich 345 = Reinach, i. 66; and Reinach, i. 113 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 2. Also a scene from the childhood of Erichthonios:
B.M. E 788.
.pm stop_summary

(2) The reception of Dionysos in Attica (by Ikarios or
Amphiktion).

.pm start_summary
B 149, B 153, and E 166 in the British Museum appear to refer to
this, but not certainly. See above, p. #56#.
.pm stop_summary

(3) The story of Tereus and his daughters, Prokne and
Philomela.[1437]

.pm start_summary
(<i>a</i>) Tereus meeting Apate (Deceit); Prokne and Philomela
in chariots.

Naples 3233 = Reinach, i. 240.
.pm stop_summary

.pm start_summary
(<i>b</i>) Prokne and the dumb Philomela:

Reinach, i. 308 (in Louvre).
.pm stop_summary

.pm start_summary
(<i>c</i>) Aedonaia slaying Itys.

<cite>J.H.S.</cite> viii. p. 440 (= Munich 799<i>a</i>).
.pm stop_summary

(4) The three sons of Pandion, Lykos, Nisos, and Pallas,[1438] with
Orneus the son of Erechtheus.

.pm start_summary
Reinach, i. 510 = Roscher, ii. 2187.
.pm stop_summary
.bn 167.png
.pn +1

(5) The death of Prokris by the agency of Kephalos.

.pm start_summary
B.M. E 477 (with Siren as soul of Prokris or death-deity).
.pm stop_summary

(6) Kreousa defended by Apollo from the attack of Ion.

.pm start_summary
Reinach, i. 375: cf. Eur. <cite>Ion.</cite> 1250 ff.
.pm stop_summary

(7) Danaos taking refuge in Attica (?).

.pm start_summary
Reinach, i. 244 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 4, 2 (in Louvre).
.pm stop_summary

(8) Echelos carrying off Basile.[1439]

.pm start_summary
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 39: see p. #27#.
.pm stop_summary

(9) The story of Diomos, the eponymous deme-hero (?).

.pm start_summary
B.M. B 178 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 116.
.pm stop_summary

(10) Kodros, the last king of Athens.

.pm start_summary
Bologna 273 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1998, fig. 2148 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1898,
pl. 4.
.pm stop_summary
.in

The Kodros cup (completely published in <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. 4)
is decorated with groups of figures intended to illustrate the
legendary history of the great Attic families, in accordance
with the genealogising tendencies of the period (about 450 <sc>B.C.</sc>).
The outer scenes represent Theseus taking leave of Aigeus, and
Ajax taking leave of Lykos; and Aigeus and Ajax (Aias) are
eponymous heroes of two Attic tribes. On the Meidias vase in
the British Museum[1440] we see a group of Athenian tribal heroes,
such as Akamas, Antiochos, Demophon, and Hippothon, together
with Medeia, who is also connected with Athens in the Theseus
scene of the Kodros cup.

.tb

Other isolated myths which occasionally appear on vases, but
defy more exact classification, may be briefly recorded here:

.in 2
(1) Admetos and Alkestis.

.pm start_summary
Bibl. Nat. 918 = Reinach, i. 395 = Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>^2, ii. frontispiece.
See also p. #69#.
.pm stop_summary

(2) Agamedes and Trophonios as prisoners fed by Augias.

.pm start_summary
Louvre E 632 = Reinach, i. 349 (see Paus. ix. 37, 5; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’
Inst.</cite></lang> 1885, p. 130).
.pm stop_summary
.bn 168.png
.pn +1

(3) Agrios seized by Oineus and bound on the altar.

.pm start_summary
B.M. F 155: see Anton. Liber. 37 and Vogel, <lang=de><cite>Scenen Eur. Trag.</cite></lang>
p. 125.
.pm stop_summary

(4) Atalante offering a cup to her antagonist Hippomenes.

.pm start_summary
R.F. kotyle in B.M.
.pm stop_summary


(5) Atreus and Thyestes (the latter as suppliant in the
former’s palace?).

.pm start_summary
Millingen-Reinach, 23 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 4, 1.
.pm stop_summary

(6) Daidalos and Ikaros, flight of.

.pm start_summary
Naples 1767 = <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1884, pls. 1–2.
.pm stop_summary

(7) Glaukos in the tomb brought to life by the seer Polyeidos.

.pm start_summary
B.M. D 5 = Plate XL.: see Apollod. iii. 3, 1.
.pm stop_summary

(8) Kanake’s suicide.

.pm start_summary
Reinach, i. 448.
.pm stop_summary

(9) Laios, Keleos, Kerberos, and Aigolios stung by bees when
stealing the honey on which the infant Zeus was fed.

.pm start_summary
B.M. B 177: cf. Anton. Liber. 19 and Roscher, i. p. 154.
.pm stop_summary

(10) Lykourgos destroying his children in a frenzy.

.pm start_summary
B.M. F 271; Naples 3219 = Reinach, i. 125, and 3237 = Baumeister,
ii. pp. 834–35. See also Reinach, i. 333: Lykourgos slaying
Thoas; and p. #56#.
.pm stop_summary

(11) Melampus healing the daughters of Proitos from their
madness at the altar of Artemis Lusia, in the presence of
Dionysos.

.pm start_summary
Naples 1760 = Millingen-Reinach, 52 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 4, 3.
.pm stop_summary

(12) Merope (a scene from the tragedy of that name).

.pm start_summary
Munich 810 = Reinach, i. 363: see Vogel, <lang=de><cite>Scenen Eur. Trag.</cite></lang>
p. 118.
.pm stop_summary

(13) Pandareos with the golden dog of Zeus, which he stole.

.pm start_summary
Louvre A 478 = <cite>Hermes</cite> 1898, p. 638; <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> 1898,
p. 586.
.pm stop_summary
.bn 169.png
.pn +1

(14) Peleus wrestling with Atalante.

.pm start_summary
Munich 125 (= Reinach, ii. 120 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 31), and 584 = Reinach, ii. 88; Bibl. Nat. 818 = <cite>Gaz.
Arch.</cite> 1880, pl. 14; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pl. 41.
.pm stop_summary

(15) Peleus hunting a stag.

.pm start_summary
Berlin 2538 = Reinach, ii. 162: cf. Apollod. iii. 13, 3.
.pm stop_summary

.il id=fig131 fn=fig131_169.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 131. PENTHEUS SLAIN BY MAENADS (BRITISH MUSEUM).

(16) Pentheus torn to pieces by his mother Agave and the
frenzied Maenads.

.pm start_summary
B.M. E 775 = Fig. #131:fig131#; Munich 807 = Baumeister, ii. p. 1204,
fig. 1396; Jatta 1617 = Müller-Wieseler, <lang=de><cite>Denkmaeler</cite></lang>, ii. 37,
436; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1892, pl. 5 (and see p. #154#); <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang>
1879, pls. 4–5 (?).
.pm stop_summary

(17) Phaon with Chryse and Philomele.

.pm start_summary
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 59 (vase in Palermo, formerly
interpreted as Dionysos and Ariadne: see text, p. 296, for
the correct interpretation).
.pm stop_summary
.bn 170.png
.pn +1

(18) Phineus invoking the gods.

.pm start_summary
B.M. E 291 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 8, 1. For other Phineus scenes, see
pp. #81#, #115#.
.pm stop_summary

(19) The madness of Salmoneus.

.pm start_summary
<cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1899, pl. 4 (interpreted as Athamas): cf.
<cite>Class. Review</cite>, 1903, p. 276 and Harrison, <cite>Prolegomena to
Gk. Religion</cite>, p. 61.
.pm stop_summary

(20) Thoas placed in the chest by Hypsipyle.

.pm start_summary
Berlin 2300 = Reinach, i. 273: see Ap. Rhod. i. 622, and Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 374.
.pm stop_summary

(21) Aktor and Astyoche (uncertain reference).

.pm start_summary
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1902, pl. 2 (in Boston): see <i>ibid.</i> p. 68, <cite>Il.</cite> ii. 513 and
658; <cite>Schol. in</cite> Pind. <cite>Ol.</cite> vii. 42.
.pm stop_summary

(22) The foundation of Boiae in Laconia by the appearance
of a hare.

.pm start_summary
Reinach, ii. 333 = Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> 120 (this is exceedingly
doubtful).
.pm stop_summary

(23) Two boys delivered to a Nymph (unknown myth).

.pm start_summary
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 12, 3.
.pm stop_summary
.in                    // remove indent

The story of <b>Orpheus</b> often finds a place on vases of the R.F.
period,[1441] but is chiefly confined to two episodes, his playing the
lyre among a group of Thracians[1442] (the men recognisable by their
costume, see p. #179#), and his pursuit by the Thracian women[1443]
and subsequent death at their hands.[1444] In one scene his head
after his death is made use of as an oracle.[1445] He is often present
in under-world scenes (see p. #68#), but not always in connection
with the fetching back of Eurydike.[1446]
.bn 171.png
.pn +1

<em>Thamyris</em>, a quasi-legendary figure, appears contending with
the Muses for pre-eminence with the lyre[1447]; on one fine R.F.
vase he is accompanied by Sappho,[1448] who, though strictly an
historical personage, appears among the Muses in quasi-mythical
guise; he also plays the lyre among Amazons.[1449] Other semi-historical
persons enveloped in a cloud of fable are: <em>Taras</em>, the
founder of Tarentum[1450]; <em>Midas</em>, who is generally represented
with asses’ ears, and is depicted judging the Seilenos who was
caught in his rose-garden and is led before him with hands tied[1451];
and <em>Minos</em>, who appears at the slaying of the Minotaur by
Theseus,[1452] and in the under-world as one of the judges of souls.[1453]

.tb

Nor must we omit to mention the <b>Amazons</b>, who play such
a large part on Greek vases; besides their connection with
various legendary events, they are often employed purely as
decorative figures. Mention has already been made of their
combats with Herakles and Theseus, and of the part played
by their queen Penthesileia in the Trojan War[1454]; and we also
find them in such scenes as the Judgment of Paris[1455] and Herakles’
fight with Kyknos.[1456] They also contend with Gryphons[1457]; and
many battle scenes in which they are opposed to Greek warriors
may also be here alluded to as not admitting of more definite
identification.[1458] They are further represented arming and preparing
for the fray,[1459] or setting out on horseback,[1460] or defending
.bn 172.png
.pn +1
a besieged city[1461]; and as decorative figures we see them
charging,[1462] stringing bows[1463] and discharging arrows,[1464] blowing
a trumpet,[1465] running by the side of a horse or checking a restive
animal,[1466] or fastening a shoe[1467]; or in peaceful converse with a
Greek warrior,[1468] or else without any distinguishing action.[1469]
Nearly all these subjects belong to the R.F. and later periods.

.tb

We may conclude this section with an account of the monstrous
semi-human, semi-bestial creatures, which play a large part in
the decoration of Greek vases, and appear in connection with
many legends. Such are the Centaurs, half man, half horse;
the Gorgons, winged women with snaky locks; the Harpies,
also found on early vases in the form of winged women;
and mythical creatures like Pegasos, the Chimaera, or the
Minotaur.

<b>The Centaurs</b>, who probably symbolise mountain torrents or
other forces of nature, appear (mostly on early vases) in combat
with Herakles, either in troops or in single combat, as in the
stories of Nessos, Dexamenos, and Eurytion[1470]; or, again, in the
scenes so often celebrated in the sculptured friezes and metopes
of Greek temples, where they contend with Theseus and Peirithoös,[1471]
or with the Thessalian Lapiths.[1472] Among the latter a
common episode is the death of Kaineus, whom the Centaurs
buried in the earth, showering rocks upon him.[1473] In a more
peaceful aspect appear the aged Centaurs, Pholos and Cheiron,
especially in the stories of Herakles and Achilles,[1474] both of whom
.bn 173.png
.pn +1
are brought to the latter for their youthful education.[1475] As the
friend of Peleus Cheiron often assists at his capture of Thetis.[1476]
Centaurs, especially Pholos, are sometimes represented returning
from the chase,[1477] or as single decorative figures[1478]; in one
case they fight with cocks.[1479] Nike in one or two instances is
drawn in her chariot by male or female Centaurs[1480]; and, finally,
representations of youthful Centaurs are found, though usually
they are middle-aged.[1481]

<b>The Gorgons</b> appear almost exclusively in connection with
the Perseus legend,[1482] but are besides frequently found as decorative
figures, especially on B.F. vases,[1483] in the running attitude
characteristic of archaic art, in one case between two Sphinxes.[1484]
Besides these, the head or mask of the Gorgon Medusa, familiar
at all periods as a decorative motive of Greek art—first with an
ugly and grotesque face, afterwards refined and beautiful—is often
found by itself on Greek vases, especially as an interior central
ornament of B.F. kylikes.[1485]

<b>Harpies</b>, conventionally associated through the medium of
the Roman poets[1486] with the human-headed bird-form which
really denotes the Siren, are found invariably on vases in the
form of winged women.[1487] They are, as has been elsewhere
noted (p. #81#), associated with the Boreades[1488] as symbolical
of evil and good influences of winds, and probably should be
regarded as personifications of the <em>southern</em> breezes (the malevolent
influence of which is seen in the sirocco). Traditionally
they were supposed to guard the Garden of the Hesperides in
Africa, whence the hot baleful winds come. The story of
.bn 174.png
.pn +1
Phineus is probably to be explained on these lines.[1489] A
Harpy appears at the recovery of Zeus’ golden dog from
Pandareos.[1490]

That the human-headed bird represents a <b>Siren</b> in Greek art
is amply attested by the representations of Odysseus’ adventure
with the vocal enchantresses.[1491] Their appearance on the so-called
Harpy monument of Xanthos, however, shows them in another
aspect, that of death-deities[1492]—not necessarily of a violent and
rapacious character, as on a vase in Berlin,[1493] but gentle and kindly.
So, again, a Siren is represented in connection with a tomb[1494];
and in a scene representing a banquet in Elysium they are
depicted crowning the dead.[1495] On some vases we find a Siren
playing a flute or a lyre (probably merely fanciful subjects)[1496];
or, again, two Sirens kissing each other.[1497] As mere decorative
motives their appearances are countless, and many early vases
are modelled in the form of Sirens[1498]; sometimes they have
human arms[1499]; in one case a bird’s wings and a fish-tail[1500];
or, again, more anomalously, bearded masculine heads.[1501] More
rarely they are seen flying.[1502]

<b>The Sphinx</b> is familiar in the first place as the monster, half
woman, half dog, which vexed the city of Thebes till slain by
Oedipus; this story is often alluded to on vases,[1503] but many
groups of a man and a Sphinx have probably no special
meaning.[1504] The Sphinx has sometimes a sepulchral reference,[1505]
.bn 175.png
.pn +1
and is grouped with other figures, such as Atlas[1506] or a Seilenos[1507]
(the latter probably a scene from a Satyric drama). Like the
Siren, she is exceedingly common as a decorative figure,[1508]
especially in the friezes of animals and monsters so dear to
the early vase-painters. Her invariable form is that of a
winged lion or dog with a woman’s bust.

<b>The Gryphon</b>, a kind of dragon composed of an eagle’s head
and lion’s body and legs (occasionally a bird’s), is almost exclusively
decorative[1509]; but on the later vases we find the fabulous combat
of the Oriental Arimaspi with the Gryphons who guarded
the mountain of gold in the Far East (cf. Plate XLII.)[1510]; or,
again, they contend with the Amazons,[1511] with Scythians,[1512] or
with ordinary Greek warriors.[1513] In one instance an Arimasp
woman is seen shooting at a Gryphon of curious type.[1514]
Further, they draw the chariots of deities, such as Persephone,[1515]
and Dionysos[1516]; and we have already seen Apollo coming on
a Gryphon from the Hyperborean regions.[1517]

<em>Pegasos</em>, the winged steed of Bellerophon, and the monster
<em>Chimaera</em> which he slew, also appear as decorative figures[1518];
and the former draws the chariots of Apollo and of a woman,[1519]
and also appears as a constellation with the moon and stars.[1520]
A human-headed monster attacked by a hero seems to have
been suggested by the Chimaera on a companion vase.[1521] The
<em>Minotaur</em> is generally seen in connection with Theseus, but
also appears as a single or decorative figure,[1522] and one vase
appears to represent the youthful monster in his mother’s lap.[1523]
Other monsters found occasionally on vases are <em>Skylla</em>, who
.bn 176.png
.pn +1
appears, not in connection with the story of Odysseus, but with
those of Perseus and Andromeda,[1524] and Phrixos and Helle,[1525]
or as a single figure[1526]; and <em>Lamia</em>, a vampire or ogress in
the form of a hideous old woman, who is seen undergoing
torture from Satyrs,[1527] and in another unexplained scene.[1528]
Another type of monster, the serpent-footed giant <em>Typhon</em>,
has already been mentioned.[1529] Yet another and a unique
type is that of the Nymphs with serpent bodies which protect
vines from the attacks of goats.[1530]

Lastly, another creation of fancy, though not strictly mythological,
is the <lang=grc>ἰππαλεκτρύων</lang> or “cock-horse,” a bird with horse’s           // Tr: ippalektryôn
head, which appears on some B.F. vases ridden by a youth.[1531]
This may also be a convenient place for mentioning the common
decorative subject of Pygmies fighting with cranes.[1532]

.h4
<sc>Historical Subjects</sc>

The number of vases on which undoubted historical subjects
have been discovered is very limited, though the old systems
of interpretation exerted much ingenuity in eliciting an historical
meaning from many scenes of daily life, with or without names
inscribed over the figures. In the instances given below, the
names are given in most cases, obviating all doubts. It is
worth noting that the subjects chosen are not as a rule those
that would most obviously suggest themselves. They fall into
two classes, one relating to historical events and persons, the
other to literary celebrities:

.in 4
.ti -4
I. (1) The weighing of silphium by Arkesilas, one of the
descendants of Battos, who ruled at Kyrene—probably
the second of the name (<sc>B.C.</sc> 580–550). This
.bn 177.png
.pn +1
scene occurs on a Cyrenaic cup in the Bibliothèque
at Paris (<cite>Cat.</cite> 189: see Vol. I., p. 342, Fig. #92:vol1_fig92#), which
is probably a contemporary production.

.ti -3
(2) Kroisos, the king of Lydia, on the funeral pyre
(<sc>B.C.</sc> 545). See above, p. #6#.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Fig. #132:fig132# = Reinach, i. 85 = Baumeister, ii. p. 796, fig. 860 (in Louvre).
.fs 100%

.il id=fig132 fn=fig132_177.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>
FIG. 132. KROISOS ON THE FUNERAL PYRE (VASE IN LOUVRE).
.ca-

.ti -3
(3) Harmodios and Aristogeiton slaying the tyrant Hipparchos
(<sc>B.C.</sc> 510).

.fs 95%
.ti -3
B.F.: <lang=de><cite>Arch.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oesterr.</cite></lang> iii. (1879), pl. 6. R.F.;
Reinach, i. 449; and see a late Panath. amph. in B.M.
(B 605).
.fs 100%
.bn 178.png
.pn +1

.ti -3
(4) Diitrephes shot to death with arrows, <sc>B.C.</sc> 479 (?). See
Paus. i. 23, 3, and Frazer’s note.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Bibl. Nat. 299 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 185 (but see Reinach, ii.
p. 255, and p. #15# under Gigantomachia).
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(5) The Persian king and queen.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Helbig, p. 281 = Reinach, i. 275 (see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 525).
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(6) The Persian king hunting.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Petersburg, 1790 = Reinach, i. 23 (Xenophantos): cf. Naples 2992.
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(7) Dareios in council, with various deities and personifications
as spectators.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Naples 3253 = Reinach, i. 194 = Baumeister, i. pl. 6, fig. 449.
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(8) Battle of Greeks and Persians (with spectator-deities,
etc.).

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Naples 3256 = Reinach, i. 98: see also p. #179#; Reinach, ii. 84;
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 55–56 and p. 518.
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(9) Battle of Greeks and Messapians.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Berlin 3264 = Reinach, i. 270.
.fs 100%

.ti -4
II. (1) Sappho.

.ti 1
(<i>a</i>) As single figure.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 3.
.fs 100%

.ti 1
(<i>b</i>) With Alkaios.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Fig. #133:fig133# = Munich 753 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1543, fig. 1607.
.fs 100%

.ti 1
(<i>c</i>) Reading her poems.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Athens 1241 = Dumont-Pottier, pl. 6 = Reinach, i. 526.
.fs 100%

.ti 1
(<i>d</i>) In rivalry with Muses.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Jatta 1538 = Reinach, i. 526.
.fs 100%

.ti 1
(<i>e</i>) With Eros (named Talas).

.fs 95%
.ti -3
<lang=de><cite>Abhandl. d. k. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> viii. (1861), pl. 1, fig. 1: see p. #49#.
.fs 100%

.ti -3
(2) Aesop.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
Helbig, 154 = Jahn, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Beitr.</cite></lang> pl. 12, fig. 2.
.fs 100%
.bn 179.png
.pn +1

.ti -3
(3) Anakreon.

.fs 95%
.ti -3
B.M. E 18: cf. E 266–67, 314–15; and see generally Jahn, <lang=de><cite>Gr.
Dichter auf Vasenb.</cite></lang> in <lang=de><cite>Abhandl. d. k. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> viii.
(1861), p. 699 ff.
.fs 100%

.il id=fig133 fn=fig133_179.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>
FIG. 133. ALKAIOS AND SAPPHO (VASE IN MUNICH).
.ca-

.ti -3
(4) Kydias of Hermione (a lyric poet: cf. Schol. <i>in</i> Ar.
<cite>Nub.</cite> 967) and Nikarchos (a contemporary flute-player)
are to be seen, according to Jahn (<i>op. cit.</i>
p. 740) on a psykter in the British Museum (E 767),
on which these names are inscribed over two revellers;
but the identification is exceedingly doubtful.
See also Munich 1096 = Jahn, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 4, fig. 1.
.in

III. Mention should also here be made of the names of historical
renown which often appear on R.F. vases with the word
<lang=grc>καλός</lang> (see Vol. I. p. #403:vol1_403#, and below, p. #267#), such as Alkibiades,  // Tr: kalos
.bn 180.png
.pn +1
Glaukon, Hipparchos, Kleinias, Leagros, Megakles, and Miltiades.
The question is dealt with elsewhere, and it has been
shown that only in one or two cases—<i>e.g.</i> Leagros, Glaukon,
and Kleinias (the father of Alkibiades)—can an identification
with the historical personages be certainly maintained; it is,
however, of sufficient interest for reference in this chapter,
because the inscribed names may in some cases possibly refer
to the figures depicted on the vases.[1533]
.bn 181.png
.pn +1


.sp 4
.h3 id=ch15
CHAPTER XV | <i>SUBJECTS FROM ORDINARY LIFE</i>

.pm start_summary
Religious subjects—Sacrifices—Funeral scenes—The Drama and burlesques—Athletics—Sport
and games—Musical scenes—Trades and occupations—Daily
life of women—Wedding scenes—Military and naval
subjects—Orientals and Barbarians—Banquets and revels—Miscellaneous
subjects—Animals.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2

It is hardly possible to give within brief limits all the illustrations
that the vases afford, either directly or indirectly, of
the religious and secular life of the Greeks. It is, however,
feasible to classify these subjects under several headings, and
to give a list of the most typical and popular in each case.
Thus we have:

.in 4
.nf
1. Religious ceremonies and sacrifices.
2. Funeral scenes and offerings at tombs.
3. Subjects connected with the drama.
4. Athletic contests, games and sport, and musical scenes.
5. Trades and occupations.
6. Scenes from daily life of women and children.
7. Military and naval subjects.
8. Oriental and barbarian figures.
9. Miscellaneous subjects and compositions of no particular import.
10. Animals (mostly only decorative).
.nf-
.in

.h4 id=sec15_1
1. <sc>Religious Subjects</sc>

These mostly appear in the form of sacrifices, either before
a simple altar, or before the statue of some deity, a cult-image,
.bn 182.png
.pn +1
or terminal figure. Thus we have representations of the offering
of a bull to Athena,[1534] sacrifices to a primitive image of Dionysos[1535]
or to a terminal figure of Hermes,[1536] or a sacrifice or libation
to Persephone, Apollo, or other deities.[1537] A procession of six
maidens carrying chairs and a boy with game is probably in
honour of Artemis[1538]; and in another scene we have the Dioskuri
coming to the Theoxenia or feast prepared in their honour.[1539]
Many other examples may be found under the heading of
the various Olympian deities. In other instances we see the
preparations for a sacrifice,[1540] or a procession of figures with
victims and sacrificial implements[1541]; the victims are either rams,[1542]
bulls,[1543] goats,[1544] or pigs.[1545] Other scenes of sacrifice represent
the roasting of a piece of meat held on a spit over a blazing
altar[1546]; or two men stand over a large krater on a stand,
accompanied by a flute-player.[1547] In many cases the sacrifice
is doubtless intended to celebrate a dramatic, agonistic, or
other victory.[1548]

Among other religious scenes we have the dedication of
a tripod,[1549] religious festival dances,[1550] praying figures,[1551] men
or women burning incense over an altar or incense-burner[1552];
or scenes of libation,[1553] a Metragyrtes or mendicant priest
.bn 183.png
.pn +1
praying before devotees,[1554] and a priest examining the entrails
of a ram.[1555] An ephebos is initiated and purified by the <lang=grc>Διὸς κῴδιον</lang>[1556];  // Tr: Dios kôdion
oaths are taken over a tomb,[1557] or omens from
birds on a tumulus[1558]; and here perhaps may be mentioned
a man making a gesture against the evil eye.[1559] There is also a
scene illustrative of the <lang=grc>Πιθοίγια</lang>, an Athenian feast[1560]; and               // Tr: Pithoigia
a possible representation of the feast of Adonis, and the
“gardens” or pots of flowers exhibited on that occasion.[1561]
Lastly, there are scenes relating to votive offerings, such as
a figure of a child on a column offered to Athena,[1562] a youth
carrying a votive tablet,[1563] and others in which similar votive
tablets occur.[1564] The number of scenes which can be shown
to relate to Athenian festivals, or bear on Greek religious belief
and ritual, might be greatly expanded and multiplied, but at
present little has been done in this direction.[1565]

.h4 id=sec15_2
2. <sc>Funeral Scenes</sc>

Closely connected with these religious subjects are those
which played so large a part in the life of the Greeks, and found
such a strong reflection in their decorative art—namely, those
which relate to the burial and cult of the dead. The relation
of Greek vases to the tomb has been discussed elsewhere
(Vol. I. p. #141# ff.), and it is sufficient here to repeat that there
are only three or four classes of vases which yield undoubted
.bn 184.png
.pn +1
evidence that they were expressly made for funeral purposes,
each belonging to a different period of the art.

In the earliest period we have the great Dipylon vases
(Vol. I. p. #285:vol1_285#), many of which represent funeral processions
and rows of mourning women[1566]; these were made for standing
outside the tomb. In the B.F. period there are the prothesis-amphorae,
made likewise for placing first round the bier and
then on the tomb, as plainly shown in one instance[1567]; and in
the R.F. period the Athenian white lekythi are decorated almost
exclusively with sepulchral scenes. Among the vases of the
decadence a whole series of Lucanian and Campanian hydriae
and Apulian kraters and amphorae, as well as some late Athenian
vases, the Apulian examples being usually of enormous size,
equally betray the special purpose for which they were made.

On the B.F. vases the commonest subject is the <em>prothesis</em> or
<lang=la><em>conclamatio</em></lang>, where the body is exposed on the bier and the
mourners stand round in attitudes of grief,[1568] a subject also
occasionally found on the lekythi.[1569] Elsewhere we have the
carrying of the bier to the tomb,[1570] accompanied by warriors,
and the <lang=la><em>depositio</em></lang> or placing of the body therein.[1571] On the
vases of this period the tomb invariably assumes the form of
a mound (<lang=grc>χῶμα</lang> or tumulus),[1572] as it appears in some mythical            // Tr: chôma
scenes already described.[1573] On the lekythi, on the other hand,
the tomb is in the form of a tall plain <em>stele</em>, on a stepped base,
crowned with an ornament of acanthus-leaves or a palmette,
and wreathed with coloured sashes, while vases and baskets of
flowers are sometimes placed on the steps.[1574] On the vases of
.bn 185.png
.pn +1
Southern Italy it is developed either into a tall column with
altar-like base,[1575] or into a large shrine or <em>heroön</em>, with columns
in front and gabled roof, within which stands the figure of the
deceased,[1576] or sometimes an acanthus-plant[1577] or several vases.[1578]

The subjects on the white lekythi and later vases almost
invariably take the form of mourners,[1579] or men and women
making offerings to the dead, or placing sashes, wreaths, and
vases on the tomb.[1580] Or, again, we may note interesting parallels
with the Athenian sepulchral reliefs of the fourth century, which
are mostly contemporaneous with the vases.[1581] Thus we have
“farewell scenes” between a man and woman,[1582] or between two
women[1583]; or the equestrian figure of a warrior, as on the famous
<em>stele</em> of Dexileos,[1584] or a warrior charging with his spear[1585]; or,
again, a hare-hunt at a tomb, perhaps with reference to the
occupations of the deceased.[1586] Sometimes the tomb of a warrior
is indicated by his armour.[1587] The interior of a tomb is occasionally
shown, with a dead boy in it,[1588] or a series of vases,[1589]
or as in the story of Polyeidos.[1590] In one instance a group
of figures is placed on the top of the tomb.[1591] Mythological
figures are sometimes introduced, as Charon ferrying the dead
in his bark,[1592] or Hermes Psychopompos[1593]; or the type of
Thanatos and Hypnos (or that of Boreas and Zephyros) with
Memnon is borrowed for that of a warrior, a youth, or a
woman whom they place in the tomb.[1594] Occasionally we see the
.bn 186.png
.bn 187.png
.bn 188.png
.pn +1
soul of the deceased as a small flitting winged figure.[1595] On the
Italian vases the figure of the deceased usually appears inside
the <em>heroön</em>, painted white, as if to indicate a sculptured marble
figure: a warrior with armour,[1596] or a youth with his horse or
dog,[1597] or pouring a libation from a kantharos.[1598] These <em>heroa</em>
are always surrounded by figures of women bearing baskets
of offerings, unguent-vases, and wreaths, and by youths as
mourners.[1599]

.pm onplate LV
.il id=pl55 fn=plate55_186.jpg w=309px ew=75%
.ca
<sc>Scenes from Funeral Lekythi</sc> (<sc>British Museum</sc>).
<s>1, <sc>Prothesis</sc>; 2, <sc>Cult of Tomb</sc>.</s>
.ca-
.pm offplate

Apart from the under-world scenes already described,[1600] the
future life is not illustrated by the vases, except in a curious
scene on a B.F. Cyrenaic cup, representing a banquet of the
blessed, attended by Sirens.[1601] There is also one single representation
of the subject so common on later Greek reliefs—the
sepulchral banquet.[1602]

.h4 id=sec15_3
3. <sc>The Drama</sc>

The relation of vase-paintings to the drama has already been
discussed in Chapter XI., in which it has been shown how the
tragedies of Euripides and the farces of Rhinthon influenced
the artists of Southern Italy. It may, however, be worth while
to recapitulate here the actual representations of actors or of
scenes taking place on a stage, together with some account
of the numerous burlesques of mythical subjects.

On one curious B.F. vase (probably late and imitative) we
see a rude representation of a tragic and a comic chorus,[1603]
and occasionally on vases of this period we find figures of
actors dressed up as birds, or otherwise in comic fashion.[1604]
More important in this connection are the fifth-century vases
found on the site of the Cabeiric temple at Thebes, several of
which have parodies of well-known subjects, such as Odysseus
.bn 189.png
.pn +1
and Kirke, or Peleus bringing the young Achilles to Cheiron.[1605]
It seems probable that these scenes are actual reproductions
of burlesque performances connected with the worship of the
Kabeiri.

We look in vain for representations of scenes from Aristophanes
and the Old Comedy, though there are one or two vases which
recall (if nothing more) episodes in the <cite>Acharnians</cite>[1606] and <cite>Frogs</cite>.[1607]
But for the rest, these comic scenes are almost confined to the
vases of Southern Italy, especially those made at Paestum, with
their presentations of the <lang=grc>φλύακες</lang> or fourth-century farces. A          // Tr: phlyakes
fairly exhaustive list of these was made some years ago by
Heydemann,[1608] and probably requires little emendation as yet;
we repeat below a number of the more interesting subjects, and
others may be collected from the foregoing pages in which
myths are burlesqued (the Judgment of Paris, the apotheosis
of Herakles, Oedipus and the Sphinx, etc.).[1609]

.pm start_summary
(1) Zeus visiting Alkmena: Schreiber-Anderson, 5, 8 = Heydemann,
<i>loc. cit.</i> p. 276: cf. B.M. F 150.

.ti -2
(2) Apollo healing the Centaur Cheiron: B.M. F 151.

.ti -2
(3) Herakles at Delphi; Apollo takes refuge on the roof of the
temple: Reinach, i. 153, 2 = Rayet and Collignon, p. 318.

.ti -2
(4) Combat of Hephaistos (Daidalos) and Ares (Enyalios): B.M.
F 269.

.ti -2
(5) Herakles with the Kerkopes: Schreiber-Anderson, 5, 2 = Heydemann
p. 281.

.ti -2
(6) Herakles seizing Auge: Fig. #105:vol1_fig105#, Vol. I. p. #474:vol1_474# = Reinach, i.
123 = Heydemann, p. 279.

.ti -2
(7) Burlesque of the story of Antigone: Reinach, i. 273.

.ti -2
(8) Rape of the Palladion: B.M. F 366.

.ti -2
(9) Death of Priam: Berlin 3045 = Reinach, i. 370, 8.

.ti -2
(10) Odysseus and Kirke: Jatta 901 = Heydemann, p. 271.

.ti -2
(11) Odysseus in Phaeacia: Reinach, i. 153, 1.
.pm stop_summary

.il id=fig134 fn=fig134_190.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 134. SCENE FROM A FARCE (BRITISH MUSEUM, F 189).

Other scenes represent single figures, such as Herakles,[1610] or
Taras on the dolphin[1611]; or subjects from farces of daily life, such
.bn 190.png
.pn +1
as an actor with a table of cakes[1612] or the drunken return from a
revel.[1613] Many scenes, again, have some reference to the Satyric
drama, as on the fine vase in Naples, where Dionysos and other
figures attend the preparations for a performance of that kind[1614];
or such scenes as that of Hera and Iris attacked by Seileni,[1615]
or those relating to adventures of Herakles and Perseus with
Satyrs.[1616] Other subjects have no particular significance, such as
an actor attired as a Seilenos playing on the flute, or dancing,
.bn 191.png
.pn +1
or with a Sphinx,[1617] groups of actors[1618] (in one case dressing[1619]),
a comic actor among Satyrs and Maenads,[1620] and single figures.[1621]
Some, which are apparently mythological, defy explanation.[1622]

The influence of Tragedy on vase-paintings is an indirect one,
and entirely confined to the vases of Southern Italy on the one
hand, and to the plays of Euripides on the other. The subject
has been discussed at length elsewhere in this work,[1623] and it is
unnecessary here to give a list of the subjects on South Italian
vases which can be traced to the influence of Euripides. It has
also been pointed out that this influence made itself felt, not
only in the actual choice of subjects, but generally in their
treatment and arrangement, in the quasi-architectural setting
of many scenes, and in the elaborate costumes of the figures.

.il id=fig135 fn=fig135_192.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 135. ATHLETES ENGAGED IN THE PENTATHLON (BRITISH MUSEUM, B 134).

.h4 id=sec15_4
4. <sc>Athletics and Sport</sc>

From the theatre we naturally turn to the palaestra and
gymnasium, which played so important a part in the public
and private life of the Greeks, and, like the former, may be
said to be vested with a religious significance, as exemplified
in the Olympic and other great games. Hardly any class of
subject is found so frequently and consistently on the vases.
The series of Panathenaic amphorae alone supply instances of
every form of athletic exercise in which the Greeks indulged.[1624]
Many vases, especially the R.F. kylikes, represent groups of
athletes in the palaestra engaged in various exercises, such as
boxing, wrestling, running, and leaping[1625]; in other cases we have
.bn 192.png
.pn +1
single groups of boxers[1626] or wrestlers,[1627] or of the <lang=grc>παγκράτιον</lang>, a      // Tr: pankration
somewhat brutal combination of the two.[1628] A boxer is sometimes
seen putting on his caestus.[1629] The <lang=grc>πένταθλον</lang>, which played so              // Tr: pentathlon
important a part in the national games, is not infrequently found,
though often only three or four out of the five contests appear.[1630]
Here, again, we also find single figures of diskos-throwers[1631] or
javelin-throwers,[1632] representations of the long-jump,[1633] and men
marking the ground with a pick-axe or poles.[1634] An athlete is
.bn 193.png
.pn +1
seen binding round his javelin the cord or <lang=grc>ἀγκύλη</lang> by which it                 // Tr: ankylê
was thrown,[1635] and the pick-axe afore-mentioned also appears in
such a way as to indicate its general use by athletes—viz. for
digging up the ground over which jumps were made, by way of
exercising the limbs.[1636] A variation of the javelin contest was
one in which the competitors were mounted, and aimed at a
shield set up as a target as they rode past.[1637] Other important
contests are the foot-race[1638]; the horse-race, generally taken
part in by boys (<lang=grc>κέλητες</lang>)[1639]; the chariot-race[1640]; the torch-race       // Tr: kelêtes
(<lang=grc>λαμπαδηδρομία</lang>)[1641]; and the race of armed warriors                         // Tr: lampadêdromia
(<lang=grc>ὁπλιτοδρομία</lang>).[1642] In the latter contest various types may be              // Tr: hoplitodromia
distinguished: the arming for the race[1643]; the start[1644]; the race
itself, with runners turning at the end of the stadion[1645]; the
finish[1646]; and a variation in which the runner carried his armour.[1647]
On the earlier vases this race is run in full armour; on the
later, only with helmets and shields. Frequently the victorious
athlete, horseman, or hoplite is seen proclaimed as winner,[1648] and
receiving his prize[1649]; also receiving a crown from Nike.[1650]
.bn 194.png
.pn +1

Among more miscellaneous scenes may be mentioned athletes
anointing themselves[1651] and using the strigil[1652]; the <lang=grc>κωρυκομαχία</lang>       // Tr: kôrykomachia
or quintain[1653]; an athlete expiring[1654]; a girl-runner wounded in
the foot[1655]; men rolling discs[1656]; acrobats[1657] and female tumblers
performing contortions over swords, or lifting objects with their
feet.[1658] To the list of palaestra scenes may be added those where
Nike or another deity appears as patron of the palaestra watching
the athletes,[1659] and scenes of ephebi washing or bathing in
preparation for or after their contests.[1660] The athletes are often
accompanied by trainers, who use a forked stick to direct their
movements.[1661] On the later R.F. and the Italian vases it is a
regular thing to find on the reverse a roughly painted group of
two or three athletes or ephebi, usually wrapped in himatia and
conversing together[1662]; in such cases the palaestra is indicated
by a pair of jumping-weights or a ball suspended.

Subjects coming under the heading of what we call <b>Sport</b> are
not so common, and are practically limited to hunting scenes.
They include hare-hunts,[1663] stag-hunts,[1664] wolf-hunts and fox-hunts,[1665]
.bn 195.png
.pn +1
lion-hunts,[1666] and boar-hunts[1667]; in the latter on early B.F. vases
the figures often have fancy names, with a reference in some
cases to the hunt of the Calydonian boar, which created the
type. Some, especially B.F. vases, depict the departure of a
hunter for the chase,[1668] or his return loaded with game[1669]; or we
see a party of hunters resting (all with fancy names).[1670] A group
of youths capturing and taming a bull may also be mentioned
here,[1671] and horse-taming is similarly depicted.[1672] We see horses
being unharnessed, groomed, and watered,[1673] or exercised,[1674] and a
man with a backing horse[1675]; and we may also perhaps include
among these subjects scenes representing riding-lessons, a school
for ephebi,[1676] or a boy learning to mount a horse.[1677] A favourite
subject for the interiors of R.F. cups is that of a young Athenian
on horseback,[1678] often in Oriental or Thracian costume (see p. #179#).[1679]
On the B.F. vases a horseman or a chariot is sometimes depicted
in front view, a notable exception to the preference of the time,[1680]
and sometimes a three-horse chariot takes the place of the
quadriga.[1681] Among miscellaneous chariot-scenes may be mentioned
a goddess (?) and a hero mounting chariots,[1682] a girl in a
chariot drawn by hinds[1683]; and people travelling in a country
cart.[1684]

Among the various <b>Games</b> popular with Greek youths the
.bn 196.png
.pn +1
favourite is, perhaps, that of ball, which was often played by
men mounted on each other’s shoulders in two parties, this being
known as <lang=grc>ἐφεδρισμός</lang>[1685]; a rougher variant, in which the ball was           // Tr: ephedrismos
omitted and victory was probably gained by overthrowing the
opponent pair, was known as <lang=grc>ἐγκοτύλη</lang>.[1686] Women and children                // Tr: enkotylê
also play at ball, as does Eros.[1687] Equally popular was cock-fighting[1688];
and we also see a group of boys shooting with
bow and arrows at a popinjay or figure of a bird.[1689] Of indoor
amusements the favourite is the <lang=grc>κότταβος</lang>, a popular relaxation                // Tr: kottabos
after a banquet, often seen on kylikes and other R.F. vases.[1690]
Other games, more suitable to younger boys, are top-spinning[1691]
and bowling a hoop[1692]; others, again, in which boys and girls join,
or even occasionally Eros and Satyrs, are the games of <em>morra</em>
(<lang=la><em>micare digitis</em></lang>, or “How many fingers do I hold up?”),[1693] and its
variant, the <lang=grc>ὤμιλλα</lang>, played with knucklebones[1694]; swinging[1695] and       // Tr: hômilla
see-sawing[1696]; and flying a kite.[1697] A game of similar character
to the <em>morra</em> is played by a winged girl, who places her hands
over the eyes of a boy in a chair.[1698] The so-called magic wheel,
which was twirled on a string, is almost exclusively used by
Eros on the vases of Southern Italy.[1699] Children with their toys,
such as go-carts, vases of various shapes, etc., are often depicted
on the smaller R.F. vases of the fine style, some of which were
.bn 197.png
.pn +1
perhaps actually made for playthings[1700]; and we often see them
accompanied by pet dogs, tortoises, and other animals.[1701] Similarly
there are representations of birds and beasts kept in cages,[1702]
and of grown-up people playing with pets: a youth and girl
with a mouse or jerboa,[1703] or a man with a Maltese dog.[1704]

Equal in importance in the eyes of the Greeks was the other
great division of their education, <lang=grc>μουσική</lang>; the wider sense in            // Tr: mousikê
which they used the word, the culture of the mind as opposed
to that of the body (<lang=grc>γυμναστικη</lang>), admits of including under               // Tr: gymnastikê
this heading school scenes as well as musical performances.
Among the former is the well-known kylix of Duris in Berlin
(Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#.),[1705] where a teacher is seen unrolling a manuscript
on which appears an epic hexameter (see Chapter #XVII:ch17#.);
a pupil is about to write on tablets; and others undergo
instruction on the flute and lyre. Elsewhere we see a youth
writing on a tablet,[1706] or on his way to school[1707]; a man reading
from a roll[1708]; and a vivid representation of a schoolmaster
giving a writing lesson.[1709]

Lessons in music,[1710] singing,[1711] and dancing[1712] are by no means
infrequently represented, especially on R.F. vases; we have
already seen the young Herakles and Iphikles receiving instruction
of this kind,[1713] and on the vases both boys and girls take part
in the lessons. Dancing scenes include dances of maidens (very
common on early B.F. vases), or single figures of dancers[1714];
.bn 198.png
.pn +1
a girl dancing to the flute or with castanets,[1715] or a youth to the
music of a girl[1716]; a woman dancing the Pyrrhic dance in the
attire of a warrior,[1717] and a sacred Lydian dancer with her
wicker head-dress.[1718] The grotesque dancers on some early B.F.
vases appear to be performing the <em>kordax</em>.[1719]

Groups of musicians with no particular signification are often
found, generally playing the lyre and flute,[1720] or single figures,
such as a lyre-player in female costume,[1721] or in the distinctive
<lang=grc>ὀρθοστάδιον</lang> of the musician.[1722] Other scenes relate to agonistic      // Tr: orthostadion
and musical competitions, which often formed part of the great
games; thus we have on some Panathenaic vases and elsewhere
contests for victory with the lyre[1723] or flute.[1724] Sometimes the
victorious musician appears receiving the prize[1725] or a crown
from Nike[1726]; he usually stands on a <em>bema</em> or raised platform.
On one vase a poet recites an epic to the sound of the flute;
the opening words appear proceeding from his mouth.[1727] On
another a man is seen tuning his lyre.[1728] Singing was a common
recreation of banqueters or revellers, especially as seen on
R.F. vases.[1729]

.il id=fig136 fn=fig136_199.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Baumeister</cite>.</s>
FIG. 136. AGRICULTURAL SCENES (CUP BY NIKOSTHENES IN BERLIN).
.ca-

.h4 id=sec15_5
5. <sc>Trades and Occupations</sc>

The trades and occupations represented on vases are very
varied, ranging from mining to shoemaking. The representations
.bn 199.png
.pn +1
of miners in caves which appear on some of the early Corinthian
<em>pinakes</em>[1730] most probably refer to the digging out of the clay for
the potteries rather than to mining for metals. This seems the
more probable when it is taken into consideration that potters’
workshops and furnaces are so frequently depicted in the same
series.[1731] Besides these we find later instances of potters turning
vases on the wheel,[1732] painting them, or finishing them off,[1733] as
already described in a previous chapter: one vase represents the
.bn 200.png
.pn +1
interior of a potter’s workshop with vases in various stages[1734];
another, a man painting the design with a sort of quill.[1735] Young
men and girls are depicted negotiating the purchase of completed
vases in the shop.[1736] Another of the Corinthian <em>pinakes</em>[1737]
represents the exportation of vases in a ship. Metal-work is
represented by a well-known R.F. kylix in Berlin,[1738] showing
a bronze foundry, with statues in various stages of completion;
there are also representations of a smithy,[1739] in some of which
writers have seen an allusion to Hephaistos and the Kyklopes
(see p. #37#). A man is depicted finishing off a bronze helmet,[1740]
or carrying a completed terminal figure[1741]; and of similar
import is the subject of Athena modelling a horse.[1742]

Agriculture is represented by vases in Berlin and the Louvre
with scenes of men ploughing with oxen (Fig. #136:fig136#) or hoeing,
sowers, and mules carrying sacks of grain[1743]; and certain vase-paintings
have been interpreted as referring to the digging of a
well.[1744] A man is seen cutting down a tree,[1745] and another birds’-nesting.[1746]
Shepherds with flocks of sheep and goats are seen on
two early Boeotian vases,[1747] and also fishermen,[1748] and men crushing
grapes in a wine-press.[1749] The various stages of oil-making include
the gathering of the olives from a tree,[1750] the pressing in an oil-press,[1751]
and lastly the merchant measuring out and selling his oil.[1752]
.bn 201.png
.pn +1
A butcher is represented cutting up meat,[1753] and also the preparing
and cutting up of a tunny-fish,[1754] and the baking of bread[1755];
on a B.F. vase two men weigh goods in a balance[1756]; and the
export of the silphium (?) on the Arkesilas vase may also be
mentioned here.[1757] Lastly, we have a shoemaker in his shop,[1758]
a carpenter working with an adze,[1759] and a boy going to market
with two baskets carried on a pole.[1760]

.h4 id=sec15_6
6. <sc>Daily Life of Women</sc>

Scenes from the daily life of women form our next heading,
and we include therewith those relating to marriage or preparations
for nuptials, which play so important a part in woman’s life.
The “type” of a marriage procession on B.F. vases is, as we
have seen (p. #16#, and Vol. I. p. #378:vol1_378#), liable to be confused with the
subject of the marriage of Zeus and Hera; the bride and bridegroom
appear in a four-horse chariot, accompanied by persons
who, if not deities, at any rate bear similar attributes, such as
the caduceus of Hermes or the torches of Artemis (as <em>pronuba</em>).[1761]
In scenes of simpler character the wedding party walk in
procession or drive in a cart.[1762] On later vases the bride is
generally led by the hand by her husband, accompanied as
before in appropriate fashion.[1763] We also find scenes representing
the bridal pair on their marital couch (<lang=la><em>lectus genialis</em></lang>),[1764] and the
return of the bride after the ceremonies.[1765] Other scenes may
possibly represent a betrothal,[1766] a bridal toilet,[1767] or a nuptial
.bn 202.png
.pn +1
sacrifice,[1768] and, finally, the arrival of the bridal pair at their house,
with a servant preparing the marriage-bed.[1769]

More common, especially on R.F. vases of the fine style,
are scenes taken from the life of the women’s apartments
(<lang=grc>γυναικωνῖτις</lang>),[1770] such as women at their toilet,[1771] spinning wool,[1772]   // Tr: gynaikônitis
or bleaching linen,[1773] or embroidering.[1774] Under the heading of
toilet scenes are included single figures of women arranging
their hair,[1775] painting their faces,[1776] fastening on their girdles[1777] or
shoes,[1778] or putting clothes in a wardrobe.[1779] They also play with
cats or dogs[1780] or pet birds,[1781] and there is a subject identified as a
“consolation” scene.[1782] Again, we see women bathing both in
private and public baths,[1783] or even swimming[1784]; but in some
of these scenes the bath merely forms part of the toilet. Many
of these toilet scenes may perhaps be idealised and regarded as
groups of Aphrodite, the Graces, etc.[1785]

A favourite subject, but almost confined to the B.F. hydriae, is
that of maidens with pitchers on their heads fetching water from
a fountain, which is usually in the form of a building with
columns and lion’s-head spouts of water; the maidens, five or
.bn 203.png
.pn +1
six in number, carry the empty hydriae flat on their heads, the
full ones upright.[1786] Women are sometimes seen in gardens or
orchards, gathering fruit[1787] or (on late R.F. vases) frankincense.[1788]
Other miscellaneous scenes which cannot be classified are:
a woman in bed,[1789] woman with foot-pan,[1790] at a meal,[1791] reading
from a scroll,[1792] burning incense,[1793] spinning a top,[1794] balancing
a stick,[1795] riding in a mule-car[1796]; two or more women wrapped
in one large cloak[1797]; and an accouchement scene.[1798] Those in
which children appear include a nurse and child[1799]; a child
learning to walk[1800]; a mother, and a child in a high chair[1801];
and a woman beating a child with a slipper[1802]; subjects of
children playing with toys, etc., have already been discussed
(p. #167#). Finally, there are the scenes in which women
appear as jugglers[1803] or performing dances in armour,[1804] of which
mention has been made; these were probably amusements
associated with banquets (see p. #182#; also <i>ibid.</i> for banquets in
which women, <i>i.e.</i> courtesans, take part).

A very common decoration of vases, especially the inferior
ones of Apulia, is that of a woman’s head, either as the main
subject or in some subsidiary part of the decoration; these,
however, are so common that they hardly call for detailed
description.[1805]
.bn 204.png
.pn +1

.h4 id=sec15_7
7. <sc>Military and Naval Subjects</sc>

Subjects of a military character on vases are chiefly confined
to three—the arming of warriors,[1806] their setting out in chariots,
on horseback, or on foot,[1807] and combats of two or more figures.[1808]
In all these cases we are confronted with the often-recurring
difficulty as to when such subjects have a mythological significance.
Especially on B.F. vases, familiar types—such as the
departure of Hector or the combat of Achilles and Memnon,
to be identified in other cases by inscriptions—occur again
and again in the same form, only diversified by the varying
number of bystanders, which is generally regulated by the
space at the painter’s disposal. Even when names are added
they are often of a fanciful kind; and thus, for instance, we
find combats between Homeric heroes which have no counterpart
in literary record.[1809]

In the scenes of warriors arming we may note certain motives
as recurring with more or less frequency—such as that of a
warrior putting on his greaves,[1810] helmet,[1811] or cuirass (Fig. #137:fig137#),[1812]
or lacing up his helmet.[1813] Kindred subjects are that of a warrior
taking his shield out of his case,[1814] or an archer drawing an arrow
from his quiver,[1815] testing an arrow,[1816] or stringing his bow.[1817]
.bn 205.png
.pn +1
We may also note the rarer occurrence of such scenes as the
harnessing of a chariot (#Frontispiece:pl49#)[1818] or the equipping of
a war-horse.[1819] In the departure scenes the usual type on B.F.
vases is that of a four-horse chariot to the right, which the
warrior is mounting or has mounted; a woman sometimes give
him drink, and an old man stands at the horses’ heads. This
“type” is used for the departure of Amphiaraos (cf. Berlin
1655), Hector, or other heroes.[1820] It is sometimes varied by
placing the quadriga to the front.[1821] Or, again, the warrior
is seen on horseback, accompanied by his groom,[1822] or a company
on foot set out in marching array.[1823] On later vases the more
.bn 206.png
.pn +1
usual version is that of a warrior receiving a libation or
“stirrup-cup” from a woman before his departure, but the
same scenes might be interpreted as referring to his successful
return.[1824] Unmistakable instances of the return are those scenes
where he receives a crown,[1825] or is brought back as a corpse
by his comrades.[1826] There are scenes representing warriors
taking oaths or omens at a tomb, or omens by the inspection
of the liver of a victim, all before departure for battle[1827]; and
single figures are countless, especially inside R.F. kylikes.[1828]

.il id=fig137 fn=fig137_205.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Hoppin</cite>.</s>
FIG. 137. WARRIOR ARMING; SCYTHIAN ARCHERS (AMPHORA BY EUTHYMIDES
IN MUNICH).
.ca-

Among the various scenes incident to warfare may be mentioned
an ambuscade,[1829] a wounded warrior dragged out of
battle,[1830] a warrior protecting himself from darts,[1831] the capture
of a prisoner,[1832] warriors carrying dead bodies,[1833] or human heads
as trophies of victory.[1834] Besides single figures of warriors,
heralds,[1835] trumpeters,[1836] slingers,[1837] and archers[1838] often appear; or
representations of the armour of a warrior[1839]; or of the <lang=grc>Δοκιμασία</lang>       // Tr: Dokimasia
or parade of Athenian knights.[1840] Of a somewhat burlesque
character is a scene depicting warriors riding on ostriches
and dolphins.[1841]

.tb

Naval scenes are very rare, but we find occasional early
.bn 207.png
.pn +1
representations of sea-fights,[1842] as on the Dipylon vases, the
vessels on which appear to be biremes.[1843] On the B.F. and R.F.
vases we find war-galleys[1844] or merchant-vessels,[1845] usually in
places suitable for a row of ships—such as the outer edge of
a kylix[1846] or the broad rim of a <em>deinos</em> or large bowl.[1847] These
are specially common on vases of “mixed” technique. The
subject of “keel-hauling,” the punishment administered to
refractory sailors, must also find a place here.[1848]

.h4 id=sec15_8
8. <sc>Orientals and Barbarians</sc>

Oriental figures which can neither be classified as mythological,
historical, or <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang> subjects sometimes appear on vases.
We have already made mention of such quasi-mythological
subjects as combats of Gryphons with Arimaspi or other figures
in Oriental attire.[1849] Phrygian warriors, too, may be seen in
some Trojan scenes—such as the sack of Troy or the flight
of Aeneas[1850]—but their presence in scenes of departure or
combat does not necessarily make the subject mythological.[1851]
It is not always easy to identify the nationality of these
barbarians, and the names usually given to them—Persian,
Phrygian, or Scythian—must in many cases be regarded as
somewhat conventional, except where details of costume are
unmistakable.[1852]

Archers in Oriental costumes, wearing peaked caps with
long lappets, and close-fitting costume of jerkin and trousers
(<lang=grc>ἀναξυρίδες</lang>), stippled over to indicate skin, are seen shooting    // Tr: anaxyrides
.bn 208.png
.pn +1
arrows, on foot or on horseback,[1853] or accompanying the chariots
of Greek warriors,[1854] or taking part in general combats[1855]; as also
warriors blowing trumpets.[1856] Persian warriors in combat with
Greeks appear on R.F. vases of the strong period,[1857] and may
have some reference to the historical events of the time. It
is even suggested that one is copied from the famous painting
by Mikon of the battle of Marathon.[1858] One vase represents
a sort of triumphal procession, perhaps of a Persian king,
riding on a camel[1859]; and others depict Persians riding.[1860]
Those of undoubted historical signification have already been
mentioned.[1861] Scythians appear as mounted or unmounted
archers,[1862] a Scythian horseman is attacked by a lion,[1863] a
Scythian pursues two courtesans,[1864] and there is a curious scene
depicting the revels of the Scythian Agathyrsi.[1865] Thracians,
in the typical local costume of <lang=grc>ζεῖρα</lang> (a thick cloak) and <lang=grc>ἀλωπεκῆ</lang>   // Tr: zeira: alôpekê
(a fox-skin cap), appear by themselves or with Orpheus and
Boreas[1866]; Thracian horsemen are represented setting out[1867]; and
after the conquests of Miltiades the local costume appears to
have become fashionable among the Athenian youth, as they
are depicted wearing it on some contemporary vases.[1868] The
Thracian custom of tattooing is suggested in some of the
Orpheus scenes.[1869]

Figures of negroes are not very common on vases, though
many of fifth-century date and later are modelled in the form
of negroes’ heads; but there is a small class of B.F. alabastra
on which they are represented in the traditional barbarian
.bn 209.png
.pn +1
costume of trousers, etc., and are armed with the Oriental
battle-axe.[1870] In one case a negro accompanies a camel.[1871]
Ethiopians are seen conveying the body of Memnon or an
ordinary warrior to his grave,[1872] and one vase represents an
Ethiopian with a jug.[1873] A pair of Egyptian combatants can be
identified on a fragmentary vase from Daphnae (Defenneh).[1874]
Lastly, many of the vases of Southern Italy, especially those
of Campania, represent combats or leave-takings of native
Osco-Samnite warriors, in their typical costume of triangular
cuirass, gaily plumed helmet, and scanty tunic.[1875]

.il id=fig138 fn=fig138_210.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 138. BANQUETERS PLAYING KOTTABOS (BRITISH MUSEUM, E 70).

.h4 id=sec15_9
9. <sc>Banquets and Revels</sc>

A group of subjects which play an important part on
vases of all periods, especially the height of the R.F. style,
but which do not exactly fall under any of the headings
so far enumerated, is that of scenes connected with banquets
and revels, especially of Athenian ephebi. In the ordinary
“type” of banquets at all periods (as in other branches of
art) the participants recline on couches on their left elbows,
the right arm being free to use, and that hand often holding
a drinking-cup or other appropriate attribute.[1876] In this fashion
the gods—such as Dionysos, Hermes, or Herakles after his
apotheosis—indulge in the pleasures of the banquet and the
wine-cup.[1877] There are scenes which represent the preparations
for a banquet,[1878] or young men on their way thither[1879]; and in
those depicting the feast itself a table is often placed before
the couch, on which viands of various kinds are seen[1880]; or
.bn 210.png
.pn +1
the krater (mixing-bowl) stands by, ready for the drinkers
to replenish their cups.[1881] Vases are also filled by means of
a funnel.[1882] The results of over-indulgence are sometimes
realistically indicated on the R.F. cups.[1883] After the drinking-bouts
come amusements of various kinds, notably the game
of the kottabos.[1884] No instances of this occur before the middle
of the R.F. period, and on the cups of that time it is usually
only indicated by the manner in which the banqueters twirl
their kylikes with a finger crooked in the handle,[1885] preparatory
.bn 211.png
.pn +1
to throwing the remaining drops of liquid at the little figure
on the top of the kottabos-stand, the hitting of which caused
part of the apparatus to fall with a ringing noise.[1886] On the
latest Athenian and many Apulian vases the stand is often
represented as well,[1887] not only in position for the game, but
borne along by revellers.[1888] It is also carried by Seileni, Maenads,
or Eros, and used by Dionysos at his banquets.[1889]

Other amusements take the form of music and dancing.
The banqueters themselves play the lyre or flute,[1890] or listen
to male and female performers on those instruments,[1891] or a
young girl dances for their amusement.[1892] The women jugglers,
tumblers, and acrobatic sword-dancers who often appear on
late vases[1893] no doubt often contributed to the entertainment
of the “gilded youth” of their day. Sometimes a banqueter
is represented reclining on his couch and singing, the words
in one or two cases being inscribed as proceeding out of his
mouth.[1894] Not only men but women are represented banqueting,
as on the psykter by Euphronios at Petersburg,
which has a group of courtesans.[1895] This character also appears
on the R.F. vases at the men’s banquets.[1896]

The <lang=grc>κῶμος</lang> or revel is equally popular with the banquet. It            // Tr: kômos
usually takes the form of a procession of young and elderly
men in various unrestrained attitudes,[1897] dancing,[1898] singing,[1899]
.bn 212.png
.pn +1
playing the lyre, flute, or other instruments,[1900] carrying drinking-cups
and other vessels,[1901] or balancing them in sportive manner.[1902]
Frequently these <lang=grc>κῶμος</lang> scenes are of a Dionysiac character, the       // Tr: kômos
god himself, Seileni, Satyrs, and Maenads taking part,[1903] and
sometimes human beings are mingled with them. On a vase
of the series connected with the comic stage (Fig. #134:fig134#, p. 161)
a father is seen dragging a drunken youth home from a
banquet; but these scenes of rioting are not always necessarily
conceived as taking place before or after social festivities.
On a red-figured cup at Petersburg the subject of the return
from the feast of the Brauronian Dionysos is depicted in most
realistic fashion, the revellers indulging in all sorts of buffoonery
and fantastic actions, which suggest an Athenian counterpart of
modern Bank Holiday amusements[1904]!

To turn to a subject of a quieter character, what may be
termed “love scenes” are not uncommon on vases, especially
of the later period. On the Apulian vases indeed such subjects
are innumerable. The usual type, occasionally found on earlier
vases,[1905] is that of a youth and a seated girl exchanging presents,
such as mirrors, wreaths, baskets of fruit or jewel-boxes, Eros
being frequently present.[1906] Scenes of this kind were originally
interpreted somewhat fantastically, as having some reference
to the Eleusinian or other mysteries,[1907] an idea which no one
would now seriously hold. Similar scenes which have no
particular import, such as groups of women, often with Eros,
occur on many R.F. vases of the later fine style, especially
the pyxides and lekythi.[1908] They are all clearly fanciful, and
belong to an age when tastes resembled those of the eighteenth
century in their artificiality. There are also some instances,
.bn 213.png
.pn +1
especially on the R.F. vases, where the sentiment is more
definitely expressed, and couples are seen embracing or
caressing one another in amorous fashion.[1909] It is not necessary
to make more than passing allusion to the many vases
on which this harmless sentiment is replaced by coarseness
and open indecency of treatment, some of which, however,
belong to the very finest stage of red-figure painting.

Finally, we may mention here a few subjects of a <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang>
character which seem to defy classification, and yet are sufficiently
definite to require separate mention. Such are the
scenes so common on the interiors of R.F. kylikes, which
represent ephebi in all kinds of attitudes, or carrying all sorts
of objects, the great aim of the artist being to find the most
suitable design to fill in the circular space.[1910] Thus we have
such subjects as a youth putting on a greave or sandals,[1911]
carrying a wine-amphora[1912] or a lyre,[1913] playing with castanets,[1914]
or pursuing a hare[1915]; reclining at a banquet[1916]; armed with a
club or a large stone[1917]; a man leading a leopard,[1918] and a man
who seems from his gestures to be treading unawares on a
snake[1919]; and others of an athletic or military character, of
which mention has already been made. There are also many
subjects which appear to have a meaning, yet are not mythological,
and cannot be satisfactorily explained; such instances
it would, however, hardly be profitable to describe in detail.

.h4 id=sec15_10
10. <sc>Animals</sc>

The last class of subjects with which this section has to
deal is that of animals, as considered apart from human beings,
.bn 214.png
.pn +1
or objects of what modern painters term “still life.” In the
historical chapters of this work it has been shown what a large
part the animal world played in the decoration of vases down
to the sixth century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and also which were the animals most
frequently selected for the friezes and other decorations of early
vases. Most noteworthy in this respect are the Mycenaean
vases (Vol. I. p. #273:vol1_273#), with their representations of cuttle-fish
(Plate XV.), the nautilus or argonaut,[1920] and other marine subjects.
But to these early vases in the present case no further allusion
need be made; as <em>subjects</em> they have not as a rule sufficient
interest. On the Attic vases of the B.F. and R.F. periods animals
rarely form a principal subject on vases, though they still
sometimes appear in small friezes on the less important parts
of the vase; it may, therefore, be of interest to note a few
typical instances in which this feature retains its prominence.
Sometimes we have subjects with action: as, for instance, one
in which a panther tears a stag, and is attacked by an archer
and an armed warrior[1921]; or a lion attacks a panther, a bull, or
a deer.[1922] Again, the interior of a B.F. kylix is sometimes filled
with an animal subject, such as a wounded stag,[1923] or a deer
scratching itself or grazing,[1924] or other animals[1925]; and in a
similar position on one R.F. kylix we have an ass with its pack.[1926]
Other animal subjects worth mentioning are a sea-serpent,[1927]
goats browsing on vines,[1928] a fox caught in a trap,[1929] cats and
mice,[1930] the appearance of the swallow.[1931]
.bn 215.png
.pn +1

There is a class of ware made in Southern Italy which takes
the form of flat plates or dishes, decorated with representations
of fish and molluscs, such as the pike or mullet, the cuttle-fish
and various shell-fish; these were clearly used for eating fish
off, and they have in the centre a hollow to receive the sauce.[1932]
Friezes of fish are not infrequently found on the vases of Apulia.
Animals, especially birds, sometimes appear in friezes on the
early Ionic vases, such as geese, quails, or guinea-fowl[1933]; cocks
and hens confronted are more common, especially in the B.F.
period,[1934] and one late Italian vase has an amusing group of
a cock and goose greeting one another with the words, “Ah,
the goose!” “Oh, the cock!”[1935]

Lastly, of subjects from still life, distinct from their appearance
in figure subjects, we find the armour of a warrior,[1936] a washing-basin,[1937]
a flute-case,[1938] a lyre,[1939] a table with bread upon it,[1940] and
a collection of objects for the toilet.[1941]

.fm

.fn 1112
Athens 1259 = Reinach, i. 506; <lang=fr><cite>Mon.
Grecs</cite></lang>, 1876, pls. 1–2.
.fn-

.fn 1113
B. M. F 68.
.fn-

.fn 1114
Reinach, ii. 186.
.fn-

.fn 1115
Petersburg 2188 = Reinach, i. 8;
Reinach, i. 279 (= Baumeister, i. p. 635,
fig. 706) and 380. In <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 59
(now at Boston) and in Berlin 2430 they
do not appear in this connection.
.fn-

.fn 1116
B.M. B 170; Helbig, 78 = Reinach,
i. 96 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 6, 1
(Exekias).
.fn-

.fn 1117
Millin-Reinach, ii. 44 (doubtful;
perhaps Zethos and Amphion).
.fn-

.fn 1118
Petersburg 1924 and 1929 = Reinach,
i. 9.
.fn-

.fn 1119
Reinach, i. 244.
.fn-

.fn 1120
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 363.
.fn-

.fn 1121
B.M. E 696.
.fn-

.fn 1122
François vase; Reinach, i. 230, ii.
119.
.fn-

.fn 1123
Reinach, i. 361 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pls. 38–39.
.fn-

.fn 1124
Bibl. Nat. 442 = Reinach, ii. 79 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 12, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1125
Jatta 1095 = Reinach, i. 119 (Phineus
scene); Reinach, i. 226 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1126
Reinach, i. 231, 507 (= Athens
853), ii. 1: see generally Roscher’s
<lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>, <i>s.v.</i> Leukippiden.
.fn-

.fn 1127
B.M. E 224 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pls. 8–9; probably influenced
by the painting by Polygnotos of this
subject (see Vol. I. p. #443:vol1_443#).
.fn-

.fn 1128
Reinach, i. 484: cf. Bibl. Nat.
388.
.fn-

.fn 1129
B.M. B 633 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iv. 9, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1130
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> ii. 187: cf.
Reinach, i. 361 (rev. of vase).
.fn-

.fn 1131
See p. #19#.
.fn-

.fn 1132
B.M. F 479; Reinach, i. 229; <cite>Gaz.
Arch.</cite> 1875, pl. 14 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1133
B.M. F 107.
.fn-

.fn 1134
Munich 611 and 291 = Reinach, i.
419, ii. 47.
.fn-

.fn 1135
Munich 371 = <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang>
1853, pl. 10, 1, p. 145. He is represented
as attacking Linos, who had found fault
with his playing.
.fn-

.fn 1136
Reinach, i. 326 (Iphikles here with
Linos).
.fn-

.fn 1137
See <cite>B.M. Cat. of Vases</cite>, ii. p. 13.
.fn-

.fn 1138
Reinach, ii. 70.
.fn-

.fn 1139
Furtwaengler, however, thinks the
subject is Herakles sacrificing a bull (<lang=de><cite>Gr.
Vasenmalerei</cite></lang>, p. 16: see below, p. #106#).
.fn-

.fn 1140
Cf. Paus. v. 19, 1: <lang=grc>τρεῖς ἄνδρες ἀλλήλοις προσεχόμενοι</lang>.  // Tr: treis andres allêlois prosechomenoi
.fn-

.fn 1141
See p. #106#.
.fn-

.fn 1142
<cite>Isthm.</cite> iii. 90.
.fn-

.fn 1143
B.F.: B.M. B 196, B 322; Munich
3 = Reinach, ii. 62; an early Athenian
example in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxii. pl. 2. R.F.:
Reinach, i. 242 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> v. 4 =
Louvre G 103 (Euphronios); Athens
1166. See also Vienna 322 = Reinach,
i. 339 and Munich 605 = <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs.
Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1853, pl. 8, fig. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1144
B.M. B 314; Berlin 2057; Louvre
F 208 = Reinach, i. 452; Munich 1180 =
Reinach, i. 255, 2, and Helbig, 228 =
<lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1853, pls. 5,
fig. 2, and 8, fig. 2; Reinach, i. 255, 1 =
Baumeister, i. p. 49, fig. 56; Reinach,
i. 451. The only R.F. examples published
are Munich 401 (= Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 32) and 605 (= <lang=de><cite>Ber.
d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1853, pl. 7, fig. 1).
.fn-

.fn 1145
See above, p. #72#.
.fn-

.fn 1146
Bibl. Nat. 322.
.fn-

.fn 1147
Cambridge 43: cf. Pind. <cite>Nem.</cite>
iv. 46.
.fn-

.fn 1148
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. pp. 71–2.
.fn-

.fn 1149
B.F.: B.M. B 197, B 364 (= <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, pl. 6, 1, Nikosthenes);
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 1, 2 (Kolchos). R.F.: B.M.
E 73; Reinach, ii. 47, 68, 1 (?), and i. 223
= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. pl. 5 (Pamphaios).
.fn-

.fn 1150
Jatta 1088 = Reinach, i. 475 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 4: see <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894, p. 285.
.fn-

.fn 1151
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 51 (vase in
Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1152
B.F.: B.M. B 228, B 313; Berlin
1851–52. R.F.: Munich 251 = Reinach,
i. 259.
.fn-

.fn 1153
B.M. E 437 = Reinach, ii. 62 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 6, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1154
B.F.: B.M. B 223, B 311; Berlin
1906; Louvre F 38 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889,
pl. 5, fig. 3 (Timagoras); Reinach, i.
227. No good R.F. examples (see
Reinach, i. 346).
.fn-

.fn 1155
B.F.: B.M. B 225; Bibl. Nat. 255 =
Reinach, ii. 61. R.F.: B.M. E 162;
Athens 1202 = Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic.
Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 32, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1156
Reinach, i. 339 (R.F.).
.fn-

.fn 1157
B.M. B 226; Helbig, 27; Reinach,
ii. 64 (one = Bologna 195). R.F.:
Reinach, i. 221 and i. 41 (= Petersburg
1272, curious).
.fn-

.fn 1158
B.F.: <cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1900,
pl. 6 (Proto-Corinthian); <cite>J.H.S.</cite> i. pl. 1;
Berlin 336 (= Reinach, i. 448), 1670
(= <i>ibid.</i> ii. 64, 1), 1737. R.F.: Reinach,
i. 221. Late: B.M. F 43; Millin-Reinach,
i. 68.
.fn-

.fn 1159
Petersburg 1787 = Reinach, i. 40.
.fn-

.fn 1160
B.F.: B.M. B 30; Berlin 1702;
Helbig, 5; Athens 657 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i.
57; Louvre E 852 = Reinach, i. 156.
R.F.: B.M. E 42, E 176; <cite>Boston Mus.
Report</cite> for 1900, p. 49, No. 17 (Aristophanes
and Erginos).
.fn-

.fn 1161
<lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, ix. pl. 3 (in B.M.);
Naples 3089 = <i>ibid.</i> p. 10 = Millingen-Reinach,
33.
.fn-

.fn 1162
Berlin 1722; Reinach, i. 388.
.fn-

.fn 1163
Louvre F 60.
.fn-

.fn 1164
Oxford 249; Berlin 766–67; Munich
783; Reinach, ii. 59, 10. Late R.F.: Berlin
2359. Parody: Schreiber-Anderson,
pl. 5, 2 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. p. 280.
.fn-

.fn 1165
Bibl. Nat. 393 = Reinach, i. 397.
.fn-

.fn 1166
B.F.: Vienna 217 = Reinach, i. 169
(Caeretan hydria). R.F.: B.M. E 38;
Athens 1175 = Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 18;
Berlin 2534. See Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
p. 53, note 1.
.fn-

.fn 1167
B.M. E 364; Reinach, i. 229, 338, 392.
.fn-

.fn 1168
Berlin 4027 = Reinach, i. 338: cf.
Aelian, <cite>Var. Hist.</cite> i. 24.
.fn-

.fn 1169
Reinach, i. 384, and see i. 475 and
ii. p. 423; Louvre E 633 (capture of
heralds): see for the myth, Paus. ix. 17,
2, ix. 25, 4; Diod. Sic. iv. 10; Apollod.
ii. 4, 11.
.fn-

.fn 1170
Athens 970.
.fn-

.fn 1171
Berlin 1927 (?); B.M. E 290.
.fn-

.fn 1172
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 37 (R.F. in
Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1173
Bibl. Nat. 174.
.fn-

.fn 1174
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1898, No. 33.
.fn-

.fn 1175
B.F.: B.M. B 195, B 316; Bibl.
Nat. 251 = Reinach, ii. 252. R.F.:
B.M. E 255 (= Hoppin, <cite>Euthymides</cite>,
pl. 5); E 318, E 458; Berlin 2159 =
Wernicke-Graef, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> pl. 27,
fig. 3; Munich 401 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pl. 32 (Phintias); Reinach,
i. 224. Late: Naples 1762 = Millingen-Reinach,
30.
.fn-

.fn 1176
Stackelberg, pl. 15.
.fn-

.fn 1177
Munich 1294 = Reinach, i. 403; <i>ibid.</i>
ii. 4 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> ii. 8.
.fn-

.fn 1178
B.M. B 57.
.fn-

.fn 1179
Cambridge 100; and see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix.
pl. 9.
.fn-

.fn 1180
Helbig, 232 = Reinach, ii. 59; a
B.F. example in <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1902, pl. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1181
B.M. E 65 = Reinach, i. 193.
.fn-

.fn 1182
B.M. F 494; Berlin 3291; heads of
Herakles and Omphale, Bibl. Nat. 866.
.fn-

.fn 1183
Louvre E 635 = Reinach, i. 151 =
Rayet and Collignon, pl. 6; <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>,
21–2 (1893–94), pl. 14 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1184
B.M. B 165; Athens 477 = Reinach,
i. 519 (Melian vase): see note #1186:f1186# below.
.fn-

.fn 1185
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xii. pl. 19; <lang=de><cite>Jahreshefte</cite></lang>, 1900,
p. 64. The slaying of Iphitos is represented
on a white-ground cup in the
Louvre, <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ii. p. 53.
.fn-

.fn 1186
Athens 477, according to Pottier in
<lang=fr><cite>Revue des Études Grecques</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 389.
.fn-

.fn 1187
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1891, p. 119 (in Berlin);
a burlesque of the subject is given in
Fig. #105:vol1_fig105#, Vol. I. p. #474:vol1_474#.
.fn-

.fn 1188
Millin-Reinach, ii. 71.
.fn-

.fn 1189
Reinach, ii. 75.
.fn-

.fn 1190
Fig. #107:vol1_407#, Vol. I. p. #480:vol1_480#.
.fn-

.fn 1191
Oxford 322; Reinach, ii. 62 =
Roscher, iii. p. 762.
.fn-

.fn 1192
Naples 3359 = Reinach, i. 400; and
see note #1186:f1186#.
.fn-

.fn 1193
B.M. F 68.
.fn-

.fn 1194
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 38, p. 422.
.fn-

.fn 1195
Bibl. Nat. 822 = Millin-Reinach, ii.
10; <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1855, pls. 1–2.
See above, p. #67#.
.fn-

.fn 1196
Reinach, i. 226.
.fn-

.fn 1197
Berlin 2164: cf. Athens 1119 = <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1901, pp. 146, 149.
.fn-

.fn 1198
B.M. B 473; Berlin 1856, 1919.
.fn-

.fn 1199
Berlin 3256 (Argonautic?).
.fn-

.fn 1200
B.M. E 494 (? see p. 106, note #1216:f1216#);
Reinach, ii. 180 = Millingen-Reinach, 51.
On Chryse see <cite>Class. Review</cite>, 1888, p.
123; the same figure occurs on the
B.M. vase E 224 in connection with
the rape of the Leukippidae.
.fn-

.fn 1201
B.M. E 505: cf. for statue B.M.
F 233.
.fn-

.fn 1202
Jatta 423 = Reinach, i. 205.
.fn-

.fn 1203
Millin-Reinach, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1204
Reinach; i. 257; and cf. B.M. F 211,
F 278 for H. at Olympia; also Stackelberg,
pl. 42.
.fn-

.fn 1205
B.M. B 198, B 498; Reinach, ii. 74–5;
Louvre F 116–117 = Reinach, i. 297
(Nikosthenes); Helbig, 93 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang>
ii. 54, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1206
B.M. D 14; Munich 369 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 24 (Duris);
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 42, 4;
Reinach, ii. 298.
.fn-

.fn 1207
B.M. B 301, B 497, E 66; Berlin
1961 = Reinach, ii. 43; Berlin 2534
(with Seilenos); Munich 388 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 4 (B.F.
and R.F. “bilingual”); Reinach. ii. 39;
Millin-Reinach, i. 37; Athens 764 =
Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 3, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1208
B.M. B 167.
.fn-

.fn 1209
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 44
(in Petersburg).
.fn-

.fn 1210
Reinach, ii. 318; Helbig, ii. p. 327 =
Millingen-Reinach, 35; <cite>Philologus</cite>, 1868,
pl. 2.
.fn-

.fn 1211
B.M. B 229: cf. Berlin 4027 and B.M.
E 814.
.fn-

.fn 1212
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 14.
.fn-

.fn 1213
Berlin 2293, 3988; Petersburg 523 =
Reinach, i. 467; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 1; <lang=fr><cite>Mon.
Grecs</cite></lang>, 1875, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1214
B.M. B 147; Reinach, ii. 21.
.fn-

.fn 1215
B.M. B 228; Berlin 1857; Helbig,
25; Reinach, ii. 43: cf. Athens 791 =
Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 3, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1216
See B.M. E 494; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 275;
Roscher, <lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>, i. p. 2235; Bacchylides,
<cite>Od.</cite> 16; also p. #96#, note #1211:f1211#.
.fn-

.fn 1217
B.M. E 370.
.fn-

.fn 1218
Munich 384 = Reinach, i. 130 =
Baumeister, i. p. 307, fig. 322; Reinach,
i. 481.
.fn-

.fn 1219
B.F.: B.M. B 199–201, 211 (Pl.
XXIX.), 230, 317–21; Reinach, ii. 72;
Oxford 212 (no deities). R.F.: Helbig,
230 (A. about to mount chariot).
.fn-

.fn 1220
Bibl. Nat. 253 = Reinach, i. 399
and 254.
.fn-

.fn 1221
Berlin 1827 = Reinach, ii. 74; Reinach,
ii. 161.
.fn-

.fn 1222
With Athena: B.M. F 238; Millingen-Reinach,
36. With Nike: B.M.
F 64, F 102; Reinach, i. 368, 481, and
ii. 204; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. pls. 7, 8, fig. 3
= <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1876, pl. 3 (in Louvre;
parody; chariot drawn by Centaurs).
.fn-

.fn 1223
B.F.: B.M. B 166, B 379, B 424;
Berlin 1691, 1857; Reinach, i. 359, 1,
ii. 76 (in Berlin). R.F.: B.M. E 262 =
Reinach, ii. 75; Berlin 2278 = Reinach,
i. 70 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 9 (Sosias); Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 20; Reinach,
i. 222, 408 (Fig. #127:fig127#). Late: Naples
2408 = Reinach, i. 323; Petersburg 1775
= Reinach, i. 302 (parody).
.fn-

.fn 1224
B.F.: Louvre F 30 = <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite>
xiii. (1889), pl. 4 (Amasis); F 116–117
= Reinach, i. 297 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
1890–91, pl. 4, figs. 1–2 (Nikosthenes);
Bibl. Nat. 254; Berlin 1961 = Reinach,
ii. 43. R.F.: Berlin 2626; Reinach, ii.
76, 186.
.fn-

.fn 1225
B.M. E 262; Bonn 720 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1892, p. 69; Athens 1346 = Dumont-Pottier,
i. pl. 15; B.M. F 178; Reinach,
i. 251 (all R.F. or late).
.fn-

.fn 1226
B.M. E 244; Berlin 3257; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 364: see p. #77#.
.fn-

.fn 1227
Berlin 2538 = Reinach, ii. 162.
.fn-

.fn 1228
B.M. E 264 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91,
8, 1; a similar vase in <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894,
pl. 8, has been otherwise interpreted (see
below, p. #110#, note #1233:f1233#).
.fn-

.fn 1229
Petersburg 830 = Reinach, i. 150 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 8 (Hieron).
.fn-

.fn 1230
See on the subject generally <lang=it><cite>Museo Ital.</cite></lang> iii. p. 235.
.fn-

.fn 1231
<lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1884, pls. 44–6.
.fn-

.fn 1232
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 12, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1233
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. pl. 14, and pp.
277–79 for three other instances; the last,
however, is susceptible of other interpretations.
.fn-

.fn 1234
Bologna 273 = Baumeister, iii. p.
1999, fig. 2149. The B.M. vase E 264
(see p. 108, note #1228:f1228#) <em>may</em> have the same
meaning, in which case the woman holding
the clue is a sort of “short-hand” allusion
to the adventure awaiting him. See also
Reinach, ii. 81 (Theseus receiving libation
from Aithra).
.fn-

.fn 1235
B.M. E 41 = Reinach, i. 532 (Chachrylion).
.fn-

.fn 1236
Berlin 2179 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 6;
Reinach, i. 222 = Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#. (also
interpreted as Peleus and Thetis, see
p. #120#); Harrison and Verrall, p. cxxxi
(in Vienna): see also <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>
for 1900, p. 67, No. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1237
Reinach, i. 91; ii. 264 (= Bibl. Nat. 421).
.fn-

.fn 1238
Munich 7; B.M. E 41; Reinach, i. 87.
.fn-

.fn 1239
B.M. E 157, 272, 450; Reinach, ii.
163 (now in B.M.; a complete and magnificent
example); Millin-Reinach, i. 10;
Naples 2421, 3253, and R.C. 239 =
Reinach, ii. 278, i. 330, i. 482 (the first
of these given by Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pls. 26–8).
.fn-

.fn 1240
B.M. F 272; Munich 368 = Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 59, 60, and 805 = Reinach,
i. 391; Reinach, ii. 181–82; <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite> for 1900, p. 50, No. 17
(Erginos and Aristophanes); and see
under Centaurs, p. #145#.
.fn-

.fn 1241
Munich 410 = Reinach, ii. 86 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 33.
.fn-

.fn 1242
Berlin 1731 = Roscher, iii. p. 1782,
has been interpreted as the rape of
Helene.
.fn-

.fn 1243
See Furtwaengler, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 177;
and cf. Bibl. Nat. 256 = Reinach, ii. 254.
Berlin 3143 = Reinach, i. 373, may also
represent a rape by Theseus.
.fn-

.fn 1244
Jatta 1094 = Reinach, i. 356: see also
Reinach, i. 108, 455, and above, p. #68#.
.fn-

.fn 1245
Munich 849 = Reinach, i. 258.
.fn-

.fn 1246
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 59 (in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1247
See B.M. F 123 and F 272; also a
vase in Berlin (<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890,
p. 89), where Eros shoots with his bow
at Phaidra; Hippolytos is present. Cf.
also Naples 2900 = Millingen-Reinach,
41.
.fn-

.fn 1248
B.M. F 279.
.fn-

.fn 1249
Petersburg 1357 = Reinach, i. 244,
and 1723 = Baumeister, i. p. 406, fig. 448;
Naples 3140 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang> ii. 30, 4;
<lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, x. pl. 8 (in Boston);
and cf. Berlin 2300 = Reinach, i. 273.
.fn-

.fn 1250
B.M. B 155, F 490 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1251
B.M. F 83.
.fn-

.fn 1252
Athens 1956 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> xi. (1886),
pl. 10.
.fn-

.fn 1253
B.M. B 471 = Fig. #97:vol1_fig97#, Vol. I. p. #382:vol1_382#;
Berlin 3022 = Reinach, i. 172; Munich
1187 = Reinach, ii. 109: cf. Bibl. Nat. 456.
.fn-

.fn 1254
B.M. B 248, B 380; E 181, E 399;
F 500; Berlin 1682 = Reinach, i. 441;
Bibl. Nat. 277 = Reinach, i. 290; Munich
619 = Reinach, ii. 48.
.fn-

.fn 1255
B.M. E 493; <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1878, pl.
2 (a fine example in the Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1256
Munich 619, 910 = Reinach, ii. 48–9;
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 57. For Chrysaor see
Reinach, i. 172 (Louvre E 857), ii. 49,
and Stackelberg, 39.
.fn-

.fn 1257
Millin-Reinach, ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1258
B.M. E 169 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiv. pl. 5, and
F 185; Engelmann, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Studien</cite></lang>, p. 6;
and cf. Naples 3225; Millin-Reinach, ii.
3; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, xi. (1896), pl. 2 (in Berlin).
For the correct explanation of the first-named
vase see Petersen in <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 104 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1259
Berlin 1652 = Reinach, i. 217;
Roscher, iii. p. 2053 (in Berlin; a fine
instance); Naples 3225, S.A. 24, S.A.
708 = Reinach, i. 188.
.fn-

.fn 1260
Reinach, i. 344; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, vii.
(1892), p. 38: cf. <cite>Philologus</cite>, 1868, pl. 1,
fig. 1, and pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 1261
Millingen-Reinach, 3: see <cite>Philologus</cite>,
1868, pl. 1, figs. 2–3, p. 16.
.fn-

.fn 1262
Berlin 2377 = Reinach, i. 289.
.fn-

.fn 1263
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 33.
.fn-

.fn 1264
Naples 2202 = Dubois-Maisonneuve,
<cite>Introd.</cite> pl. 46; Reinach, i. 284.
.fn-

.fn 1265
B.M. E 610, E 715 (Plate XLVI.,
fig. 4).
.fn-

.fn 1266
B.M. B 2: cf. Bibl. Nat. 977 for a
similar figure inaccurately (?) inscribed
Oinomaos.
.fn-

.fn 1267
B.M. F 331; Naples 1982 = Reinach,
i. 292 (very doubtful; Oinomaos absent:
see p. #123#, note #1361:f1361#).
.fn-

.fn 1268
B.M. F 271, 278; Naples 2200 =
Reinach, i. 379; Athens 968 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1891, p. 34 (B.F.); Reinach, i. 290 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. pl. 10, 2; Naples 2858 =
<i>ibid.</i> pl. 10, 1 (subject doubtful).
.fn-

.fn 1269
Naples 3255 = Reinach, i. 235;
Reinach, i. 163 = Baumeister, ii. p. 1203,
fig. 1395; Naples S.A. 697.
.fn-

.fn 1270
Berlin 3072 = Reinach, i. 204.
.fn-

.fn 1271
Naples 2200 = Reinach, i. 379.
.fn-

.fn 1272
Naples 3222 = Reinach, i. 167.
.fn-

.fn 1273
Jatta 1499 = Reinach, i. 127 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 8; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900,
p. 68, No. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1274
Naples 2418 = Dubois-Maisonneuve,
<cite>Introd.</cite> pl. 69; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 9, 1 =
Roscher, ii. 282; Reinach, i. 287, ii.
318.
.fn-

.fn 1275
<cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1900, pl. 4;
Louvre A 478; Reinach, i. 108 (Karlsruhe
388), 517 (Athens 1589), 331 (four
late examples), and ii. 279; and see
B.M. B 105, B 162; Naples 3253 =
Reinach, i. 195; Berlin 3258.
.fn-

.fn 1276
Petersburg 427 = Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi
Fitt.</cite></lang> 3 (see Vol. I. p. #478:vol1_478# and <lang=it><cite>Ann.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1874, p. 35).
.fn-

.fn 1277
Baumeister, i. p. 303, fig. 319; and
see Reinach, i. 331, and Munich 805 =
<i>ibid.</i> i. 277 (the latter so interpreted by
Flasch, <lang=de><cite>Angebl. Argonautenbilder</cite></lang>, p.
30 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 1278
B.F.: François vase; Munich 333 =
Reinach, ii. 119 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889,
2, 2; Berlin 1705; Helbig, 34 = <lang=it><cite>Mus.
Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 90; Reinach, i. 230. R.F.:
Reinach, ii. 162, 210.
.fn-

.fn 1279
Roscher, iii. p. 1811.
.fn-

.fn 1280
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 37 (Plate XXI.), F 154;
Vienna 217 = Reinach, i. 170. See also
p. #166#.
.fn-

.fn 1281
Naples S.A. 11 = Reinach, i. 401.
.fn-

.fn 1282
Naples 3412 = Reinach, i. 498 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 2, 1 (Assteas; Phrixos
also on ram); Reinach, ii. 309. For
Phrixos on ram see Berlin 3345, and
<lang=de><cite>Festschr. für Overbeck</cite></lang>, p. 17.
.fn-

.fn 1283
<cite>Tyszkiewicz Coll.</cite> pl. 12 (the antiquity
of this vase is very questionable).
.fn-

.fn 1284
Naples S.A. 270 = Reinach, i. 319.
.fn-

.fn 1285
Reinach, i. 226, 1–3: see <lang=de><cite>Festschrift
für O. Benndorf</cite></lang>, p. 67 and p. 133, note 5.
.fn-

.fn 1286
See p. #81#.
.fn-

.fn 1287
Ionic cup in Würzburg, Reinach, i.
201 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 41; B.M. E 302; Jatta 1095 = Reinach,
i. 119; Stackelberg, pl. 38 = Millingen,
<lang=fr><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. 15; and see Berlin
1682.
.fn-

.fn 1288
Bibl. Nat. 442 = Reinach, ii. 79 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 12, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1289
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> x. p. 118 = Reinach, i. 226.
.fn-

.fn 1290
Millingen-Reinach, 51 = Reinach, ii.
180: see above, p. #105#.
.fn-

.fn 1291
Munich 805 = Reinach, i. 277 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iv. 3; but see Flasch,
<lang=de><cite>Angebl. Argonautenb.</cite></lang> p. 30 ff., and p. 137
(Laertes and Antikleia).
.fn-

.fn 1292
Petersburg 422 = Reinach, i. 139;
Baumeister, i. p. 123, fig. 128; Millingen-Reinach,
6.
.fn-

.fn 1293
Helbig, ii. p. 328 = Reinach, i. 102
= Baumeister, i. p. 124, fig. 129;
Reinach, i. 137; but see Flasch, <lang=de><cite>Angebl.
Argonautenb.</cite></lang> p. 24 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1294
Naples 2413 = Roscher, ii. 81, and
3252 = Reinach, i. 449.
.fn-

.fn 1295
Naples 3248 = Roscher, ii. 83.
.fn-

.fn 1296
Millingen-Reinach, 7 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
ii. 8.
.fn-

.fn 1297
Jatta 1501 = Reinach, i. 361 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pls. 38–39.
.fn-

.fn 1298
Helbig, 179 = Reinach, i. 359 (ram
led to caldron). B.M. B 221, B 328;
Berlin 2188; Reinach, ii. 81 (ram placed
in caldron; daughters of Pelias usually
present).
.fn-

.fn 1299
Reinach, i. 336; <i>ibid.</i> 359 = Helbig
179 (P. led to slaughter by daughters;
M. waiting with knife).
.fn-

.fn 1300
B.M. E 163 (J. as old man; ram in
caldron).
.fn-

.fn 1301
Naples S.A. 526.
.fn-

.fn 1302
Munich 810 = Reinach, i. 363 =
Baumeister, ii. p. 903, fig. 980; Reinach,
i. 402.
.fn-

.fn 1303
Naples 3221 = Reinach, i. 402.
.fn-

.fn 1304
Bologna 273 = Baumeister, iii. 1999,
fig. 2149.
.fn-

.fn 1305
B.M. E 224.
.fn-

.fn 1306
Cf. the poem by Stesichoros, <lang=grc>Ἄthla ἐpὶ Pelίa</lang>     // Tr: Athla epi Pelia
.fn-

.fn 1307
Berlin 1655 = Reinach, i. 199: see
Vol. I. p. #319:vol1_319#.
.fn-

.fn 1308
<cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite> xxiii. p. 158;
but see <cite>Burlington Fine Arts Club Cat.</cite>
(1903), p. 92, for another explanation;
also p. 47.
.fn-

.fn 1309
The only literary source for these
stories (before Roman times) is in the
tragic poets. But subjects from the
<cite>Septem</cite> of Aeschylus are not found on
vases; and it is not until the Hellenistic
period that any real references to the
Sophoclean and Euripidean plays occur.
On some of the Megarian bowls (Vol. I.
p. #500:vol1_500#) the subjects adhere very closely
to the text.
.fn-

.fn 1310
B.M. E 81; Petersburg 2189 =
Reinach, i. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1311
B.M. B 505–6.
.fn-

.fn 1312
Louvre E 669 = Reinach, i. 435, 1;
Berlin 2634 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. 7 =
Roscher, ii. 837; Naples 3226 = Millingen,
<lang=fr><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. pl. 27 (Assteas);
Millin-Reinach, ii. 7 (in Louvre); <lang=de><cite>Röm.
Mitth.</cite></lang> v. (1890), p. 343.
.fn-

.fn 1313
Athens 1858 = Reinach, i. 396: see
p. #155#, note #1548:f1548#, for another interpretation;
also <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1865, p. 68, and
Frazer, <cite>Pausanias</cite>, v. p. 49.
.fn-

.fn 1314
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 7, 3 = Roscher, ii.
842.
.fn-

.fn 1315
Berlin 3296 = Reinach, i. 421 =
Baumeister, i. p. 456, fig. 502. The
vase given in Millin-Reinach, ii. 44, may
represent Zethos and Amphion with
Antiope.
.fn-

.fn 1316
Reinach, i. 379.
.fn-

.fn 1317
Berlin 3239; Naples 1769; <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 11 = Roscher, i. p. 903.
.fn-

.fn 1318
Bibl. Nat. 372 = Reinach, i. 92 =
Baumeister, ii. p. 1049, fig. 1266.
.fn-

.fn 1319
B.M. E 696 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> viii. pl. 81.
.fn-

.fn 1320
B.F.: B.M. B 539; Stackelberg, pl.
16. R.F.: B.M. E 156; Vienna 336 =
Reinach, i. 177; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiv. p. 314 (Oxford);
Helbig, 186 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch</cite></lang>.
pl. 73. See also parodies in <cite>Philologus</cite>,
1897, pl. 1 (in Boston), and <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1891, p. 119 (Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1321
See p. #147#; <i>q.v.</i> also for Sphinx
seizing Theban youth.
.fn-

.fn 1322
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 9, 6.
.fn-

.fn 1323
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 8, 8 = Reinach, i. 376:
see Roscher, iii. p. 736.
.fn-

.fn 1324
Naples 2868 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889,
9, 10. See also Chapter XVII.
.fn-

.fn 1325
B.F.: Berlin 1655 = Reinach, i.
199 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 10; Kopenhagen
112 = Millingen-Reinach, 20;
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. pl. 16 (?); Roscher, i.
p. 295. R.F.: Munich 151 = Overbeck,
<i>op. cit.</i> iii. 5; Petersburg 1650 = Reinach,
i. 120, and 406 = <i>ibid.</i> i. 480.
.fn-

.fn 1326
B.M. B 247; Berlin 1712.
.fn-

.fn 1327
Millingen-Reinach, 20.
.fn-

.fn 1328
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1899, p. 361.
.fn-

.fn 1329
Berlin 2395 = Reinach, i. 461: see
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1881, p. 258.
.fn-

.fn 1330
Athens 960 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889,
11, 8.
.fn-

.fn 1331
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, viii. (1893), pl. 1: see
Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Tyrrhen. Amphoren</cite></lang>, p. 56.
.fn-

.fn 1332
B.M. D 7; Petersburg 523 = Reinach,
i. 466 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 11, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1333
Naples 3255 = Reinach, i. 235 =
Baumeister, i. p. 114, fig. 120; perhaps
also Millin-Reinach, ii. 37 (Lasimos in
Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1334
Munich 144: cf. Naples 1766 =
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 4, 4; and
see Reinach, ii. 284, Roscher, i. p. 296,
and Stat. <cite>Theb.</cite> v. 699 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1335
Kopenhagen 64 = Reinach, i. 259 =
Baumeister, i. p. 17, fig. 19.
.fn-

.fn 1336
Louvre E 640 = Reinach, i. 147 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 11, 4; Millingen-Reinach,
22 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1337
Petersburg 452 = Reinach, i. 161 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 3.
.fn-

.fn 1338
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. pl. 17, 1 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1339
Jatta 423 and Berlin 3240 = Reinach,
i. 205, 409 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 9,
figs. 14, 12; B.M. F 175 (?): see also
Jatta 414 = Reinach, i. 467 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 4, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1340
Reinach, i. 273.
.fn-

.fn 1341
Petersburg 2188 = Reinach, i. 8;
Berlin 2430 = <i>ibid.</i> i. 287 (Helen coming
forth); Reinach, i. 279 (= Baumeister,
i. p. 635, fig. 706) and 380; Micali,
<lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> 38; <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 59 (in
Boston). For the various versions of the
myth see Roscher, <i>s.v.</i> Helena.
.fn-

.fn 1342
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1900, p. 70,
No. 27; and cf. Reinach, i. 173.
.fn-

.fn 1343
For a collected list of all vase-paintings
connected with this story see
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. (1886), p. 201 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1344
B.M. E 647; Munich 807 = Millingen-Reinach,
4; Louvre E 639 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1886, pl. 10, 1; Reinach, ii. 91;
and see <i>ibid.</i> i. 222 = Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#.
(otherwise interpreted, p. #111#).
.fn-

.fn 1345
B.F.: B.M. B 215 (Fig. #128:fig128#); Munich
380 = Reinach, ii. 115 = Baumeister, iii.
p. 1799, fig. 1882. R.F.: B.M. E 424;
Berlin 2279 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1797,
fig. 1881 (Peithinos); Athens 1202 =
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 32, 4;
Athens 1588 = $1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1897, pl. 9;             // Tr: Eph. Arch.
Munich 369 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 24 (Duris); Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her.
Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 7, fig. 8 (in Vatican).
.fn-

.fn 1346
B.M. E 9, E 73; and see above,
pp. #25#, #26#.
.fn-

.fn 1347
Palermo 1503 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her.
Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 8, fig. 6: see also for Cheiron
p. #146#.
.fn-

.fn 1348
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1349
B.M. B 620; Berlin 4220; De Witte,
<lang=fr><cite>Coll. à  l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 1; Athens
966 (with Athena and Hermes); Louvre
G 3 (Pamphaios); Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, pl. 87;
B.M. B 77 = Fig. #98:vol1_fig98# (parody).
.fn-

.fn 1350
Bibl. Nat. 538 = Reinach, i. 90
(doubtful); Jahn. <lang=de><cite>Arch. Beitr.</cite></lang> pl. 11 (?),
and see p. 352 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1351
Reinach, ii. 43.
.fn-

.fn 1352
Bibl. Nat. 1047 = Reinach, i. 87.
.fn-

.fn 1353
Reinach, i. 126 = Bibl. Nat. 422.
.fn-

.fn 1354
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> vii. p. 196 ff., whence this
classification is taken.
.fn-

.fn 1355
B.M. B 236–38; early Ionic vase in
Munich, 123 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold,
pl. 21; Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang>
pl. 9, fig. 2 (Xenokles); <cite>J.H.S.</cite> vii.
pl. 70, p. 198.
.fn-

.fn 1356
B.F.: B.M. B 312. R.F.: B.M.
E 445; Berlin 2536 = Roscher, iii.
p. 1615.
.fn-

.fn 1357
B.F.: B.M. B 171; Munich 1269 =
Overbeck, <i>op. cit.</i> 9, 6. R.F.: Berlin
2291 = Fig. #129:fig129# (Hieron); Reinach, i.
246 = Roscher, iii. p. 1610 (Brygos,
in Louvre); Roscher, iii. p. 1617 (fine
pyxis in Kopenhagen; the goddesses
in chariots).
.fn-

.fn 1358
Berlin 2633; Petersburg 1807 =
Reinach, i. 7; B.M. F 109, F 167;
Berlin 3240; Karlsruhe 259 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 30; <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> xxiv. (1899), p. 67 (R.F. kotyle
in Berlin, Hermes omitted).
.fn-

.fn 1359
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. 11 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, ix.
(1894), p. 252.
.fn-

.fn 1360
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1899, No. 30,
and 1901, p. 35 (both from the Kabeirion,
Thebes).
.fn-

.fn 1361
B.M. F 175; Athens 1942 = Reinach,
i. 402; Petersburg 1924 = Reinach, i.
9 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 1, 3; Naples 1982
= Reinach, i. 292 (? See p. #113#, note #1267:f1267#);
Reinach, i. 375.
.fn-

.fn 1362
B.M. E 226; Jatta 1619 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
iv. 72 = Roscher, i. 1961.
.fn-

.fn 1363
B.M. E 69 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 2;
Berlin 2291 = Reinach, i. 437, 1 = Baumeister,
i. p. 637, fig. 709 (Hieron);
Petersburg 1929 = Reinach, i. 9; Reinach,
i. 437, 2 (Hieron and Makron): see also
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxiii. (1898), p. 399.
.fn-

.fn 1364
B.M. F 175 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1365
Millingen, <cite>A.U.M.</cite> i. 21 (fine R.F.
vase in Louvre); <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> ii. (1887),
pls. 11–12, 4; Berlin 1737 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 9, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1366
Naples 3352 = Reinach, i. 485; and
see Bibl. Nat. 418 = Reinach, i. 83; also
Roscher, <i>s.v.</i> Nereus.
.fn-

.fn 1367
Reinach, i. 286 = Bibl. Nat. 851 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 9, 2 (Epigenes).
.fn-

.fn 1368
Berlin 2264 (Oltos and Euxitheos) =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 2, 1; Bibl. Nat. 851 =
Reinach, i. 287 = Roscher, iii. 295: see
also Roscher, iii. 1697–99 (setting out of
Patroklos). As Nestor himself went to
the war, it is possible that this scene is
to be regarded as taking place during
and not before it.
.fn-

.fn 1369
Bologna 273 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> i. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1370
B.M. E 16; Baumeister, i. p. 683,
fig. 743; and see Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang>
pl. 13, 7, p. 276.
.fn-

.fn 1371
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1902, pl. 2 (in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1372
<cite>Iph. in Aul.</cite> 192 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1373
B.M. B 193 (Plate XXXI.), B 211,
E 10; Helbig, 78 = Reinach, i. 96 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, 6, 1 (Exekias).
A “bilingual” example in Boston (by
Andokides? B.F. and R.F.): see <cite>Amer.
Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1896, pp. 40–41, figs.
15–16. The latest example seems to be
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 102.
.fn-

.fn 1374
B.M. B 541, E 160: see below, p. #133#,
and <cite>B.M. Cat.</cite> iii. p 36.
.fn-

.fn 1375
B.M. F 159 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> v. 9, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1376
Reinach, i. 358 = Millingen-Reinach,
50; <i>ibid.</i> i. 145 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1326,
fig. 1479; Milani, <lang=it><cite>Mito di Filottete</cite></lang>,
frontispiece.
.fn-

.fn 1377
Bibl. Nat. 256 = Reinach, ii. 254:
see p. #111#, note #1243:f1243#.
.fn-

.fn 1378
Petersburg 1793 = Reinach, i. 3:
for a more probable interpretation (birth
of Dionysos) see p. #19#.
.fn-

.fn 1379
Dubois-Maisonneuve, <lang=fr><cite>Introd.</cite></lang> pl. 63;
Engelmann, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Stud. zu den Trag.</cite></lang>
p. 17; and see Urlichs, <lang=de><cite>Beiträge</cite></lang>, pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1380
Petersburg 1275 = Reinach, i. 152:
cf. Millingen, <lang=it><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> i. pl. 22
(Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> p. 296).
.fn-

.fn 1381
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> 13, 9.
.fn-

.fn 1382
B.M. E 382; Naples 2293 and R.C.
141 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1725, fig. 1807.
.fn-

.fn 1383
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1898, No. 40
(signed by Hieron).
.fn-

.fn 1384
B.M. B 153.
.fn-

.fn 1385
B.M. B 324, 542; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite>
282 (= Reinach, i. 285, 1) and 308 (both
in B.M.); Athens 620 = Reinach, i. 394
= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, 1, 1 (Timonidas);
B.M. F 493 (caricature).
.fn-

.fn 1386
Louvre E 703 = Reinach, ii. 92 (early
Ionic); B.M. B 307; François vase;
Berlin 1685; Helbig, 130 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang>
ii. 22, 1; B.M. E 10, E 13, and <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 339.
.fn-

.fn 1387
Reinach, ii. 114–15 = Baumeister,
iii. p. 1901, fig. 2000 (Euphronios);
Reinach, i. 285, 3; Louvre G 18 =
Reinach, i. 203, 3; Louvre E 703 =
Reinach, ii. 92; B.M. B 326.
.fn-

.fn 1388
Munich 124 = Reinach, ii. 113.
.fn-

.fn 1389
Berlin 2278 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm</cite></lang>. i. 10;
and see Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> p. 297.
.fn-

.fn 1390
Reinach, ii. 198.
.fn-

.fn 1391
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 306 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> iii. 1
(the names may be fanciful); <i>ibid.</i> i. 77
(cf. Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> p. 333).
.fn-

.fn 1392
Louvre E 609 = Reinach, i. 395 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, 1, 3 (Chares pyxis).
.fn-

.fn 1393
Like others of the Homeric scenes on
B.F. vases, this type is sometimes used
for an ordinary warrior taking leave of
his family, and unless names are given it
is difficult to distinguish.
.fn-

.fn 1394
Robert, in <cite>Hermes</cite>, 1901, p. 391, connects this scene with Book xix. 320 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1395
The text is not exactly followed here.
Menelaos kills Euphorbos in the <cite>Iliad</cite>,
but does not fight over his body with
Hector as he does on the vase. Possibly
there is a confusion with the Patroklos
episode below.
.fn-

.fn 1396
The “Psychostasia” is also referred to the combat of Achilles and Memnon (p. #132#).
.fn-

.fn 1397
See, for a revised drawing of this vase, Hill, <cite>Illustrations of School Classics</cite>, p. 105.
.fn-

.fn 1398
B.M. B 209–10 (= <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888,
pl. 6, 2, 1889, pl. 3, 3 = Reinach, ii. 105),
B 323 (?), E 280; Munich 478 = Reinach,
ii. 105, and 370 = Furtwaengler-Reichhold,
6.
.fn-

.fn 1399
See below, p. #144#.
.fn-

.fn 1400
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1903, No. 70:
cf. Quint. Smyrn. i. 741 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1401
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> 21, 16 =
Roscher, ii. 2674; and see B.M. B 209 =
Reinach, ii. 105.
.fn-

.fn 1402
Millingen, <lang=it><cite>A.U.M.</cite></lang> i. 4 = Engelmann-Anderson,
<cite>Atlas to Od.</cite> iii. 15 (? see
above, under <cite>Il.</cite> xxii. 306 ff.); Reinach,
ii. 105, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1403
B.F.: Berlin 1147; Helbig, 8, 31 =
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 28, 1, and 38, 1; Bibl.
Nat. 207 = Reinach, ii. 254. R.F.: B.M.
E 468; Millingen-Reinach, 49 = Reinach,
i. 358; <cite>Tyszkiewicz Coll.</cite> pl. 17 (now in
Boston). In the last-named the subject
is slightly varied.
.fn-

.fn 1404
B.M. E 12 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 3, 1;
Reinach, i. 149; Louvre F 388 (?): see
p. #71#.
.fn-

.fn 1405
Millingen, <cite>A.U.M.</cite> i. 5; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vi. 7 = Roscher, i. p. 1265 (in Louvre);
Reinach, i. 347 = <cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 19:
cf. also Athens 1093 = Roscher, ii. 2678
(Eos, together with Thanatos and Hypnos,
two Keres).
.fn-

.fn 1406
Helbig, 43 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 49, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1407
Reinach, ii. 106.
.fn-

.fn 1408
B.M. E 808 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1409
Reinach, i. 82.
.fn-

.fn 1410
B.M. B 172; Munich 380 = Reinach,
ii. 115; Helbig, 77 = <i>ibid.</i> ii. 107 (see
below, p. #177#); Bibl. Nat. 537 = Reinach,
i. 90; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1899,
No. 28 = <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 51.
(Thetis present)
.fn-

.fn 1411
Louvre E 643 = Reinach, i. 311;
<i>ibid.</i> ii. 107 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1412
B.M. B 240 = Reinach, ii. 99.
.fn-

.fn 1413
Reinach, i. 304 (and i. 226, 1–3 (?),
see p. #115#); Engelmann, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Stud.
zu d. Trag.</cite></lang> p. 37: cf. <lang=fr><cite>Sale Cat. Hôtel
Drouot</cite></lang>, 11 May, 1903, No. 100.
.fn-

.fn 1414
Athens 475 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1955,
fig. 2086 (Melian vase); B.M. B 327,
B 397, E 13; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 298;
Berlin 2000 = Robert, <lang=de><cite>Bild u. Lied</cite></lang>,
p. 217; Baumeister, i. p. 29, fig. 30;
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 5, 2 (in Louvre);
Naples 3358 = Reinach, i. 313 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> C. 8, 2. The type is derived from
that of Herakles and Kyknos (p. #101#).
.fn-

.fn 1415
B.M. E 69 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 2;
Millin-Reinach, i. 66.
.fn-

.fn 1416
B.M. B 541, E 160: see above, p. #124#.
.fn-

.fn 1417
Vienna 325 = Reinach, i. 174 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1418
Two Corinthian vases, <lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1891, p. 116, and <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>,
1899, No. 12; Louvre E 635 = Reinach,
i. 151 = Rayet and Collignon, p. 69;
B.M. F 480 = Plate LVIII.; Reinach, i.
278.
.fn-

.fn 1419
Petersburg 830 = Reinach, i. 150 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 8; Naples 3231, 3235
= Reinach, i. 299, 102; parody, B.M.
F 366.
.fn-

.fn 1420
Bibl. Nat. 186 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, vii.
(1892), pl. 2; Munich 400 = Reinach,
ii. 116; Roscher, i. 1279.
.fn-

.fn 1421
<lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, ix. pl. 15: see <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1891, pl. 4, p. 190.
.fn-

.fn 1422
See for the various types <cite>J.H.S</cite>, xiv.
p. 171.
.fn-

.fn 1423
Berlin 2301 = Reinach, i. 381; Petersburg
812 = Reinach, i. 381 = Millin-Reinach,
i. 58 (doubtful).
.fn-

.fn 1424
Reinach, ii. 16; Naples 2858 =
Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Her. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 28, 5; <i>ibid.</i>
1755 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1848, fig. 1939;
<i>ibid.</i> 1761 = Millingen-Reinach, 16.
.fn-

.fn 1425
B.M. D 33, F 57.
.fn-

.fn 1426
Reinach, ii. 175: cf. <cite>Boston Mus.
Report</cite> for 1899, No. 38.
.fn-

.fn 1427
Vienna 333 = Reinach, i. 169; Berlin
2184 = Reinach, i. 296 = Baumeister, ii.
p. 1113, fig. 1310; Reinach, i. 143;
Roscher, iii. 969 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1428
Vienna 333 = Reinach, i. 169 =
Roscher, iii. 971; Reinach i. 381;
Millin-Reinach, ii. 24.
.fn-

.fn 1429
B.M. E 446.
.fn-

.fn 1430
Petersburg 349 = Reinach, i. 19; <i>ibid.</i>
ii. 9, 316; Naples 1984 = Baumeister, ii.
p. 1116, fig. 1313.
.fn-

.fn 1431
B.M. F 166; Reinach, i. 132 (in
Louvre); Millin-Reinach, ii. 68; Naples
1984; Helbig, 117 = Reinach, i. 390;
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 90 (Berlin);
and cf. B.M. B 641 (possibly Orestes and
Pylades at Omphalos?).
.fn-

.fn 1432
Petersburg 2189 (according to Roscher,
iii. p. 993); but see Reinach, i. 5,
and above under Kadmos.
.fn-

.fn 1433
Reinach, i. 105 = Naples 3223; <i>ibid.</i>
133 = Baumeister, i. p. 757, fig. 808;
<i>ibid.</i> i. 158 = Petersburg 420; Naples S.A.
24; and see B.M. F 155, and Reinach,
i. 279.
.fn-

.fn 1434
Reinach, i. 321 = Baumeister, ii.
p. 1009, fig. 1215 (Jatta Coll.).
.fn-

.fn 1435
See generally on Athenian cults, as
illustrated by vase-paintings, Harrison,
<cite>Mythol. and Mon. of Athens</cite>, Introd.
p. xxi ff.
.fn-

.fn 1436
On one of these vases the scene (in
the interior of a cup) is watched by a
group of Athenians at the foot of a hill,
round the outside of the cup (Reinach,
i. 107 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 39–40).
.fn-

.fn 1437
See Harrison, <i>op. cit.</i> p. lxxxiv ff.
.fn-

.fn 1438
Cf. Strabo, ix. § 392, and see for
Lykos in another connection p. #124# above.
In the vase here given they witness the
exploits of their kinsman Theseus (on the
obverse).
.fn-

.fn 1439
Cf. $1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1893, pl. 9, p. 130 ff.,   // Tr: Eph. Arch.
and Frazer’s <cite>Pausanias</cite>, ii. p. 203.
.fn-

.fn 1440
E 224 = Plate XLI. = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pls. 8–9.
.fn-

.fn 1441
Furtwaengler (<lang=de><cite>50^{tes} Winckelmannsfestprogr.</cite></lang>
p. 163) refers the Orpheus
scenes to the Aeschylean tetralogy of the
Lykourgeia.
.fn-

.fn 1442
B.M. E 390; Naples 1978, 2889,
3143 (see Reinach, i. 176); Reinach, i.
403 = Roscher, iii. p. 1181; Roscher, iii.
p. 1179 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1443
Munich 383; Reinach, i. 63; ii. 80.
.fn-

.fn 1444
B.M. E 301; Naples 3114; Reinach,
i. 186, 327 (= Roscher, iii. p. 1185–86);
Roscher, iii. p. 1184: see also <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix.
p. 143.
.fn-

.fn 1445
Reinach, i. 493 = Roscher, iii. p. 1178.
.fn-

.fn 1446
She occurs on B.M. F 270, Petersburg
498, and Karlsruhe 256.
.fn-

.fn 1447
Reinach, i. 96 = Helbig, 99; <lang=de><cite>Röm.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 9; and see Naples 3143
= Reinach, i. 176.
.fn-

.fn 1448
Jatta 1538 = Reinach, i. 526.
.fn-

.fn 1449
Athens 1344 = Dumont-Pottier, i.
pl. 14.
.fn-

.fn 1450
Schreiber-Anderson, <cite>Atlas</cite>, pl. 5, 10
= Reinach, ii. 333, 5 (burlesque scene
with actor as Taras on dolphin: see
p. #160#).
.fn-

.fn 1451
B.M. E 447; Louvre F 166; Helbig,
189 = Reinach, i. 268; Reinach, i. 122;
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 53, 2;
Naples 1851 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1887, p. 113;
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> xxii. (1897), pl. 13: see for
the myth, Hdt. viii. 138 and Roscher, <i>s.v.</i>
.fn-

.fn 1452
Reinach, i. 147, 509; ii. 81, 271.
.fn-

.fn 1453
Munich 849 = Reinach, i. 258.
.fn-

.fn 1454
See pp. #99#, #111#, #132#.
.fn-

.fn 1455
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> A. 10, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1456
<i>Ibid.</i> iii. 4: see <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894,
p. 285.
.fn-

.fn 1457
B.M. F 6, 85, 230; Reinach, i. 492,
ii. 295.
.fn-

.fn 1458
B.M. F 158, 278; Naples R.C. 239
(= Reinach, i. 482), 3253 (= Reinach, i.
330 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vii. 6b, 1), and 2421
(= Reinach, ii. 278 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pls. 26–8); Millin-Reinach, i.
56 (= Bibl. Nat. 427) and 61; Millingen-Reinach,
37.
.fn-

.fn 1459
B.M. E 12; Naples 2613; Louvre
F 203; Munich 4 = Reinach, ii. 57;
Reinach, ii. 56.
.fn-

.fn 1460
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 6, 2; B.M.
B 158, 566; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, 91.
.fn-

.fn 1461
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> iv. 304 =
Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Tyrrhen. Amph.</cite></lang> p. 64.
.fn-

.fn 1462
B.M. E 40; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 2, fig. 2 (Louvre G 35); <i>ibid.</i> pl. 22,
2; Reinach, i. 166.
.fn-

.fn 1463
Engelmann-Anderson, <cite>Iliad</cite>, v. 24,
vi. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1464
B.M. E 19; Vienna 231 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, 1, 6.
.fn-

.fn 1465
B.M. B 591; Berlin 2264 = Reinach,
i. 508, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1466
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite> for 1899, No. 22:
see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 119, note 1.
.fn-

.fn 1467
Louvre A 256 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1887,
pl. 11.
.fn-

.fn 1468
B.M. E 253, E 295.
.fn-

.fn 1469
B.M. E 573.
.fn-

.fn 1470
See above, p. #102#.
.fn-

.fn 1471
See above, p. #111#.
.fn-

.fn 1472
François vase; B.M. B 176, F 162,
F 277; Reinach, i. 154 (= Naples 2411),
309 (Louvre E 700), 391 (Munich 805);
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 15 (a
fine R.F. example).
.fn-

.fn 1473
François vase; B.M. E 473; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xvii. pl. 6; Munich 846 = Millingen-Reinach,
8; <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, ix. pl. 2;
Reinach, i. 22, 474, ii. 272.
.fn-

.fn 1474
For Herakles and Pholos see p. #102#.
.fn-

.fn 1475
B.M. B 620 (Achilles); Munich 611
= Reinach, i. 419 (Herakles); Reinach,
ii. 91 (Achilles); B.M. B 77 = Fig. #98:vol1_fig98#
(parody).
.fn-

.fn 1476
See <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1886, pp. 202–4, Nos.
51–9, 94.
.fn-

.fn 1477
Reinach, ii. 209, 289; Athens 1246:
cf. B.M. B 226.
.fn-

.fn 1478
Reinach, i. 58, 452; Helbig, 237 =
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 82, 2<i>b</i>; Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u.
Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 8, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1479
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 2.
.fn-

.fn 1480
B.M. F 550; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> E. pls.
7–8, fig. 3 (cf. p. #88#).
.fn-

.fn 1481
B.M. F 370.
.fn-

.fn 1482
See above, p. #112#.
.fn-

.fn 1483
François vase; Athens 644; Reinach,
i. 332, 429.
.fn-

.fn 1484
Reinach, i. 259.
.fn-

.fn 1485
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 427, 428, 430, 436, 679,
680: cf. E 180.
.fn-

.fn 1486
Cf. Virgil, <cite>Aen.</cite> iii. 216 (<lang=la><em>virgineae
vultus</em></lang>) and 241 (<lang=la><em>obscenae volucres</em></lang>).
.fn-

.fn 1487
See, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 103 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1488
B.M. B 4, B 16 (?): see Vol. I.
p. #344:vol1_344#.
.fn-

.fn 1489
See p. #115#; B.M. E 302; Reinach,
i. 119, 201; and for two Harpies, with
name inscribed, in connection with this
story, Berlin 1682 = Reinach, i. 441.
.fn-

.fn 1490
Louvre A 478.
.fn-

.fn 1491
B.M. E 440; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. pl. 1; <cite>Strena
Helbigiana</cite>, p. 31.
.fn-

.fn 1492
On Sirens generally, and especially
as death-deities, see Weicker, <lang=de><cite>Der Seelenvogel</cite></lang>
(1902).
.fn-

.fn 1493
Berlin 2157 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1886, p. 211;
on B.M. E 477 a Siren of the ordinary
decorative type appears with allusion to
the death of Prokris, perhaps as indicating
her departing soul.
.fn-

.fn 1494
B.M. B 651.
.fn-

.fn 1495
Louvre E 667 = <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
1893, p. 238.
.fn-

.fn 1496
B.M. B 510: cf. Weicker, p. 48.
.fn-

.fn 1497
Weicker, p. 120, fig. 46.
.fn-

.fn 1498
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. A 1135; <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>,
B 291, 292, 479.
.fn-

.fn 1499
Louvre E 667, 723; Vienna 318;
Munich 1077.
.fn-

.fn 1500
Munich 1050.
.fn-

.fn 1501
B.M. B 215; Louvre A 441, E 858;
Berlin 1727: cf. Athens 531 and Wilisch,
<lang=de><cite>Altkor. Thonindustrie</cite></lang>, pl. 3, fig. 38.
.fn-

.fn 1502
B.M. B 429.
.fn-

.fn 1503
See above, p. #117#; and cf. Bibl. Nat.
278 and Athens 1480 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
1889, 9, 8.
.fn-

.fn 1504
B.M. B 125, B 539, etc.
.fn-

.fn 1505
B.M. B 650; Reinach, i. 319; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xix. p. 235.
.fn-

.fn 1506
Reinach, i. 471.
.fn-

.fn 1507
Naples 2846 = <lang=de><cite>Festsehr. für Overbeck</cite></lang>,
p. 103.
.fn-

.fn 1508
B.M. B 32 and Athens 592 (with
Hermes); Naples 3254 = Reinach, i.
327 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, 9, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1509
Reinach, i. 54, 258, 480, ii. 236.
.fn-

.fn 1510
B.M. E 434; Reinach, i. 23, 53.
.fn-

.fn 1511
See above, p. #144#.
.fn-

.fn 1512
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1887, pl. 11.
.fn-

.fn 1513
Reinach, ii. 319.
.fn-

.fn 1514
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, p. 64,
No. 21 (B.F.).
.fn-

.fn 1515
Reinach, i. 220; and see ii. 314.
.fn-

.fn 1516
<cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 57.
.fn-

.fn 1517
See p. #29# above.
.fn-

.fn 1518
B.M. B 45, B 65, E 11, E 35, Bibl.
Nat. 177, Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
8, 1 (Pegasos); B.M. B 105, B 417, and
Louvre A 307 (Chimaera).
.fn-

.fn 1519
B.M. E 170; Reinach, ii. 309.
.fn-

.fn 1520
Bibl. Nat. 449 = Reinach, i. 129.
.fn-

.fn 1521
<cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1900, pl. 5
(cf. pl. 4).
.fn-

.fn 1522
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 12, 2;
B.M. B 308 (three Minotaurs).
.fn-

.fn 1523
Bibl. Nat. 1066 = <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1879,
pl. 3: see, <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xi. p. 349.
.fn-

.fn 1524
Reinach, i. 188.
.fn-

.fn 1525
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 498.
.fn-

.fn 1526
B.M. F 218.
.fn-

.fn 1527
Athens 961 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> xvi. pl. 9
(probably taken from a Satyric drama).
.fn-

.fn 1528
Reinach, i. 459.
.fn-

.fn 1529
See above, p. #12#.
.fn-

.fn 1530
Munich 468 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 217 =
<cite>Philologus</cite>, 1898, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1531
B.M. B 433; Berlin 1770; Athens
713 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 8, 4;
Louvre F 100, 104 (between Sirens): cf.
Ar. <cite>Av.</cite> 800.
.fn-

.fn 1532
François vase; Reinach, i. 27, 54,
61, 470, ii. 295; B.M. B 77; Millin-Reinach,
i. 63; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> ii. 5, 2;
and cf. B.M. G 178 and Jahn, <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Beitr.</cite></lang> pl. 12, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1533
Cf. Naples 2609 (Hipparchos);
B.M. E 46, Athens 1162, and Louvre
G 103 (Leagros); Athens 1020 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 163 (Glaukon); B.M. E 300
and Oxford 309 (Kleinias); Reinach, i.
513, 6 (Megakles).
.fn-

.fn 1534
B.M. B 80; Berlin 1686 = Rayet and
Collignon, pl. 7, and 1882 = Reinach,
ii. 122.
.fn-

.fn 1535
See p. #60#.
.fn-

.fn 1536
See p. #53#; also Reinach, i. 472 and
ii. 198, 4 (both Dionysiac).
.fn-

.fn 1537
Oxford 292 (Persephone); Reinach,
ii. 321, 4; <i>ibid.</i> 122, 2 (= Berlin 2129):
see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 48, note; also
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 108, and Reinach, ii. 286.
.fn-

.fn 1538
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 36 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1539
B.M. B 633.
.fn-

.fn 1540
B.M. E 284 = <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, ix. pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1541
B.M. B 80, B 585, B 648.
.fn-

.fn 1542
Naples 2858; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 71, 1 <i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1543
B.M. B 79; Louvre F 10; Reinach,
i. 428; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 71, 1 <i>a</i>; Munich
386 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 19;
and see under Nike, p. #87#.
.fn-

.fn 1544
Bologna 275; B.M. B 362.
.fn-

.fn 1545
Berlin 1727 = Reinach, i. 429; Athens
1428 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 11, 3
(sacrifice to Hekate?); Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 3, fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 1546
B.M. E 455, 456, 494; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii.
105, 108; Millin-Reinach, i. 8; Micali,
<lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, pl. 97, fig. 2; <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
1895, p. 100 (Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1547
B.M. B 3.
.fn-

.fn 1548
B.M. E 455; Athens 1858 = Baumeister,
i. p. 211, fig. 165 = Reinach, i.
396.
.fn-

.fn 1549
B.M. E 284; Bologna 286; Reinach,
i. 403 = Schreiber-Anderson, 25, 8 (referred
to the Thargelia by Reisch, <lang=de><cite>Gr.
Weihgeschenke</cite></lang>, p. 80).
.fn-

.fn 1550
Berlin 1727, 2010.
.fn-

.fn 1551
B.M. E 114, E 291; Bibl. Nat. 94;
Reinach, ii. 135.
.fn-

.fn 1552
B.M. E 88; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 78, 2 <i>b</i>;
and see Stackelberg, pl. 35.
.fn-

.fn 1553
Reinach, ii. 286; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
1890–91, pl. 7, 2 = <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> v. (1890),
p. 324; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> 71, 1 <i>b</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1554
Naples 3358 = Reinach, i. 313 =
Schreiber-Anderson, 20, 3: see Miss
Harrison’s <cite>Prolegomena to Gk. Religion</cite>,
p. 157.
.fn-

.fn 1555
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>,
pl. 29.
.fn-

.fn 1556
De Witte, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 22.
.fn-

.fn 1557
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 228 (in Naples).
.fn-

.fn 1558
Naples 2458 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 227:
cf. B.M. B 641.
.fn-

.fn 1559
Athens 695.
.fn-

.fn 1560
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xx. p. 101.
.fn-

.fn 1561
Karlsruhe 278 = Reinach, i. 271.
.fn-

.fn 1562
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 31, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1563
Fig. #17:vol1_fig17#, Vol. I. p. #140:vol1_140# = Munich 51.
.fn-

.fn 1564
B.M. E 494, E 585; <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr.
Hell.</cite></lang> 1895, p. 103; Berlin 2213; Naples
1760 (= Millingen-Reinach, 52), and
S.A. 647 (= <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv. 19); Gerhard,
<lang=de><cite>Akad. Abhandl.</cite></lang> pl. 63, figs. 1, 4, 5;
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. pls. 79, 80. They appear
to be especially associated with terminal
figures.
.fn-

.fn 1565
Miss Harrison’s comprehensive <cite>Prolegomena
to Greek Religion</cite> (Cambridge
Press, 1903) appeared too recently for
the writer to be able to make detailed
use of it in this section. It must, of
course, be borne in mind that many
of the interpretations in that work are
only conjectural.
.fn-

.fn 1566
Athens 199, 200 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1899,
p. 201; <i>ibid.</i> 214 = Reinach, i. 190 =
Baumeister, iii. p. 1943, fig. 2071.
.fn-

.fn 1567
Athens 688 = Reinach, i. 165.
.fn-

.fn 1568
B.M. B 63 = Plate #LVIII:pl58#.; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 279 (now in B.M.); Baumeister,
i. p. 238, fig. 217 = Benndorf,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 1; Athens 688 =
Reinach, i. 164.
.fn-

.fn 1569
B.M. D 62 = Plate LV. fig. 1; Athens
1651 = Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 32; Benndorf,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 33. A fine
R.F. example in <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, i.
pls. 5–6 (in Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1570
Bibl. Nat. 353; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>,
pl. 96, figs. 1–2.
.fn-

.fn 1571
Athens 688 = Baumeister, i. p. 306,
fig. 321 = Reinach, i. 164; <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1893, p. 86 (Berlin). Cf. Fig. #123:fig123#,
p. #71#.
.fn-

.fn 1572
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1891, pl. 4; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix.
p. 228; Athens 688.
.fn-

.fn 1573
B.M. B 543, D 5 = Plate #XL:vol1_pl40#.
.fn-

.fn 1574
B.M. D 65 ff. and Athens 1672–1836
<i>passim</i>: cf. B.M. F 93. Plate #LV:pl55#. fig. 2
= B.M. D 70.
.fn-

.fn 1575
B.M. F 93 (Fig. #20:vol1_fig20#, Vol. I. p. #144:vol1_144#),
212.
.fn-

.fn 1576
B.M. F 276, 279–85, 352 (Fig. #106:vol1_fig106#,
Vol. I. p. #477:vol1_477#).
.fn-

.fn 1577
B.M. F 353.
.fn-

.fn 1578
Millin-Reinach, ii. 29.
.fn-

.fn 1579
B.M. D 39, 41, 43–45, 56, 70, F 93–96;
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 34. See
Plate LV. fig. 2 and Fig. #19:vol1_fig19#, Vol. I.
p. 143.
.fn-

.fn 1580
B.M. D 54, 65, 67–86; F 212–13,
336; Athens 1692 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. pl. 2, and
1694 = Benndorf, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 18, 1; <i>ibid.</i>
pl. 19, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1581
A unique instance of a sculptured
<em>stele</em> copied on a white lekythos is
<cite>Burlington F.A.C. Cat.</cite> (1903), p. 104,
No. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1582
B.M. D 51.
.fn-

.fn 1583
B.M. F 352 = Fig. #106:vol1_fig106#.
.fn-

.fn 1584
B.M. (uncatalogued).
.fn-

.fn 1585
B.M. D 21.
.fn-

.fn 1586
B.M. D 60.
.fn-

.fn 1587
B.M. D 58.
.fn-

.fn 1588
B.M. D 35; Engelmann-Anderson,
<cite>Odyssey</cite>, iii. 10.
.fn-

.fn 1589
B.M. D 56 = Fig. #19:vol1_fig19#.
.fn-

.fn 1590
B.M. D 5 = Plate #XL:vol1_pl40#.
.fn-

.fn 1591
Athens 1689 = Reinach, i. 512.
.fn-

.fn 1592
See above, p. #69#.
.fn-

.fn 1593
See p. 52; also B.M. (uncatalogued).
.fn-

.fn 1594
B.M. D 58–9; Athens 1093 (= Roscher,
ii. 2678), 1653–54 (= Dumont-Pottier,
i. pls. 27–9); <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895,
pl. 2. Cf. Fig. #123:fig123#, p. 71.
.fn-

.fn 1595
B.M. D 54; Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. V.</cite></lang>
pls. 14 and 33. See above, p. #72#.
.fn-

.fn 1596
B.M. F 279, 280, 282.
.fn-

.fn 1597
B.M. F 276, 284; Millin-Reinach,
ii. 32–33.
.fn-

.fn 1598
B.M. F 281.
.fn-

.fn 1599
B.M. F 276, 279–84, 352 (Fig. #106:vol1_fig106#);
Millin-Reinach, ii. 38.
.fn-

.fn 1600
See p. #68#.
.fn-

.fn 1601
Louvre E 667 = <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
1893, p. 238.
.fn-

.fn 1602
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 89 (Berlin); but
see p. #76#, under Asklepios.
.fn-

.fn 1603
B.M. B 80: see for other parodies of
processions or sacrifices Athens 1132,
1136, 1138.
.fn-

.fn 1604
B.M. B 509; Berlin 1830 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ii.
pl. 14, and 1697 (as horses).
.fn-

.fn 1605
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. pl. 4, and p. 81; B.M.
B 77 = Fig. #98:vol1_fig98#: see generally <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii.
p. 77 ff. and Vol. I. p. #391:vol1_391#.
.fn-

.fn 1606
Vienna 321 (cf. Ar. <cite>Ach.</cite> 729 ff.),
Hermes with dog got up as a pig.
.fn-

.fn 1607
B.M. F 99; Berlin 3046 = Baumeister,
ii. p. 821, fig. 904 (see <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. p. 283).
.fn-

.fn 1608
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, i. (1886), p. 260 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1609
See for instance pp. #107#, #118#, #123#.
.fn-

.fn 1610
B.M. F 233: cf. Reinach, i. 114.
.fn-

.fn 1611
Schreiber-Anderson, 5, 10 = Heydemann,
p. 307 = Reinach, ii. 332, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1612
B.M. F 543.
.fn-

.fn 1613
B.M. F 189 = Fig. #134:fig134#.
.fn-

.fn 1614
Naples 3240 = Reinach, i. 114 =
Baumeister, i. pl. 5, fig. 422.
.fn-

.fn 1615
B.M. E 65.
.fn-

.fn 1616
See <cite>Philologus</cite>, 1868, pls. 1–4, p. 1 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1617
Jatta 1528 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1886, p. 273;
B.M. E 790; Naples 2846 = <lang=de><cite>Festschr. für
Overbeck</cite></lang>, p. 103.
.fn-

.fn 1618
B.M. E 467 (Satyric chorus); Reinach,
ii. 324, 5; ii. 288.
.fn-

.fn 1619
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, No. 50.
.fn-

.fn 1620
Jatta 1402 = Reinach, i. 413.
.fn-

.fn 1621
B.M. F 233, F 289.
.fn-

.fn 1622
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> B. 3, 5 <i>c</i>; Millin-Reinach,
i. 20.
.fn-

.fn 1623
Vol. I. p. #472:vol1_472#: see also <cite>B.M. Cat. of
Vases</cite>, iv. p. 10; Vogel, <lang=de><cite>Scenen Eurip.
Tragödien</cite></lang> (where an exhaustive list is
given), and Huddilston, <cite>Gk. Tragedy in
the Light of Vase-paintings</cite>, where the
subject is also treated in detail.
.fn-

.fn 1624
See Vol. I. p. #389:vol1_389#, and Plates
XXXIII.-IV.; for a complete series of
illustrations, <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> x. pls. 47–8
= Reinach, i. 210–15.
.fn-

.fn 1625
B.F.: B.M. B 48, B 64; Berlin
1655, 1805; Bibl. Nat. 252, 354; Reinach,
ii. 129. R.F.: Reinach, i. 223 (= <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 5), 424 (Berlin 2180), 454, ii.
134 (Berlin 2262), 137 (men with dogs);
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 15–6 = Bibl.
Nat. 523.
.fn-

.fn 1626
B.M. B 271, B 295, B 607; E 39, 63
(parade of boxers before judges); Athens
1169 = Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 31,
2 <i>a</i>; Reinach, ii. 292.
.fn-

.fn 1627
B.M. B 191, B 295, B 603; E 94, 95;
Bibl. Nat. 522 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 15, 2; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 16, 2 <i>a</i>; Vienna
332 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91, 1, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1628
B.M. E 78 (very realistic), B 604,
B 610; Louvre F 276, 278, 314; Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 64.
.fn-

.fn 1629
<lang=de><cite>Arch.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oesterr.</cite></lang> 1881,
pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1630
B.M. B 48, B 134 (= Fig. #135:fig135#),
B 326; Munich 795 = Reinach, i. 422 =
Baumeister, i. p. 613, fig. 672; Reinach,
i. 433, 1 = Baumeister, i. p. 573, fig. 611;
Reinach, i. 272, ii. 128. See on the
subject generally <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 54 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1631
B.M. B 136, E 164; Louvre F 126;
Athens 1188 = Reinach, i. 511; Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 21 (Duris, in Boston);
De Witte, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert</cite></lang>, pl. 23;
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 43, 2 <i>b</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1632
B.M. B 380; Louvre F 126, G 37;
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 69, 4 <i>c</i>, 70, 2 <i>a</i>; De Witte,
<i>op. cit.</i> pl. 24.
.fn-

.fn 1633
B.M. B 48; Reinach, ii. 145, 175,
330; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 70, 1 <i>a</i>, 2 <i>b</i>; 73, 1 <i>b</i>.
Athlete exercising with halteres: Louvre
G 15; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 332.
.fn-

.fn 1634
B.M. B 361. See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiv. p. 70.
.fn-

.fn 1635
B.M. E 164.
.fn-

.fn 1636
B.M. E 63, 113, 164; <cite>Forman Sale
Cat.</cite> 358; and see <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang>
xxiii. p. 164.
.fn-

.fn 1637
Athens 1478; Millin-Reinach, i. 45;
Panathenaic amphora in B.M.
.fn-

.fn 1638
B.M. B 137, B 609; Munich 498 =
Reinach, i. 215; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 42, 2 <i>b</i>;
43, 1 <i>a</i>. Starter in foot-race: B.M. E 6,
E 101; Reinach, i. 433, 2; Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 45, fig. 6; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895,
pp. 185–88; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 268 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1639
B.M. B 133, B 144; Berlin 1655,
1722, 2282; Munich 805; Athens 1546;
Reinach, i. 12, 100, 199, ii. 61, 253; and
see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 491, note 2.
.fn-

.fn 1640
B.M. B 130–32, B 677; Berlin 1655;
Louvre F 216, F 283; Reinach, ii. 68,
70, 125, 133; François vase.
.fn-

.fn 1641
B.M. E 389, F 59; <cite>Tyszkiewicz Coll.</cite>
pl. 35; Reinach, ii. 298, 320; Baumeister,
i. p. 522.
.fn-

.fn 1642
B.M. B 143; E 6, E 22; B 608;
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 43, 4 <i>b</i>;
Reinach, ii. 128, 129 (= Berlin 2307);
Munich 476 = <i>ibid.</i> ii. 127, and 803 =
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 196; Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i>
pl. 62, 1. Runner with trainer: <cite>Bourguignon
Sale Cat.</cite> 31. See on the subject
generally <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 268 ff., and
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 182 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1643
Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 1 and pl. 16
(= Bibl. Nat. 523); B.M. E 22; <cite>Burlington
Fine Arts Club Cat.</cite> (1903),
p. 100, No. 17.
.fn-

.fn 1644
Berlin 2307 (one fig.); Reinach, i.
494 (Louvre); <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1887, p. 99:
cf. B.M. B 628.
.fn-

.fn 1645
<cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite> 49; Berlin
2307 = Reinach, ii. 129; Hartwig, <i>op.
cit.</i> pl. 16 (Bibl. Nat. 523); <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>,
1895, p. 190; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 278.
.fn-

.fn 1646
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 285 (runners with
helmet in hand).
.fn-

.fn 1647
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 71, 4 <i>b</i>; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895,
p. 191; Munich 803 and 1240; Hartwig,
<i>op. cit.</i> pl. 12. See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 1648
B.M. B 144; Reinach, ii. 262, 291,
298, 320 (horsemen): cf. B.M. B 628.
.fn-

.fn 1649
Reinach, i. 346 = <cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite>
17; Louvre G 17, G 36.
.fn-

.fn 1650
See under Nike, p. #88#, note #1070:f1070#.
.fn-

.fn 1651
Berlin 2180 = Reinach, i. 424, and
2314; Karlsruhe 242 (Psiax and Hilinos).
.fn-

.fn 1652
Berlin 2178; Louvre G 38 = Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 25; <lang=de><cite>Arch.-epigr. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1881, pl. 4; Reinach, i. 324.
.fn-

.fn 1653
Petersburg 1611 = Baumeister, i. p.
247, fig. 226.
.fn-

.fn 1654
Munich 895 = Reinach, ii. 106.
.fn-

.fn 1655
Millin-Reinach, i. 47: cf. the athlete
extracting a thorn on Berlin 2180 =
Reinach, i. 424.
.fn-

.fn 1656
Bibl. Nat. 283 (unexplained subject).
.fn-

.fn 1657
Salzmann, <lang=fr><cite>Nécropole de Camiros</cite></lang>, pl.
57, 2 = Schreiber-Anderson, 24, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1658
B.M. F 232; Naples 2854; Reinach,
i. 473; Baumeister, i. p. 585.
.fn-

.fn 1659
Oxford 288; B.M. B 607; Louvre
F 109 (with judges): and see p. #88#.
.fn-

.fn 1660
B.M. E 83; Louvre G 36; Athens
1156 = Reinach, i. 514; <i>ibid.</i> ii. 292 =
Baumeister, i. p. 242, fig. 219 (basin
inscribed <lang=grc>ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ</lang>); Schreiber-Anderson,               // Tr: DÊMOSIA
21, 9 = Reinach, ii. 275;
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 67, 1, p. 206
(using sponge); Reinach, ii. 134, 275.
Youth with bath utensils: Berlin 2314.
.fn-

.fn 1661
B.M. B 271; E 78, 94, 164; Hartwig,
<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 416–17; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi.
9; <cite>B.C.H.</cite> xxiii. p. 158 (trainer marking
goal).
.fn-

.fn 1662
See <cite>B.M. Cat. of Vases</cite>, iv. <i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1663
Three types:—(1) Hare seized by
birds: Louvre E 701 = Reinach, i. 153;
Naples 2458; Athens 618. (2) Hare
pursued by dogs: B.M. B 119; Berlin
340, 1753, 1799; Karlsruhe 170; Petersburg
310, 386; Reinach, i. 34; <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de
Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> 1893, p. 227. (3) Dogs
accompanied by hunters: B.M. B 678,
D 60; Berlin 306, and 1727 = Reinach,
i. 431; Oxford 189 (Oikopheles); Bibl.
Nat. 187; Naples S.A. 200; B.M. A
1050 = Plate #XIX:vol1_pl19#. fig. 3; Reinach, ii.
333; <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> ii. 44–5.
.fn-

.fn 1664
B.M. B 147 (cover); Helbig, 7;
Munich 411 (Amasis); Reinach, ii. 275;
Millingen, <cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite> i. 23; <cite>Anzeiger</cite>,
1895, p. 40.
.fn-

.fn 1665
B.M. B 7; Schreiber-Anderson, pl.
80, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1666
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> ii. 44–5.
.fn-

.fn 1667
B.M. B 37 (= Plate XXI.), F 154;
Louvre E 696 = Reinach, i. 162; Vienna
217 = Reinach, i. 170; Munich 211 =
Fig. #90:vol1_fig90#, Vol. I. p. #316:vol1_316#: cf. <cite>Burlington
Fine Arts Club Cat.</cite> 1903, p. 115, No. 62,
for B.F. jug with man hiding in tree and
attacked by boar and lion.
.fn-

.fn 1668
Reinach, ii. 144, 223.
.fn-

.fn 1669
B.M. B 52 = <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xviii. (1891),
p. 367; Louvre F 26 = <i>ibid.</i> p. 369;
Millin-Reinach, i. 18.
.fn-

.fn 1670
Millin-Reinach, ii. 11.
.fn-

.fn 1671
Berlin 1900; Reinach, ii. 293.
.fn-

.fn 1672
Louvre F 223.
.fn-

.fn 1673
Munich 583 = <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 146
(see p. #129#); <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 285.
.fn-

.fn 1674
<lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Perrot</cite></lang>, p. 252 (in B.M.).
.fn-

.fn 1675
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, No. 22;
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 14–16 (1885–88), p. 10.
.fn-

.fn 1676
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 53; Bibl.
Nat. 277 = Reinach, i. 290.
.fn-

.fn 1677
B.M. E 485; Berlin 2357 = Reinach,
i. 423; <i>ibid.</i> ii. 179.
.fn-

.fn 1678
B.M. E 3 (Hischylos), E 60; Munich
111; <cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 336; Reinach,
i. 454, 4 (Pamphaios): see p. #177#.
.fn-

.fn 1679
Munich 337 = Reinach, i. 238 =
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 22
(Euphronios); Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls.
53–4; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1888, pl. 4 (Onesimos);
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 14–16 (1885–88), pl. 5, and
see p. 1 ff.; <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, i. pls. 5–6
(in Louvre). Cf. also Louvre G 26.
.fn-

.fn 1680
See under Warriors, p. 176.
.fn-

.fn 1681
B.M. F 70, F 306; Berlin 2154:
cf. Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 32, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1682
B.M. B 127; Reinach, ii. 125.
.fn-

.fn 1683
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 32,
fig. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1684
B.M. B 17; Munich 903: see <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xxiii. pp. 139, 142.
.fn-

.fn 1685
B.M. B 182; Berlin 2417 = Reinach,
i. 425 = Baumeister, ii. p. 781, fig. 836;
Reinach, ii. 191; Oxford 250.
.fn-

.fn 1686
Reinach, i. 81.
.fn-

.fn 1687
B.M. E 467 (Satyrs); E 339, F 197,
F 245; Berlin 2710 = Reinach, i. 425
(Eros); Naples 2872 = Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc.
Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> pl. 12 = Reinach, ii. 169
(Eros); Louvre G 36 (ephebos).
.fn-

.fn 1688
Louvre F 90 and F 368 = <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite>
xxi. (1893), pl. 5; Helbig, p. 327 =
Baumeister, i. p. 622, fig. 695; Reinach,
i. 310, 423 (Berlin 2030).
.fn-

.fn 1689
Naples 922 = Schreiber-Anderson,
80, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1690
B.M. E 70, 453–54, 495, F 37, 273,
275; Berlin 2416 and Jatta 1291 =
Reinach, i. 337, 178; Baumeister, ii.
p. 793, fig. 857; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 14;
Louvre G 30. See also below, p. #181#.
.fn-

.fn 1691
<cite>Branteghem Sale Cat.</cite> 167 (here a
woman); Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 27,
72, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1692
Louvre G 81; Reinach, i. 420;
Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 27, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1693
Berlin 2177; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 130.
.fn-

.fn 1694
B.M. E 205 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1695
B.M. F 123; Louvre F 60; Berlin
2589 (= Harrison, <cite>Mythol. and Monum.
of Athens</cite>, p. xliv) and 2394; Millingen,
<lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> pl. 30; <cite>Boston Mus.
Report</cite>, 1898, No. 27.
.fn-

.fn 1696
B.M. E 387 (Seileni); Baumeister,
iii. p. 1573, fig. 1633 (Eros); Gerhard,
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Bildw.</cite></lang> pl. 53.
.fn-

.fn 1697
Naples 3151 = Reinach, i. 400.
.fn-

.fn 1698
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 89 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 1699
See <cite>B.M. Cat. of Vases</cite>, iv. p. 110
(F 223, etc.), and Jahn in <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs.
Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1854, p. 256.
.fn-

.fn 1700
B.M. E 527, 534–37, 548–53 (see
Plate XLII.); Baumeister, ii. p. 779;
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 89; <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1878, pl. 7;
Stackelberg, pl. 17; Reinach, i. 425:
see generally Jahn in <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs
Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1854, p. 243 ff., pl. 12.
.fn-

.fn 1701
B.M. F 101 = Fig. #15:vol1_fig15#, Vol. I. p. #137:vol1_137#;
Reinach, i. 294.
.fn-

.fn 1702
Bibl. Nat. 361 = Reinach, ii. 262;
<cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite> 52 (in B.M.); Reinach,
i. 207 (hare).
.fn-

.fn 1703
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> iv. 387.
.fn-

.fn 1704
Reinach, i. 294: cf. ii. 137 = Baumeister,
i. p. 705, fig. 765, and for
women with pets see below, p. #173#.
.fn-

.fn 1705
Berlin 2285 = Reinach, i. 196: cf.
B.M. E 525 and <cite>Brit. School Annual</cite>,
1898–99, p. 65 (Fig. #177:fig177#).
.fn-

.fn 1706
Naples 2004 = Reinach, i. 323.
.fn-

.fn 1707
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 333.
.fn-

.fn 1708
Berlin 2322 = Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, 103, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1709
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 46.
.fn-

.fn 1710
B.M. E 171–72; Oxford 266;
Baumeister, i. p. 554, fig. 591 (flute): cf.
<i>ibid.</i> iii. p. 1993, fig. 2138 (Iphikles
taught the lyre by Linos) and the Duris
kylix (Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#.).
.fn-

.fn 1711
Reinach, i. 248.
.fn-

.fn 1712
B.M. E 185; Gerhard, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Bildw.</cite></lang>
pl. 66.
.fn-

.fn 1713
See p. #95#.
.fn-

.fn 1714
Athens 467 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1892,
pl. 10; B.M. E 467, E 804; Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pls. 17–8. Single figure:
B.M. F 343.
.fn-

.fn 1715
B.M. E 61; Louvre G 18 (castanets).
.fn-

.fn 1716
<cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 361 (in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1717
Stackelberg, pl. 22; Reinach, i.
61, 372, 469 (Naples 3010); <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite>
xxvi. (1895), p. 221.
.fn-

.fn 1718
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 40: cf. <cite>B.M. Cat.
of Terracottas</cite>, p. 412.
.fn-

.fn 1719
B.M. B 42, 44; Berlin 1662; and
see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 287.
.fn-

.fn 1720
B.M. E 271; Berlin 1686; Bologna
271 = Reinach, ii. 150; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 16;
Athens 1019 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1891, pl. 10,
2; <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 172. Girls playing
lyre: <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ii. pls. 5–6 (in
Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 1721
B.M. E 308; and see Reinach, ii. 187, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1722
B.M. E 270, E 469; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 65–6.
.fn-

.fn 1723
B.M. B 139, B 141; Louvre G 1 =
<cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1896, p. 9;
Petersburg 1603 = Schreiber-Anderson,
7, 14; Vienna 234.
.fn-

.fn 1724
B.M. B 188, E 354; Reinach, ii.
274; Louvre G 103 = <cite>Atlas</cite>, pl. 101
(Euphronios).
.fn-

.fn 1725
B.M. E 460; Bologna 286; Athens
1260 = Dumont-Pottier, i. 16; Helbig,
90 = <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 60, 3; Benndorf,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 43, 4 <i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1726
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 22, 2 <i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1727
B.M. E 270.
.fn-

.fn 1728
B.M. E 132.
.fn-

.fn 1729
B.M. B 192, B 299, E 37; Athens
1158 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1984, fig.
2127; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 16: see also Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 255, note 2.
.fn-

.fn 1730
Berlin 639, 871, 885 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang>
i. pl. 8, Nos. 7, 14, 23.
.fn-

.fn 1731
Berlin 608 ff.; 800  93: cf. <i>op. cit.</i>
pl. 8, Nos. 14 <i>b</i>, 17, 18 (= 885, 869, 868);
also Nos. 1, 4, 12, 19 <i>b</i>, 22, 26 (= Berlin
608, 802, 616, 893, 827, 611). See also
Chapter V., Figs. #65:vol1_fig65#, #69:vol1_fig69#.
.fn-

.fn 1732
B.M. B 432; Munich 731 = Fig. #67:vol1_fig67#,
Vol. I. p. #213:vol1_213#; <cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite> 1880, p. 106.
.fn-

.fn 1733
Figs. #67:vol1_fig67#, #71:vol1_fig71#, Vol. I. pp. 213, 223.
.fn-
.fn 1734
Fig. #70:vol1_fig70#, Vol. I. p. #218:vol1_218#.
.fn-

.fn 1735
Fig. #74:vol1_fig74#, Vol. I. p. #228:vol1_228#.
.fn-

.fn 1736
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 17, 1, and
see <i>ibid.</i> p. 174; Kopenhagen 125; Millingen,
<lang=de><cite>Anc. Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> pl. 37.
.fn-

.fn 1737
Berlin 831 = <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. pl. 8,
fig. 3 <i>a</i>. See on the subject <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite>
iii. (1904), p. 45 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1738
Berlin 2294 = Baumeister, i. p. 506,
fig. 547.
.fn-

.fn 1739
B. M. B 507; Reinach, i. 224 = Baumeister,
iii. p. 1582, fig. 1639 (in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1740
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiv. p. 305; <cite>Branteghem
Cat.</cite> 44. See also <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. 83.
.fn-

.fn 1741
Kopenhagen 119 = Schreiber-Anderson, 73, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1742
See p. #40#: cf. also for a sculptor,
p. #16#, note #53:f53#.
.fn-

.fn 1743
Berlin 1806 = Fig. #136:fig136# (Nikosthenes);
Louvre F 77 = <i>ibid.</i> fig. 13; Froehner,
<lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 13, 1 (sowing).
.fn-

.fn 1744
B.M. F 147: see p. #73#, and Robert,
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Märchen</cite></lang>, pl. 5, p. 198 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1745
Berlin 2274 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 74.
.fn-

.fn 1746
Louvre F 68.
.fn-

.fn 1747
Louvre F 69 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888,
pl. 1, figs. 9–10; <i>ibid.</i> pl. 1, figs. 2, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1748
Vienna 335 = Schreiber-Anderson,
pl. 64, figs. 1, 3; <i>ibid.</i> pl. 64, fig. 6 (in
Naples); Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 5; and
see under Hermes and Seilenos.
.fn-

.fn 1749
Reinach, ii. 90.
.fn-

.fn 1750
B.M. B 226; Berlin 1855 = Baumeister,
ii. p. 1047, fig. 1259.
.fn-

.fn 1751
<cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 323 (now in
Boston): cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Terracotta</cite>,
D 550.
.fn-

.fn 1752
Helbig, 70 = Reinach, i. 106 = Baumeister,
ii. p. 1047, figs. 1260–1261;
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, p. 69, No. 24.
.fn-

.fn 1753
Louvre E 635 = Reinach, i. 151;
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, p. 70, No. 25.
.fn-

.fn 1754
Berlin 1915 = Reinach, ii. 155.
.fn-

.fn 1755
Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 13,
2; <lang=de><cite>Eranos Vindobonensis</cite></lang>, p. 381 (woman
kneading dough).
.fn-

.fn 1756
Millin-Reinach, ii. 61.
.fn-

.fn 1757
Vol. I. p. #342:vol1_342#: see also p. #149#.
.fn-

.fn 1758
B.M. E 86; Reinach, i. 224 = Baumeister,
iii. p. 1587, fig. 1649 (in Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1759
B.M. E 23.
.fn-

.fn 1760
Micali, <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, pl. 97, fig. 3.
.fn-

.fn 1761
B.M. B 339; Louvre F 10, F 56.
.fn-

.fn 1762
B.M. B 160, B 174, B 257; B 485;
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. pp. 133, 137, 142.
.fn-

.fn 1763
B.M. E 810, D 11 (Plate XLIII.);
Berlin 2372 (= <lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i. pl. 58),
2373 (= Reinach, i. 440); Athens 1224
and 1225 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
pl. 10, 1, and Reinach, i. 206; Athens
1588 = $1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1897, pl. 10, 2 (preparations       // Tr: Eph. Arch.
for marriage, with fancy names):
see generally <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 8.
.fn-

.fn 1764
Baumeister, i. p. 313, fig. 328.
.fn-

.fn 1765
Millingen-Reinach, 44 (in Louvre);
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> iv. 314.
.fn-

.fn 1766
Berlin 2374 = Reinach, i. 128.
.fn-

.fn 1767
Reinach, i. 173; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 133.
.fn-

.fn 1768
Athens 693.
.fn-

.fn 1769
Petersburg 151 = Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Tyrrhen.
Amph.</cite></lang> pl. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1770
Berlin 1841 = Reinach, ii. 44 (B.F.);
Athens 1552 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
pl. 8, 5; Berlin 2261 = Reinach, i. 440,
and 2720 = <lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i. pl. 64;
Reinach, i. 2 (Petersburg 1791), 472
(= Jatta 1526), 477 (= Naples S.A. 316,
with fancy names).
.fn-

.fn 1771
B.M. E 225, 773–74, F 308, 310;
Schreiber-Anderson, 83, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1772
B.M. B 598, E 87, E 193, E 215,
D 13; Athens 1550, 1552, and 1589 =
Reinach, i. 517 (note the use of the <lang=grc>ἐπίνητρον</lang>);   // Tr: epinêtron
Louvre F 224 = <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. 36 B;
Stackelberg, 34; Reinach, i. 420, ii. 7,
4: see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 340.
.fn-

.fn 1773
Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 8 = Schreiber-Anderson,
82, 4.
.fn-

.fn 1774
Baumeister, iii. p. 1711, fig. 1796.
.fn-

.fn 1775
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, p. 41,
No. 10.
.fn-

.fn 1776
Baumeister, iii. p. 1583, fig. 1641.
.fn-

.fn 1777
<i>Ibid.</i> i. p. 609, fig. 668.
.fn-

.fn 1778
B.M. E 18; Louvre G 2; Berlin
2272 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 89;
Reinach, ii. 146, 7.
.fn-

.fn 1779
Baumeister, iii. p. 1919, fig. 2034 =
Reinach, ii. 148.
.fn-

.fn 1780
Louvre F 114 = Plate XXX.; B.M.
F 101, 207.
.fn-

.fn 1781
Schreiber-Anderson, 82, 12; B.M.
F 139, 207, 342.
.fn-

.fn 1782
Schreiber-Anderson, 83, 14.
.fn-

.fn 1783
Berlin 1843 (= Baumeister, i. p. 243,
fig. 221), and 2707 (= <lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>,
i. 62, 2); Jatta 654 = <lang=de><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1880,
pl. 19; Millin-Reinach, ii. 9 (frontispiece);
Reinach, ii. 146, 328, 1; Baumeister,
i. p. 242, fig. 220; B.M. D 29,
E 90, 201–2; and see generally Hartwig,
<i>op. cit.</i> p. 599.
.fn-

.fn 1784
Louvre F 197 and F 203 = <cite>Amer.
Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1896, p. 3 = Schreiber-Anderson,
57, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1785
B.M. F 311; and see <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iv.
10–22.
.fn-

.fn 1786
B.M. B 329–38; Louvre F 296;
Reinach, ii. 151: cf. B.M. E 159 and
Athens 1429 = Heydemann, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
pl. 9, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1787
B.M. D 6; Munich 142: cf. Berlin
1841 = Reinach, ii. 44.
.fn-

.fn 1788
B.M. E 241, E 721; <cite>Branteghem
Sale Cat.</cite> 98–9.
.fn-

.fn 1789
Athens 1550 = Heydemann, <i>op. cit.</i>
pl. 9, 5.
.fn-

.fn 1790
B.M. E 34.
.fn-

.fn 1791
B.M. E 769.
.fn-

.fn 1792
B.M. E 190.
.fn-

.fn 1793
B.M. E 88.
.fn-

.fn 1794
<cite>Branteghem Cat.</cite> 167.
.fn-

.fn 1795
Naples R.C. 117 = Reinach, i. 490, 22.
.fn-

.fn 1796
Munich 903 = Reinach, ii. 110.
.fn-

.fn 1797
B.M. B 53, B 163, B 409; Berlin
3993 = <cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite>, i. pl. 51.
.fn-

.fn 1798
Bibl. Nat. 94; Athens 466 = Plate
XLVII.
.fn-

.fn 1799
Oxford 320.
.fn-

.fn 1800
B.M. E 396.
.fn-

.fn 1801
<cite>Branteghem Cat.</cite> 163.
.fn-

.fn 1802
Petersburg 875 = Reinach, i. 39: cf.
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 27.
.fn-

.fn 1803
B.M. F 232; Athens 1031 = Heydemann,
<lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 9, 3; Reinach,
i. 473; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang> vii. 58; <lang=it><cite>Mon. Barone</cite></lang>,
pls. 3, 9; and see pp. 165, 182.
.fn-

.fn 1804
See p. #169#.
.fn-

.fn 1805
See on the subject Winter in <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Zeit.</cite></lang> 1885, p. 187 ff.; and <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>,
1885–88, p. 25 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1806
B.F.: B.M. B 165, B 657; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xviii. p. 293; Bibl. Nat. 172 and 203 =
Reinach, ii. 95. R.F.: Louvre G 47–8;
Bologna 274; Helbig, 167 and 174 (=
Reinach, ii. 133); Reinach, ii. 114;
Vienna 324 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vii. 1 (Duris).
.fn-

.fn 1807
B.F.: B.M. B 147, B 309, B 360;
Louvre F 12, F 39, F 53, F 150; Reinach,
ii. 124, 131. R.F.: B.M. E 254, E 276,
E 448; Louvre G 44; Baumeister, iii.
p. 2034, fig. 2207 (Duris). Late: B.M.
F 158, F 174; Munich 382 = Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 35.
.fn-

.fn 1808
B.F.: <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> ii. 44–5 (Proto-Cor.);
B.M. B 75, B 199, B 212, B 400;
Athens 623; <lang=de><cite>Bourguignon Cat.</cite></lang> 14. R.F.:
B.M. E 7, E 33, E 43, E 808; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1890, p. 332. Late: B.M. F 175, F 215.
Horseman and foot-soldier: two uncatalogued
in B.M.
.fn-

.fn 1809
See pp. #3#, #7#, #126#.
.fn-

.fn 1810
B.M. B 224, B 243; Athens 1161 =
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 87; Reinach, ii.
129, 131, 4, 133.
.fn-

.fn 1811
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 293; Bibl. Nat. 203 =
Reinach, ii. 95.
.fn-

.fn 1812
Munich 374 = Fig. #137:fig137#; Millin-Reinach,
i. 39; and see under Hector, p. #127#.
.fn-

.fn 1813
B.M. E 405.
.fn-

.fn 1814
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1892, p. 165: cf. Reinach,
ii. 133 and Ar. <cite>Ach.</cite> 574.
.fn-

.fn 1815
Louvre G 5: see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
p. 122, note.
.fn-

.fn 1816
B.M. E 33; Munich 1229; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 337 (in Boston); Hartwig,
<i>op. cit.</i> pl. 14, 1: cf. Berlin 2296 =
Reinach, i. 428, and B.M. E 598.
.fn-

.fn 1817
See note #1815:f1815#; also <lang=de><cite>Festschrift für
O. Benndorf</cite></lang>, p. 66.
.fn-

.fn 1818
B.M. B 303–05; Berlin 1897 =
Reinach, ii. 124; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, iv. (1889),
pl. 10; Louvre F 285, F 345.
.fn-

.fn 1819
Reinach, ii. 198.
.fn-

.fn 1820
See pp. #118#, #127#.
.fn-

.fn 1821
B.M. B 15, B 206, B 523; Louvre
F 9; Reinach, i. 462, 1; ii. 255 = Bibl.
Nat. 227; <cite>Burlington Fine Arts Club
Cat.</cite> 1888, No. 108 = 1903, No. 21,
p. 102 (Andokides).
.fn-

.fn 1822
Athens 618 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1963,
fig. 2098.
.fn-

.fn 1823
Reinach, ii. 128; B.M. B 24; Louvre
E 609 = Reinach, i. 395 (Chares); and
Fig. #88:vol1_fig88#, Vol. I. p. #297:vol1_297#.
.fn-

.fn 1824
B.M. E 476: Louvre G 54 = Reinach,
ii. 7; Petersburg 1692, 1711 = Reinach,
i. 43–4: see B.M. E 65, Louvre F 19,
F 70, and Vienna 324 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
vii. 1 (Duris).
.fn-

.fn 1825
B.M. B 51: see under Nike, p. #88#.
.fn-

.fn 1826
Berlin 1718 = Reinach, i. 393; Helbig,
ii. p. 301, No. 77 = Reinach, ii. 107
(may be Ajax with body of Achilles).
.fn-

.fn 1827
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. pp. 227–28; and cf.
B.M. B 171 (inspection of liver), B 641;
Bibl. Nat. 400; Reinach, ii. 131, 1
(hoplite taking oath); Louvre G 46.
.fn-

.fn 1828
Reinach, i. 203 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> D. 2,
2–3; B.M. B 380; Louvre F 127, G 5:
bust of warrior, Louvre F 137.
.fn-

.fn 1829
B.M. B 470, B 618; Louvre F 292,
G 25; Engelmann-Anderson, <cite>Od.</cite> xiii.
71: see Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 9, p. 106,
note.
.fn-

.fn 1830
Berlin 1879.
.fn-

.fn 1831
Berlin 2304.
.fn-

.fn 1832
Reinach, i. 372.
.fn-

.fn 1833
See <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 1834
B.M. B 658.
.fn-

.fn 1835
B.M. B 149, B 360.
.fn-

.fn 1836
B.M. B 590–91; Louvre G 70;
Helbig, 292; Munich 4 = Reinach, ii. 57;
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, iv. (1889), pl. 4. As shield-device:
Vienna 332 (a negro); Reinach,
i. 77; Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang>
pl. 46, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1837
B.M. E 285; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 18, 1, and see p. #185#.
.fn-

.fn 1838
See p. #179#, note #1853:f1853#; also Plate
#XXXVII:vol1_pl37#. fig. 2, and <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1889,
pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1839
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 93; B.M. E 759;
Hartwig, p. 368, note: cf. p. #186#.
.fn-

.fn 1840
B.M. B 426; Berlin 2296 = Reinach,
i. 428; Helbig, 54; <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1885–88,
p. 11: see also Helbig, <lang=de><cite>Eine Heerschau
des Peisistratos</cite></lang>, and <lang=fr><cite>Les Ἱππεῖς Athéniens</cite></lang>,    // Tr: Hippeis]
p. 71 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1841
Reinach, i. 486 = <cite>Boston Cat.</cite> p. 137.
.fn-

.fn 1842
B.M. B 60; Louvre A 526; Plate
XVI. (Aristonoös krater); Reinach, i.
190, 4, 328, 6, and 459 (Dipylon).
.fn-

.fn 1843
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. pl. 8; Louvre A 525–532;
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, ii. (1882–84), pl. 4,
pp. 44–57; and see Chapter VII.
.fn-

.fn 1844
B.M. B 436; Berlin 836; Louvre
E 735 and F 123 (= <cite>J.H.S.</cite> 1885, pl. 49);
<cite>Forman Sale Cat.</cite> 322; Reinach, ii.
19 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1599, fig.
1662.
.fn-

.fn 1845
B.M. B 436; Berlin 646 ff., 831;
Louvre F 145 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1846
B.M. B 679, E 2 (Plate XXXVII.);
Bibl. Nat. 322; <cite>Bourguignon Sale Cat.</cite>
14; Louvre F 123, F 145.
.fn-

.fn 1847
Louvre F 62; Vienna 235; Naples
R.C. 246; Munich 781 = Reinach, ii.
126; Petersburg 10 and 86; Würzburg
337 = Reinach, ii. 141; <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxxvi.
(1900), p. 323; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888,
pl. 5, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1848
Athens 969 = Reinach, i. 415.
.fn-

.fn 1849
See above, p. #148#.
.fn-

.fn 1850
B.M. B 173, B 280, B 323; F 278.
.fn-

.fn 1851
Cf. B.M. B 184, 207, 243, 246, etc.
.fn-

.fn 1852
See generally Zahn, <lang=de><cite>Die Barbaren</cite></lang>,
and Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> <i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1853
B.M. E 6; Louvre F 126, F 388,
G 45; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1889, pl. 4; and see
above, p. #177#.
.fn-

.fn 1854
B.M. B 184, B 207, B 426; Reinach,
i. 376 (?).
.fn-

.fn 1855
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 5; <cite>Bourguignon
Cat.</cite> 14.
.fn-

.fn 1856
B.M. B 590–91.
.fn-

.fn 1857
B.M. E 233; Berlin 2295; Reinach,
ii. 84; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 55–56.
.fn-

.fn 1858
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1898, pl. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1859
B.M. E 695.
.fn-

.fn 1860
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1892, pl. 1; Oxford 310
= Klein, <lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschr.</cite></lang>^2 p. 87.
.fn-

.fn 1861
See p. #151#.
.fn-

.fn 1862
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> ii. (1887), pl. 9,
p. 172; Munich 374 = Fig. #137:fig137#; Plate
#XXXVII:vol1_pl37#. fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 1863
Bibl. Nat. 473 = Reinach, i. 131.
.fn-

.fn 1864
<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, p. 72.
.fn-

.fn 1865
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 38–9; and
see <i>ibid.</i> p. 422.
.fn-

.fn 1866
B.M. E 481–82; and see pp. #80#, #143#.
.fn-

.fn 1867
Louvre G 26: cf. <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1885–88,
pl. 6, p. 11.
.fn-

.fn 1868
Munich 337 = Klein, <cite>Euphronios</cite>,
p. 82; <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1885–88, pl. 5; and
see pp. #166#, #177#.
.fn-

.fn 1869
B.M. E 301; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix. pl. 6; Reinach,
i. 63.
.fn-

.fn 1870
B.M. B 673–74; Athens 1088; <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1889, p. 45: cf. Louvre G 93;
another unarmed, G 100. On Vienna 332
a negro trumpeter occurs as a shield-device.
.fn-

.fn 1871
Petersburg 1603.
.fn-

.fn 1872
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 42.
.fn-

.fn 1873
Louvre G 100.
.fn-

.fn 1874
B.M. B 106_1.
.fn-

.fn 1875
B.M. F 197, 241–42 (see Plate #XLIV:vol1_pl44#.),
297, 301, 525; Reinach, i. 292–93.
.fn-

.fn 1876
B.F.: B.M. B 46, B 382, B 679;
Louvre F 2, F 216, F 314; <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang>
1887, pl. 14, 1. R.F.: B.M. E 38, 49,
68, 70; Munich 272 = Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pl. 15, 1; Helbig, 225 and 227;
Reinach, ii. 4. Late: B.M. E 495,
F 303; Naples 2202 = Dubois-Maisonneuve,
<lang=fr><cite>Introd.</cite></lang> pl. 45, and R.C. 144 =
Schreiber-Anderson, 76, 2; <i>ibid.</i> pl. 76,
4 = Millingen-Reinach, pl. 8; Millin-Reinach,
ii. 58.
.fn-

.fn 1877
See pp. #57#, #105#.
.fn-

.fn 1878
Bibl. Nat. 94.
.fn-

.fn 1879
B.M. E 351, E 474.
.fn-

.fn 1880
B.M. B 46, 301–2, 382, 679, E 66,
E 454.
.fn-

.fn 1881
Louvre G 98; Athens 691 = <lang=de><cite>Ath.
Mitth.</cite></lang> 1889, pls. 13–4 (Xenokles and
Kleisophos); <lang=fr><cite>Cab. Pourtalès</cite></lang>, 34; <lang=it><cite>Mus.
Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 81, 1 <i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1882
Reinach, ii. 247: see <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1893,
p. 180.
.fn-

.fn 1883
Louvre G 25; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 81, 1 <i>b</i>;
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pls. 14, 2, 48, and
p. 332; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 5.
.fn-

.fn 1884
See Klein, <cite>Euphronios</cite>,^2 p. 115, for
a collected list of examples; also the
following notes.
.fn-

.fn 1885
Louvre G 30; B.M. E 70 = Fig. #138:fig138#,
E 161, E 454, E 795; Berlin 4221;
Naples 822, 965, 972, 2415, S.A. 281.
.fn-

.fn 1886
It is worth noting that on the best
R.F. vases mortals play the game; on
the later ones gods and Satyrs. It must
have disappeared from social life about
the end of the fifth century.
.fn-

.fn 1887
B.M. F 37; Naples 903, S.A. 302,
R.C. 144, 145, 2308; Berlin 2416 =
Reinach, i. 337; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 14;
and see Vol. I. p. #452:vol1_452# for a curious
variant.
.fn-

.fn 1888
B.M. F 50, 175–77; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi
Fitt.</cite></lang> ii. 197.
.fn-

.fn 1889
B.M. F 161, F 273, F 275, F 304,
F 425; F 579 = Fig. #118:fig118# (Eros).
.fn-

.fn 1890
Louvre G 30; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 83, 1<i>b</i>,
and 85, 2<i>b</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1891
Louvre F 216; Reinach, ii. 329, 5:
see also <i>ibid.</i> ii. 6, 304, 5; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii.
81, 1<i>a</i>; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> pls. 273,
356.
.fn-

.fn 1892
B.M. E 14, 38, 61, 68; Reinach,
ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1893
See pp. #165#, #174#.
.fn-

.fn 1894
Athens 1158; and see p. #169#.
.fn-

.fn 1895
Petersburg 1670 = Reinach, i. 32 =
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> v. 2; Reinach, ii. 290, 2
(<lang=grc>κῶμος</lang> of women).                                   // Tr: kômos
.fn-

.fn 1896
B.M. E 61 (Hieron).
.fn-

.fn 1897
B.M. E 71, 474, 484, 489, 506, 767;
Reinach, ii. 94, 7; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 84, 2 <i>a</i>;
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 11 and p. 41;
<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> viii. 5 (Brygos in Würzburg).
.fn-

.fn 1898
B.M. E 33, 46, 53, 508; <cite>Forman
Sale Cat.</cite> 317; Reinach, ii. 120.
.fn-

.fn 1899
B.M. B 299; and see above, p. #169#.
.fn-

.fn 1900
B.M. E 137, E 488; Reinach, ii. 68,
290, 301, 313; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 54, 1 <i>a</i>,
2 <i>a</i>; 78, 2 <i>a</i>; Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 36,
pp. 333, 335; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi. Fitt.</cite></lang> 198.
.fn-

.fn 1901
B.M. E 54; Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pls.
11, 20.
.fn-

.fn 1902
B.M. E 37; Louvre F 129, G 73;
Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pls. 8, 11; and see
Berlin 2265, and <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1891, pl. 5,
fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 1903
See above, p. #57# ff.
.fn-

.fn 1904
Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 49.
.fn-

.fn 1905
B.M. B 41; Berlin 2171; Froehner,
<lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pl. 40, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1906
<lang=de><cite>B.M. Cat. of Vases</cite></lang>, iv. <i>passim</i>;
Bibl. Nat. 905 is a good typical example.
.fn-

.fn 1907
See Vol. I. p. #21:vol1_21#: cf. Christie, <lang=de><cite>Disquisitions</cite></lang>,
<i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1908
B.M. E 648, 705–9, 778–83 (see
Plate XLII.); Athens 1941 = Jahn,
<lang=de><cite>Vasen mit Goldschmuck</cite></lang>, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1909
B.M. E 61; Munich 819 = Millingen-Reinach,
26; Berlin 2279 = Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 25 (very fine); Reinach,
i. 207; Helbig, 218 = <i>ibid.</i> ii. 146; and
see Hartwig, p. 238.
.fn-

.fn 1910
See Klein, <lang=de><cite>Euphronios</cite></lang>, p. 26, and
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meisterschalen</cite></lang>, <i>passim</i>; also
Vol. I. p. #426:vol1_426#.
.fn-

.fn 1911
Athens 1161 = Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 87;
Hartwig, pl. 27 (from exterior of kylix).
.fn-

.fn 1912
B.M. E 2: cf. E 16, E 27; Louvre
F 129 (youth balancing amphora).
.fn-

.fn 1913
Athens 1162 = Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> p.
87; Hartwig, pl. 19, 2 (in Louvre), and
p. #178#; Louvre G 17 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang>
1890, pl. 10.
.fn-

.fn 1914
Cambridge 71 = Hartwig, pl. 2,
fig. 3.
.fn-

.fn 1915
B.M. E 46; Hartwig, p. 86; and
see <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> vi. 8.
.fn-

.fn 1916
Louvre G 40.
.fn-

.fn 1917
Louvre G 70, 96.
.fn-

.fn 1918
B.M. E 57.
.fn-

.fn 1919
Hartwig, pl. 70, 1: cf. <cite>Il.</cite> iii. 33.
.fn-

.fn 1920
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xvii. p. 75 = Fig. #82:vol1_fig82#; <cite>Amer.
Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1890, pl. 22, p. 437 ff.;
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1893, p. 9 (vase in Marseilles).
.fn-

.fn 1921
Berlin 2324 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1890–91,
pl. 7, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1922
B.M. E 1; Bibl. Nat. 128; <cite>Boston
Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, No. 21; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang>
ii. 31, 2; Reinach, ii. 225 (lion and
panther fighting).
.fn-

.fn 1923
Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Vulci</cite></lang>, pl. 9 (in
Boston).
.fn-

.fn 1924
B.M. B 382, E 4; Louvre F 84 and
F 54 = Fig. #96:vol1_fig96#, Vol. I. p. #381:vol1_381#.
.fn-

.fn 1925
Louvre F 125 (ram); Berlin 4042
(bull) and 2266 (horse); Munich 1171
and <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> ii. 64, 3 <i>a</i> (cock). Also
on exterior of B.F. kylikes: cocks and
hens, B.M. B 391–92; Louvre F 92,
F 380; Bibl. Nat. 317; Reinach, ii. 171.
Lion and bull, Louvre F 313. Apes,
<lang=fr><cite>Sale Cat. Hôtel Drouot</cite></lang>, May 1903,
No. 71. See generally Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
p. 565.
.fn-

.fn 1926
Hartwig, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 63, 1.
.fn-

.fn 1927
Bibl. Nat. 175–76.
.fn-

.fn 1928
Munich 468 = <lang=de><cite>Philologus</cite></lang>, 1898, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 1929
Schreiber-Anderson, pl. 80, 3.
.fn-

.fn 1930
Berlin 2517 = <lang=de><cite>Coll. Sabouroff</cite></lang>, i. pl. 65.
.fn-

.fn 1931
Reinach, i. 96 = Baumeister, iii. p.
1985, fig. 2128. For the inscription on
this vase, see Chapter #XVII:swallow#.
.fn-

.fn 1932
See Schreiber-Anderson, pl. 63, 6;
<lang=de><cite>B.M. Cat. of Vases</cite></lang>, iv. p. 19, F 254–68,
and references there given; also Vol. I.
pp. #194:vol1_194#, #487:vol1_487#, Plate #XLIV:vol1_pl44#.
.fn-

.fn 1933
B.M. B 57, B 58; Louvre E 703 =
Reinach, ii. 92; Bibl. Nat. 172.
.fn-

.fn 1934
B.M. B 28, B 31; and see p. #185#,
note #1925:f1925#.
.fn-

.fn 1935
Rayet and Collignon, p. 330 =
Reinach, i. 503: see p. #273#.
.fn-

.fn 1936
R.F. kalpis in Louvre; <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>,
1889, p. 93; B.M. E 759: see for this and
the following subjects Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>,
p. 368, note; also p. #177# above.
.fn-

.fn 1937
Louvre F 127 (Pamphaios).
.fn-

.fn 1938
Munich 1170.
.fn-

.fn 1939
Munich 1223.
.fn-

.fn 1940
B.M. E 771.
.fn-

.fn 1941
In South Kensington Museum.
.fn-
.bn 216.png
.pn +1


.sp 4
.h3 id=ch16
CHAPTER XVI | <i>DETAILS OF TYPES, ARRANGEMENT, AND ORNAMENTATION</i>

.pm start_summary
Distinctions of types—Costume and attributes of individual deities—Personifications—Heroes—Monsters—Personages
in every-day life—Armour
and shield-devices—Dress and ornaments—Physiognomical
expression on vases—Landscape and architecture—Arrangement of
subjects—Ornamental patterns—Maeander, circles, and other geometrical
patterns—Floral patterns—Lotos and palmettes—Treatment
of ornamentation in different fabrics.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2

It may be profitable to supplement the foregoing account
with a few general considerations, such as the attributes,
emblems, and costume by which the different figures may be
distinguished, the general treatment of the subjects at different
periods, and the use of ornamental motives in the various
stages of Greek vase-painting.

.h4 id=sec16_1
§ 1. <sc>Distinctions of Types</sc>

In the earlier vase-paintings deities are often not only
indistinguishable from one another, but even from kings
and other mortal personages, attributes and subtle distinctions
of costume being ignored; and in the period of decline a
similar tendency may be noted, due in this case not so much
to confusion of ideas as to a general carelessness of execution
and indifference to the meaning of the subject. In the former
vases it was, doubtless, largely the result of conventionality
and limitation in the free expression of forms; but it is a
peculiarity not confined to painting, and may be observed not
only in the minor arts, in terracotta and bronze figurines, but
even in sculpture of a more exalted kind—as, for instance, in
.bn 217.png
.pn +1
the female statues from the Athenian Acropolis. Thus, all
the deities are draped, and their costume differs in no respect
from that worn by mortals; all alike wear the chiton, himation,
or chlamys, and ornamentation of the drapery with
embroidered patterns is no mark of distinction. It is only as
the art advances in the B.F. period that the necessity for
differentiation makes itself felt, and each deity becomes individualised
by some peculiarity of costume or special attribute
which makes it possible to recognise them without difficulty.
To give a brief survey of these characteristic marks will be
the object of the following pages.[1942]

Among the Olympian deities, <em>Zeus</em> is generally bearded,
and fully draped in long chiton and mantle; on R.F. vases
he wears a laurel-wreath. He fights the giants from his
chariot, but otherwise is standing, or seated on a throne, which
is often carved and ornamented with figures.[1943] He usually
holds a thunderbolt, or a sceptre, surmounted by an eagle or
otherwise ornamented; in one or two cases the termination
is in the form of a lotos-bud, curiously conventionalised.[1944]
<em>Hera</em> is distinguished by the <em>stephane</em> or broad diadem,
often ornamented, and covered with the bridal veil, the edge
of which she draws forward with one hand in the attitude
considered typical of brides. Her sceptre is sometimes surmounted
by her emblem—the cuckoo.

<em>Poseidon</em>, on the Corinthian and Attic B.F. vases—on which
he is but a rare figure—is often hardly to be distinguished
from Zeus, the approximation of the types extending even to
their emblems. Where he holds in addition a dolphin or
tunny-fish, there is, of course, no doubt as to his presence;
nor, again, in the Gigantomachia, where he wields a rock (see
p. #13#, and Fig. #112:fig112#); but his trident, which subsequently becomes
the unmistakable evidence of his identity, often assumes (as on
the Corinthian pinakes) the form of a sceptre ending in a
.bn 218.png
.pn +1
lotos-bud,[1945] which is typical of Zeus, and, indeed, of Olympian
deities generally. The other sea-deities are, however, of a
more clearly defined type. The essential feature of <em>Triton</em> is
the fish-tail in which his body terminates. <em>Nereus</em>, on the
other hand, is represented as an old man, bald and grey-bearded.
In this form he contends with Herakles (see p. #101#),
and it may be that the differentiation was necessary to avoid
confusion with the Triton type. As attributes he often holds
a dolphin or tunny-fish, and a trident or sceptre. The winged
deity with a long sinuous fish-tail seen on early Corinthian
vases is probably <em>Palaemon</em> (see p. #26#); but in one case this
deity is feminine.[1946] <em>Amphitrite</em>, as the feminine consort of
Poseidon, holds a sceptre or tunny-fish, and <em>Thetis</em> and the
<em>Nereids</em> appear in ordinary female form. The former, however,
in her struggles with Peleus, is accompanied by lions,
serpents, and other animals, which indicate the transformations
she was supposed to assume. <em>Skylla</em> appears as described in
Homer, with fish-tail and the fore-parts of dogs issuing from
her waist, which is encircled by a fringe of scales or feathers.

<em>Demeter</em> and <em>Persephone</em> are not always distinguishable from
one another, both having the same attributes—a torch or ears
of corn (cf. Plate LI.). Their identification depends rather on
the nature of their respective actions in the scenes where they
appear. <em>Triptolemos</em> is always seen in his winged two-wheeled
car (sometimes drawn by serpents), and usually holds ears of
corn or a libation-bowl; on B.F. vases he is bearded. The
other Eleusinian deities, on the late R.F. vases where they
occur, are marked by the large torches which they hold.

<em>Apollo</em> on the B.F. vases almost invariably occurs in his
character of Kitharoidos,[1947] the lyre which he holds being of the
form known as <em>kithara</em> (on later vases it is a <em>chelys</em>); he is
therefore, like all musicians, fully draped in long chiton, and
his hair falls in curls on his shoulders, or is gathered in a
<lang=grc>κρώβυλος</lang>. Unlike most gods, he is at all times youthful and          // Tr: krôbylos
beardless.[1948] He is also represented holding a laurel-branch,
.bn 219.png
.pn +1
shooting an arrow from his bow, or riding on a swan or
Gryphon, or accompanied by a hind or other animal. His
sister <em>Artemis</em> is draped in long chiton and mantle, and often
wears a high cap on B.F. vases; it is not until the later R.F.
period that she appears in hunting costume, with knotted-up
hair, short chiton, and high laced-up hunting-boots or <em>endromides</em>;
sometimes also a fawn-skin. She is usually distinguished
by her bow and arrows, and is accompanied by a
hound, deer, goat, or other animal.[1949]

<em>Hephaistos</em> is usually bearded,[1950] and often appears in the
workman’s dress of the <em>exomis</em> or short chiton covering one
shoulder, and high conical cap; his craft is further symbolised
by a hammer or tongs, or by the axe with which he brings
Athena forth from the head of Zeus. In the Gigantomachia
he uses his tongs with savage violence against an unfortunate
opponent (see p. #14#). <em>Ares</em> is the typical Greek fully-armed
warrior, bearded, with helmet, short chiton, cuirass, and greaves,
sword, spear, and shield; but is not otherwise to be distinguished.
<em>Hermes</em>, as the messenger of the gods, appears in
appropriate costume of chlamys and <em>petasos</em> (the Greek
travelling-hat), and carrying the caduceus or herald’s staff;
he usually wears high boots, and on the earlier vases a short
chiton in addition. He is occasionally winged, but it is more
usual to find the wings attached to his petasos or boots. On
B.F. vases he is always bearded, but not after the sixth
century. <em>Hestia</em>, who but rarely occurs on vases, forms a pair
to Hermes in assemblies of the gods, but is not distinguished
further than by the Olympian lotos-sceptre.

<em>Athena</em> on the earlier B.F. vases is not always distinguished
from an ordinary woman; later, the helmet, spear, shield,
and aegis become inseparable adjuncts of her costume, the
shield being always circular in form. The spear, which is
sometimes her only characteristic, is usually brandished or
couched in her right hand, and sometimes she holds her
helmet in her hand (see Plate XXXVI. and p. #40#). Her
costume consists of a long girt chiton, over which the <em>peplos</em>
.bn 220.png
.pn +1
or small mantle is thrown, and the aegis round her chest.
The latter is covered with scales and has a fringe of rearing
serpents, and sometimes, on later vases, the Gorgon’s head in
the centre of the front. On the Panathenaic amphorae she is
always represented in the Promachos attitude, at first to left,
but later to right, brandishing her spear. At either side of
her are columns surmounted by an owl, a cock, or other
emblems. On the later specimens her figure is greatly elongated,
and her drapery is often elaborately embroidered with
patterns in purple and white. Her statue when represented
is usually a mere reproduction of the living type; but on
some later vases there seems to be a reminiscence of the Parthenos
or other statues (see p. #40#).

<em>Aphrodite</em> is less individualised than any other deity, at any
rate on the earlier vases, on which she is invariably draped in
the ordinary manner. She sometimes carries a lotos-headed
sceptre (as in Judgment of Paris scenes). Occasionally she
is represented armed. On the later vases the influence of
fourth-century sculpture becomes apparent in the treatment of
this, as of other deities. She now first appears nude (when
bathing or washing), scantily clad or half draped, and in transparent
Coan draperies, through which the outlines of her form
are visible. She has no characteristic attribute, but is frequently
represented with a dove or other bird. The types of
<em>Eros</em> have already been fully discussed (p. #45#); briefly it
may be said that on the Attic R.F. vases he is a full-grown
nude youth with wings; on those of Southern Italy the type is
more boyish, though never the child or <em>putto</em> of the Hellenistic
Age, and in Apulia the androgynous type, with hair arranged
in feminine fashion and jewellery profusely adorning his person—earrings,
necklace, chains, and anklets—is invariable.

<em>Dionysos</em> is distinguished primarily by the ivy-wreath which
crowns his head; he generally wears a long chiton and
mantle, but on the latest vases is frequently nude. On all
B.F. vases, and often on those of the R.F. period, he is
bearded, and it is only on those of Southern Italy that he
appears as a somewhat effeminate youth, half draped like
Apollo, with rounded and graceful limbs. His attributes are
.bn 221.png
.pn +1
the rhyton or keras (only on B.F. vases), the kantharos, a form
of drinking-cup specially associated with him, a vine-branch,
and the thyrsos; he is accompanied by panthers and other
animals, or swings the limbs of a kid (<lang=grc>χιμαιροφόνος</lang>). Usually    // Tr: chimairophonos
he maintains a calm and unmoved attitude amid the wild
revelries of his followers. <em>Ariadne</em> is undistinguished except
by her association with him. <em>Pan</em>, who only occurs on later
vases, is almost invariably represented as a beardless youthful
figure, with goat’s horns, but human legs; when, however, he
has goat’s legs or feet, he is usually called Aegipan, and in
this aspect he assumes a somewhat dwarfish and more bestial
aspect.[1951]

<em>Satyrs</em> are either elderly and bearded, or youthful; in all
cases with pointed ears and horses’ tails, and undraped except
for the fawn-skins which they frequently wear. They carry
a thyrsos, drinking-cups, or musical instruments, according to
the circumstances in which they are depicted. In Ionic art
(Vol. I. p. #353:vol1_353# ff.) the Satyrs invariably have horses’ feet as
well as tails, and are usually of repulsive appearance. The
<em>Seileni</em> are really aged Satyrs, depicted as bald or white-haired,
but not otherwise differentiated, except in the case of
<em>Papposeilenos</em>, who is covered with shaggy skin.[1952] The <em>Maenads</em>
are often represented (especially on B.F. vases) as ordinary
draped women, or only with the addition of a fawn-skin or
panther-skin over their chiton; they carry the <em>thyrsos</em>, or
frequently on later vases a large tambourine (<em>tympanon</em>).

Of the personages associated with the under-world, <em>Hades</em>
is usually an elderly bearded deity of the Zeus type. He carries
a sceptre, often with ornamented top, and sometimes from his
Chthonian association with Dionysos holds a kantharos, vine-branch,
or cornucopia. <em>Kerberos</em> has three heads only on two
Cacretan hydriae and the Apulian under-world vases; his usual
number is two, but once or twice he has only one.[1953] <em>Hekate</em>
has torches for her customary attribute, and the <em>Furies</em>, who
only occur on South Italian vases, wear short chitons with
.bn 222.png
.pn +1
cross-belts and have rough hair, in which and round their arms
serpents are intertwined. <em>Charon</em> the ferryman is represented
as an elderly man in short chiton and conical cap (cf. Fig. #122:fig122#),
but the grim Etruscan <em>Charun</em> is a repulsive and savage hook-nosed
demon, wielding a hammer. <em>Thanatos</em> and <em>Hypnos</em>, the
two Death-deities, are both winged men, but only the former
is bearded (cf. Fig. #123:fig123#); there is usually nothing forbidding
in his appearance. The question of the representation of ghosts
or souls (<lang=grc>εἴδωλα</lang>) has been fully discussed (p. #72#); most commonly    // Tr: eidôla
they are diminutive winged figures, and in other cases
they appear as in ordinary life,[1954] but possibly they sometimes
appear in the form of birds.[1955]

<em>Gaia</em> is represented half rising out of the earth, a beautiful
but not young woman, with long hair (Fig. #112:fig112#); or, as Pandora,
her head alone is seen (see p. #73#). <em>Kybele</em> occasionally
appears, with her attendant lion, and an even rarer figure is
<em>Asklepios</em>, with his serpent. The <em>Eileithyiae</em>, who attend at
the birth of Athena, are ordinary women, distinguished by the
appropriate gestures of their hands (Fig. #113:fig113#). <em>Iris</em>, the female
messenger of the gods, appears winged, with short chiton to
allow of rapid movement, and carrying the caduceus or herald’s
staff; <em>Hebe</em>, on the other hand, is an ordinary woman. <em>Nike</em> is
usually to be distinguished from Iris by her long flowing draperies,
even when in flight; the various attributes usually associated
with her have already been dealt with in detail (p. #87#).[1956]

Among personifications, <em>Helios</em> is a youthful figure in a chariot,
usually with rays round his head (as on Plate #LIII:pl53#.); in one
or two cases his head is surmounted by a white disc; <em>Selene</em>
appears on horseback, and is sometimes indicated by a crescent
moon; where Helios is accompanied by a goddess in a chariot,
it is probable that <em>Nyx</em> (Night) is intended (see p. #79#). The
<em>Stars</em> are represented as nude youths. The <em>Aurae</em> or breezes
appear as girls floating through the air; the <em>Hyades</em> or rain-Nymphs
are identified by their water-pitchers. A group of
winged gods and goddesses is formed by Eos, Agon (the
.bn 223.png
.pn +1
masculine counterpart of Nike), Eris, Lyssa (Frenzy),[1957] and
the various wind-gods, such as Boreas and Zephyros. These
are found at all periods, but the types vary. <em>Eris</em>, who
is only found on B.F. vases, resembles the Gorgons (see
below), a somewhat grotesque figure with wings, rough hair,
and short girt chiton; <em>Lyssa</em> only occurs on Apulian vases,
and is akin in type to the Furies—in two instances her figure
is enclosed in a circle of rays of light, perhaps to express the
blinding effect of her action, and she holds a goad.[1958] <em>Oistros</em>,
a kindred figure, rides in a car drawn by serpents, and carries
torches. The type of Agon is assimilated to that of Eros
on R.F. vases; on those of earlier date (if this is the correct
interpretation) he wears a short girt chiton and holds a wreath.
The <em>Wind-gods</em> on B.F. vases wear the petasos and high boots,
and short girt chiton; <em>Zephyros</em> is represented as a youth; and
<em>Boreas</em>, who only occurs on R.F. vases, wears Thracian costume;
he is bearded, and his hair is often rough and shaggy. But
these winged deities cannot always be identified with certainty.
Among other personifications, <em>Geras</em> is a somewhat ugly old
man; the <em>Muses</em> are distinguished by their various musical
instruments; and <em>Cities and Countries</em> are occasionally individualised.
For instance, Thebes, on a vase by Assteas, wears
a turreted crown; Sparta appears as a Nymph on horseback;
and, generally speaking, their presence is usually indicated not
only by inscriptions, but by their relation to the scene depicted.[1959]
<em>River-gods</em>, such as Acheloös, appear as human-headed bulls,
with horns, but the last-named on a stamnos by Pamphaios
(E 437 in B.M.) has a fish-tail.

<em>Kastor</em> and <em>Polydeukes</em> usually appear on horseback and in
hunting costume, with petasos, chlamys, and spears; on later
vases they sometimes wear the pileus, a conical cap which often
appears as their emblem on coins. <em>Herakles</em> on earlier vases
is always bearded, and wears the lion’s skin fastened round
his waist with a belt, the forepaws knotted round his throat[1960];
.bn 224.png
.pn +1
the head covers his head like a cap, leaving his face only
exposed, and under it he wears a short girt chiton; he is armed
with his club, or bow and quiver, and sometimes with a sword.
On R.F. vases he is often nude, or only wears the skin in
chlamys fashion. On the earlier vases he is often less characterised,
and the same applies to the later R.F. vases, on which
he is frequently beardless; in many cases he is only to be
identified by his club. <em>Theseus</em> always appears as a youth,
and on the R.F. cups usually wears a short loose chiton of
crinkly material (cf. Vol. I., #Frontisp.:vol1_pl01#); his arms are a sword,
or sometimes a club. <em>Perseus</em> wears the winged petasos or cap
of darkness and high boots (the shoes of swiftness), sometimes
winged; he carries the wallet or <lang=grc>κίβισις</lang>, and sometimes the           // Tr: kibisis
<lang=grc>ἅρπη</lang> or curved sword with which he slew Medusa. <em>Pelops</em> on      // Tr: harpê
the Apulian vases is usually characterised as an Oriental, with
richly embroidered costume and a tiara or embroidered cap.
The Homeric heroes are only to be identified by inscriptions,
or by the actions in which they take part, but <em>Paris</em> is usually
in Oriental costume; in Judgment scenes he holds a lyre, but
when he takes part in combats he is attired as an archer,
with bow and quiver, Phrygian cap, jerkin, and trousers.
<em>Kekrops</em>, the mythical king of Athens, usually ends in a
serpent’s tail, to denote his autochthonous origin; <em>Midas</em> has
ass’s ears; <em>Orpheus</em> is recognised by his lyre, and sometimes
wears, as a musician, feminine costume (see below, p. #197#).[1961]

Of other mythological types the <em>Amazons</em> are, of course, always
armed, frequently in the Oriental fashion, with Phrygian cap or
<em>kidaris</em> and trousers; their weapons are the crescent-shaped
shield or <em>pelta</em>, and a peculiar type of battle-axe, the <em>sagaris</em>.
The <em>Giants</em> on B.F. vases are ordinary armed warriors, not
even of exceptional size, but in later times they often end in
serpents, as on the Pergamene frieze. <em>Typhon</em> appears in this
form on a Chalcidian vase.[1962] <em>Geryon</em> is represented in the
manner described by Pausanias (vi. 19, 1), as “three men
joined together,” with distinctive arms and legs; on Chalcidian
vases he has four wings, and is only triple from the waist
upwards. The <em>Centaurs</em> on the more archaic vases, as on those
.bn 225.png
.pn +1
of Ionia, appear as men with the body and hind legs of a horse
attached behind; by the middle of the sixth century they
appear in the familiar form of a human bust conjoined with
a horse’s body. The <em>Gorgons</em> are always rendered in grotesque
fashion, with grinning faces and dishevelled hair intertwined
with serpents; they wear short girt chitons and high winged
boots, and have four wings, the upper pair recurved; usually
on B.F. vases they appear in what is known as “the archaic
running attitude,” or, as the Germans more expressively phrase
it, “Knielaufschema,” the figures being represented as if kneeling
on one knee. The same grotesque type of face,[1963] with the
protruding tongue and teeth, appertains to the Medusa’s head
or Gorgoneion, which is at all periods such a favourite decorative
motive on vases, either as the interior design of a B.F. kylix,
or as a medallion in relief on late vases. The more beautiful
type of Medusa head is a creation of later date than most of the
painted vases, but in the medallions on Italian vases much of
the grotesqueness has disappeared.

Much confusion at one time existed between the conceptions
of the <em>Harpy</em> and the <em>Siren</em>, both names being indiscriminately
applied to the female-headed bird so common on vases of all
periods. But there is ample evidence for the representation
of the Harpy more in the style of the Gorgons, as a purely
feminine type, with the short chiton suited for rapid movement,
high boots, and wings, and often in the conventional
running attitude.[1964] In this form they appear in one instance
as feminine counterparts of the male Boreades.[1965] The Siren
types vary at different times, the earlier Sirens frequently
having human arms.[1966] The <em>Sphinx</em> is always a woman-headed
winged four-footed beast; sometimes on Corinthian and Ionic
vases she wears a high head-dress. The <em>Gryphon</em>[1967] is a winged
lion with eagle’s beak, and often with erect ears; the winged
<em>Pegasos</em> and the bull-headed <em>Minotaur</em> require no description.

.tb

Turning now to personages concerned in events of every-day
.bn 226.png
.pn +1
life, we find great variety of costume and equipment, especially
at different periods and under different circumstances. The
vases, in fact, may be said to supply the most instructive
<lang=la><em>locus classicus</em></lang> for Greek dress and ornament, as well as for
minor details—such as weapons, implements, and furniture—of
which they provide contemporary illustrations.

<em>Kings</em> are usually distinguished by dignified flowing robes,
by the wearing of a wreath or head-dress, or by the sceptre
which they hold.[1968] Oriental potentates wear the costume of
their country, with lofty ornamented tiaras, or the Persian
<em>kidaris</em> or <em>kyrbasia</em>—a peaked cap decorated with fringes and
lappets. Their dress is often very elaborate on the later vases.
<em>Actors</em> and <em>musicians</em> both wear appropriate costumes. The
former, who hardly occur except on the Italian vases, wear
the dress of the Old Comedy, with grotesque mask, padded
stomach, loose jerkin, and trousers.[1969] Tragic actors are seldom
represented; but it has already been pointed out[1970] that in the
setting of the mythological scenes on the vases of Southern
Italy there is an unmistakable reflection of the tragic stage,
especially in the elaborate and somewhat exaggerated details
of costume. Musicians invariably wear a long chiton, over
which on R.F. vases they sometimes wear a short loose garment
called the <lang=grc>ὀρθοστάδιον</lang>, embroidered with patterns.[1971] There are  // Tr: orthostadion
also a few instances of male performers (recognisable by
their beards) in distinctively feminine costume.[1972]

<em>Athletes</em> are invariably nude when performing their exercises,
except in the case of the armed foot-race (see p. #164#); in
the torch-race they seem to have worn high crowns; on
the reverse of late R.F. vases they appear inactive, wrapped
in mantles and conversing in groups. <em>Hunters</em> wear a distinctive
costume of petasos and chlamys, and usually carry
two spears. Boys on horseback are usually represented nude,
and on Ionic vases have their hair tied in a tuft behind.[1973]
.bn 227.png
.pn +1
<em>Charioteers</em> are always attired in a long girt chiton reaching
to the feet, which on Attic B.F. vases is painted white.
They usually hold a goad in the right hand, the reins in the
left. <em>Heralds</em> wear the attributes of Hermes—the petasos,
caduceus, and high boots, with a chlamys or short girt chiton.
<em>Warriors</em> on the early and B.F. vases are equipped in a
fashion which tallies to some extent with the descriptions of
Homer.[1974] Their armour usually consists of a crested Corinthian
helmet, a metal cuirass, under which is a short chiton, and
greaves, to which are sometimes added the thigh-coverings
known as <em>parameridia</em>. Some peculiarities may also be noted—such
as the hooked projection on the front of helmets on
the Ionic vases of Daphnae and the Clazomenae sarcophagi,[1975]
the linen cuirasses (indicated by white paint) sometimes worn
on Attic B.F. vases,[1976] or the heavy helmets with large cheek-pieces
seen on the Caeretan hydriae (Plate XXVI.). The R.F.
vases often represent the fully armed Athenian hoplite equipped
in the same fashion as the B.F.; but in these, and more
especially in the Italian vases, there is a tendency to omit
much of the defensive armour. Cuirasses on R.F. vases are
often decorated with patterns of scales or panelling.[1977] Helmets
on Italian vases often assume a local character, with conical
crowns and two or three lofty plumes.[1978]

Of offensive armour, the full equipment consists of sword,
spear, and shield. The two former call for no comment,
but the shields, which are of two forms, the circular Argive
or the indented oval Boeotian, present one feature of great
interest—the devices with which they are adorned.[1979] Investigations
have failed to discern in these any symbolical or
heraldic significance; they are not appropriated to particular
personages, and all that can be noted about them is that
they usually seem to suggest rapid movement. Thus we find
an eagle or other flying bird, wheels, balls, chariots, a bent
.bn 228.png
.pn +1
leg, a serpent, Pegasos, and so on. The passage in the <cite>Septem</cite>
of Aeschylus (387 ff.), in which the shield-devices of the
combatants are described, is of course familiar, and similar
allusions are not wanting in Greek writers.[1980] They are universal
on B.F. vases, being painted in white on black ground, and
are often found on the earlier R.F. vases in black on red;
but they seem to disappear at an early stage of the R.F.
period. Sometimes they consist only of letters of the alphabet,
as on a Panathenaic amphora, where Athena’s shield has
the letters Α to Θ; on a B.F. vase in the British Museum are
the letters <lang=grc>ΑΘΕ</lang>.[1981] Other peculiar subjects are a winged boar,
two rams butting, a figure of Artemis, a white-bordered square,
and a ladder.[1982] Some of those on R.F. vases are somewhat
elaborate—a Seilenos,[1983] a fox eating grapes,[1984] an armed runner,[1985]
or a warrior blowing a trumpet.[1986] A variation is when the
device takes the form of an object in relief—a Satyr-mask,[1987]
Gorgoneion,[1988] mask of Phobos (Panic),[1989] or a Gryphon,[1990] or a
rearing serpent[1991]; or when a shield is surrounded by a fringe
of serpents.[1992] Shields frequently have a piece of fringed and
embroidered stuff suspended from them, which seems to have
served as a protection to the legs.[1993]

<em>Archers</em> are depicted in Oriental costume, wearing peaked
caps with long lappets and a close-fitting dress of leather,
consisting of jerkin and trousers, usually embroidered with
various patterns. The different barbarian types which appear
on vases—Persians, Scythians, Arimaspi, and Thracians—are
more or less individualised, especially on the R.F. vases. Such
subjects, indeed, were not really popular until the Persian wars.
.bn 229.png
.pn +1
The details of Oriental costume have already been noted.
Thracians on R.F. vases wear a long loose cloak known as the
<em>zeira</em> and a cap of foxskin (<em>alopeke</em>) with long flaps, which
dress is also worn by Boreas (see above). In the first half
of the fifth century Oriental costumes seem to have had a
period of popularity among the fashionable young men of
Athens, especially the knights; and they are often depicted
riding in the <em>zeira</em> or striped and embroidered dresses of outlandish
style (see pp. #166#, #179#). Egyptians are often realistically
rendered, with shaven heads,[1994] as are negroes and Aethiopians.
The latter, like all barbarians on vases, usually wear trousers.
On the vases of Southern Italy details of local (Osco-Samnite or
Messapian) costumes often appear (see p. #180#, and Vol. I. p. #483:vol1_483#),
especially in the case of helmets and breastplates worn by
warriors on Campanian vases.

On the earlier vases, down to the end of the B.F. period,
there is frequently no distinction between the dress of men
and women, and to this fact may have been due the practice
of painting the latter white to differentiate them. Both wear
the long Doric chiton, with a mantle or himation thrown over
it; but men often wear the smaller chlamys over the shoulders
in place of the himation. Women, again, on the earlier B.F.
vases, often appear without the himation, and wear a long chiton
tightly girt at the waist, with a short <em>apoptygma</em> or fold falling
over the breast. On R.F. vases the Doric chiton is sometimes
worn by women, open down one side (known as the <lang=grc>χίτων          // Tr: chitôn
σχιστός</lang>). Men in the “strong” R.F. period wear a short loose   // Tr: schistos
chiton of fine crinkly linen. Generally in the R.F. period there
is greater freedom of costume and variety of material and
arrangement. The Ionic chiton is introduced about 500 <sc>B.C.</sc>,
but its vogue does not seem to have lasted long at Athens.
In place of the <em>apoptygma</em> women sometimes wear a loose
over-garment, known as the <em>diplois</em>. On the earliest vases
men are often nude, with the exception of a loin-cloth or
pair of tight-fitting “bathing-drawers.” Women are practically
never nude on vases, except when occupied in bathing or
washing, or in the case of <em>hetairae</em> and jugglers.
.bn 230.png
.pn +1

The draperies, especially the chitons, are often richly embroidered
with patterns, represented by incising and purple
and white colours on the B.F. vases, by black paint on the
R.F. On the former the women’s chiton is often covered
with a sort of diaper pattern of squares, filled in with circles
and stars, or the dresses (both of men and women) are covered
with groups of dots and flowers in white and purple. In the
late fine R.F. period and on the vases of Lucania and Apulia
the patterns become exceedingly rich and varied[1995]: chequers,
wave-pattern, palmettes, stars, egg-pattern, maeander, and all
kinds of borders are introduced. A further extension of the
principle is seen in the introduction of borders of figures, the
most notable instances of which are on the François vase
and the Hieron kotyle.[1996] On the former the technique is
remarkable as a kind of anticipation of red figures on black.
Aristotle speaks of a garment made for Alkimenes of Sybaris
on which deities were represented between borders decorated
with Oriental figures, the subjects being the sacred animals
of the Medes and Persians.[1997] We may also cite the remarkable
statue of Demeter found at Lykosura in Arcadia, the drapery
of which is decorated with inlaid borders of figures,[1998] and the
mantle of Jason described by Apollonius Rhodius.[1999]

The hair of women on B.F. vases, and frequently also that
of men, usually falls loose or in tight curls on the shoulders, with
a fringe over the forehead. On the early R.F. vases men
often wear their hair looped up behind in the fashion known
as the <lang=grc>κρώβυλος</lang>,[2000] which, as we know from Thucydides, went          // Tr: krôbylos
out about 480 <sc>B.C.</sc> Women, on the other hand, have theirs
knotted up and confined under a cap. On later R.F. vases
and on those of Apulia their hair is usually gathered up in
the <em>opisthosphendone</em>, or in a broad coif or fillets, and arranged
in bunches of curls in front and behind. On late R.F. vases
a radiated diadem, painted white, is often seen. Men are
.bn 231.png
.pn +1
seldom represented with long hair after 480 <sc>B.C.</sc>, but they
usually wear a wreath or plain fillet. Head-coverings are rarely
worn by ordinary persons, with the exception of the traveller’s
and huntsman’s <em>petasos</em>; but Oriental personages usually wear
a high cap of some kind (see above, under Barbarians).
Jewellery—such as necklaces, earrings, armlets, or anklets—is
comparatively rare on B.F. vases, but becomes more and
more common, until it reaches profusion on those of Apulia.
Bracelets and anklets are often in the form of serpents.
Various forms of sandals or shoes are seen on later vases, but
on the black-figured the only kind of footgear is the high boot
or <em>endromis</em>, with a curved tag in front.

.tb

The extent to which physiognomical expressions are rendered
on vases varies at different periods[2001]; but it is not true, as has
sometimes been thought, that the artists altogether ignored
such expressions in their figures; it was only in the earlier
phases that this was the case, and even during the fifth century
the advance was timid and slow, much more so than in sculpture.
As a rule, in the same vase all the faces are alike, and no
physiognomical distinction can be drawn between gods and
heroes, or even between men and women, except (on the Attic
vases) in the treatment of the eye. On the B.F. vases the
ordinary type of face has a long nose, with a tendency to turn
up, a pointed chin, deep rounded jaw, and large eyes, while
the limbs are sinewy, angular, and tapering. Beards of some
length are invariable for grown or elderly men; otherwise
distinctions of age are hardly observed until the R.F. period.
And as in sculpture of the archaic period all figures have the
same conventional smile, so on the B.F. vases gods, heroes,
and mortals alike all pursue the actions in which they are
engaged with the same unvarying expression. The contrast
of violent action and calm unmoved physiognomy is often quaint,
and almost grotesque.

Indications of expression or sentiment are, in fact, rather
implicit than explicit. They are given in a sort of shorthand
fashion, just as Polygnotos in his great paintings, by some
.bn 232.png
.pn +1
subtle touch—by a change of attitude or the action of a hand—indicated
the emotion he wished to convey. In the different
treatment of the male and female eye there is, no doubt, an
attempt to give to the man a more lively expression by means
of the round pupil, while the oval form of the woman’s eye
gives her a softer and less intense look. The neglect of this
principle on Ionian vases, where the male eye is oval, seems
to be a reflection of the effeminate tendencies of the Ionian
races.[2002] At an early date we may observe a special treatment
of the eye to represent it as closed, in the case of a blind or
dying person. Thus the Phineus of the Würzburg cup has
merely an angular mark in place of an eye, representing the
fall of the upper eyelid over the lower, or the eye is represented
as a vacant space without pupil.[2003] The mouth is sometimes
open to express pain or anger, as in the Nessos of the Proto-Attic
vase,[2004] or the quarrelling heroes on a vase in the Louvre
(F 340). It is also used to express the agony of a dying or
injured person, as on a vase with the outraged Polyphemos,[2005]
with which we may compare the dying warrior of the Aegina
pediment. But all these are rather exceptions than the rule on
B.F. vases.

After the time of Polygnotos the influence of painting makes
itself felt, and we may recall that he perfected the advances
of Kimon in this respect. Not only did the vase-painters
learn from him how to dispose figures <lang=fr><em>en face</em></lang> or in three-quarter
view, but they also learned how to mark different expressions.
It has also been observed that the influence of tragedy must
have been strong at this time. The krater from Orvieto in
the Louvre (Vol. I. p. #442:vol1_442#) is a good instance of the progress
made in the fifth century in this direction. On one side of the
vase (see Fig. #103:vol1_fig103#, <i>ibid.</i>) we have a dying Niobid and a youth
with face to the front and eyes closing; on the other, in the
Argonautic scene, a warrior holding his knees, with lower lip
.bn 233.png
.pn +1
fallen, giving him a melancholy expression, and Herakles with
a face of sadness, marked by wrinkles. Other figures show
exactly in what direction they are looking (compare Kimon’s
figures “looking down or upwards”).[2006] In the later developments
of the Apulian vases, with their scenes drawn from
tragic themes and represented in such dramatic fashion, there
is plenty of ability to represent emotion, and in several cases it
is accurately expressed, as in some of the scenes from the sack
of Troy. But in other cases, as on the Assteas vase in Madrid
(Fig. #107:vol1_fig107#), much of the old quaintness and grotesqueness is
apparent.

.tb

It is also necessary to treat of the methods adopted by the
artist for indicating locality or landscape in his pictures, a
thing which is often done in the briefest and most cursory
manner. The germs of this principle are perhaps to be observed
(as noted elsewhere, Vol. I. p. #312:vol1_312#) in the floral ground-ornaments
of the Corinthian and other early vases. In the more developed
vase-paintings a sort of shorthand system is customary, a
system which in some degree probably prevailed on the Greek
stage, as on that of the Elizabethan drama. Thus a temple
or a house is represented by a column, or two columns supporting
a pediment, a wood or grove by a single tree, water
by two dolphins swimming in the lower part of the design,
and so on. A notable exception is in the palace depicted on
the François vase, in which Thetis awaits the arrival of the
bridegroom Peleus. So much of the building is given in
detail that it is even possible to attempt a restoration.[2007] On
the same vase the walls of Troy are depicted, with a double
door studded with nails. In the Hydrophoria scenes (p. #173#)
considerable attention is paid to the architectural details of
the well-house, which was probably in the form of a small
temple, perhaps circular, surrounded by a colonnade. The
water issues from spouts in the form of lions’ heads, and
statues are often depicted in different parts of the building.
The François vase also gives an illustration of a well-house,
.bn 234.png
.pn +1
with portico supported by columns. The architecture is almost
invariably Doric. In outdoor scenes rocks occasionally appear,
but only where they are necessary to the subject, as in the
ambuscade of Achilles for Troilos. The branches of trees
which frequently cover all the vacant spaces of the design
on later B.F. vases, especially in Dionysiac scenes, may be
mainly intended for decorative effect.

In the R.F. period more and more attention is paid to
landscape and architectural detail as the style develops, but
there is still a strong tendency to adhere to the shorthand
system—a tendency which increases rather than disappears,
especially on the white-ground vases. The artist’s object was
always to make his figures stand out, as far as possible, clear
against the background, and he therefore deliberately avoided
anything likely to interfere with the desired effect. Landscape
proper, with indications of ground-lines, rocks, and trees, was
only introduced when the Polygnotan influence became strong,
and the Orvieto krater in the Louvre may be once more cited
as a good and early instance of a new development. Scenes
in architectural settings are rare, but an exception may be
noted in the case of some of the late R.F. vases with scenes
in women’s apartments, where careful attention is paid to the
details of the door-ways, even to the locks and key-holes.[2008] For
the rest, it usually sufficed to indicate the palaestra by a strigil
or oil-flask suspended, or a pair of jumping-weights; musical
gatherings by a lyre or a flute in a case; banqueting-rooms
by cups and other vases hung up, or by rows of boots. Similarly,
women’s apartments are represented by a window, door,
or column, or by sashes, hoods, mirrors, wreaths, and wool-baskets
scattered about.[2009]

In the vases of Southern Italy this principle is carried almost
to excess. Not only is the old idea of rosettes and flowers
scattered about the scene revived, but the whole surface of
the design is often covered with miscellaneous objects, such
as balls, sashes, and mirrors. On the Apulian vases the use
of a double line of white dots to indicate the ground is invariable,
.bn 235.png
.pn +1
and loose stones are scattered about where it is intended
to be rocky. Flowers grow about in rich profusion. In the
mythological scenes an elaborate architectural background is
frequent, and altars, tripods, and columns serve the same end;
the <em>heroa</em> or shrines and other forms of tomb in the sepulchral
scenes have already been described. In athletic scenes,
especially on the reverse of the kraters, a ball, a stylus and
tablets, or a pair of jumping-weights are suspended in the air
to indicate the palaestra; and on Lucanian vases subjects of
a military nature are suggested by a suspended shield only
partly visible. The “courting-scenes” on Apulian vases usually
have a representation of a window in a corner of the design.

.h4 id=sec16_2
§ 2. <sc>Arrangement of Subjects</sc>

The next point to be considered is the method of arrangement
and composition of the figures in general on Greek vases.
As regards the Mycenaean, Geometrical, and other early wares,
they may be left out of consideration,—firstly, because their
ornamentation is mainly composed of decorative motives or
single figures of animals; secondly, because even where compositions
of figure subjects are found, as on the great Dipylon
vases, the method of arrangement is still tentative and without
system. The figures are arranged in haphazard groups and
bands, and all the remaining spaces are filled in with ornament.

The first attempt at an organised method of decoration is seen
in the vases of Corinth and Ionia, and is exemplified principally
in the arrangement of the friezes of animals. Roughly speaking,
there are two main tendencies, one characteristic of each line of
development—the procession and the heraldic group. Both are
essentially Oriental (<i>i.e.</i> Assyrian) in origin, the prototype of the
latter being the familiar motive of the two animals and the
sacred tree, which is so frequently found on Mycenaean gems,
and is best exemplified in the famous Lion Gate of Mycenae.[2010]
Yet this typically Mycenaean and Oriental motive was not the
one adopted by its natural inheritors, the Ionians, and it is in
.bn 236.png
.pn +1
Dorian Corinth that we find its reflection on the painted vases.
On one Corinthian vase[2011] it actually occurs in the form of a
conventional palmette and lotos-pattern (representing the tree),
on either side of which two lions are confronted in true
Mycenaean fashion. Later, it becomes a common device on
the necks of vases, the ornament taking the form of a decorative
combination of palmettes (see below, p. #226#). Even when on
Corinthian vases a whole frieze of animals is found, there is
always a central “heraldic” group of two, towards which the
whole seems to lead up, or else the frieze is broken up into
several isolated heraldic groups.[2012] But on the Ionic vases, as
on those of Rhodes and Naukratis, we have over and over again
regular processions of animals all facing the same way, or, as
at Daphnae, solemn dances of women, similarly placed and
joining hand-in-hand (see Plate XXV.).

In the developed B.F. vases the same principles are observed
to some extent, especially where friezes of animals are introduced;
but there is much greater freedom of treatment within
the limits of the field available. Generally speaking, however,
all designs on B.F. vases may be regarded as following one of
the three methods of architectural composition—the frieze, the
pediment, or the metope. The frieze style, which is seen on
the shoulders of hydriae, the exteriors of kylikes, and sometimes
on the bodies of amphorae, oinochoae, or lekythi, implies a
series of figures, all turned in the same direction, but without
any central point for the action, as in processions of warriors,
dances of Satyrs and Maenads, and so on. In the pediment
style of composition the essential feature is a centre-point, in
which the interest of the subject is concentrated, as in such
scenes as the Birth of Athena[2013] or Theseus killing the Minotaur.[2014]
The central group is then flanked by figures immediately
interested in the action (Eileithyia and Hephaistos, or Ariadne,
in the instances quoted; Athena and Iolaos at the labours of
Herakles); and the ends of the pediment, so to speak, are
.bn 237.png
.pn +1
occupied by groups of bystanders, often nameless and uncharacterised,
who are in fact only included to fill up the space
required.

The metope style, which only admits of three, or at most four,
figures, was found convenient for all the vases with subjects on
panels, where space was restricted, and also on the kylikes of the
“minor artist” class, on which a limited use of figures was preferred,
and on those of later date where the space was mainly
taken up by the large eyes. But in all these cases—friezes,
pediments, or metopes—one thing was held to be essential: the
correspondence of the two halves of the design (except in
friezes), producing perfect symmetry in the composition.

Lastly, there are a limited number of cases where a single
figure was found sufficient, as in the interior of kylikes, on the
circular pinakes,[2015] and sometimes on the vases where the large
eyes take up most of the space.[2016]

Subordinate designs, bordering the main design of an amphora
above or below, or decorating the cover, are usually in the form
of animals or chariot-races, in the frieze style of composition.
Similar friezes are sometimes also found (in the old B.F. method)
on R.F. vases, and even on the kraters of Southern Italy.

The earlier R.F. vases preserve the principles of the preceding
period; and, in regard to the kylikes, the system of decoration
has been discussed in detail elsewhere (Vol. I. p. #427:vol1_427#). In all
of them we see particular attention paid to arrangement, and
the variations in the principles of composition form one of our
guides in determining the development of the style. In the
amphorae and hydriae of the transition from the severe to the
strong period the number of figures employed in one scene was
diminished, while they became larger in their proportions and
were treated with more care; the usual number on the Nolan
amphora is one or two each side. On the smaller vases, such
as the oinochoë, the number of the figures never exceeds three.
Sometimes the hydriae have an elongated composition on the
shoulder, containing a frieze of several figures[2017]; but usually the
design runs into both shoulder and body. Designs in framed
.bn 238.png
.pn +1
panels are rare, except on the earlier amphorae and hydriae,
and on the column-handled kraters. The latter are unique in
preserving the older methods of decoration right through the
R.F. period down to the fourth-century specimens from Southern
Italy.

The influence of Polygnotos and his contemporaries brought
about, as we have seen, a great change in the arrangement of
the compositions, by the introduction of landscape and perspective,
and the depicting of figures at different levels. This
new development was subsequently exemplified in the large
vases of Kertch and Apulia, but in the late fine period at
Athens small vases with single friezes or simple subjects were
the rule. In the pyxides and other vases with frieze subjects
the figures are often crowded together and of dwarfish proportions
(Plate XLII. fig. 3). A return to the old system of
several friezes is seen where the figures are arranged in two or
more rows divided by bands of ornaments, as in the Meidias
hydria, or the early Apulian and some of the Lucanian vases.[2018]

The earlier vases of Southern Italy, especially those of
Lucania, preserve in some measure the spirit of the best R.F.
vases, in the arrangement of the figures, and at all times the
composition is one of the best features of these vases; but in the
later examples the purely decorative element obtrudes itself;
single figures of little more than ornamental character abound,
and the old preference for mere ornament asserts itself, the
patterns encroaching all over the scenes.

.h4 id=sec16_3
§ 3. <sc>Ornamental Patterns</sc>

Although by far subordinate to the subjects in point of
artistic or archaeological interest, the ornamental patterns which
are employed on the vases are by no means without their value
in both respects.[2019] They are, indeed, intimately interwoven with
.bn 239.png
.pn +1
the subjects themselves, which they frame in, relieve, or
embellish. Numerous vases are decorated with ornaments only,
even in the advanced stages of the art; and this is, of course,
an extremely common occurrence in the earlier fabrics, such as
the Geometrical and Rhodian. Others, again, are only ornamented
in the simplest fashion, with plain bands of red left to
show through the black varnish round the body or foot. That
the artist took a pride even in this form of ornamentation is
shown by the fact that some potters, such as Nikosthenes and
the “minor artists,” have left their names on vases only decorated
with simple patterns.

From the very beginning of Greek vase-painting there may be
observed an endeavour to dispose the ornamental patterns in
accordance with some system; and even though in some cases,
as in the Cypriote Geometrical vases, there is an offence against
the canons of art, yet at all periods the prevailing effect is one
of symmetry and taste. It may be thought that in some respects
there is a poverty in the variety of ornaments employed—as
compared, for instance, with mediaeval art; but it should be
remembered that—as their architecture shows—the Greek principle
was to achieve the highest results within a limited sphere.
Their system was conventional, but its conventions are forgotten
in the artistic effect that it produces.

It is on the earliest vases that the greatest variety and richness
of ornament occurs; as the art is developed the ornamentation
becomes more and more subsidiary, until on the vases of the
finest R.F. period it has almost disappeared. But in the later
phases it again comes to the fore, tending more and more to
obscure and finally to supersede the subjects. To set forth as
briefly as possible the growth and development of Greek ornament,
both as a whole and in the case of individual motives,
will be the object of the succeeding summary. It will be found
advisable to treat the subject in a twofold aspect,—firstly,
dealing with individual forms and their development; and,
secondly, in their relation to the decoration of the vases and
their subjects, as exemplified in the different periods and fabrics.

Various theories have been propounded as to the origin of
the ornaments found on Greek vases. Some have seen in the
.bn 240.png
.pn +1
patterns architectural adaptations, suggested by the ornamentation
of the different members of a temple, such as the maeander,
egg-and-tongue pattern, or the astragalus, just as the disposition
of the subject is often a reminiscence of the frieze or metopes.
But this is no real explanation. In the first place, the patterns
are found on vases at a period when they were hardly as yet
used in architecture; and, secondly, their use on vases and in
architecture must undoubtedly be traced to a common source.
Others, again, have regarded them as conventional symbols, the
kymation or wave-pattern representing water, a flower or rosette
the ground on which the figures stand, and so on. Or, again, it
has been thought that they were originally derived from textile
patterns, being produced mechanically by the ways in which
the threads ran in the loom, whence they were applied with
deliberate artistic intention to the surface of a vase.

It is, in fact, impossible to put forward any one theory which
will account for the whole system of decorative ornament. As
has been pointed out in our introductory chapter, many of these
patterns are not only spontaneous, but universal in their origin
among primitive peoples; every nation has begun with its
circles, triangles, spirals, or chevrons. We are also, in regard
to the Greeks, met with the remarkable fact that in its earliest
form their painted pottery presents a very elaborate and highly
developed system of ornamentation—purely geometrical, it is
true, yet none the less of an advanced character. It is a composite
system, formed partly from Mycenaean and pre-Mycenaean
local elements, and partly from the decorative ideas introduced
by the Dorians from Central Europe; subsequently the range
of Greek vase-ornament was yet further enlarged by the introduction
of vegetable patterns, the palmette, the lotos-flower, and
the rosette, which are due to the growth of Oriental influences,
both from Egypt and from Assyria.

.tb

.il id=fig139 fn=fig139_241.jpg align=l w=200px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 139. MAEANDER OR EMBATTLED PATTERN.

.il id=fig140 fn=fig140_241.jpg align=r w=250px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 140. MAEANDER OR KEY-PATTERN (ATTIC).

In order to deal with the various ornaments and patterns in
detail, it may be found convenient to divide them under three
heads—rectilinear, curvilinear, and vegetable or floral. Of the
first class the most consistently popular is the typically Greek
pattern known as the <em>maeander</em>, key, or fret pattern. It first
.bn 241.png
.pn +1
appears with the Geometrical style, in which it plays an
important part, often covering a large proportion of the surface
of a vase, arranged in broad friezes.
Three varieties are found—a simple
battlement pattern (Fig. #139:fig139#), and
the slightly more elaborate forms,
Fig. #140:fig140#, and the pattern given in
Vol. I. p. #283:vol1_283#, Fig. #83:vol1_fig83#. In the
Boeotian Geometrical, Phaleron, and
Proto-Corinthian fabrics it is seldom found, or only in a debased
form, as
.pm ii inscr_212_meander.jpg maeander '' ''
but one
or two forms occur in the
“Rhodian” and “Samian”
fabrics of Ionia; one of these
is given in Fig. #141:fig141#, and
another consists of squares
of the same alternating with
crosses or stars in panels.
We meet with a most interesting development of the latter
variety in the vases of the
so-called Pontic class and on
the Clazomenae sarcophagi,
where an elaborate maeander
pattern, usually in two rows,
is interspersed with stars or
rosettes (Fig. #142:fig142#). It thus
becomes almost a distinguishing
characteristic of the later Ionian fabrics.

.il id=fig141 fn=fig141_241.jpg align=l w=250px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 141. MAEANDER OR KEY-PATTERN (IONIC).

.il id=fig142 fn=fig142_241.jpg align=r w=250px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 142. MAEANDER AND STAR PATTERN (LATER IONIC).

In the Attic B.F. vases
there is a return to simplicity.
Here we find it
for the most part in the
form Fig. #140:fig140# above, and
its usual position is below
the designs on the red-bodied
amphorae; but it
is sometimes found on other vases, as above the panels on
the bodies of hydriae or oinochoae. In the R.F. period its
.bn 242.png
.pn +1
development is most important for determining the succession
of the kylikes, on which it almost becomes a date-mark, so
regular is its evolution. This has, however, been already dealt
with in the chapter on
the history of the style
(Vol. I. p. #416:vol1_416#). After
the severe period it is of
frequent appearance on
all forms of vases, the kylix, amphora, krater, and pelike in
particular; the usual arrangement is a group of three to five
maeanders, either of the simple Fig. #140:fig140# type, or of a more
complicated form (Fig. #143:fig143#), divided by rectangular panels or
squares composed of chequers, or of crosses (diagonal and
vertical) with dots or strokes between the arms.[2020] A curious
variety of the maeander is used by Duris; it consists of
a double intersecting maeander interspersed with squares[2021]
(Fig. #144:fig144#).

.il id=fig143 fn=fig143_242.jpg align=r w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 143. MAEANDER (ATTIC, 5TH CENTURY).

The invariable place for this ornament is below the design on
the large vases, and it is usually continued the whole way round
(except on the earlier Nolan amphorae); it is also found on
the R.F. and white lekythi along the top of the design. It is
always painted in black on the clay ground.[2022]

.il id=fig144 fn=fig144_242.jpg align=l w=350px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 144. MAEANDER (ATTIC, ABOUT 480 B.C.).

A similar form of maeander prevails on the vases of Southern
Italy (except in Campania);
it is found on the
krater, amphora, lebes,
kotyle, etc., and is almost
invariable. But there is
one unique variety which
is occasionally found on
the great Apulian kraters, as on F 278 in the British
Museum; the type is that of the pattern in Fig. #144:fig144#, but
the maeander is represented <em>in perspective</em>, being painted in
.bn 243.png
.pn +1
white on the black, the shaded edges left in the colour of
the clay.

Of patterns akin to the maeander, the so-called <em>swastika</em> or
hook-armed cross,
.pm ii ornament_214_swastika.jpg 21 16 swastika '' ','
occurs in panels on the Geometrical
vases, but subsequently it is only found as a ground-ornament
in the field, as frequently at Naukratis, in Rhodes, and elsewhere.
It is, strictly speaking, to be regarded as a fragmentary piece of
maeander, without any of the symbolical meaning which it bears
in the art of northern nations, with whom it was the emblem
of the Scandinavian god Thor. Another pattern,
.pm ii ornament_214_maeander1.jpg 63 16 maeander '' ','
or
.pm ii ornament_214_maeander2.jpg 90 16 maeander '' ','
which may be called a variety of the maeander,
is frequently found as a continuous border on early vases, such as
the Phaleron and Proto-Corinthian wares, and occasionally in the
B.F. period.

Next there is the <em>chevron</em>, zigzag, or herring-bone pattern,
consisting of systems of V-shaped patterns, arranged in two
ways, either
.pm ii ornament_214_chevron.jpg 15 20 chevron '' ''
or
.pm ii ornament_214_zigzag.jpg 64 16 'zigzag' '' ';'
these patterns are practically
only found on the earlier fabrics of Greece and Cyprus, or on
the native wares of Apulia. On the incised vases of the early
Bronze Age found at Hissarlik and in Cyprus this is the prevailing
motive, the lines of zigzag being either single, or arranged
in groups of four or five parallel:

.il fn=ornament_214_parallel.jpg w=250px ew=50%

On the Geometrical vases such patterns are of very frequent
occurrence, and panels or bands of chevrons arranged
vertically,
.pm ii ornament_214_chevron.jpg 15 20 chevron '' ''
or
.pm ii ornament_214_zigzag_vertical.jpg 22 20 zigzag '' ','
occur in many instances (Fig. #83:vol1_fig83#).
These groups of chevrons or zigzags are also a distinguishing
mark of the Boeotian Geometrical fabrics (cf. Fig. #85:vol1_fig85#); they
occur to a lesser extent on the Melian, Proto-Corinthian, and
Early Corinthian vases, and even in the Chalcidian fabrics.
They are either employed as ground-ornaments to fill in
spaces, or as panels forming part of the subsidiary decoration.
A variation, or rather development, of the chevron, sometimes
.bn 244.png
.pn +1
employed as a ground-ornament on early Ionic vases, is
composed of a cross,
.pm ii ornament_215_cross.jpg 21 22 cross '' ','
with sets of chevrons between
the arms.

.il id=fig145 fn=fig145_215.jpg w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 145. NET-PATTERN.

Diagonally or directly <em>intersecting lines</em> form another universal
element of early decoration, varying from a simple arrangement
of cross lines
.pm ii ornament_215_mesh.jpg 54 22 mesh '' ''
to an elaborate diaper-pattern, and
in such forms found even in later times. Beginning with
the simple intersecting lines, or bands filled in with hatching,
of the primitive incised vases, further developed in the white
slip ware of Cyprus (Vol. I. p. #243:vol1_243#), we next come to
their use on the vases of the Geometrical period, both in
Greece and in Cyprus. The variety of these patterns is so
great that they can hardly be described in any detail; the
usual method of treatment is in a band or panel of lozenges,
squares, or triangles, filled in with a reticular pattern formed
by the short intersecting lines. Sometimes dots are inserted
in the spaces to enrich the general effect. Some very
good examples of these patterns are to be seen in the
Geometrical vases of Apulia (p. #327#). In the B.F. period
plain bands or panels of intersecting lines are not infrequent;
sometimes small amphorae or lekythi are decorated entirely in
this fashion.[2023] A variation of the motive is the border of network
which often surrounds the panels on hydriae or oinochoae, in
which the points of intersection are ornamented with studs,
resembling the knots of a net (Fig. #145:fig145#). It is also frequently
found on the later Corinthian vases. <em>Chequer-patterns</em> are often
used with great effect, at all periods from the Geometrical vases
.bn 245.png
.pn +1
down to the fourth century, their usual position being on the
neck of a vase (Fig. #146:fig146#).[2024]

.il id=fig146 fn=fig146_245.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 146. CHEQUER-PATTERN.

.il id=fig147 fn=fig147_245.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 147. PROTOTYPE OF GEOMETRICAL TANGENT-CIRCLES.

The <em>circle</em> as an ornament occurs comparatively rarely, but
there are two exceptions. In the Geometrical vases we find
a use both of concentric circles and of rows of single circles joined
by straight lines forming tangents, a motive which is obviously
derived from the Mycenaean spirals (Fig. #147:fig147#). Secondly,
in the Graeco-Phoenician pottery of Cyprus, especially in its
later phases and in the smaller vases, such as the jugs and
lekythi, the decoration is practically confined to systems of
concentric circles, of a character quite peculiar to this fabric.[2025]
The chief feature of these systems is that the ordinary principles
of vase-decoration are entirely ignored, and the circles,
arranged in series of five or six, forming a band about three-quarters
of an inch in width, are placed not only at right angles
to the axis of the vase, but parallel to it. The illustrations
in Plate #XIII:vol1_pl13#. and Fig. #75:vol1_fig75# (Vol. I. p. #251:vol1_251#) will give a better
idea of the arrangement than any description; it is clear that
the circles were easily produced by applying a fine brush to the
.bn 246.png
.pn +1
vase while turning on the wheel, first in its natural position and
then on its side. Artistically, of course, the principle is a wrong
one, and this is most glaringly conspicuous in the barrel-shaped
lekythi, in which the axis of the vase is regarded as horizontal
rather than vertical. Groups of small concentric circles are
also arranged vertically or otherwise on the bodies and necks
of vases.

.il id=fig148 fn=fig148_246.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 148. SPIRALS UNDER HANDLES (EXEKIAS).

.il id=fig149 fn=fig149_247.jpg align=l w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 149. WAVE-PATTERN (SOUTH ITALY).

The <em>spiral</em>, which forms such a conspicuous element in
Mycenaean decorative art, appears again prominently in a class
which, as we have seen (Vol. I. p. #302:vol1_302#), owes much to that
source—the Melian amphorae. Systems of spirals are arranged
to fill the spaces at the sides of the design,[2026] especially in combination
with floral ornaments and reticulated lozenges; and
the same feature may also be observed in the Proto-Attic vases.
It occurs similarly, combined with a flower, on the Samian or
Fikellura vases (Vol. I. p. #337:vol1_337#). In later times the spiral passes
from the sphere of inorganic to that of organic ornament, being
combined in various ways with vegetable patterns, and merging
.bn 247.png
.pn +1
in the tendril or volute. But it occasionally reverts to its
old form, notably in the red-bodied amphorae of Exekias,[2027]
who, in place of the usual palmette-and-lotos ornament under
the handles, contrives an
elaborate system of large
spirals to fill the space
between the designs (Fig.
#148:fig148#). A variation of
this is the figure-of-eight
ornament,
.pm ii ornament_247_figure8.jpg 34 15 figure-eight '' ','
sometimes continuous,
.pm ii ornament_247_figure8_continuous.jpg 61 15 'continuous figure-eight' '' ','
which is found on vases of the Proto-Attic class,
such as the Burgon lebes in the British Museum (Fig. #87:vol1_fig87#).

.il id=fig150 fn=fig150_247.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 150. SCALE-PATTERN (DAPHNAE).

The <em>wave-pattern</em> or kymation moulding, shown in Fig. #149:fig149#,
is one which constantly occurs in Greek architectural decoration,
but on the vases at any rate seems to be found only at a late
period. On the Campanian vases it is the regular border below
the design; it is also found on those of Lucania and Apulia.
The <em>crescent</em> is only found on early Ionic vases, including
those which have been attributed to a Samian origin (Vol. I.
p. #336:vol1_336# ff.), and some of the Daphnae and Naukratis fragments,
which probably borrowed it from Samos; it is arranged in
bands alternating in colour, black or purple and white. Another
typically Ionic ornament is the <em>scale-pattern</em>, which occurs on
many of the so-called Rhodian vases, and also on those from
Daphnae (Fig. #150:fig150#). In the former it is produced by means of
.bn 248.png
.pn +1
incising on the black varnish, the alternate scales being often
coloured purple; but in the latter it is painted in outline.
Curiously enough, it also occurs in the incised form on an early
group of Corinthian vases (Plate #XIX:vol1_pl19#. fig. 3). Like other
patterns, it can be traced to a Mycenaean origin, being very
common in that style. Subsequently it occurs but rarely, but
is sometimes employed on the neck or shoulder of a vase.[2028]
It differs from most other patterns in that it does not lend
itself to the panel or frieze, but covers a surface of indefinite
extent. It is also known as the “imbricated” pattern, from
its likeness to overlapping tiles (<em>imbrices</em>).

.il id=fig151 fn=fig151_248.jpg w=350px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 151. GUILLOCHE OR PLAIT-BAND (IONIC), FROM THE EUPHORBOS PINAX.

.il id=fig152 fn=fig152_248.jpg w=350px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 152. TONGUE-PATTERN (B.F. PERIOD).

.il id=fig153 fn=fig153_249.jpg align=l w=300px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 153. EGG-PATTERN (R.F. PERIOD).

The <em>guilloche</em> or plait-band (Fig. #151:fig151#) is characteristic of early
fabrics, such as those of Naukratis and Samos, the Clazomenae
sarcophagi (Plate #XXVII:vol1_pl27#.), and the small Proto-Corinthian
lekythi, but is not often found in later times.[2029] It is typically
Ionic, and seems to be derived from Mycenae (cf. A 209 in B.M.).
Lastly, there is the so-called <em>tongue-pattern</em>, which is exclusively
used as an upper border to designs. On its first appearance
in the Geometrical vases it is rectilinear in form,
.pm ii ornament_248_tongue.jpg 63 15 tongue-pattern '' ','
and formed of alternating bars; but from the beginning of
.bn 249.png
.pn +1
the sixth century onwards it assumes a curvilinear form, all
the tongues pointing downwards, broader, and close together,
as in Fig. #152:fig152#. In the Daphnae vases and the later Corinthian
wares it is treated in polychrome fashion, black, purple, and
white alternately. On the lip and shoulders of Caeretan
hydriae it appears in an exaggerated form, painted red, with
black edges, as on Plate #XXVI:vol1_pl26#. In the Attic B.F. vases
it forms the invariable upper border of the designs, below the
necks of the amphorae and hydriae, and is also used as a
border to the interior designs of the kylikes; here, too, purple
is often applied to the alternate tongues. Occasionally the
rectilinear form reappears. In the R.F. period it changes its
character again, and the tongues become short and semi-oval
in form, with black centre and narrow outlined edge; in
this form it is usually
described as an <em>egg-pattern</em>
(Fig. #153:fig153#). It
is found in the smaller
hydriae, and in many
other shapes above or
below the designs; also round the lip of the vase. The
same form and arrangement obtain in the South Italian vases,
especially in Apulia and Lucania, except that a dot is often
placed between each pair of tongues. In some cases it approximates
closely to the egg-and-dart, as on F 179 in the British
Museum. Both tongue and egg-patterns are often ranged round
the base of the handles. The egg-and-tongue, with its variants,
is a typically Ionic architectural pattern; hence its non-appearance
in Attic vases before the fifth century. In later Roman
pottery (Chap. #XXIII:ch23#.) it becomes very common. The variety
known as the Lesbian kymation is found in a few late instances.[2030]

.tb

Having surveyed the various types of inorganic patterns,
whether rectilinear or curvilinear, we now come to the consideration
of those which are not only derived from vegetable
ornament, but still preserve, in greater or less degree, a
naturalistic character. To begin with the simple leaf-ornament,
.bn 250.png
.pn +1
which is of too conventional a type to associate with any
particular plant, this occurs most frequently in the form of
of a <em>calyx</em>, placed round the lower part of the body, immediately
above the foot, so that the leaves radiate from the foot, pointing
upwards.[2031] This ornament begins at a very early period, and
is found in most fabrics, continuing down to the latest stages.
It is, however, specially associated with the B.F. period, in which
it is invariable on the large vases with a more or less marked
stem, the amphorae, hydriae, and kraters. On the smaller
ones, however, it does not occur. In the “affected” B.F.
amphorae (Vol. I. p. #388:vol1_388#) the calyx is double, with two tiers
of rays.[2032]

An arrangement of four leaves saltire-wise in a panel
sometimes occurs on the Geometrical vases, a remarkable
instance of vegetable ornament in
this style (cf. Vol. I. p. #282:vol1_282#); an
analogous pattern is also found
on many early Corinthian aryballi
(Vol. I. p. #314:vol1_314#; B.M. A 1086 ff.),
the leaves not being united at the base, and usually interspersed
with reticulated or other motives.

.il id=fig154 fn=fig154_250.jpg align=r w=200px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 154. LEAF- OR CHAIN-PATTERN.

Another form of leaf-pattern is of rare occurrence, and is found
now and then on Attic vases; in this small leaves are joined
together in a sort of ribbon or chain-pattern[2033] (Fig. #154:fig154#). The
peculiarity of this ornament is that even in the B.F. period it
is red-figured in technique, being left in the colour of the clay
with a background of black.

.il id=fig155 fn=fig155_251.jpg align=l w=300px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 155. IVY-WREATH (B.F. PERIOD).

The <em>ivy-leaf</em> was not adopted as a decorative pattern before
the middle of the sixth century; it seems to be Ionic in
origin.[2034] Single large leaves occur on the necks of B.F. lekythi,
on late Ionic B.F. vases, and to a considerable extent on the
imitations made in Etruria.[2035] These are usually treated in a
very naturalistic manner. Double rows of smaller leaves,
forming a straight wreath, constantly occur as borders to the
.bn 251.png
.pn +1
panels on B.F. hydriae, kraters, and oinochoae (Fig. #155:fig155#); and
similar ivy-wreaths are found along the flat edges of the flange-shaped
handles on the larger panel-amphorae, as well as on
the volute-handles of
kraters.[2036] These patterns
preserve their vogue in
the R.F. amphorae of
the earlier period, and in
the kraters of Lucania,
and it should be noted
that they are always
painted in the B.F.
method (black leaves on
red ground) except in
the vases of Apulia and Paestum. But as a rule on the South
Italian vases the ivy-leaf is treated in a naturalistic manner,
with tendrils and berries, occupying a large panel on the
necks of the column-handled kraters, or forming a border on
the lip of the vase (Fig. #156:fig156#).[2037] The vine as an ornament is
very rare, but there is a good instance on a late <em>phiale</em> in
the British Museum (F 503), where it is treated in a very
naturalistic manner, forming the sole decoration of the interior;
it is also of frequent occurrence on the vases from the
Kabeirion at Thebes (Vol. I. p. #391:vol1_391#). The pomegranate
occurs only on the Cyrenaic cups (Fig. #93:vol1_fig93#), where it forms
a continuous frieze of buds round the exterior, united by
.bn 252.png
.pn +1
interlacing lines. The acanthus is only introduced quite late
(except where it appears as an ornament on the top of a <em>stele</em>),
and is found on the necks of kraters and other large Apulian
vases, forming a rich and luxuriant mass of foliage, often with
a flower in the centre, on which rests a female head. Myrtle
or olive-wreaths occur at all times, especially on the flat rim
of the mouth of a vase; the myrtle seems to be a typically
Ionic motive, and is found at Daphnae, Samos, Rhodes, and
on the Caeretan hydriae.[2038] In the Rhodian vases it is either
roughly painted in black on red, or else in red and white
on a black ground. It was also adopted at Athens—<i>e.g.</i> by
Nikosthenes. Laurel-wreaths form the regular decoration of
the neck in the bell-shaped kraters and wide-bellied amphorae of
the late R.F. period and the decadence (Fig. #157:fig157#). These
wreath-patterns on the late vases, it should be noted, are
either treated in R.F. technique or painted in opaque white
on the black varnish. They are often drawn with great care
and accuracy.

.il id=fig156 fn=fig156_251.jpg w=300px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 156. IVY-WREATH (SOUTH ITALIAN VASES).

.il id=fig157 fn=fig157_252.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 157. LAUREL-WREATH (SOUTH ITALIAN VASES).

The history of the development of the <em>palmette</em> (or honeysuckle),
the <em>lotos-flower and bud</em>, and of continuous foliated
patterns in general, has been skilfully treated by Riegl.[2039] To
write a complete account of this class of ornamentation would
be impossible within the limits of the present work; only a
few main features can be noted, to show the form the patterns
assume at different periods, so universal is their appearance
on vases of all shapes and dates. The lotos-flower or bud
is, of course, a motive of purely Oriental origin, which found
.bn 253.png
.pn +1
its way into Greece probably through the medium of Phoenicia;
the palmette, on the other hand, is purely Greek, although it
may possibly be derived from a Mycenaean prototype, the <em>Vallisneria
spiralis plant</em>, which is so frequently found on Mycenaean
vases (Fig. #158:fig158#).[2040] They are found not only as single motives,
isolated or repeated, but also combined together, or forming
part of elaborate systems of floral ornament, with stems and
tendrils often conventionalised, which link them together, either
in continuous bands or in groups occupying a limited space,
on the neck or under the handle.

.il id=fig158 fn=fig158_253.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 158. VALLISNERIA SPIRALIS (MYCENAEAN).

.il id=fig159 fn=fig159_253.jpg align=l w=150px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 159. LOTOS-FLOWER ON CYPRIOTE VASE.

In the Graeco-Phoenician pottery of Cyprus the lotos-flower
often appears in a purely Egyptian form (Fig. #159:fig159#, from C 165
in B.M.), but it is more often combined
with and almost merged in some elaborate
system of patterns too complicated to
describe or define by any name.[2041] But
in Greek vase-paintings, in which it first
makes its appearance in the seventh
century, it is always more or less conventional.
It is thus found on the
Melian amphorae in combination with
systems of spirals[2042]; though on the
shoulder of the example given by Riegl
there occurs a band of lotos-flowers alternately upright and
inverted, linked together by scrolls, where the form is almost
.bn 254.png
.pn +1
that of Egyptian art, except that the cup of the flower is
rounder, the petals shorter and blunter. It is obviously as yet
in the transitional stage. Next we meet with it in the vases
of Ionia, especially in those of the so-called Rhodian and
earlier Naukratite styles, which have friezes of lotos-flowers
alternating with closed buds or with palmettes, connected by
tendrils (Fig. #160:fig160#). A similar pattern, on an exceptionally
large scale and treated in polychrome (white and purple),
surrounds the lower portion of the body on several of the later
Caeretan hydriae (cf.
Plate #XXVI:vol1_pl26#.). But
in most of the fabrics
of the sixth century
the bud seems to
have been preferred
to the open flower of
the ornament.[2043] Rows
of lotos-buds linked
by tendrils, upright
or inverted, are found
on the Cyrenaic cups,
on the vases of the
Chalcidian type, and
on the later Ionic
fabrics, such as the Rhodian kylikes in the British Museum
(B 379–81). Sometimes, too, a single bud appears in the design
.bn 255.png
.pn +1
itself, overhanging the scene or rising from the ground. On
the so-called Pontic vases the buds are isolated, and placed
alternately upright and pendent. In the Corinthian and early
Attic fabrics the lotos-flower is found, combined in various
ways with palmettes and tendrils, as a neck-ornament, or above
a panel, or under the handles, and also as a centre in heraldic
compositions (Fig. #161:fig161#); but subsequently the buds resume
their sway, and are found bordering the panels of black-bodied
amphorae (as in Fig. #162:fig162#), forming a lower border to the
designs on the red-bodied, and also on the shoulder of lekythi.
These motives linger on in the earlier R.F. amphorae and
hydriae, and in the column-handled kraters; rows of buds of
a degenerate elongated form, on the lip, neck, or shoulder, are
continued well into the period of the South Italian fabrics.

.il id=fig160 fn=fig160_254.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 160. LOTOS-FLOWERS AND BUDS (RHODIAN).

.il id=fig161 fn=fig161_254.jpg w=350px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 161. PALMETTE- AND LOTOS-PATTERN
(EARLY B.F.).

.il id=fig162 fn=fig162_255.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 162. LOTOS-BUDS (ATTIC B.F.).

.il id=fig163 fn=fig163_255.jpg align=l w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 163. CHAIN OF PALMETTES AND LOTOS (EARLY B.F.).]

The palmette or honeysuckle ornament is not usually found
as an independent ornament before the middle of the sixth
century.[2044] Its development in
this direction really belongs to
the R.F. period. But in combination
it is found, as we have
seen, in Corinthian and Attic
B.F. vases, and also in Chalcidian.
Before the Athenian unification
of styles it usually appears linked
with lotos-flowers in a sort of
double chain, each pattern being alternately upright and
reversed, as in Fig. #163:fig163#; in this form it is usually found
on the neck, or as an upper border to the design. This
.bn 256.png
.pn +1
type of ornament is favoured in the Proto-Attic, Corinthian,
and Corintho-Attic vases, and the earlier panel-amphorae; the
palmette is here regarded as the foliage of the lotos-flower,
which at first always predominates. Subsequently the palmette
gains the upper hand, as on the necks of the red amphorae
(see Fig. #165:fig165#), and the lotos-flower is gradually ousted altogether.
It, however, returns occasionally on R.F. hydriae and amphorae.[2045]
Another variety, which may be described as a metope-like
treatment, compared with the frieze-like treatment above,
consists of an interlacing arrangement filling the space of a
square, with two palmettes and two lotos-flowers respectively
opposed, or a symmetrical arrangement of palmettes and lotos-flowers,
connected by tendrils, as in Fig. #164:fig164#. This is found
under the handle, or on the neck, or in the middle of a
frieze of the Corinthian “heraldic” type.[2046] On the red-bodied
B.F. amphorae the universal neck-ornament is a band of large
palmettes vertically opposed, linked by a continuous chain
.bn 257.png
.pn +1
passing between them and separated by elongated lotos-flowers
(Fig. #165:fig165#); this is also found on the Panathenaic vases and
the earlier R.F. amphorae. Towards the end of the sixth
century, however, there is a tendency to drop these composite
ornaments, and attention is devoted to the palmette alone. The
method of its application to the kylikes as a handle-ornament,
linked thereto by a scroll, has already been treated in detail
(Vol. I. p. #413:vol1_413#); it first appears on the Cyrenaic cups, and is
usually employed by the “minor artists” of the B.F. period.
The chief feature of the new advance is that the palmette is no
longer a stiff upright design with straight unenclosed petals, the
form to which it adheres down to the end of the sixth century;
but now assumes a more flexible and graceful form, being
encircled and linked to its fellows by means of slender scrolls
or tendrils, which thus form a series of elliptical or oval forms
.bn 258.png
.pn +1
capable of great variety of arrangement and position (Fig. #166:fig166#).
This framed palmette is first found in the Fikellura or Samian
ware. It occurs in the form of a frieze, with linking scrolls, on
the later B.F. hydriae.[2047] The number of leaves or petals of which
the palmette is composed is usually limited to seven. Another
important and very effective improvement is achieved by placing
opposed pairs of palmettes no longer vertically, but obliquely,
forming an upper or lower border to the design (Fig. #167:fig167#).
These are frequently found on the krater and hydria, and appear
constantly on the vases of Apulia and Lucania, especially on
the lip. Great attention is paid to the effective grouping of the
framed palmettes in the spaces under the handles, the object
aimed at being more and more naturalism rather than symmetry.[2048]

.il id=fig164 fn=fig164_256.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 164. PALMETTES AND LOTOS UNDER HANDLES (ATTIC B.F.).

.il id=fig165 fn=fig165_257.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 165. PALMETTE PATTERN ON NECK OF RED-BODIED AMPHORAE.

.il id=fig166 fn=fig166_257.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 166. ENCLOSED PALMETTES (R.F. PERIOD).

.il id=fig167 fn=fig167_258.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 167. OBLIQUE PALMETTES (LATE R.F.).

In the later R.F. period, on the other hand, there is a certain
reaction in the direction of conventional ornament, combined
with exaggeration and lack of refinement. The palmette under
the handle returns to the old erect unframed type, and increases
enormously in size, so that one or at most two vertically
opposed suffice to fill the space. In this form it appears on
the bell-shaped kraters and hydriae of Southern Italy, and
especially those of Campania, surrounded by elaborate scrolls
and tendrils. In the latter fabric the palmette, which has
become almost gross and ugly, is usually flanked by two large
convolvulus or other flowers rising from the ground, and drawn
.bn 259.png
.pn +1
in profile (Fig. #168:fig168#). In the Apulian and Lucanian vases there
is no rule as to the number of the palmettes, and sometimes the
effect is exceedingly rich and elaborate. Speaking generally,
there is no ornament which prevails so universally and in such
varied forms and systems on Greek vases, but to give an
exhaustive account of all its uses would be far beyond the
limits of this work.

.il id=fig168 fn=fig168_259.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 168. PALMETTE UNDER HANDLES (SOUTH ITALIAN VASE).

There remains only to be discussed the <em>rosette</em>, which, in spite
of its often purely formal character, may be reckoned as in its
origin a floral motive, even if it is not obvious that it is derived
from any particular plant. It may be said to have two distinct
forms, the star and the disc,[2049] the former consisting of an
indefinite number of radiating arms or leaves, the latter of a
simple disc surrounded by a row of dots. In both forms it
is found at all periods, not so much as a formal pattern in
bands or groups, but as a decorative adjunct to surfaces within
or without the field of the design, especially as a ground ornament
on Ionic, Corinthian, and other early fabrics, or as an
embellishment of the draperies worn by the figures on the vases.

.il id=fig169 fn=fig169_260.jpg align=r w=100px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 169. ROSETTE (RHODIAN).

.il id=fig170 fn=fig170_260.jpg align=l w=100px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 170. ROSETTE (APULIAN).

In the Mycenaean period it is found usually in the dotted
disc form, as a ground ornament, but the star form is by no
.bn 260.png
.pn +1
means rare.[2050] In later Cypriote pottery the star-shaped rosette
sometimes occurs in a band of ornament, left in the colour of
the clay on a black background[2051]; but the other type is more
common in conjunction with the concentric
circles. In Hellenic pottery the rosette at
first appears exclusively as a ground-ornament,
and this function it fulfils both in Corinthian
and early Ionic pottery to a large extent, as
well as in some of the smaller groups. In
the Rhodian and Naucratite wares it assumes
very varied forms (<i>e.g.</i> Fig. #169:fig169#, from the
Euphorbos pinax), intermingled with hook-armed crosses and
bits of maeander; in the early Corinthian wares it takes the
shape of an approximately circular flower of six petals, which
covers every available vacant space over the area of the design[2052];
these are often rendered with great carelessness, the artist’s
only object being apparently to insert a patch of colour where
it would fill in a space. Subsequently the rosettes become
both more symmetrical and at the same time fewer in number,
and by the beginning of the Attic B.F. style have altogether
disappeared. Occasionally they are employed for a band of
ornament on the lip, neck, or handles of
a B.F. vase.[2053] Lost sight of for a period
of some two hundred years, the rosette
springs again to life in the vases of Apulia,
resuming its old functions as a ground-ornament,
and also being employed in
bands on the neck or elsewhere. It usually
appears in the form of a star-shaped flower
of six or eight petals, in red edged with
white on the black ground (Fig. #170:fig170#).

.tb

It may also be found convenient to treat the ornamentation
.bn 261.png
.pn +1
of Greek vases from a different point of view, in order to give
an outline of the decorative system adopted in each of the
principal styles, and as considered appropriate to the various
forms.

In the vases of the prehistoric period, from the primitive
incised wares down to the end of the Mycenaean style, there
is an entire absence of anything like rule or formalism. The
principle observed in the very early classes, such as the Cypriote
relief and white slip wares (Vol. I. p. #241:vol1_241# ff.), is the imitation of
other substances, of metal or leather. The object of the artist was
to cover the surface of the vase as far as possible with decorative
designs; and if, as was generally the case, his artistic capacity
restricted him to linear or simple vegetable patterns, the utmost
he could achieve was to adapt these to the whole of the space
at his disposal—<i>i.e.</i> the whole body of the vase. Mycenaean
vases, however, are usually only decorated on the upper part, as
far as the middle of the body, which was encircled with one
or more plain bands of black. Thus there remained a sort
of panel between the handles, of varying extent.

In the Geometrical period, however, a great change takes
place, which from the artistic point of view is a reaction in
the direction of formalism, but nevertheless forms the basis of
the decorative systems of later times. Here we see for the first
time a regular partition of the surface of the vase by means of
bands and panels of ornaments, without indeed any restriction
of particular patterns to any part of the vase, but yet a deliberate
endeavour to establish a decorative system.[2054] With the increase
of animal and human subjects the ornament becomes more
subsidiary, merely a framework to the design, but even in
the succeeding Proto-Attic and Melian classes it plays a very
important part. In the Melian vases the system is Geometrical,
but the ornamentation is curvilinear and Mycenaean. The
ground-ornaments, however, are derived from the former source
as well (hook-cross and zigzags in conjunction with rosettes).
In both these classes the space under the handles is selected
for the display of a grouping of ornamental motives, such as
.bn 262.png
.pn +1
spirals or palmettes, or the two combined in a series of heart-shaped
motives or panel-compositions; similar patterns cover
the neck and the lower part of the body. The ornamentation
of Phaleron and Proto-Corinthian vases is an echo of the
Geometrical system. The ground-ornaments are the hook-cross,
rosettes of dots, and bits of maeander; the bands of
pattern consist of zigzags, chequers, double rows of dots, and
toothed patterns. The early Ionic vase-painters treat the
subsidiary ornamentation as they do their principal subjects,
adopting the frieze principle in most cases; the only exception
is in the Rhodian pinakes, where it is usually confined to simple
patterns round the rim, with a sort of fan-pattern in the exergue
below the central design.[2055] The ground-ornaments are really the
chief feature of Rhodian ornamentation, as in Corinthian vases.
The decoration of the Fikellura or Samian ware is very characteristic,
and demands separate mention. The patterns are highly
developed, and suggest a late date—as, for instance, the scroll,
the ivy-leaf, and the framed palmette. In later Ionic vases
the ornamentation is not very prominent, except in the Caeretan
hydriae, in which the broad bands of palmette-and-lotos ornament,
and the exaggerated tongue-pattern on the lip and
shoulder, occupy a proportion of the surface unusual at this
period. Besides the typical ground-ornaments (rosette and
hook-crosses) of the earlier vases, the favourite Ionian patterns
are the maeander, the guilloche, and wreaths of ivy and myrtle.
At Corinth, as we have seen, for a long time ornament is
confined to the ground-filling rosettes, with some simple motives,
such as zigzag lines or tongue-pattern, on the mouth and
shoulder, or bordering the design; even in the later examples,
when the rosettes have disappeared, it is practically confined
to the interlacing palmette-and-lotos pattern on the neck, above
the design, or inserted in the subordinate friezes of animals.[2056]
The same principle applies in the Corintho-Attic and Chalcidian
fabrics.[2057]
.bn 263.png
.pn +1

In Athenian B.F. vases we at last find a stereotyped system
of ornament for each kind of vase, from which there is little
or no variation. Generally the system is as follows:—On the
panel-amphorae, an interlaced palmette-and-lotos pattern or a
row of inverted lotos-buds above the panel, and a calyx of
leaves round the foot, those with flanged handles having also
ornaments thereon, ivy-leaves or rosettes. On the red-bodied, a
chain of double palmettes round the neck, tongue-pattern on
the shoulder, a grouping of palmettes, tendrils, and lotos-flowers
under the handle, and a row of three or four narrow bands
of ornament below the design (lotos-buds upright or inverted,
maeander, zigzags), terminating with the calyx round the foot.
The Panathenaic amphorae have the same neck-ornament as the
red-bodied, with tongues above the panel, and thick rays round
the foot; the fourth-century examples have palmettes on the
neck, with elongated tongue-pattern immediately below. On
the hydriae, tongue-pattern above the shoulder-design, borders
to the panels (maeander above, ivy or network down the sides,
lotos-buds or framed palmettes below), and calyx round the foot.
On the oinochoae, panel-borders like those of the hydriae, but
on the <em>olpae</em> (Vol. I. p. #178:vol1_178#) only two or three rows of chequer,
maeander, etc., on the neck above; on the lekythi, lotos-buds,
ivy-leaves, and palmettes on the shoulder, and a double row
of dots above the design. The kylix-ornament is practically
limited to the handle-palmettes of the “minor artist” class, and
a circle of straight-edged rays, alternately black and outlined,
round the stem on the later varieties (together with the
large eyes).

In the R.F. period the same system of appropriate patterns
for each form of vase is in the main adhered to, but with greater
freedom; there is also a wide difference between the earlier
amphorae and hydriae, which cling to the old panel-system with
its ornamental borders, and the vases of the fine period, in which
there is an absence of all restraint on the one hand, and a
tendency to dispense with ornament almost entirely on the
other (as in the Nolan amphorae). On the kylix, the ornament
is throughout confined to the palmettes under the handles and
the maeander encircling the interior design, which have been
.bn 264.png
.pn +1
dealt with already (Vol. I. p. #413:vol1_413# ff.). The earlier amphorae and
hydriae, as we have seen, have panels with borders as in the
B.F. period, usually in the older technique; those of the fine
style (including the wide-bellied amphorae) have a short noncontinuous
border, such as egg-pattern or maeander, above and
below the figures, with similar patterns on the lip and round the
bases of the handles. The stamnos has egg-patterns round
the lip and handles, tongue-pattern round the shoulder, and a
system of palmettes between the designs. The red lekythi have
egg-pattern or palmettes on the shoulder, and maeander-pattern
(with crosses) above or below the design; the white have black
rays on red ground or black and red palmettes on white on the
shoulder, and maeander above the designs. The bell-krater and
wide-bellied amphora of the late R.F. period, as also those of
Southern Italy, have a band of oblique palmettes or a laurel-wreath
round the top, maeander with crosses below the design,
palmettes grouped under the handles, and egg-pattern round
their bases. The column-handled krater, on the other hand,
adheres throughout to the B.F. system of ornamentation, with
ivy-wreaths and elongated lotos-buds on the rim, similar lotos-buds
on the neck, panels bordered with tongue-pattern and
debased ivy-wreaths, and the calyx round the foot. The wide-bellied
lekythi have palmettes or egg-pattern above the design,
and maeander below.

In the vases of Southern Italy there is, as a rule, no system
observed in the ornamentation; in the large vases of Lucania
and Apulia it is used with great profusion and variety, chiefly in
bands on the neck. In the smaller Apulian vases and in those
of Campania it is often confined to a wave-pattern below the
designs; the Campanian hydriae usually have in addition a
wreath of myrtle or laurel round the shoulder. Generally
speaking, the large vases, such as the bell-krater, the hydria,
and the wide-bellied amphora, continue the principles adopted
in the R.F. period. The systems of palmette-patterns under
the handles have already been discussed, and for other details
the reader is also referred to what has already been said in
discussing the individual patterns.

.fm

.fn 1942
To give detailed references throughout
may be considered superfluous, the
order of subjects followed being that of
the preceding chapters, to which reference
may in all cases be made without
difficulty by the reader.
.fn-

.fn 1943
Cf. B.M. B 147; for other representations
of Zeus, Figs. #111:fig111#, #113:fig113#, #114:fig114#;
Plate #LI:pl51#.
.fn-

.fn 1944
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 19.
.fn-

.fn 1945
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 1946
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> iii. pl. 32 B.
.fn-

.fn 1947
Cf. the type created by Skopas in
the fourth century.
.fn-

.fn 1948
An exception is <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> i. pl. 62,
where he is bearded (on a B.F. vase).
.fn-

.fn 1949
See for these two, Fig. #116:fig116#.
.fn-

.fn 1950
Exceptions are B.M. D 4; <lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang>
i. pls. 46 A, 47, 63.
.fn-

.fn 1951
Cf. for the two together on a vase,
B.M. E 228.
.fn-

.fn 1952
For an attempted distinction of the
various Satyr-types, see Loeschcke in
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1894, p. 521 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1953
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xviii. p. 296.
.fn-

.fn 1954
Cf. the Greek heroes on B.F. vases
(B.M. B 240, B 543).
.fn-

.fn 1955
See B.M. E 477 and Weicker, <lang=de><cite>Seelenvogel</cite></lang>,
<i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1956
See also Roscher, iii. p. 330.
.fn-

.fn 1957
Only on B.M. F 271 and Naples
3237; elsewhere unwinged.
.fn-

.fn 1958
See p. #91#.
.fn-

.fn 1959
See <cite>J.H.S.</cite> ix. p. 47 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1960
Note that the vase-painters are careful
never to represent him wearing the
skin when contending with the lion.
.fn-

.fn 1961
<i>E.g.</i> Reinach, ii. 80.
.fn-

.fn 1962
Munich 125.
.fn-

.fn 1963
See Six, <lang=de><cite>De Gorgone</cite></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 1964
See above, p. #146#.
.fn-

.fn 1965
B.M. B 4.
.fn-

.fn 1966
See Weicker’s <lang=de><cite>Seelenvogel</cite></lang>, <i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 1967
See the article <lang=de><cite>Gryps</cite></lang> in Roscher’s
<lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>, vol. i.
.fn-

.fn 1968
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 198.
.fn-

.fn 1969
See Körte in <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1893, p. 61 ff.;
also Figs. 105, 134.
.fn-

.fn 1970
Vol. I. p. #472:vol1_472#.
.fn-

.fn 1971
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 270; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang>
pls. 65–6.
.fn-

.fn 1972
<lang=fr><cite>Él. Cér.</cite></lang> ii. 16 and iv. 90–93; B.M.
E 308.
.fn-

.fn 1973
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 59, B 103_{14}.
.fn-

.fn 1974
See Helbig, <lang=de><cite>Hom. Epos</cite></lang>^2, pp. 284 ff.,
342.
.fn-

.fn 1975
Vol. I. p. #353:vol1_353#.
.fn-

.fn 1976
As on the Exekias amphora, B.M.
B 209: see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> iv. p. 82.
.fn-

.fn 1977
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 263, E 469.
.fn-

.fn 1978
Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, 2823–24.
.fn-

.fn 1979
On this subject generally see T. Ely
in <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. p. 477 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1980
Xen. <cite>Hell.</cite> iv. 4, 10, vii. 5, 20;
Paus. iv. 28, 5; Plut. <cite>Apophth. Lacon.</cite>
234 D; <cite>Vit. Demosth.</cite> 20; Bacchyl.
frag. 41 (Bergk).
.fn-

.fn 1981
B.M. B 574: cf. B 608 and Urlichs,
<lang=de><cite>Beiträge</cite></lang>, pl. 14.
.fn-

.fn 1982
Berlin 1698, 1852; Munich 1121;
Reinach, i. 453; Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang>
pl. 109, 2.
.fn-

.fn 1983
B.M. E 575.
.fn-

.fn 1984
Cambridge 70.
.fn-

.fn 1985
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895, pp. 191, 198.
.fn-

.fn 1986
Reinach, i. 77; Vienna 332.
.fn-

.fn 1987
Reinach, i. 508, 6; ii. 94, 270.
.fn-

.fn 1988
<i>Ibid.</i> i. 126, 181.
.fn-

.fn 1989
See above, p. #90#, and Roscher, iii.
p. 2389 ff.
.fn-

.fn 1990
Reinach, i. 181; Berlin 1701.
.fn-

.fn 1991
Berlin 3988, 3992; B.M. B 364;
Reinach, ii. 63.
.fn-

.fn 1992
Reinach, i. 513; Louvre E 732 =
Fig. #111:fig111#.
.fn-

.fn 1993
Cf. B.M. E 167–68, 295, etc.
.fn-

.fn 1994
Cf. B.M. B 106_{1}, and the Busiris vases (p. #102#).
.fn-

.fn 1995
See especially the Meidias vase and
the Python krater (B.M. E 224, F 149).
.fn-

.fn 1996
See Plate LI.; also Furtwaengler
and Reichhold, pl. 3; $1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1883,               // Tr: Eph. Arch.
pl. 3; 1885, pl. 5, fig. 3; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1890, pl. 11 (on head-band).
.fn-

.fn 1997
<lang=la><cite>Auscult. Mirab.</cite></lang> 96.
.fn-

.fn 1998
Kavvadias, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Lycosura</cite></lang>, pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 1999
<cite>Argonautica</cite>, i. 729 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2000
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1896, p. 248 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2001
See on this subject throughout <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1895–97, p. 7 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2002
Cf. a funerary plaque in the Louvre,
where the male mourners, no doubt
intentionally, have the oval form of eye;
also Louvre F 256 (figure of Aeneas).
.fn-

.fn 2003
For other instances M. Girard (<lang=fr><cite>Mon.
Grecs</cite></lang>, <i>loc. cit.</i>) refers to Louvre E 753,
754; E 643, 808; <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1893, pl. 1;
see also B.M. E 440 (R.F. period).
.fn-

.fn 2004
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. pl. 57.
.fn-

.fn 2005
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 35, fig. 9: cf.
Louvre E 612 <i>bis</i>, and <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> ii.
24, 15.
.fn-

.fn 2006
See also <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1895–97, p.
16.
.fn-

.fn 2007
Furtwaengler and Reichhold, <lang=de><cite>Gr.
Vasenm.</cite></lang> p. 8.
.fn-

.fn 2008
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 773, 774, 779, 780.
.fn-

.fn 2009
See on the subject P. Gardner in
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix. p. 254.
.fn-

.fn 2010
See on this motive and other heraldic groups, <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1904, p. 27 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2011
B 18 in B.M.: cf. also the fragment
from Naukratis, B 103_{17}.
.fn-

.fn 2012
This principle in its most developed
form may be observed on the Chalcidian
and Tyrrhenian amphorae: see Vol. I.
p. #321:vol1_321# ff.
.fn-

.fn 2013
B.M. B 147.
.fn-

.fn 2014
<i>Ibid.</i> B 313.
.fn-

.fn 2015
B.M. B 589–91.
.fn-

.fn 2016
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 264, B 428, etc.
.fn-

.fn 2017
Cf. B.M. E 164 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2018
See Winter, <lang=de><cite>Jüngere Attische Vasen</cite></lang>,
p. 69; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 102; also
Plate XLV.
.fn-

.fn 2019
This subject has hitherto received
little or no general scientific treatment
from archaeologists. Riegl’s <lang=de><cite>Stilfragen</cite></lang>
(1893) contains an interesting study of
vegetable ornament on Greek vases; but
the plates of Brunn and Lau’s <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasen</cite></lang>,
though intended to illustrate the system of
ornamentation, are not very instructive.
.fn-

.fn 2020
For the various types of these patterns
see Vol. I. p. #416:vol1_416#, Fig. #102:vol1_fig102#.
.fn-

.fn 2021
This is also found on a B.F. vase in
the British Museum (B 330): see Hartwig,
<lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 220; also B.M. E 84;
Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Hell. Vasen</cite></lang>, pl. 5; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang>
1873, pl. 9.
.fn-

.fn 2022
The Pamphaios hydria in the British
Museum (B 300) has bits of <em>red-on-black</em>
maeander down the sides of the design on
the shoulder.
.fn-

.fn 2023
See examples from Cyprus and Rhodes in Cases 24, 25, 28, Second Vase
Room, B.M.
.fn-

.fn 2024
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 205, 474, 476, 620,
D 15, E 151, F 178.
.fn-

.fn 2025
It appears, however, to be of Mycenaean
origin: cf. the B.M. vases
A 253, 323, 324, and <cite>Excavations in
Cyprus</cite>, p. 6, fig. 6, from Ialysos and
Cyprus, decorated in this fashion with
vertical concentric circles.
.fn-

.fn 2026
Riegl, p. 155.
.fn-

.fn 2027
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 209, B 210.
.fn-

.fn 2028
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 564.
.fn-

.fn 2029
For its use on a B.F. kylix see B.M.
B 382 (probably Ionic work).
.fn-

.fn 2030
Munich 810, 849 = Brunn-Lau, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasen</cite></lang>, pls. 35–6: cf. B.M. F 278.
.fn-

.fn 2031
Examples may be seen in Plates
XXIII., XXVIII.-XXXIII.
.fn-

.fn 2032
B.M. B 148–49, 151, 153; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xix.
p. 163.
.fn-

.fn 2033
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 212, B 593, B 677,
B 679: see also <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1899, p. 161.
.fn-

.fn 2034
See <lang=fr><cite>Bull. de Corr. Hell.</cite></lang> 1898, p. 298.
.fn-

.fn 2035
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 63 (Plate LVIII.).
.fn-

.fn 2036
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 364.
.fn-

.fn 2037
As on the Python krater, B.M. F 149.
.fn-

.fn 2038
See <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1895, p. 44, note 15.
.fn-

.fn 2039
<lang=de><cite>Stilfragen</cite></lang>, <i>passim</i>, especially p. 48 ff.
and p. 178.
.fn-

.fn 2040
See Riegl, p. 115 ff., and Houssay in
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xxx. (1897), p. 91 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2041
For the Egyptian types of lotos-flower
and bud see Riegl, p. 48 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2042
Riegl, p. 155: see also an early
Boeotian example in the B.M. (A 564 =
Riegl, p. 173).
.fn-

.fn 2043
Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Tyrrhen. Amphoren</cite></lang>, p. 70,
points out that the form of lotos-flower
with two large points is Peloponnesian
(Corinthian, etc.) and Ionic; the form
found in Attic, Boeotian, and Proto-Corinthian
fabrics has three principal
points.
.fn-

.fn 2044
See generally Riegl, p. 155 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2045
<i>E.g</i>. B.M. E 169.
.fn-

.fn 2046
The varieties of this pattern should
be carefully distinguished. Corinthian
vases have a composition of lotos-flowers
only; Chalcidian, palmettes only (cf.
Vienna 219; B.M. B 34). In the
“Tyrrhenian” amphorae, and subsequently
in Attic red-bodied amphorae,
the two principles are seen to be united,
and palmettes alternate with lotos-flowers.
See also Fig. #161:fig161#.
.fn-

.fn 2047
Cf. also an elegant oinochoë with
white ground in the British Museum (B
631). On a similar jug at Munich (334
= Brunn-Lau, <lang=de><cite>Gr. Vasen</cite></lang>, pl. 22) the
palmettes are enclosed in heart-shaped
borders. For other vases which, like these,
have palmettes for their sole decoration,
see British Museum, Second Vase Room,
Case 28, and Laborde, <lang=fr><cite>Vases de Lamberg</cite></lang>,
ii. pl. 41.
.fn-

.fn 2048
Cf. Riegl, pp. 201–3, and Vol. I.
p. #415:vol1_415#.
.fn-

.fn 2049
They are distinguished by German writers as “Blattrosette” and “Punktrosette.”
.fn-

.fn 2050
Cf. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke,
<lang=de><cite>Myken. Vasen</cite></lang>, pls. 4, 25, 28, 37, 38;
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. pl. 5 (Crete).
.fn-

.fn 2051
<i>E.g.</i> C 244 in B.M., and Fig. #76:vol1_fig76#
(Vol. I. p. #254:vol1_254#).
.fn-

.fn 2052
See Riegl, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 197. He points
out that the rosette, although Assyrian
in origin, is not here used in a strictly
Assyrian fashion.
.fn-

.fn 2053
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 51, B 197 ff.: cf. also
the Proto-Attic vase, <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 57.
.fn-

.fn 2054
See what has already been said on
this subject in Vol. I. Chapter VII. p.
#282:vol1_282#: cf. also Perrot, <lang=fr><cite>Hist. de l’Art</cite></lang>, vii.
p. 165.
.fn-

.fn 2055
Cf. a similar pattern on the Daphnae
situlae (B.M. B 105–6).
.fn-

.fn 2056
See generally  Wilisch, <lang=de><cite>Altkor.
Thonindustrie</cite></lang>, p. 41 ff., for Corinthian
ornamentation.
.fn-

.fn 2057
See on the ornamentation of the
former Thiersch, <lang=de><cite>Tyrrhen. Amphoren</cite></lang>,
p. 69 ff.; on the latter Riegl, p. 187.
.fn-
.bn 265.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h3 id=ch17
CHAPTER XVII | <i>INSCRIPTIONS ON GREEK VASES</i>

.pm start_summary
Importance of inscriptions on vases—Incised inscriptions—Names and
prices incised underneath vases—Owners’ names and dedications—Painted
inscriptions—Early Greek alphabets—Painted inscriptions on
early vases—Corinthian, Ionic, Boeotian, and Chalcidian inscriptions—Inscriptions
on Athenian vases—Dialect—Artists’ signatures—Inscriptions
relating to the subjects—Exclamations—Καλός-names—The Attic
alphabet and orthography—Chronology of Attic inscriptions—South
Italian vases with inscriptions.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2

The practice of inscribing works of art with the names of
persons and objects represented was one of some antiquity in
Greece. The earliest instance of which we have historical
record is the chest of Kypselos, which dated from the beginning
of the sixth century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and concerning which Pausanias[2058]
tells us that “the majority of the figures on the chest have
inscriptions written in the archaic characters; and some of
them read straight, but other letters have the appearance
called by the Greeks ‘backwards-and-forwards’ (<lang=grc>βουστροφηδόν</lang>),        // Tr: boustrophêdon
which is like this: at the end of the verse the second line
turns round again like a runner half through his course. And
any way the inscriptions on the chest are written in a tortuous
and hardly decipherable fashion.” There is, however, no
mention of inscribed vases until a much later date; Athenaeus
speaks of a cup with the name of Zeus Soter upon it, also
of <lang=grc>γραμματικὰ ἐκπώματα</lang>, or cups with letters on them.[2059]          // Tr: grammatika ekpômata

Inscriptions on Greek vases are found in comparatively early
times, even prior to the date to which the chest of Kypselos
is attributed. This question will receive more attention subsequently;
.bn 266.png
.pn +1
meanwhile, we may point out some of the ways in
which they have proved important in the study of archaeology.
In the first place, they were originally among the principal,
perhaps the strongest, arguments in the hands of Winckelmann,
Sir W. Hamilton, and the other upholders of the true origin of
Greek vases against Gori and the other “Etruscans” (see Vol. I.
p. #19:vol1_19#). They are, in fact, if such were required, an incontestable
proof of Greek manufacture. Secondly, in more modern times,
they have been of inestimable value in enabling scholars to
classify the early vases according to their different fabrics.
The alphabets of the different cities and states being established
by inscriptions obtained from trustworthy sources or found
<lang=la><em>in situ</em></lang>, it was an easy matter to apply this knowledge to the
vases. In Chapters VII.-VIII. numerous instances have been
given of the value of this evidence (see also below, p. #247# ff.),
perhaps the best being that of the Chalcidian class, for which
the inscriptions have been a more important criterion even than
style. Thirdly, the inscriptions are sometimes of considerable
philological value. Those on Attic vases may fairly be said
to represent the vernacular of the day; and thus we learn
that the Greeks of the Peisistratid age spoke of <lang=grc>Ὀλυττεύς</lang>,          // Tr: Olytteus
not <lang=grc>Ὀδυσσεύς</lang>, and of <lang=grc>Θῆσυς</lang>, not <lang=grc>Θησεύς</lang>; that they used such   // Tr: Odysseus: Thêsys: Thêseus
forms as <lang=grc>υἱύς</lang> for <lang=grc>υἱός</lang>,[2060] and <lang=grc>πίει</lang> for <lang=grc>πίε</lang> (see below, p. #255#).  // Tr: uius: uios: piei: pie
Traces of foreign influence in the inscriptions, as in the frequently
occurring Doric forms, imply that many of the
vase-painters were foreigners, probably of the metic class. We
shall also see that one class of inscriptions gives some interesting
information on the subject of the names and prices of
vases in antiquity.

The whole subject has been treated exhaustively—especially
from a philological point of view—in a valuable treatise by
P. Kretschmer,[2061] to which we shall have occasion to make
constant reference in the following pages. He classifies them
under two main headings: (<i>a</i>) inscriptions incised with a sharp
tool in the hard clay; (<i>b</i>) inscriptions painted with the brush
after the final baking. They are also found in very rare
.bn 267.png
.pn +1
instances impressed in the soft clay and varnished over.[2062] In
later times inscriptions in relief are actually found, sometimes
painted with thick white pigment, sometimes gilded.[2063] On the
so-called Megarian bowls and on the Arretine and other wares
of the Roman period they are stamped from the moulds.
Lastly, there are the stamps imprinted on the handles of wine-amphorae,
which have been discussed in Chapter #IV:vol1_ch04#.

The <b>incised inscriptions</b> are of three kinds: (1) those executed
by the maker of the vase; (2) those scratched under
the foot; (3) those incised by the owner. As these represent
a much smaller class than the painted ones, they shall be dealt
with first.

(1) Inscriptions incised by the maker before the final baking.
These are found on the handles and feet, round the edge of
a design, or interspersed therewith like the painted inscriptions.
Generally they represent the signature of the potter, as in the
case of the early Boeotian vase signed by Gamedes,[2064] the vases
of the fifth-century artist Hieron,[2065] and those of Assteas, Python,
and Lasimos in Southern Italy.[2066] On the vases of the latter
class explanatory inscriptions seldom occur, but when they
do (as on the vases of Assteas) they are always incised. Of
their palaeographical peculiarities we will speak later. On
a vase in the South Kensington Museum[2067] the words <lang=grc>Βραχᾶς</lang>   // Tr: Brachas
<lang=grc>καλός</lang> are incised and painted red, and on the pottery found   // Tr: kalos
on the site of the Kabeirion at Thebes the same process is often
adopted, except that the paint used is white.[2068]

(2) Of inscriptions scratched under the foot a considerable
number remain, especially on B.F. vases. They are often
difficult to decipher, being in the form of monograms, and
frequently appear to be meaningless. In many cases they
may have been private marks of the potter or his workmen;
others, again, are evidently private memoranda made by the
workman, relating to the number of forms of vases in his
.bn 268.png
.pn +1
batch, or by the merchant respecting the price to be paid.
Commonly they take the form of names of vases,[2069] such as
.pm ii inscr_239_hydria.jpg ΗVΔΡΙ '' ''
for <lang=grc>ὑδρία</lang> (<em>hydria</em>),
.pm ii inscr_239_lek.jpg ΛΗΚ '' ''
or
.pm ii inscr_239_leky.jpg ΛΗΚV '' ''
for <lang=grc>λήκυθος</lang> (<em>lekythos</em>), // Tr: ÊYDRI: hydria: LÊK: LÊKY: lêkythos
.pm ii inscr_239_sky.jpg ΣΚV '' ''
for <lang=grc>σκύφος</lang> (<em>skyphos</em>),[2070] and so on. Many of the inscriptions // Tr: SKY: skyphos
give the words in full, with numbers and prices, and we may
obtain from them some curious information.

Among the more elaborate examples given by Schöne in his
valuable monograph is one from a krater in the Louvre[2071]:

.ta l:30 l:30
.pm ii inscr_239_krateres.jpg 'ΚΡΑΤΕΡΕΣ : ΠI' '' '| <lang=grc>κρατῆρες ἑξ</lang>'                              // Tr: KRATERES : PI   kratêres hex]
.pm ii inscr_239_time.jpg 'ΤΙΜΕ : ͰͰͰͰ  ΟΞΙΔΕΣ : [Π]ΙΙΙ' '' '|<lang=grc>τιμὴ τέσσαρες ὀξίδες ὀκτώ</lang>'      // Tr: TIME : ????  OXIDES : PIII timê tessares oxides oktô
.pm ii inscr_239_bathea.jpg 'ΒΑΘΕΑ : ΔΔͰΙ' '' '| <lang=grc>βαθέα εἰκόσι</lang> (at 1 <em>dr.</em> 1 <em>ob.</em>)' // Tr: bathea eikosi BATHEA : DD?I
.ta-

That is, six kraters, value four drachmae; eight <em>oxides</em>; twenty
<em>bathea</em> (an unknown form), one drachma one obol. The <em>bathea</em>
were probably deep cups or ladles; the <em>oxides</em> (<em>lit.</em> vinegar-cups)
were small vessels, probably answering to our wine-glasses.

Another instance given by Schöne[2072] is:

.ta l:30 l:30
.pm ii inscr_239_lekythia.jpg 'ΛΗΚΥΘΙΑ Δ'  '' '|  <lang=grc>ληκύθια δέκα</lang>'    // Tr: LÊKYTHIA D: lêkythia deka
.pm ii inscr_239_oinochoai.jpg 'ΟΙΝΟΧΟΑΙ ΙΙ' '' '|  <lang=grc>οἰνοχοαὶ δύο</lang>'     // Tr: OINOCHOAI II: oinochoai dyo
.ta-

or ten lekythi and two oinochoae.

Another good example is on a krater in the British Museum
(E 504):

.ta l:30 l:30
.pm ii inscr_239_kratere.jpg 'ΚΡΑΤΕΡΕ [Π]Ι : ͰͰͰͰ' '' '| <lang=grc>κρατῆρε(ς) ἑξ τέσσαρες</lang>'           // Tr: KRATERE PI : [dr][dr][dr][dr] : kratêre(s) hex tessares
.pm ii inscr_239_pellinia.jpg 'ΠΕΛΛΙΝΙΑ : ΔΙΙ : ΙΙΙ' '' '| <lang=grc>πελλίνια[2073] δώδεκα τρεῖς</lang>'    // Tr: PELLINIA : DII : III: pellinia dôdeka treis
.pm ii inscr_239_oxides.jpg 'ΟΞΙΔΕΣ : ΔΔ : ΙΙΙ' '' '| <lang=grc>ὀξίδες εἰκόσι τρεῖς</lang>'                 // Tr: OXIDES : DD : III: oxides eikosi treis
.pm ii inscr_239_oxybapha.jpg 'ΟΞΥΒΑΦΑ : ΔΔͰI'  '' '| <lang=grc>ὀξύβαφα εἰκόσι</lang> (at 1 <em>dr.</em> 1 <em>ob.</em>)' // Tr: OXYBAPHA : DD[dr]I : oxybapha eikosi
.ta-

<i>i.e.</i> six kraters at four drachmae, twelve cups at three obols,
twenty <em>oxides</em> at three obols, twenty <em>oxybapha</em> at one drachma
one obol.
.bn 269.png
.pn +1

Another in Vienna[2074]:

.ta l:30 l:36
.pm ii inscr_240_krateres.jpg 'ΚΡΑΤΕΡΕ[Σ] : [Π]Ι : ΤΙΜΕ : ͰͰͰͰ' '' '| <lang=grc>κρατῆρες ἑξ τιμὴ τέσσαρες</lang> (4 <em>dr.</em>)'
.pm ii inscr_240_bathea.jpg 'ΒΑΘΕΑ : ΔΔ : ΤΙΜΕ : ͰΙ'    ''         '| <lang=grc>βαθέα εἰκοσι τιμὴ ͰΙ</lang> (1 <em>dr.</em> 1 <em>ob.</em>)'
.pm ii inscr_240_oxides.jpg 'ΟΞΙΔΕ[Σ] : Δ'               ..        '| <lang=grc>ὀξιδες δέκα</lang>'
.ta-
// Tr: KRATERES : PI : TIME : ????] : kratêres hex timê tessares]
// Tr: BATHEA : DD : TIME : ?I]     : bathea eikosi timê ?I]
// Tr: OXIDES : D]                  : oxides deka
is to the same effect as the two preceding. On a hydria at
Petersburg[2075] we find:

.if h
.il fn=inscr_240_hydria_treis.jpg w=175px
.if-
.if t
.ce
[ΥΔΤΡΙΔΡΑΧΠΟΙ ΑΝ]               // Tr: YDTRIDRACHGOI AN
.if-
.ce
<lang=grc>ὑδ(ρίαι) τρ(ε)ῖ(ς) δραχ(μῶν) π(έντε) ὀ(βόλου) ἑνός</lang> // Tr: hyd(riai) tr(e)i(s) drach(môn) p(ente) o(bolou) henos

or three hydriae worth five drachmae one obol. The last
example that need be mentioned is from a vase at Berlin[2076]:
// Tr: A · LYDIA MEIÔ : I : E : LEPASTIDES : K : I
// Tr: ôa(?)· Lydia me(i)xô ie lepastides kx’].

.if h
.il fn=inscr_240_a_hydria.jpg w=334px
.if-
.if t
.ce
[Α] · ΛΥΔΙΑ ΜΕΙΩ : Ι : Ε : ΛΕΠΑΣΤΙΔΕΣ : Κ : Ι
.if-
.ce
<lang=grc>ὠά(?)· Λύδια με(ί)ξω ιέ λεπαστίδες κξ’</lang>

Here the letters probably stand for numerals of the ordinary
kind, denoting the numbers of the batch (ιε’ = 15, κξ’ = 27).

The form of the letters in all these cases is that of the fifth
century. In the case of the second, third, and fourth examples
given, it will be noted that the shape of the vase itself corresponds
with the first item. Jahn and Letronne originally held
the view that these marks were made by the potter on the feet
of the vases <em>before</em> they were attached to their respective bodies.[2077]
Schöne, in the light of the examples already quoted, makes
the ingenious suggestion that each list represents a different
“set” of so many vases of different forms, and used for different
purposes, sold together in a batch, like a modern “dinner-set”
or “toilet-set” of china. Thus we have in our fourth example
a set of six mixing-bowls at four drachmae (3<em>s.</em>) apiece, ten
wine-glasses at (probably) three obols or 4½<em>d.</em> apiece, and twenty
cups or ladles at about 10½<em>d.</em> apiece.

Some of the shorter inscriptions also throw light on the
prices at which different vases were sold. For instance,
.pm ii inscr_240-leky.jpg 123 15 'ΛΗΚV : ΛΔ : ΛΗ' '' ''      // Tr: LÊKV : LD : LÊ
would denote thirty-four lekythi for thirty-seven
obols, or roughly 1½<em>d.</em> apiece;
.pm ii inscr_240-leky2.jpg 121 15 'ΛΗΚV : ΙΓ : ΙΑ' '' ','    // Tr: LÊKV : IG : IA
thirteen lekythi
.bn 270.png
.pn +1
for eleven obols, at a slightly lower price.[2078] Aristophanes[2079]
tells us that one obol would purchase quite a fine lekythos,
just as elsewhere[2080] he mentions three drachmae as the cost
of a <lang=grc>κάδος</lang> or cask. This latter statement is borne out by the           // Tr: kados
inscription on a vase,
.pm ii inscr_241_kadia.jpg '[Π]·ΚΑΔΙΑ·ΔΙΙ' '' ','
or five <lang=grc>κάδια</lang> value                                                     // Tr: kadia
twelve drachmae, <i>i.e.</i> at about 2½ <em>dr.</em> apiece.[2081] An inscription
quoted below shows that the owner of a cup valued it at one
drachma. Other examples of the same kind are collected by
Schöne. The cup from Cerigo in the British Museum, on which
is incised
.pm ii inscr_241_hemikotylian.jpg '[Ͱ]ΕΜΙΚΟΤVΛΙΟΝ' '' ''  // Tr: EMIKOTYLION: hêmikotylion
(<lang=grc>ἡμικοτύλιον</lang>)[2082] does not strictly
come into this category, but may be mentioned as having an
inscription of the same class.

(3) Inscriptions incised by the owner, and subsequently to
the completion of the vase. These usually take the form of the
word
.pm ii inscr_241_eimi.jpg 'ΕΙΜΙ' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_241_emi.jpg 'ΕΜΙ'  '(' '),'
with the owner’s name in the genitive, as    // Tr: EIMI: EMI
.pm ii inscr_241_idameneos.jpg 'ΑΣΤΥΟΞΙΔΑ ΗΜΙ' '' ''
(“I am Idamenes’”), or
.pm ii inscr_241_astyochidas.jpg 'ΑΣΤΥΟΞΙΔΑ ΗΜΙ' '' ''             // Tr: IDAMENÊOS ÊMI: ASTYOXIDA ÊMI
(“I am Astyochidas’”), on two B.F. cups from Rhodes.[2083] Sometimes
this appears in an extended and metrical form, as on
another B.F. kylix from the same site:

// Tr: PHILTOSÊMITASKALASAKYLIXSAPOIKILA
.ce
.pm ii inscr_241_philtos.jpg 'ΦΙΛΤΟΣΗΜΙΤΑΣΚΑΛΑΣΑΚΥΛΙΞΣΑΠΟΙΚΙΛΑ' '' ''
.ce
<lang=grc>Φιλτῶς ἠμὶ τᾶς καλᾶς ἁ κύλιξ ἁ ποικίλα</lang>        // Tr: Philtôs êmi tas kalas ha kylix ha poikila]
.ce
“I am the painted cup of the fair Philto.”[2084]

Another metrical inscription runs:

.nf c
<lang=grc>Κηφισοφῶντος ἡ κύλιξ· ἐὰν δέ τις κατάξη δραχμὴν ἀποτείσει· δῶρον ὄν</lang>
<lang=grc>παρὰ Ξενο....</lang>
// Tr: Kêphisophôntos hê kylix; ean de tis kataxê drachmên apoteisei; dôron on para Xeno....

“I am the cup of Kephisophon; if any one breaks me, let him pay
a drachma; the gift of Xeno(krates).”[2085]
.nf-

A yet more remarkable example is on an early lekythos from
Cumae in the British Museum,[2086] which, in the manner favoured
.bn 271.png
.pn +1
by modern schoolboys, invokes an imprecation on the head
of a thief:

.il id=fig171 fn=fig171_271.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 171.

// Tr: Tataiês emi lêpkythos hos d' an me klephsê thyphlos estai

.nf c
<lang=grc>Ταταίης ἐμὶ λήϙυθος ὃς δ’ ἄν με κλέφσῃ θυφλὸς ἔσται</lang>
“I am Tataie’s oil-flask, and he shall be struck blind who steals me.”
.nf-

Others, again, record the gift of the vase, as: “Epainetos
gave me to Charopos”[2087];
.pm ii inscr_242_tendisoi.jpg 'ΤΕΝΔΙ[Σ]ΟΙ ΘΟΔΕΜΟ[Σ] ΔΙΔΟ[Σ]Ι[:]' '' ''   // Tr: TENDISOI [?]ODEMOS DIDOSI[?]]
“Lo, this Thoudemos gives to thee.”[2088] A boat-shaped vase
(<em>kymbion</em>) in the British Museum has incised on it the
exhortation
.pm ii inscr_242_propine.jpg '[Π]ΡΟ]Π]ΙΝΕ ΜΗ ΚΑΤΘΗΣ' '' ','   // Tr: PROPINE MÊ KATTHÊS
“Drink, do not lay
me down.”[2089] The owner’s name is found in the nominative
on a vase from Carthage at Naples:
.pm ii inscr_242_charminos.jpg 'ΧΑΡΜΙΝΟΣ' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_242_theophamida.jpg 'ΘΕΟΦΑΜΙΔΑ' '' ''          // Tr: CHARMINOS THEOPHAMIDA KÔIOS
.pm ii inscr_242_koios.jpg 'ΚΩΙΟΣ' '' ','
“Charminos, son of Theophamidas, a Coan”[2090];
similarly in the genitive with the omission of <lang=grc>εἰμί</lang>:
.pm ii inscr_242_aristarcho.jpg 'ΑΡΙϹΤΑΡΧΟ' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_242_aristonos.jpg 'ΑΡΙΣΤΩΝΟϹ' '' ','     // Tr: ARISTARCHO ARISTÔNOS : eimi
<lang=grc>Ἀριστάρχου Ἀρίστωνος;</lang>
.pm ii inscr_242_alexidamou.jpg 'ΑΛΕΞΙΔΑΜΩ' '' ''   // Tr: Aristarchou Aristônos: ALEXIDAMÔ
<lang=grc>Ἀλεξιδάμου</lang>.[2091]                                              // Tr: Alexidamou

Under the same heading comes the class of votive or
dedicatory inscriptions, found in such large numbers on the
pottery of certain temple-sites, such as that of Aphrodite at
Naukratis,[2092] and that of the Kabeiri at Thebes.[2093] The usual
formula at Naukratis is <lang=grc>ὁ δεῖνα ἀνέθηκε τῇ Ἀφροδίτη</lang> (or <lang=grc>τῷ   // Tr: ho deina anethêke tê Aphroditê: tô Apollôni
Ἀπόλλωνι</lang>)[2094]; but sometimes we find the formula <lang=grc>Ἀπόλλωνος    // Tr: Apollônos eimi
εἰμί</lang>, where the god as the recipient of the gift is regarded as
the owner.

.il id=fig172 fn=fig172_272.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 172.

One of the most interesting, and certainly the most ancient,
.bn 272.png
.pn +1
of all incised inscriptions on Greek vases is that engraved on
a jug of “Dipylon” ware found at Athens in 1880.[2095] It runs:
<lang=grc>ὃς νῦν ὀρχηστῶν παντων ἀταλώτατα παίζει, τῦυ τόδε....</lang> “He       // Tr: hos nyn orchêstôn pantôn atalôtata paizei, tou tode
who now sports most delicately of all the dancers,” etc. Though
probably not contemporary with this eighth-century vase, it
is still of great antiquity, and the earliest Athenian inscription
known.

In studying these <em>graffiti</em>, it must always be borne in mind
that they lend themselves easily to forgery, and that many
are open to grave suspicion. Instances of these doubtful
inscriptions are the Kleomenes vase in the Louvre[2096] and a
late vase signed by Statios in the British Museum (F 594).

.tb

The <b>painted inscriptions</b> are practically limited to a period
extending over two centuries, from the time at which the
primitive methods of painting were slowly emerging into the
black-figured style, down to the finest stage of red-figure vases.
Rare at first, they rapidly spring into popularity, being constantly
found on the sixth-century fabrics; but throughout the
red-figure period they gradually become rarer and rarer, until
they drop out almost entirely. In the vases of the Decadence
they have for the most part fallen into disuse; at any rate, they
are comparatively scarce. Some of the latest inscriptions are in
the Oscan and Latin languages, showing the increasing influence
of the Romans over Southern Italy, and especially Campania.
The inscriptions always follow the laws of palaeography of the
region and period to which they belong.

Generally speaking, it may be said that they have some reference
to the design painted on the vase; at least, the majority
.bn 273.png
.pn +1
are explanatory of the subject represented. Sometimes not
only is every figure accompanied by its name, but even animals
and inanimate objects, instances of which are given below. On
the François vase there are no less than 115 such inscriptions.
In almost all cases we can be certain that they are original, and
contemporaneous with the vase itself.

The explanatory inscriptions are generally small in size, the
letters averaging one-eighth of an inch in height. On B.F.
vases they are painted in black; on R.F. vases of the “severe”
style, in purple on the black ground, or in black on the red
portions; on later R.F. vases, in white. There is no rule for
their position, or indeed for their presence; but, as a general
rule, it may be said that they are oftener found on the finer and
larger vases, and that they are placed in close juxtaposition to
the figures to which they refer. The direction in which they are
written may be either from left to right or right to left (as
generally on Corinthian or Chalcidian vases); on the Panathenaic
amphorae are the only known examples of <lang=grc>κιονηδόν</lang> inscriptions,    // Tr: kionêdon
in which the letters are placed vertically in relation to each
other. They are occasionally found on the objects depicted, as
on stelae or lavers (see pp. #260#, #272#), on shields,[2097] or even on the
figures themselves.[2098] Signatures of artists are occasionally found
on the handle or foot of a vase.[2099]

Kretschmer (p. 5) illustrates the practice of employing inscriptions
on vases from the art of the Semitic nations. He
instances clay vases from Cyprus with painted Phoenician inscriptions,[2100]
for which the same pigment is used as for the
decoration of the vases themselves. But none of these are
likely to be earlier than the first Greek inscriptions, and it is
more than probable that the Cypriote Phoenicians borrowed
the practice from the Greeks. In order, therefore, to obtain
information as to the date of these painted inscriptions, we
are entirely dependent upon internal evidence.
.bn 274.png
.pn +1

The importance of these inscriptions may, perhaps, be best
realised when it is pointed out that they are one of the chief
guides to the age of the vases, and have contributed more than
any other feature to the establishment of a scientific classification
of the earlier fabrics, as will be fully indicated in the succeeding
account.

The Greek alphabet, as is well known, is derived from the
Phoenician, and this is attested not only by tradition, but by the
known existing forms of the latter, the signs being twenty-two
in number. The invention of the two double letters, and of the
long η and ω, which are purely Greek, was attributed by popular
tradition to various personages without any authority. With
the question of the introduction of writing into Greece this is
not the place to deal. Recent discoveries, especially in Crete,
have greatly modified all preconceived notions on the subject,
and for the present we are only immediately concerned with the
earliest use of the Greek alphabet, as we know it.

This can be traced as far back as the seventh century <sc>B.C.</sc>
on various grounds, and in all probability the traditional view
which placed its introduction into Greece at about 660 <sc>B.C.</sc> is
fairly correct. The earliest inscriptions on the vases are certainly
not later, perhaps earlier than this (see below, p. #254#).
At Abou-Simbel in Egypt, Greek inscriptions have been found
in which the name of Psammetichos occurs, and this king is
generally supposed to be the second of that name (594–589).[2101]
In Thera and other Aegean islands, and on the coast of Asia
Minor, inscriptions are known which, for various reasons, have
been placed even earlier than this, and the vase with Arkesilaos,
the inscriptions on which are discussed below, is hardly later,
as it can be shown to date between 580 and 550 <sc>B.C.</sc>

Before proceeding to discuss the early inscriptions, it may
be as well to note, for the benefit of those to whom Greek
Epigraphy is an unfamiliar subject, the chief peculiarities of the
earlier alphabets.[2102] They fall into two principal groups, the
Eastern and Western, each of which has many subdivisions.
Certain forms, such as
.pm ii glyph_chi_euboean.jpg Χ '' ''
for Χ, are characteristic of one or
.bn 275.png
.pn +1
the other division; but the distinction is not so clearly marked
on the vases, on which many alphabets, such as the Ionic and
Island varieties, are scarcely represented. The vase-inscriptions
fall mainly under three heads: Corinthian and Athenian in
the Eastern group, Chalcidian in the Western. During the
fifth century (or even earlier) there is a rapid tendency to
unification in the Greek alphabet, which is chiefly brought
about by the growing supremacy of Athens. This acted in
two ways: firstly, by the fact that Attic became the literary
and therefore the paramount language in Greece; secondly,
by the fact of her artistic pre-eminence, which crushed out
the other local fabrics. Finally, by the time of the archonship
of Eukleides in 403 <sc>B.C.</sc>, the alphabet, if not the language, had
become entirely unified, and the Ionic forms universally adopted
for public and official purposes. For private use they had, of
course, long been known at Athens; but the official enactment
of that year only set the seal to a long recognised practice.
Throughout the fifth century the old Attic and the Ionic
forms are found side by side on R.F. vases.[2103]

In the later archaic period the coins come in as an important
source of evidence.[2104] None of the inscribed ones appear to be
earlier than the sixth century, the oldest being perhaps the electrum
stater usually attributed to Halikarnassos, with the name of
Phanes(?). The only characteristic letter (the alphabet belonging
to the Ionic group) is the sign
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg heta '' ''
in place of Η to denote <em>eta</em>,
which has not been found on any vase with the Ionic alphabet,
and therefore betokens a very early date. Next comes an Attic
stater of about 560 <sc>B.C.</sc>, with the legend
.pm ii inscr_246_athe.jpg '(Α)☉Ε' '' ','
which may be
fitly compared with the oldest Panathenaic amphora,[2105] on which
the dotted
.pm ii glyph_theta_dotted.jpg ☉ '' ''
is also found. The earliest coins of Haliartos in
Boeotia have the curious form
.pm ii glyph_asper1.jpg 8 15 'curious asper' '' ''
for the <em>spiritus asper</em> or Η,
dating apparently before 550 <sc>B.C.</sc>; the succession can thence
be traced through
.pm ii glyph_asper2.jpg 10 14 asper2 '' ','
.pm ii glyph_asper3.jpg 9 14 asper3 '' ','
and
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg heta '' ','
down to about 480 <sc>B.C.</sc>, when
it is dropped entirely. At Himera in Sicily
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg heta '' ''
occurs in the
fifth century for the <lang=la><em>spiritus asper</em></lang>, and is followed by the HH
.bn 276.png
.pn +1
form, which in the West is employed down to about 400 <sc>B.C.</sc>
On the early coins of Poseidonia (Paestum) the
.pm ii glyph_sigma_m.jpg M '' ''
form of Σ
is found (550–480 <sc>B.C.</sc>), being also characteristic of Corinthian
vases of the sixth century; it also lingers on in Crete, but in
Sicily and elsewhere the
.pm ii glyph_sigma.jpg Σ '' ''
form of Attic and other alphabets
is more usual, until replaced in the fifth century by Σ. Of the
specially Ionic letters, Η (= <em>eta</em>) is found generally at an early
date, as at Teos (540–400 <sc>B.C.</sc>), and also Ω. At Corinth the
<em>koppa</em> Ϙ for Κ is in use from the earliest times down to the days
of the Achaean League, and does not therefore afford evidence
of date by itself, but only of a local peculiarity, being equally
universal on vases. The digamma is only found on coins of
Elis and Crete, whereas it often occurs on early Greek vases.[2106]

It may also be of interest to note that the
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg heta '' ''
form for the
rough breathing occurs on the helmet of Hiero in the British
Museum,[2107] which can be dated 480–470 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and that the use
of Η for <em>eta</em> and of the four-lined
.pm ii glyph_sigma_fourline.jpg Σ '' ''
at Athens previous to the
archonship of Eukleides can be deduced from the well-known
fragment of Euripides[2108] in which the letters forming the name
.pm ii inscr_247_theseus.jpg ΘΗΣΕΥΣ '' ''
are carefully described.                                    // Tr: ThÊSEUS

In the following pages illustrations of the points above noted
will be fully detailed where occurring on the vases. The annexed
scheme of alphabets used on vases (Fig. #173:fig173#) will serve to give
a general idea of the variations of form in different fabrics.

The painted inscriptions on vases first appear, as already
noted, about the beginning of the seventh century <sc>B.C.</sc> The
earlier fabrics—Mycenaean, Cretan, and Cycladic—generally
belong to an epoch when writing, if not unknown, was at any
rate little practised[2109]; nor have any inscriptions been found
on the Dipylon or Geometrical vases, except the incised one
which we have already discussed. The oldest known painted
inscriptions are found on a Proto-Corinthian lekythos (see
p. #254#), the Euphorbos pinax from Kameiros (B.M. A 749),
.bn 277.png
.pn +1
and the krater signed by Aristonoös, which is perhaps of Ionic
origin, strongly influenced by Mycenaean art.

.ce
SCHEME OF ALPHABETS USED ON GREEK VASES
.il id=fig173 fn=fig173_277.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 173.

With the great impulse given to vase-painting at the beginning
of the sixth century by the development of the art in Corinth,
.bn 278.png
.pn +1
Chalkis, and Athens (especially in Corinth), the number of
inscribed vases rapidly increases. Among the earliest examples
are those remarkable painted pinakes found at Corinth (Vol. I.
p. #316:vol1_316#), nearly all of which have dedicatory inscriptions, while
in most cases the names are given of the deities, Poseidon and
Amphitrite, to whom they were dedicated, and whose figures
appear on them. They may be dated 600–550 <sc>B.C.</sc> The
custom of inscribing names on works of art is illustrated by
other products of this period, as we have already noted in the
case of the chest of Kypselos; and they occur on the early
bronze reliefs from Olympia,[2110] the Samothrace relief in the
Louvre,[2111] the archaic reliefs at Delphi, and the newly found
painted metopes at Thermon,[2112] as well as later on the paintings
of Polygnotos.

On the Euphorbos pinax already mentioned[2113] appear the
names of Menelaos
.pm ii inscr_249_menelaos.jpg ΜΕΝΕΛΑΣ '(' '),'
Hector
.pm ii inscr_249_hector.jpg ΡΟΤΚΕ '(' '),'                                      // Tr: ROTKE
and Euphorbos
.pm ii inscr_249_euphorbos.jpg ΙΥΦΟΡΒΟΣ '(' ').'
Although found in Rhodes, it is
proved to be of Argive origin by the characteristic form
.pm ii glyph_lambda_argive.jpg Λ '' ''
of the Λ in Menelaos.[2114] Although its date cannot be exactly
ascertained, it is probably about 620–600 <sc>B.C.</sc> It is a vase
important in more than one respect, as it may be said to foreshadow
the beginnings of the black-figure style.

The vase of Aristonoös[2115] was found at Cervetri, and bears the
artist’s signature,
.ce
.pm ii inscription_249.jpg ΝΕΣΙΟΠΕΣΟΦΟΝΟΤΣΙΡΑ '' ', <lang=grc>Ἀριστόνο\<φ>ος ἐποί[η]σεν</lang>,'  // Tr: Aristono<ph>os epoi[ê]sen
in an alphabet from which, unfortunately, all characteristic letters
are wanting, so that its origin is uncertain. It is, however, as
we have said, probably a seventh-century product of an Ionian
fabric, on the coast of Asia Minor. The
.pm ii glyph_phi1.jpg 13 14 'halved circle' '' ''
has been taken
by several scholars[2116] to denote
.pm ii glyph_phyrgian_f.jpg F '' ''
as in the Phrygian alphabet,
but Kretschmer (p. 11) prefers to read it as ϑ
.pm ii glyph_phi1.jpg 13 14 'halved circle' '(' ''
=
.pm ii glyph_phi2.jpg 13 14 'quartered circle' '' ').'
.bn 279.png
.pn +1
We have, however, already seen that it is most probably a
superfluous letter.

Early in the sixth century must be placed another remarkable
vase, the Arkesilaos cup of Cyrenaean fabric.[2117] The inscribed
names on this vase are as remarkable as its subject; there are
nine in all, two only fragmentary. The only proper name is
that of Arkesilas
.pm ii inscr_250_arkesilas.jpg ΑΡΚΕΣΙΛΑΣ '(' '),'
who was king of Kyrene                   // Tr: ARKESILAS
580–550 <sc>B.C.</sc>; the others seem to be titles, such as
.pm ii inscr_250_iophortos.jpg ΙΟΦΟΡΤΟΣ '' ','
<lang=grc>Ἰόφορτος</lang> or <lang=grc>Σώφορτος</lang>, “Keeper of the burdens”;   // Tr: Iophortos: Sôphortos
.pm ii inscr_250_sliphomachos.jpg ΣΛΙΦΟΜΑΧΟΣ '' ','
<lang=grc>Σλιφόμαχος</lang>, a word having some reference to silphium, the            // Tr: Sliphomachos
subject of the vase;                                                 // Tr: PHYLAKOS: IRMOPHOROS
.pm ii inscr_250_phylakos.jpg ΦΥΛΑΚΟΣ '' ','
“Guardian”;
.pm ii inscr_250_irmophoros.jpg ΙΡΜΟΦΟΡΟΣ '' ','
and
.pm ii inscr_250_oryxos.jpg ΟΞΥΡΟ '' ','
<lang=grc>ὀρυξό[ς</lang>. One word,
.pm ii inscr_250_staphmos.jpg ΣΟΜΘΑ '' ','
<lang=grc>στ]αθμός</lang>, refers
to an inanimate object (a balance). The dialect is Doric,
Kyrene having been colonised by that race.

Next we have to deal with a very important class of inscriptions—those
found on Corinthian vases.[2118] They are too numerous
to be dealt with in detail; Kretschmer mentions nearly fifty
inscribed vases, exclusive of the pinakes. Wilisch attributes the
earliest to the latter half of the seventh century, the latest to
the middle of the sixth century; but they certainly do not
become common before the sixth.[2119] They include several artists’
signatures—viz. Chares, Milonidas, and Timonidas (Vol. I.
p. #315:vol1_315#). One of the most famous of the inscribed vases is
the Dodwell pyxis at Munich,[2120] representing a boar-hunt. The
figures are inscribed with fanciful names, such as
.pm ii inscr_250_agamemnon.jpg ΑΓΑΜΕΜΝΟΝ '' ''
(Agamemnon),
.pm ii inscr_250_dorimachos.jpg ΔΟΡΙΜΑΧΟΣ '' ''             // Tr: DORIMACHOS
(Dorimachos, or “spearman”),
.pm ii inscr_250_pakon.jpg ΠΑϘΟΝ '' ''                       // Tr: PAKON
(Pakon), and so on. A krater in the British Museum
(Plate #XXI:vol1_pl21#.) represents a similar scene, also with fancy names,
such as Polydas and Antiphatas. Another famous vase is
the Amphiaraos krater in Berlin,[2121] representing the setting out
of Amphiaraos and the funeral games of Pelias; no less than
twenty names are inscribed. Of these,
.pm ii inscr_250_baton.jpg ΒΑΤΟΝ '' ''                       // Tr: BATON
(Baton) and
.pm ii inscr_250_hippalkmos.jpg ἹΠΠΑΛϘΜΟΣ '' ''              // Tr: HIPPALKMOS
(Hippalk(i)mos) illustrate other palaeo
.bn 280.png
.pn +1
graphical peculiarities. Other good examples are the vase by
Chares,[2122] another in the British Museum with the name of the
owner
.pm ii inscr_251_aineta_emi.jpg 'ΑΣΝΒΤΑ ΒΜΣ' '(' ','       // Tr: AINETA EMI: Aineta emi
<lang=grc>Αἰινετα ἐμίἐ</lang>),[2123] and that by Timonidas
representing Achilles lying in wait for Troilos.[2124] A study of
the pinakes in Berlin is also instructive in this respect. One
is signed by Timonidas, another by Milonidas, while others
bear interesting inscriptions, such as Fig. #174:fig174#:

.il id=fig174 fn=fig174_280.jpg w=400px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 174.

.nf c
<lang=grc>Πειραείοθεν ἵκομες,</lang>                                                // Tr: Peiraeiothen hikomes,
“We have come from Peiraeus”[2125];
.pm ii inscription_251.jpg 'ΤΥΔΕΔΟΣΧΑΡΙΕΣΑΝ ΑΦΟΡΜΑΝ' '' ''   // Tr: TYDEDOSChARIESAN APHORMAN
<lang=grc>τὲ δὲ δὸς χαρίες(ς)αν ἀφορμάν,</lang>                                     // Tr: ty de dos charies(s)an aphorman
“And do thou make a graceful repayment”[2126];
.nf-

and so on. The majority have only the names of Poseidon and
Amphitrite, or (<lang=grc>ὁ δεῖνα</lang>) <lang=grc>ἀνέθηκεν</lang>,                                 // Tr: (ho deina) anethêken

In view of the palaeographical importance of these inscriptions,
it may be worth while to dwell briefly on their peculiarities.
The dialect is of course Doric, and consequently the names
often differ widely from the forms to which we are accustomed;
and this is increased by divergencies of spelling, which
produce many anomalous results. For instance,
.pm ii inscr_251_kesandra.jpg ΚΕΣΑΝΔΡΑ '(' ')'                // Tr: KESANDRA
(<lang=grc>Κεσάνδρα</lang>)                                                           // Tr: Kesandra
appears for Kassandra on a vase in the Louvre.[2127]
<lang=grc>ΑΕ</lang> is used for <lang=grc>ΑΙ</lang>, as in
.pm ii inscr_251_aethon.jpg ΑΕΘΟΝ '' ''                        // Tr: AETHON
(<lang=grc>Ἀέθων</lang> = <lang=grc>Αἴθων</lang>) on the Chares                                        // Tr: Aethôn: Aithôn
.bn 281.png
.pn +1
pyxis, and in
.pm ii inscr_252_peraeothen.jpg ΠΕΡΑΕΟΘΕΝ '' ''               // Tr: PERAEOTHEN
(<lang=grc>Περαεόθεν</lang> for <lang=grc>Πε(ι)ραιόθεν</lang>) on                                      // Tr: Peraeothen: Pe(i)raiothen
the pinax already quoted. A nasal is dropped before a
consonant, as in the names of Amphiaraos
.pm ii inscr_252_amphiaraos.jpg ΑΦΙΑΡΕΟΣ '(' ')'                // Tr: APHIAREOS
and Amphitrite
.pm ii inscr_252_amphitreta.jpg ΑΦΕΤΡΙΤΑ '(' ')'                // Tr: APHETRITA
The digamma lingers as a
medial (more rarely as initial) in many words, such as <lang=grc>ϝαχύς</lang>,        // Tr: wachys,
<lang=grc>Δαμοϝάνασσα</lang>, <lang=grc>Ποτειδαϝων</lang>, and <lang=grc>Διδαίϝων</lang>; its written form is           // Tr: Damowanassa: Poteidawôn: Didaiwôn
.pm ii glyph_digamma1.jpg 9 15 Ϝ '' ''
or
.pm ii glyph_digamma2.jpg 9 15 ϝ '' ''
The use of
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg heta '' ''
for the rough breathing is invariable.[2128]

One or two vases have been recognised as of Sicyonian
fabric by the use in inscriptions of the unique
.pm ii glyph_252_eta_syconian.jpg 16 15 E '' ''
for Ε, peculiar
to that place (Vol. I. p. #321:vol1_321#). The only certain example, however,
is a krater in Berlin (<cite>Cat.</cite> 1147), with the names of Achilles
.pm ii inscr_252_achileus.jpg ΣΥΕΛΙΞΑ '(' ')'
and Memnon
.pm ii inscr_252_memnon.jpg Μ[Ε]ΜΝΟΝ '(' ').'
It may also be               // Tr: SUELIXA: MEMNON
noted that an Athenian sixth-century vase, signed by Exekias,
has a Sicyonian inscription <em>incised</em> upon it by its owner[2129]:

.ce
.pm ii inscription_252.jpg 'ΕΠΑΙΝΕΤΟΣ Μ ΕΔΟΚΕΝ ΧΑΡΟΠΟΙ' '' ''
.ce
<lang=grc>Ἐπαίνετός μ’ ἔδωκεν Χαρόπω.</lang>                                  // Tr: EPAINETOS M EDOKEN CHAROPOI

Boeotian vases never attained to the importance of the
Corinthian fabrics, though, on the other hand, the manufacture
lasted longer; but there are several instances of early signed
vases from this district. Two, of which one is in the British
Museum, are by Gamedes, the others by Theozotos, Gryton,
Iphitadas, Mnasalkes, and Menaidas.[2130] They are recognised as
Boeotian by the use of typical letters, as well as by origin,
style, and dialect; such are the
.pm ii glyph_alpha_boeotian.jpg 'Boeotian A' '' ''
for A,
.pm ii glyph_chi_boeotian.jpg 'Boeotian Χ' '' ''
for Χ, and so on.
There is also a fifth-century vase with the Boeotian alphabet.[2131]
The Kabeirion vases have inscriptions in the local alphabet,
with a few exceptions, which are Ionic.[2132]

A unique vase, from the epigraphical point of view, is E 732
in the Louvre, found at Cervetri, to which allusion has been
made elsewhere (Vol. I. p. #357:vol1_357#, and see Fig. #111:fig111#). It bears
eleven names (of gods and giants) in an alphabet which has
.bn 282.png
.pn +1
been recognised as Ionian, and is according to Kretschmer most
probably that of the island of Keos. The great uncertainty as
to the Ε sounds presented by this vase finds parallels in the
stone inscriptions found on that island, while in the use of Β
for Ϲ (the older form of that letter), the four-stroke
.pm ii glyph_sigma_fourline.jpg 'Fourline Σ' '' ''
and
.pm ii glyph_theta_dotted.jpg ☉ '' ','
with a central dot, this attribution finds further support. The
only other islands that would fit the conditions are Naxos
and Amorgos. As instances of the confused use of Ε, we have
.pm ii inscr_253_zeus.jpg ΖΗΥΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ζεύς</lang>, but
.pm ii inscr_253_polybote.jpg ΠΟΛΥΒΟΤΕ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Πολυβώτη[ς</lang>, while again                    // Tr: Zeus: Polybôtê[s
<lang=grc>Ἐφιάλτης</lang> appears as                            // Tr: Ephialtês
.pm ii inscr_253_epialtes.jpg ΕΙΠΙΑΛΤΕΣ '' '!'
But this confusion does
not occur in Naxos or Amorgos.

Other vases are undoubtedly of Ionic origin, but their actual
home is uncertain; they are usually assigned to the coast of
Asia Minor. For some reason, however, it is very rare for these
vases to bear inscriptions; in all the numerous instances now
collected, only some half-dozen with inscriptions can be found.[2133]
One of these is the well-known Würzburg kylix with Phineus
and the Harpies (see Vol. I. p. #357:vol1_357#); another is a vase from
Vulci, published by Gerhard,[2134] which has since disappeared. On
both of these we find the characteristic Ionic letters Ω for ω,
Η for η, Χ for χ, Λ for λ, and
.pm ii glyph_sigma_fourline.jpg Σ '' ''
with four strokes. Both vases
are of the sixth century, and other details attest their Ionic
origin.

We now come to a very important but somewhat puzzling
class of inscriptions, those in the Chalcidian alphabet.[2135] The
number of these is hardly more than a dozen, but such as they
are they have enabled archaeologists to establish a Chalcidian
school of painting by comparisons with other uninscribed vases.
In all cases the inscriptions relate exclusively to the figures in
the designs. Among the characteristic Chalcidian letters are
the Ϙ for Κ, as in
.pm ii inscr_253_klytios.jpg ΣΙΟΤΥΛϘ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Κλύτιος</lang>); the curved Ϲ for Γ, as in
.pm ii inscr_253_garyfones.jpg ΣΕΝΟϜΥΡΑϹ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Γαρυϝόνες</lang>=Γηρυόνης);
.pm ii glyph_chalcidian_lambda.jpg Ξ '' ''
for Λ and
.pm ii glyph_chi_chalcidian.jpg Ξ '' ''
for Χ, as in
.pm ii inscr_253_achilleus.jpg 'ΑΧΙΛΛΕΥΣ' '' ';'                          // Tr: ACHILLEUS
(<lang=grc>Ἀχιλλεύς</lang>);
.pm ii glyph_xi_chalcidian.jpg Ξ '' ''
for
.pm ii glyph_xi.jpg Ξ '' ','
as in
.pm ii inscr_253_xanthos.jpg ΣΟΘΝΑΞ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Ξάνθος</lang>);
and the abnormal form of the digamma
.pm ii glyph_abnormal_digamma.jpg Ϝ '' ','
as in
.pm ii inscr_253_faxus.jpg ΣΥΧΑϜ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Ϝαχύς</lang>).
.bn 283.png
.pn +1
.pm ii glyph_chi_boeotian.jpg Ψ '' ''
is represented by
.pm ii inscr_254_th_s.jpg ΦΣ '' ''
in one instance
.pm ii inscr_254_mporphos.jpg ΜΠΟΦΣΟΣ '(' ''
= <lang=grc>Μ\<π>όψος</lang>).

Kretschmer has compiled a list of twelve vases with inscriptions
in this alphabet, to which one or two may be added, but
for a fuller treatment of the questions involved in studying this
group the reader is referred to Chapter #VII:vol1_ch07#. This, however,
may be a more suitable place for a few remarks relating to the
inscriptions alone.

In one or two instances the dialect alone is peculiarly Chalcidian,
as the characteristic letters happen to be wanting. In
some instances, as Kretschmer points out, the Aeolic fondness
for the vowel υ is to be traced, as in
.pm ii inscr_254_kyknys.jpg ΣΥΝϘΥϘ '' ','
for                                                                      // Tr: Kyknys
<lang=grc>Κύκνος</lang>, which finds parallels in the Chalcidian colony of Cumae,                // Tr: Kyknos
and probably influenced the Latin language through that means.
Hence, too, the preference for the Q sound of the Ϙ, as in English
and other languages when υ is preceded by a guttural. On the                    // Tr: u
British Museum Geryon vase (B 155) there is a curious mixture
of dialect in the forms <lang=grc>Γαρυόνης, Νηίδες</lang>.                              // Tr: Garyonês, Nêides

It must be borne in mind, in speaking of the Chalcidian
alphabet, that it really extended over a wide area, including not
only Chalkis in Euboea, but Chalkidike in Northern Greece, and
the colonies on the coast of Italy, such as Cumae, and this may
partly account for the mixed character of the dialect on some
of these Chalcidian vases. But although an attempt has been
made to connect them with Cumae, it cannot be said at present
that any certainty has been attained as to the place of their
manufacture.

Though not belonging to the Chalcidian group, there is a vase
which must be mentioned here, on account of its inscription,
which is partly in the alphabet of the Chalcidian colonies. The
vase is of the “Proto-Corinthian” class (see Vol. I. p. #308:vol1_308#), and
dates about 700–650 <sc>B.C.</sc>; it bears the name of the maker,
Pyrrhos[2136]:

.ce 2
.pm ii inscription_254.jpg ΠΥΡΟΣΜΕΠΟΙΕΣΕΝΑΓΑΣΙΛΕϜ '' ''
<lang=grc>Πυρ(ρ)ος μ’ εποιησεν Αγασιλεϝου</lang>

and is therefore one of the oldest existing signatures.
.bn 284.png
.pn +1

.h4
<sc>Athenian Vases</sc>

Under this heading are included all remaining vase-inscriptions,
except a few from Italy. Their value to us, as Kretschmer
points out, is not to be measured only by the mythological
information they provide, or by the list of Athenian craftsmen
and popular favourites which can be drawn up from them, but
it is also largely philological. In other words, they illustrate for
us the vernacular of Athens in the sixth and fifth centuries,
just as the Egyptian papyri have thrown light on the Hellenistic
vernacular of the second. In countless small details the
language of the vase-painters varies from the official language
of state documents and the literary standard of Thucydides,
Sophocles, and even Aristophanes. The reason is, of course,
a simple one—namely, that the vase-artists occupied a subordinate
position in the Athenian state; they were mere
craftsmen, of little education, and in all probability their
spelling was purely phonetic.[2137] Hence we constantly find such
forms as <lang=grc>πίει</lang> for <lang=grc>πίε</lang>, <lang=grc>υἱύς</lang> for <lang=grc>υἱός</lang>, or <lang=grc>Θῆσυς</lang> for <lang=grc>Θησεύς</lang> (see          // Tr: piei: pie: hyius: hyios: Thêsys: Thêseus
above, p. #237#); and even the rich potter Hyperbolos is ridiculed
by the comic poet Plato[2138] for saying <lang=grc>ὀλίον</lang> (<em>sc. oliyon</em>) for <lang=grc>ὀλίγον</lang>,  // Tr: olion: oligon
and <lang=grc>δῃτώμην</lang> for <lang=grc>διῃτώμην</lang>.                                               // Tr: dêtômên: diêtômên

Another interesting point is that many of the artists who
have signed their vases were obviously not Athenians by birth.
Thus we find such names as Phintias, Amasis, Brygos, Cholkos,
Sikanos, Thrax,[2139] and even such signatures as <lang=grc>ὁ Λυδός</lang> (or <lang=grc>ὁ   // Tr: ho Lydos: ho Skythês
Σκύθης</lang>) <lang=grc>ἔγραψεν</lang>. It is, then, evident that many of them were      // Tr: egrapsen
<lang=grc>μέτοικοι</lang> or resident aliens, and consequently occupied but        // Tr: metoikoi
a humble rank in the social order of the city.[2140] One name,
indeed, that of Epiktetos, is actually a slave’s name (<lang=grc>Ἐπίκτητος</lang>  // Tr: Epiktêtos
= “acquired”).

We need not, then, be surprised at meeting with many un-Attic
forms or spellings in the vase-inscriptions, which sometimes
give a clue to the origin of the artist, and of which it may
.bn 285.png
.pn +1
be interesting to give some specimens. Kretschmer notes that
these variations are always Doric, never Ionic.

The commonest Doricism on Attic vases is the use of Α           // Tr: A
for H, of which there are many instances, such as
.pm ii inscr_256_daianera.jpg ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ '' ','           // Tr: DAIANEIRA,
<lang=grc>Δαιάνειρα</lang> for <lang=grc>Δηιάνειρα</lang>[2141];                                  // Tr: Daianeira: Dêianeira
.pm ii inscr_256_himeropa.jpg ΗΙΜΕΡΟΠΑ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἱμερόπη</lang> (B.M.                                               // Tr: Ê: ÊIMEROPA: Himeropê
E 440);
.pm ii inscr_256_oidpodas.jpg ΟΙΔΙΠΟΔΑΣ '' ''
for the Attic <lang=grc>Οἰδιπούς</lang>.[2142] Such forms                     // Tr: OIDIPODAS: Oidipous
as <lang=grc>Ὀλυσσεύς</lang> and <lang=grc>Φερρέφασσα</lang> are also clearly un-Attic. On     // Tr: Olysseus: Pherrephassa
the other hand, the names Menelaos and Iolaos always appear
in their Attic form <lang=grc>Μενελέως</lang>, <lang=grc>Ἰολέως</lang>. The above instances    // Tr: Meneleôs: Ioleôs
are all from proper names; but there are other remarkable
instances, such as the use of <lang=grc>καλά</lang> for <lang=grc>καλή</lang> in               // Tr: kala: kalê: PANTOXENA KALA KORINTHÔI
.pm ii inscr_256_pantoxena.jpg ΠΑΝΤΟΞΕΝΑ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_256_kala.jpg ΚΑΛΑ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_256_korinthoi.jpg ΚΟΡΙΝΘΩΙ '' '.[2143]'
On one of his signed vases Exekias
uses the un-Attic form
.pm ii inscr_256_tesara.jpg ΤΕΣΑΡΑ '' ','
<lang=grc>τέσ(σ)αρα</lang>, but, as Kretschmer                                // Tr: TESARA: tes(s)ara
notes, he also uses <lang=grc>Ἰόλαος</lang> for <lang=grc>Ἰολέως</lang>, and was probably not  // Tr: Iolaos: Ioleôs
an Athenian. On a B.F. amphora in Rome (see below, p. #263#)
occurs the form <lang=grc>παρβέβακεν</lang>.                                  // Tr: parbebaken

Perhaps the most remarkable use of non-Attic Greek on
a vase is in the case of the artist Brygos, who, as we have
already pointed out, was of foreign origin. On a kylix in
his style (B.M. E 69) we find the forms <lang=grc>Δίπιλος</lang>, <lang=grc>Νικοπίλη</lang>,   // Tr: Dipilos: Nikopilê
<lang=grc>Πίλων</lang>, and <lang=grc>Πίλιππος</lang>. These were at one time referred to a   // Tr: Pilôn: Pilippos
Macedonian origin,[2144] but Kretschmer points out that that people
used Β, not Π, for Φ. He aptly quotes the Scythian in the // Tr: B: P, Ph
<cite>Thesmophoriasusae</cite>,[2145] with his <lang=grc>πιλήσει</lang>, <lang=grc>παίνεται</lang>, and <lang=grc>κεπαλή</lang>, as  // Tr:: pilêsei: painetai: kepalê
giving a likely clue to the home of this dropping of the
aspirate.[2146]

The painted inscriptions on the Attic vases may be divided
into three classes: (1) those relating to the whole vase and
its purpose, such as artists’ signatures; (2) those relating to
the designs on the vase, <i>i.e.</i> explanatory inscriptions, and those
found on Panathenaic amphorae; (3) those which stand in no
direct relation to the vase, such as the so-called “love-names”
.bn 286.png
.pn +1
or “pet-names,” and interjections such as “hail,” “drink deep,”
etc. The incised inscriptions have already been discussed.

The artists’ signatures first call for consideration. In relation to
their works they are fully discussed elsewhere (Chapters #IX:vol1_ch09#., #X:vol1_ch10#.),
but the present may be regarded as a convenient opportunity
for some general outline of the style and palaeography of these
inscriptions.

Klein in his <lang=de><cite>Meistersignaturen</cite></lang> (2nd edn.) reckons a total
of ninety-five signatures, a number which has probably been
largely increased since he wrote in 1887. These names he finds
distributed over some 424 vases, one name, that of Nikosthenes,
occurring on no fewer than seventy-seven; he divides them
into four classes, as follows: (1) masters in the B.F. method;
(2) masters combining the two methods; (3) masters in the
R.F. method (including S. Italy vases); (4) masters whose
names appear on vases without subjects. These four classes
are not mutually exclusive, as names in (1) and (3) appear again
in (2) and (4).

The form which the signature takes is usually (1)—
.ce
<lang=grc>ὁ δεῖνα ἐποίησεν</lang> (of the potter);                      // Tr: ho deina epoiêsen
or (2)—
.ce
<lang=grc>ἔγραψεν</lang> (of the painter);                              // Tr: ho deina egrapsen
or (3), the two combined, either under one name, as—
.ce
<lang=grc>Ἐξηκίας ἔγραψε κἀποιησέ με;</lang>                            // Tr: Exêkias egrapse kapoiêse me
or (4), with separate names, as on the François vase—

.il id=fig175 fn=fig175_286.jpg w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 175.

.ce
<lang=grc>Κλίτιας μ’ ἔγραψεν Ἐργότιμός μ’ ἐποίησεν.</lang>              // Tr: Klitias m’ egrapsen Ergotimos m’ epoiêsen.

The form (3) may possibly indicate the priority of the artist,
but it is more probable that it was adopted as forming an
.bn 287.png
.pn +1
iambic trimeter. When <lang=grc>ἐποίησεν</lang> only occurs on a painted vase,         // Tr: epoiêsen
it is generally to be assumed that the potter is also the painter.

The older artists avoided, as a rule, the imperfect <lang=grc>ἔγραφε</lang> or               // Tr: egraphe
<lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>, but its use came into fashion for a short time among the            // Tr: epoiei
early R.F. artists, such as Andokides, Chelis, and Psiax, who
use <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang> (Vol. I. p. #430:vol1_430#); it was again adopted by the Paestum // Tr: epoiei
and Apulian schools, as a modest affectation that their work
was as yet unfinished.[2147] But the majority preferred the more
decided aorist, indicating completeness. The word <lang=grc>με</lang> or <lang=grc>ἐμέ</lang>                 // Tr: me: eme
is usually added by the earlier artists, as in the instance
already quoted from Exekias. Generally speaking, <lang=grc>ἔγραψεν</lang>                    // Tr: egrapsen
rarely occurs on B.F. vases, <lang=grc>ἐποίησεν</lang> being the rule. A rare                // Tr: epoiêsen
form of inscription is the formula <lang=grc>ἔργον</lang> (<lang=grc>τοῦ δεῖνα</lang>), as in the             // Tr: ergon: tou deina
doubtful signature of Statios[2148]; and even more unique is the
use of the word <lang=grc>κεραμεύειν</lang> by the early Attic potter Oikopheles,[2149]      // Tr: kerameuein
as a synonym for <lang=grc>ποιεῖν</lang>. Other peculiarities of signature are               // Tr: poiein
to be seen on the works of Lykinos (<lang=grc>ἠργάσατο</lang>), Paseas (<lang=grc>Πασέου               // Tr: êrgasato: Paseou tôn grammatôn
τῶν γραμμάτων</lang>), and Therinos (<lang=grc>Θερίνου ποίημα</lang>).[2150]                        // Tr: Therinou poiêma

The potter sometimes added the name of his father, either as
being that of a well-known man, or to distinguish himself from
others of the same name. Thus Timonidas of Corinth signs
.pm ii inscr_258_timodias.jpg 'ΤΙΜΟΝΙΔΑΣ ΕΓΡΑΨΙΑ' '' ''
<lang=grc>Τιμωνίδας ἔγραψε Βία</lang> (<i>sc.</i> son           // Tr: Timônidas egrapse Bia
of Bias); Tleson, <lang=grc>Τλήσων ὁ Νεάρχου</lang>; Eucheiros, <lang=grc>Ὁργοτίμου υίυς</lang>               // Tr: Tlêsôn ho Nearchou: Horgotimou hyius
(the son of Ergotimos); Euthymides,
.pm ii inscr_258_euthumides.jpg ὉΠΟΛΙΟΥ '' ','
<lang=grc>ὁ Πολίου</lang>.            // Tr: ho Poliou
The latter in one instance not only gives his patronymic,
but challenges comparison with his great rival Euphronios,
in the following terms:
.pm ii inscr_258_euphronios.jpg 'ὉΣ ΟΥΔΕ ΠΟΤ ΕΥΦΡΟΝΙΟΣ' '' ','       // Tr: hos oudepot(e) Euphronios
<lang=grc>ὁς
οὐδέποτ(ε) Εὐφρόνιος</lang>, <i>i.e.</i>, “Euphronios never made anything
like this.”[2151] Other peculiarities are: the omission of the verb,
as was sometimes done by R.F. artists (<i>e.g.</i> Psiax); or, on
the contrary, the simple <lang=grc>ἐποίησεν</lang>, without a name, sometimes             // Tr: epoiêsen
.bn 288.png
.pn +1
found on R.F. kylikes of the Epictetan school[2152]; or the
addition by the artist of his tribe or nationality. Among
the latter we have Kleomenes, Teisias, and Xenophantos, who
style themselves <lang=grc>Ἀθηναῖος</lang>, and Nikias, who not only gives his            // Tr: Athênaios
father’s name, but also his deme in Attica:

.il id=fig176 fn=fig176_288.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 176.

.ce
<lang=grc>Νικίας Ἑ[ρ]μοκλέους Ἀναφλύστιος ἐποίησεν.</lang>                  // Tr: Nikias He[r]mokleous Anaphlystios epoiêsen

Two other artists call themselves <lang=grc>ὁ Λυδός</lang> (the Lydian) and              // Tr: ho Lydos
<lang=grc>ὁ Σκύθης</lang> (the Scythian). Smikros signs one of his vases in              // Tr: ho Skythês
the Louvre[2153] ΔΟΚΕΙΣΜΙΚΡΩΕΙΝΑΙ, “It seems to be Smikros’             // Tr: DOKEISMIKRÔEINAI
work.” There are also frequent vagaries of spelling, as in
<lang=grc>Φιτίας</lang> for <lang=grc>Φιντίας</lang>, <lang=grc>Πάνφαιος</lang> or <lang=grc>Πάνθαιος</lang> for <lang=grc>Πάμφαιος</lang>, and              // Tr: Phitias: Phintias: Panphaios: Panthaios: Pamphaios
<lang=grc>Ἱέπων</lang> for <lang=grc>Ἱέρων</lang>. Sakonides once spells his name <lang=grc>Ζακωνίδης</lang>,              // Tr: Hiepôn: Hierôn: Zakônidês
and Nikosthenes once uses the koppa Ϙ for Κ. Fuller
information in regard to this subject may be found in Klein’s
admirable work; there is also much of interest relating to the
R.F. cup-painters in Hartwig’s exhaustive treatise. A complete
list of all known artists’ names is given at the end of this
chapter.

.tb

We now come to the inscriptions which have relation to
the subjects depicted on the vases. These are seldom of a
general kind, having reference to the whole composition; but
on a Panathenaic amphora in Naples a boxing scene is
entitled
.pm ii inscr_259_pankration.jpg ΠΑΝΚΡΑΤΙΟΝ '' ','
“general maul,”[2154] and on another
in Munich over a foot-race is written,
.pm ii inscr_259_stadiou.jpg 'ΣΤΑΔΙΟ ΑΝΔΡΟΝ ΝΙΚΕ' '' ','
<lang=grc>σταδίου ἀνδρῶν νίκη</lang>,[2155] while B.F. lekythos in the same          // Tr: stadiou andrôn nikê
collection with Dionysos and dancing Maenads is inscribed
.pm ii inscr_259_dionysiaka.jpg 'ΔΙΟΝΥΣΙΑ(Κ)Α' '' '.[2156]'
On a vase with a Homeric subject is
.pm ii inscr_259_patroklia.jpg ΠΑΤΡΟΚΛΙΑ '' ','
and on one with a scene from Theban
.bn 289.png
.pn +1
legend
.pm ii inscr_260_krionteia.jpg ΚΡΕΟΝΤΕΙΑ '' '.[2157]'
Localities are sometimes hinted at
by the use of such words as
.pm ii inscr_260_krene.jpg 'ΚΡΕΝΕ' '' ''
(<lang=grc>κρήνη</lang>) on the                  // Tr: krênê
François vase, where Polyxena goes to the fountain, or by
the
.pm ii inscr_260_kalirekrene.jpg 'ΚΑΛΙΡΕΚΡΕΝΕ' '' ''
<lang=grc>Καλλιρρ(ό)η κρήνη</lang> on the British Museum           // Tr: Kallirr(o)ê krênê
hydria (B 331) with girls drawing water at the fountain of
Kallirrhoë. More often names are given to inanimate objects
like the <lang=grc>θᾶκος</lang> (seat) and <lang=grc>ὑδρία</lang> (pitcher) on the François vase,            // Tr: thakos: hydria
<lang=grc>σταθμός</lang> on the Arkesilas cup, the <lang=grc>βῶμος</lang> (altar) on a vase in               // Tr: stathmos: bômos
Munich (<cite>Cat.</cite> 124), <lang=grc>λύρα</lang> (lyre) on a cup in Munich (333), and  // Tr: lyra
<lang=grc>θρονός</lang> (throne) on an amphora in the Louvre.[2158] On a washing-basin      // Tr: thronos
on a R.F. vase published by Tischbein appears the word
.pm ii inscr_260_demosia.jpg 'ΔΗΜΟΣΙΑ' '' ','
<i>i.e.</i> “public baths.”[2159] The word <lang=grc>τέρμων</lang> sometimes // Tr: termôn
appears on a <em>stele</em> on later vases.[2160] Animals are also occasionally
named, such as the <lang=grc>ὗς</lang> on the Munich vase already quoted (333).[2161]          // Tr: hys

But the greater majority of these inscriptions refer to the
names of persons, deities, and mythological figures, the name
being usually in the nominative, but occasionally in the
genitive, with <lang=grc>εἶδος</lang> or <lang=grc>εἰκων</lang> understood.[2162] Sometimes generic             // Tr: eidos: eikôn
names or nicknames are given to ordinary figures in <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang>
scenes, as <lang=grc>Ἀρχεναύτης</lang>, “the ship’s captain”; <lang=grc>Κώμαρχος</lang>, “leader                // Tr: Archenautês: Kômarchos
of the revels”; or, again, <lang=grc>Πλήξιππος</lang> for a horseman, <lang=grc>Τόξαμις</lang>                  // Tr: Plêxippos: Toxamis
and <lang=grc>Κιμμέριος</lang> for a Scythian bowman.[2163] Names of real contemporary         // Tr: Kimmerios
persons are occasionally introduced, as on a hydria
by Phintias, on which his comrade Euthymides and the “minor
artist” Tlenpolemos are represented, with names inscribed[2164];
and on a stamnos by Smikros at Brussels the artist introduces
himself and the potter Pheidiades at a banquet.[2165] Although
proper names usually stand alone, they are sometimes accompanied
by some interjection, as <lang=grc>ὁδὶ Μενεσθεύς</lang>, “Here is                              // Tr: hodi Menestheus
Menestheus,”[2166] <lang=grc>Σφίγξ ἥδε χαῖρε</lang>, “This is the Sphinx; hail!”[2167]         // Tr: Sphigx hêde chaire
or in the form of a phrase, as <lang=grc>Ἑρμῆς εἰμὶ Κυλλήνιος</lang>.[2168] So also            // Tr: Hermês eimi Kyllênios
.bn 290.png
.pn +1
we find
.pm ii inscr_261_halios_geron.jpg 'ΗΑΛΙΟΣ ΓΕΡΩΝ' '' ''
<lang=grc>Ἅλιος γέρων</lang>, “the old man of the                                              // Tr: Halios gerôn
sea,” for Nereus[2169];
.pm ii inscr_261_nestor_pylios.jpg 'ΝΕΣΤΟΡ ΠΥΛΙΟΣ' '' ''
“Nestor of Pylos”[2170];
.pm ii inscr_261_dios_phos.jpg 'ΔΙΟΣ ΦΟΣ' '' ''
<lang=grc>Διὸς φῶς</lang>, for Dionysos[2171];                                                 // Tr:Dios phos
.pm ii inscr_261_dios_pais.jpg 'ΔΙΟΣ ΠΑΙΣ' '' ','
“the                                                                          // Tr: Dios pais
son of Zeus,” for Herakles[2172]; <lang=grc>ταῦρος φορβάς</lang>, “the grazing bull,”          // Tr: tauros phorbas
for the metamorphosed Zeus (a doubtful instance).[2173]

Besides the names of figures and objects, words and exclamations
are sometimes represented as proceeding from the
mouths of the figures themselves, in the same manner as on
the labels affixed to the figures of saints in the Middle Ages.
They vary in length and purport, but in some cases they
appear to be extracts from poems or songs, or expressions
familiar at the time, but now unintelligible or lost in the wreck
of Hellenic literature. They are found on both B.F. and R.F.
vases, but more commonly on the former, and generally read
according to the direction of the figure, as if issuing from the
mouth.

Thus a boy pouring wine out of an amphora cries,
.pm ii inscr_261_enche.jpg 'ΕΝΧΕ ΗΔ . . ΟΙΝΟΝ' '' ','                    // Tr: ENChE ÊD . . OINON
<lang=grc>ἔ(γ)χει ἡδ[ὺν] οἶνον</lang>, “Pour in sweet wine”[2174]; over         // Tr: e(g)chei hêd[yn] oinon
the first of three runners in a race appears <lang=grc>νικᾷς, Πολυμένων</lang>, // Tr: nikas, Polymenôn
“Polymenon, you win”[2175]; again, Amphiaraos is exhorted to
mount his chariot with the word <lang=grc>ἀνάβα</lang>,[2176] or one personage          // Tr: anaba
says to another, <lang=grc>χαἶρε</lang> or <lang=grc>πῖνε καὶ σύ</lang>.[2177] Sometimes the words are   // Tr: chaire: pine kai sy
evidently those of a song, as on a R.F. kylix at Athens, where
a man lying on a couch sings an elegy of Theognis beginning
<lang=grc>ὦ παίδων κάλλιστε</lang>, “Fairest of boys!”[2178] Another sings              // Tr: ô paidôn kalliste
.pm ii inscr_261_mamekaipoteo.jpg 'ΜΑΜΕΚΑΙΠΟΤΕΟ' '' ','         // Tr: MAMEKAIPOTEO
which has been recognised as an inaccurate
version of an Aeolic line, <lang=grc>καὶ ποθήω καὶ μάομαι</lang>.[2179] On a red-figured      // Tr: kai pothêô kai maomai
vase in the British Museum (E 270) a man accompanied
by a flute-player has an inscription proceeding from his open
mouth, which runs,
.pm ii inscr_261_eodepotentyrinthi.jpg 'ΕΟΠΟΔΕΡΟΤΕΝΤΥΡΙΝΘΙ' '' ','    // Tr: EOPODEROTENTYRINTHI
<lang=grc>ὡδέ ποτ’ ἐν Τύρινθι</lang>;
evidently the beginning of a song, “Here once in
Tiryns....” On a stamnos in the British Museum (E 439)
.bn 291.png
.pn +1
the letters ΝΟΝ appear before the mouth of a Seilenos, and               // Tr: NON
evidently represent notes of music.[2180]

On a psykter by Euphronios[2181] a courtesan playing at
kottabos casts the drops out of a cup with the words
.pm ii inscr_262_tintande.jpg '·ΡΓΑΕΛΟΣΣΑΤΑΛΕΔΝΑΤΝΙΤ' '' ','      // Tr: ;RGAELOSSATALEDNATNIT
<lang=grc>τὶν τάνδε λατάσσω Λέαγρ(ε)</lang>,                  // Tr: tin tande latassô Leagr(e)
“To thee, Leagros, I dash these drops.” Another kylix
(Munich 371) represents a surfeited drinker on a couch,
saying, <lang=grc>οὐ δύναμ’ οὔ</lang>, “I can no more!”                               // Tr: ou dynam' ou

To turn to another class of these expressions, we have a
Panathenaic amphora in the British Museum (B 144), on which
a herald proclaims a victor in the horse-race as follows:
.pm ii inscr_262_dyneiketu.jpg 'ΔΥΝΕΙΚΕΤΥ : ΗΙΠΟΣ : ΝΙΚΑΙ' '' ','  // Tr: DYNEIKETU : ÊIPOS : NIKAI
<lang=grc>Δυ(σ)νείκητου ἵππος νικᾷ</lang>,         // Tr: Dy(s)neikêtou hippos nikai
“The horse of Dysneiketos[2182] wins.” On another of the same
class[2183] is an acrobat on horseback before judges, of whom
one cries,
.pm ii inscr_262_kalos_toi_kybiste.jpg 'ΚΑΛΟΣΤΟΙΚΥΒΙΣΤΕΙΤΟΙ' '' ','   // Tr: KALOSTOIKYBISTEITOI
<lang=grc>καλῶς τῷ κυβιοτῇ[2184] τοι</lang>,        // Tr: kalôs tôi kybiotêi toi
“Bravo, then, to the acrobat.” A boy walking with his dog
calls to it,
.pm ii inscr_262_melitaie.jpg 'ΜΕΛΙΤΑΙΕ' '' ','                       // Tr: MELITAIE
Μελιταῖε (<i>i.e.</i> “Maltese (?) dog”).[2185] A       // Tr: Melitaie
charioteer calls to his horses, <lang=grc>ἔλα, ἔλα</lang>, “Gee up!”[2186] Women             // Tr: hela, hela
weeping over a corpse cry, <lang=grc>οἴμοι</lang>, “Woe is me!”[2187] In a representation    // Tr: oimoi
of Oedipus and the Sphinx on a R.F. vase in Rome
the words
.pm ii inscr_262_kaitripoun.jpg 'ΚΑΙΤΡΙ[ΠΟΥΝ]' '' ','            // Tr: KAITRI[POUN]
<lang=grc>καὶ τρίπουν</lang>, occur, evidently with                     // Tr: kai tripoun
reference to the well-known riddle.[2188]

<target id=swallow>An interesting bit of dialogue appears on a B.F. vase,[2189] which
represents boys and men watching a swallow, evidently the
first of the returning spring; one boy says, <lang=grc>ἰδοὺ χελιδών</lang>, “See,             // Tr: idou chelidôn
the swallow”; to which a man replies, <lang=grc>νὴ τὸν Ἡρακλέα</lang>, “Yes,                  // Tr: nê ton Hêraklea
by Herakles!” Another boy joins in with <lang=grc>αὑτηί</lang>, “There she                    // Tr: hautêi
is,” and <lang=grc>ἔαρ ἤδη</lang>, “It is already spring.” Another good instance              // Tr: ear êdê
is on a B.F. vase in the Vatican.[2190] On one side we see the
proprietor of an olive garden extracting oil from the olives,
with the prayer,
.pm ii inscr_262_ozeus.jpg 'ΟΖΕΥΠΑΤΕΡΑΙΘΕΠΛΟΥΣΙΟΣΓΕΝ' '' ''           // Tr: OZEUPATERAITHEPLOUSIOSGEN
<lang=grc>ὦ Ζεῦ                                                                        // Tr: hô Zeu
.bn 292.png
.pn +1
πάτερ, αἴθε πλούσιος γέν[οιμ’ ἄν</lang>, “O Father Zeus, may I be    // Tr: pater, aithe plousios gen[oim' an
rich!” while on the other he sits over a full vessel, and
cries to the purchaser,
.pm ii inscr_263_edemenede.jpg 'ΕΔΕΜΕΝΕΔΕ ΠΛΕΟΙ ΠΑΡΒΕΒΑΚΕΝ' '' ','    // Tr: EDEMENEDE PLEOI PARBEBAKEN
<lang=grc>ἤδη μέν, ἤδη πλέο(ν) παρβέβακεν</lang>, “Already, already it has gone   // Tr: êdê men, êdê pleo(n) parbebaken
far beyond my needs.”[2191]

To conclude with a few miscellaneous and unique inscriptions,
we have firstly, on a vase in the British Museum (E 298),
a tripod, on the base of which are the words <lang=grc>Ἀκαμαντὶς ἐνίκα
φυλή</lang>, showing that it is intended for a monument in honour      // Tr: Akamantis enika phylê
of a choragic victory, with the name of the victorious tribe.
On a sepulchral stele on a B.F. funeral amphora at Athens[2192]
are the words (now nearly obliterated) <lang=grc>ἀνδρὸς ἀπ[οφθιμ]ένοιο    // Tr: andros ap[ophthim]enoio rhak[os] ka[k]on [en]thade keima[i
ῥάκ[ος] κα[κ]ὸν [ἐν]θάδε κεῖμα[ι</lang>, “Here lie I, a vile rag of a dead
man.” Similarly, on a sepulchral plaque at Athens are the
words,
.pm ii inscr_263_sematodestin.jpg 'SÊMATODESTIN : AREIOU' '' ','
“This is the grave of
Areios.”[2193] In a representation of Sappho reading from her
poems, she holds an open roll, on which are visible the words
<lang=grc>Θεοί, ἠερίων ἐπἐων ἄρχομαι ἄλλ[ων] ... ἔπεα πτερόεντα</lang>[2194]; and  // Tr: Theoi, êeriôn epeôn archomai all[ôn] ... epea pteroenta]
in the well-known school-scene on the Duris vase in Berlin[2195]
a teacher holds a roll, on which are the words (in Aeolic
dialect, and combined from the openings of two distinct
hymns):

.ta l:24 l:24
.pm ii inscr_263_moisamoi.jpg 'ΜΟΙΣΑΜΟΙ' '' '| <lang=grc>Μοῖσά μοι</lang>'
.pm ii inscr_263_amphiskamandron.jpg 'ΑΦΙΣΚΑΜΑΝΔΡΟΝ' '' '| <lang=grc>ἀ(μ)φὶ Σκάμανδρον</lang>'       // Tr: a(m)phi Skamandron
.pm ii inscr_263_euronarchomai.jpg 'ΕΥΡΩΝΑΡΧΟΜΑΙ' '' '| <lang=grc>ἐύρ(ρ)ων ἄρχομαι</lang>'               // Tr: eur(r)ôn archomai
.pm ii inscr_263_aeinden.jpg 'ΑΕΙΝΔΕΝ' '' '| <lang=grc>ἀεί\<ν>δειν.</lang>[2196]'                     // Tr: aei<n>dein
.ta-

A small fragment of a red-figure kylix (?) of fine style, found
at Naukratis in 1899 (and now in the Ashmolean Museum at
Oxford),[2197] has a similar scene of a dictation lesson. A seated
figure unrolls an inscribed scroll, on which is the <em>boustrophedon</em>
legend, <lang=grc>στησίχορον ὕμνον ἄγοισαι</lang>, while another figure, of              // Tr: stêsichoron hymnon agoisai
.bn 293.png
.pn +1
which the right hand alone remains, is writing on a tablet
(Fig. #177:fig177#).

.il id=fig177 fn=fig177_293.jpg w=300px ew=70%
.ca FIG. 177. FIGURE WITH INSCRIBED SCROLL.

In a very puzzling scene on a R.F. vase of fine style,
generally supposed to have some reference to the Argonautic
expedition, one figure holds up an object inscribed with the
name
.pm ii inscr_264_sisyphos.jpg 'ΣΙΣΥΦΟΣ' '' '.[2198]'     // Tr: SISYPHOS
This object has generally been interpreted
as a <lang=la><em>tessera hospitalis</em></lang>, or “letter of introduction,” as we
should say.

Lastly, there is the class of Panathenaic vases with their
inscriptions.[2199] They fall into two groups: (1) the words
.pm ii inscr_264_ton_athenethen.jpg 'ΤΟΝ ΑΘΕΝΕΘΕΝ ΑΘΛΟΝ' '' ','  // Tr: TON ATHENETHEN ATHLON
to which
.pm ii inscr_264_emi.jpg 'ΕΜΙ' '' ''                              // Tr: EMI
is sometimes
added, “(I am) from the games at Athens”; (2) the names
of archons, which only occur on the fourth-century examples.
They form a unique instance of inscriptions which give direct
information as to the date of a vase, and range from 367 to
313 <sc>B.C.</sc> (see Vol. I. p. #390:vol1_390#).

Sometimes vases (especially in the B.F. period) are covered
with meaningless collocations of letters, either separate or in
the form of words. Some ingenious explanations of these
have been propounded, but none are very satisfactory. They
are often found on the class known as “Corintho-Attic” or
“Tyrrhenian amphorae,” and it is just possible that in this
case they are attempts by an Athenian workman to copy the
unfamiliar Corinthian alphabet.

.tb

The third class of inscriptions on Attic vases is composed
of those which have no direct relation to the vase
.bn 294.png
.pn +1
itself. They include invocations to deities such as were
used in making libations, <i>e.g.</i> <lang=grc>Διὸς Σωτῆρος</lang>, “To Zeus the   // Tr: Dios Sôtêros
Saviour”[2200]; or, again, the exhortations so frequently found
on B.F. kylikes of the “Minor Artists’” school, of which
the commonest is <lang=grc>χαῖρε καὶ πίει εὖ</lang>, “Hail, and drink               // Tr: chaire kai piei eu
deep!”[2201] or <lang=grc>χαῖρε καὶ πίει τήνδε</lang>, “Hail, and drink this!”[2202] // Tr: chaire kai piei tênde
On a number of R.F. kylikes appears the word <lang=grc>προσαγορεύω</lang>,           // Tr: prosagoreuô
“I salute you.”[2203]

But the most numerous and important inscriptions of this
class are those conveniently named by German archaeologists
<lang=de>“Lieblingsnamen,”</lang> or <lang=de>“Lieblingsinschriften,”</lang> for which we have
no satisfactory equivalent in English, though “pet-name” and
“love-name” have been suggested, and latterly “<lang=grc>καλός</lang>-name.”           // Tr: kalos
The latter title has been adopted from the fact that the usual
form which these inscriptions take is that of a proper name
in the nominative case, generally masculine, with the word
<lang=grc>καλός</lang> attached. Sometimes, but not so frequently, the name            // Tr: kalos
is feminine, with <lang=grc>καλή</lang>[2204]; the superlative form <lang=grc>κάλλιστος</lang> is also  // Tr: kalê: kallistos
found.[2205] In other cases <lang=grc>ὁ</lang> or <lang=grc>ἑ παῖς</lang> appears in place of           // Tr: ho: he pais
the proper name, or the word <lang=grc>δοκεῖ</lang> is added, and sometimes            // Tr: dokei
also <lang=grc>ναί</lang> or <lang=grc>ναιχί</lang>, emphasising the statement. The most remarkable     // Tr: nai: naichi
instance is a B.F. jug at Munich, round the shoulder
of which is the inscription <lang=grc>καλός Νικόλα Δωρόθεος καλὸς               // Tr: kalos Nikola Dôrotheos kalos
κἀμοὶ δοκεῆ, ναί· χἄτερος παῖς καλὸς, Μέμνων κἀμοὶ καλὸς              // Tr: kamoi dokei, nai; chateros pais kalos, Memnôn kamoi kalos
φιλός</lang>.[2206] It is not quite certain how far the word <lang=grc>καλὸς</lang> should    // Tr: philos: kalos
be interpreted in a physical sense as “handsome” or
“fair,” or in an ethical sense as “good” or “noble”; but
having regard to the manners and customs of fifth-century
Athens,[2207] it is more likely that the physical meaning of the
word is to be inferred.

These inscriptions are often found on B.F. vases, but far
more frequently in the succeeding period, and generally in
.bn 295.png
.pn +1
more or less direct connection with artists’ signatures, from
which fact interesting results have been obtained. Special
attention has been drawn to them of late years, from the fact
that many of the names are those borne by historical personages,
such as Miltiades, Megakles, Glaukon, and so on, and attempts
have been made to connect them with those characters (see
Vol. I. p. #403:vol1_403#).

Klein, the chief writer on this subject, has collected in the
second edition of his valuable work no less than 558 instances
of these <lang=grc>καλὸς</lang>-inscriptions,[2208] as against 424 signatures of artists;  // Tr: kalos
and there are besides these the numerous instances in which no
proper name is given.

The chief question which calls for consideration in regard
to these inscriptions is their purport, and the reason why they
occur exclusively on vases, and of these exclusively on Attic
vases covering a period of not more than one hundred years.
The custom was not, of course, an unfamiliar one at Athens,
as two references in Aristophanes indicate. In the <cite>Acharnians</cite>[2209]
he describes the Thracian Sitalkes as being such a “lover” of
the Athenians that he wrote on the walls, “The Athenians are
fair”; and, again, the slave Xanthias, in the <cite>Wasps</cite>, speaking of
his master’s litigious proclivities, says that if ever he saw <lang=grc>Δῆμος              // Tr: Dêmos kalos
καλός</lang> written on a door he promptly wrote by the side <lang=grc>κημὸς                      // Tr: kêmos kalos
καλός</lang>.[2210] But the most interesting and apposite instance recorded
is that of Pheidias, who scratched on the finger of his statue of
the Olympian Zeus, <lang=grc>Παντάρκης καλός</lang>.[2211] Generally speaking, the       // Tr: Pantάrkês kalos
word was no doubt intended to refer to the personal beauty
of boys (as indicated by the use of ὁ παῖς), or at any rate of          // Tr: ho pais
young athletes, and was applied to popular favourites of the
day,[2212] whose occupations in the gymnasium, at the banquet,
and elsewhere were matters of every-day talk.

These names may have been placed on the vases with the
.bn 296.png
.pn +1
view of attracting the public to purchase them, or may even
have been the subject of special orders from customers. Some
light seems to be thrown on the matter by a cup signed by
the painter Phintias,[2213] which represents a young man, purse in
hand, making purchases of vases in a potter’s workshop. This
vase has the inscription <lang=grc>Χαιρίας καλός</lang>, but whether it is intended    // Tr: Chairias kalos
as a representation of Chairias or his admirer it is impossible to
say. The names, however, are not always those of every-day
life. They may have relation to the figures on the vase, as
.pm ii inscr_267_hektor_kalos.jpg 'ΗΕΚΤΟΡ ΚΑΛΟΣ' '' '.[2214]'  // Tr: HEKTOR KALOS

We have already noted that historical names frequently occur
in this series, and it is obvious that if they can be identified
with the actual historical owners of such names much valuable
information in regard to the chronology of Greek vases will
be gained. The question has already been discussed in a
previous chapter (Vol. I. p. #403:vol1_403#), and the principles there laid
down need not be repeated. It is sufficient to say that so far
only two or three names have been identified with those of
historical personages, though more results may yet be obtained.
Of these one is Stesileos, occurring on two vases in Berlin, and
identified with a <em>strategos</em> who fell at Marathon in 490.[2215] On
two lekythi (one late B.F., the other R.F.) the name of Glaukon
son of Leagros[2216] appears, and these two names have also been
identified with Athenian <em>strategi</em>, Leagros having fallen in battle
against the Edones in 467, while Glaukon commanded at
Kerkyra in 433–432 <sc>B.C.</sc> It may be roughly inferred that Leagros
was a boy (<lang=grc>παῖς</lang>) about 510 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and his son Glaukon about       // Tr: pais
470 <sc>B.C.</sc>, which gives an approximate date (within ten years or
so) for these two groups of vases. It is, however, obvious
that much at present only rests on hypothesis.

It is curious to note that nearly all these names have an
aristocratic sound: thus we have Alcibiades, Alkmaeon,
Hipparchos, and Megakles, besides those already quoted.
Miltiades <lang=grc>καλός</lang> occurs on a R.F. plate at Oxford,[2217] but there    // Tr: kalos
.bn 297.png
.pn +1
seems hardly sufficient evidence for referring it to the youth
of the conqueror of Marathon (cf. Vol. I. p. #403:vol1_403#). The table
at the end of this chapter may be found useful as giving a
<em>conspectus</em> of the principal names and their relation to the artists.

.tb

It is now necessary to discuss some of the principal
peculiarities of the Attic vase-inscriptions, in regard to
palaeography, orthography, and grammar.[2218] The variety in
the forms and uses of the letters is somewhat surprising
at first sight, but it must be remembered that non-Attic
influences were always strong, as has indeed already been
pointed out.

<target id='formofdelta'>Α usually appears either in that form or as
.pm ii glyph_alpha.jpg 'Corinthian Α' '' ','
.pm ii glyph_alpha_sicyonian.jpg 'Sicyonian Α' '' ';'
but such variations as
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic1.jpg 14 15 'RF Attic alpha' '' ','
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic2.jpg 14 15 'RF Attic alpha' '' ', and'
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic3.jpg 13 15 'RF Attic alpha' '' ','
are found on R.F. vases,
while at a later period even
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic4.jpg 13 15 'RF Attic alpha' '' ''
occurs. Δ on the vases
of Duris generally appears as
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic3.jpg 13 15 'RF Attic alpha' '' ', and'
.pm ii glyph_lambda_alt.jpg 'Attic lambda2' '' ''
is found for
.pm ii glyph_lambda.jpg 'Attic lambda' '' ','
the Attic form of Λ. Σ varies between
.pm ii glyph_sigma.jpg 'sigma' '' ''
and
.pm ii glyph_fourline_sigma.jpg 'fourline sigma' '' ','
while
such abnormal forms as
.pm ii glyph_268_abnormal_sigma1.jpg 11 15 'rounded S' '' ','
(Oikopheles), and
.pm ii glyph_268_abnormal_sigma2.jpg 11 15 'E-shaped sigma' '' ','
are not unknown.
The minor artist Xenokles uses a sort of cursive handwriting
for his signature. Η is used for ἑ and ἡ, as in
.pm ii inscr_268_hrmes.jpg HΡΜΕΣ '' ''
for
.pm ii inscr_268_hermes.jpg ΗΕΡΜΕΣ '' ','                             // Tr: HRMES: HERMES
.pm ii inscr_268_hrakles.jpg ΗΡΑΚΛΕΣ '' ''
for
.pm ii inscr_268_herakles.jpg ΗΕΡΑKΛΕΣ '' ','                       // Tr: ÊRAKLES:ÊERAKLES
which seems to be a
confusion of ideas resulting from its use for <em>eta</em> in Ionic,
and for <i>h</i> in Chalcidian (<i>i.e.</i> Western) alphabets.[2219] The
sign for the aspirate occurs first as
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg 'heta' '' ','
afterwards as Η,
and is sometimes introduced without apparent reason, as in
.pm ii inscr_268_eileithyia.jpg 'ΗΙΛΕΙΘΙΑ' '' ''              // Tr: Eileithuia
for <lang=grc>Εἰλείθυια</lang>, and
.pm ii inscr_268_aphrodite.jpg 'HΑΦΡΟΔΙΤΕ' '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἀφροδίτη</lang>. The                                                   // Tr: Aphroditê
digamma is unknown on Attic vases, but the François vase
and the allied 'Tyrrhenian' group give some interesting
examples of the use of Ϙ for Κ. Thus we find
.pm ii inscr_268_korax.jpg ϘORAΞΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Κόραξ</lang>,
.pm ii inscr_268_eteoklos.jpg ΕΤΕΟϘΛΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἐτέοκλος</lang>,
.pm ii inscr_268_chariklos.jpg 'ΧARIϘΛO' '' ''
for <lang=grc>Χαπικλώ</lang>.                                                       // Tr: Korax: Eteoklos: Chariklô
On the Corintho-Attic vase in Berlin (1704) are two curious
instances of dittography, due no doubt to Corinthian influence,
<lang=grc>Κυλλήνιος</lang> being written
.pm ii inscr_268_kyllenios.jpg 'ΚϘYΕNIOΣ' '' ''
(<lang=grc>Κϙυελνιος</lang>) and <lang=grc>Ζεύς</lang> as   // Tr: Kyllênios: Kϙuelnios: Zeus
.pm ii inscr_268_zeus.jpg 'ΔΒΕYΣ' '' ','
where the Corinthian and Attic forms of Κ and Ε
stand side by side. So on a vase in the Louvre (E 852) we
have
.pm ii inscr_268_zdeus.jpg ΖDEYΣ '' ''
= <lang=grc>Ζδεύς</lang>.[2220]                                       // Tr: Zdeus
.bn 298.png
.pn +1

As a result no doubt of the unsettled state of the alphabet
in the fifth century, a confusion in the use of ε and η, and ο and
ω respectively, often arises, and we find <lang=grc>Ἀλκιμάχως κάλως</lang> for             // Tr: Alkimachôs kalôs
<lang=grc>Ἀλκίμαχος καλός</lang>,
.pm ii inscr_269_kymodoke.jpg ΚΥΜΟΔΩΚΕ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Κυμοδόκη</lang>,
.pm ii inscr_269_thetis.jpg ΘΗΤΙΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Θέτις</lang>,                                                               // Tr: Alkimachos kalos: Kymodokê: Thetis
and similar forms.[2221] The diphthong <lang=grc>ει</lang> is sometimes rendered
by ΕΙ, sometimes by Ε, as in
.pm ii inscr_269_kaledokes.jpg ΚΑΛΕΔΟΚΕΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>καλὴ δοκεῖς</lang>;                                                         // Tr: kalê dokeis
<lang=grc>αι</lang> and <lang=grc>ει</lang> are also rendered by Ε, as in the name
.pm ii inscr_269_alkmeon.jpg ΑΛΚΜΕΟΝ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἀλκμαίων</lang> and                                             // Tr: Alkmaiôn
.pm ii inscr_269_penthesilea.jpg ΠΕΝΘΕΣΙΛΕΑ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Πενθεσίλεια</lang>, or <lang=grc>αι</lang> by Α, as                              // Tr: Penthesileia
in
.pm ii inscr_269_athenaa.jpg ΑΘΕΝΑΑ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἀθηναία</lang>. In a few words, such as                         // Tr: Athênaia
.pm ii inscr_269_chiron.jpg ΧΙΡΟΝ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Χείρων</lang>) and                                                 // Tr: Cheirôn
.pm ii inscr_269_silenos.jpg ΣΙΛΕΝΟΣ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Σείληνος</lang>), the diphthong <lang=grc>ει</lang> is represented                  // Tr: Seilênos
by its other member Ι. On the other hand, we find
.pm ii inscr_269_eioleos.jpg ΕΙΟΛΕΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἰολέως</lang> (B.M. B 301). The general vagueness               // Tr: Ioleôs
of the Attic craftsmen’s orthography is well illustrated by
Kretschmer in the word <lang=grc>Ὀδυσσεύς</lang>, which is not only invariably     // Tr: Odysseus
spelled with a Λ, reminding us of the Latin form <em>Ulixes</em>,
but occurs in the following different forms[2222]:—
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus1.jpg 86 15 ΟΛΥΤΕΥΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus2.jpg 79 15 ΟΛΥΤΕΥ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus3.jpg 99 15 ΟΛΛΥΤΕΥΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus4.jpg 103 15 ΟΛΥΤΤΕΥΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus5.jpg 73 15 ΟΛΥΤΕΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus6.jpg 81 15 ΟΛΥΣΕΥΣ '' ', and'
.pm ii inscr_269_odysseus7.jpg 91 15 ΩΛΥΣΣΕΥΣ '' ','
this order being roughly chronological. The
ordinary δ-form is, however, found.[2223]

A tendency to assimilation of aspirated consonants, always
avoided in literary Greek, is seen in such forms as
.pm ii inscr_269_thalthybios.jpg ΘΑΛΘΥΒΙΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ταλθύβιος</lang>,                                                       // Tr: Talthybios
.pm ii inscr_269_kachrylion.jpg ΧΑΧΡΥΛΙΟΝ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Καχρυλίων</lang>, and                                                   // Tr: Kachryliôn
.pm ii inscr_269_phanphaios.jpg ΦΑΝΦΑΙΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Πάμφαιος</lang>. The reverse tendency is curiously illustrated in        // Tr: Pamphaios
.pm ii inscr_269_karithaios.jpg ΚΑΡΙΘΑΙΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Χαριταῖος</lang>. Unassimilated forms occur, as in                       // Tr: Charitaios
the case of
.pm ii inscr_269_anchippos.jpg ΑΝΧΙΠΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἄγχιππος</lang>.[2224] Another peculiarity                               // Tr: Agchippos
is the omission of nasals before consonants, as in
.pm ii inscr_269_atalate.jpg ΑΤΑΛΑΤΕ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἀταλά(ν)τη</lang>,                                                     // Tr: Atala(n)tê
.pm ii inscr_269_tytareos.jpg ΤΥΤΑΡΕΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Τυ(ν)δαρέως</lang>,[2225]                                              // Tr: Ty(n)dareôs
.pm ii inscr_269_iaphai.jpg ΙΑΦΥΙ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Νύ(μ)φαι</lang>,                                                           // Tr: Ny(m)phai
.pm ii inscr_269_lapon.jpg ΛΑΠΟΝ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Λά(μ)πων</lang>, and                                                   // Tr: La(m)pôn
.pm ii inscr_269_ekelados.jpg ΕΚΕΛΑΔΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἐ(γ)κέλαδος</lang>. There is also a tendency to avoid double consonants,                 // Tr: E(g)kelados
as in
.pm ii inscr_269_mesila.jpg ΜΕΣΙΛΑ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Μνήσιλλα</lang>,                                                 // Tr: Mnêsilla
.pm ii inscr_269_ariadne.jpg ΑΡΙΑΝΕ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Ἀριάδνη</lang>,                                                  // Tr: Ariadnê
.pm ii inscr_269_klytaimestra.jpg ΚΛΥΤΑΙΜΕΣΤΡΑ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Κλυταίμνηστρα</lang>,                                            // Tr: Klytaimnêstra
.pm ii inscr_269_perophata.jpg ΠΕΡΟΦΑΤΑ '' ''
for
<lang=grc>Περσέφαττα</lang>[2226]; this is especially common in the case of double                 // Tr: Persephatta
Λ or double Σ, as in
.pm ii inscr_269_olyteus.jpg ΟΛΥΤΕΥΣ '' ''
and
.pm ii inscr_269_mesila.jpg ΜΕΣΙΛΑ '' ''
just quoted.
On the other hand, on later vases consonants are often doubled
.bn 299.png
.pn +1
without reason, as in
.pm ii inscr_270_kastor.jpg ΚΑΣΣΤΟΡ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Κάστωρ</lang>,[2227]                   // Tr: Kastôr
.pm ii inscr_270_tripptolemos.jpg ΤΡΙΠΠΤΟΛΕΜΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Τριπτόλεμος</lang>,                    // Tr: Triptolemos
.pm ii inscr_270_memmnon.jpg ΜΕΜΜΝΟΝ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Μέμνων</lang>, this being commonest    // Tr: Memnôn
with
.pm ii glyph_sigma_fourline.jpg 'fourline Σ' '' ''
and
.pm ii glyph_pi.jpg Π '' '.'
.pm ii glyph_xi.jpg Χ '' ''
and
.pm ii glyph_chi_chalcidian.jpg 'Chalcidian Χ' '' ','
originally absent from the Attic
alphabet, are represented usually by
.pm ii inscr_270_chi_sigma.jpg ΞΣ '' ''
and
.pm ii inscr_270_theta_sigma.jpg ΘΣ '' ','
exceptionally
by
.pm ii inscr_270_kappa_sigma.jpg ΚΣ '' ''
and
.pm ii inscr_270_pi_sigma.jpg ΠΣ '' ','
as in
.pm ii inscr_270_charops.jpg ΧΑΡΟΠΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_270_ksenokles.jpg ΚΣΕΝΟΚΛΕΣ '' '[2228];'
also occasionally
by metathesis, as
.pm ii inscr_270_elrasphen.jpg ΕΛΡΑΣΦΕΝ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_270_schanthos.jpg ΣΧΑΝΘΟΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_270_pistoschenos.jpg ΠΙΣΤΟΣΧΕΝΟΣ '' '.[2229]'
Attic contractions, such as
.pm ii inscr_270_chateros.jpg ΧΑΤΕΡΟΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>καὶ ἕτερος</lang> and        // Tr: kai eteros
.pm ii inscr_270_kamoi.jpg ΚΑΜΟΙ '' ''
for <lang=grc>καὶἐμοί</lang>, are also found.[2230]          // Tr:  kai emoi

Among peculiarities of inflection (some of which may of
course be mere misspellings) may be mentioned
.pm ii inscr_270_euius.jpg ΗΥΙΥΣ '' ''
= <lang=grc>υἱύς</lang> for <lang=grc>υἱός</lang>,                            // Tr: huius: huios
.pm ii inscr_270_paus.jpg ΠΑΥΣ '' ''
for paῖs,                                   // Tr: pais
.pm ii inscr_270_thesys.jpg ΘΕΣΥΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Θησεύς</lang>, and                             // Tr: Thêseus
.pm ii inscr_270_perses.jpg ΠΕΡΣΕΣ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Περσεύς</lang>; also the open form -εες for -hς, as in      // Tr: Perseus
.pm ii inscr_270_heraklees.jpg ΗΕΡΑΚΛΕΕΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_270_chsenoklees.jpg ΧΣΕΝΟΚΛΕΕΣ '' ','
and the form <lang=grc>πίει</lang> for  <lang=grc>πίε</lang>; to some of these       // Tr: piei: pie
allusion has already been made.

.tb

From this mass of detail it is possible to deduce certain
chronological results,[2231] which are not without their value for
the dating of the various Athenian fabrics. Excluding the
doubtful Dipylon vase, the inscriptions extend from the seventh
century[2232] down to the time of Xenophantos and the late
Panathenaic amphorae, a period of over three hundred years.

In the François vase we meet with the closed
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg asper '' ''
for the
aspirate, the Ϙ and Κ together, and the two forms
.pm ii glyph_theta_x.jpg Θ '' ''
and
.pm ii glyph_theta_o.jpg Θ '' ''
of Θ; as the
.pm ii glyph_theta_x.jpg Θ '' ''
form dropped out of private use earlier than
out of official documents, and is found in the latter down to
520 <sc>B.C.</sc>, we can date the François vase about the middle of the
sixth century (not later, as the closed
.pm ii glyph_heta.jpg asper '' ''
shows); the same
date will also apply to the earliest Panathenaic amphora
(B.M. B 130), and the cup of Oikopheles. The fact that
Eucheiros, a “minor artist,” calls himself the son of Ergotimos,
who made the François vase, permits us to place him some
thirty years later, about 520 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and this point may be regarded
as the zenith of the B.F. period. In the later B.F. vases
.bn 300.png
.pn +1
the H and Ω for Ε and Ο begin to make their appearance[2233]; but
the conservative Panathenaic amphorae, like the coins, adhere
to the original spelling right down to the end.

The existence of the R.F. style for some time previous to
480 <sc>B.C.</sc> has now been established by the discoveries on the
Athenian Acropolis. This is also borne out by the appearance
on vases by Euthymides of the
.pm ii glyph_theta_x.jpg Θ '' ''
form for
.pm ii glyph_theta_dotted.jpg Θ '' ','
and the complete
absence in the earlier vases of the H and Ω forms, which are not
found among the Acropolis fragments. The hydria of Meidias
(B.M. B 224), which marks the zenith of the “fine” period,
has a purely Ionic alphabet. The Ionic forms seem to have
come in with the “fine” R.F. style after 480 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and for some
time we find a mixed alphabet on the vases.[2234] It is also interesting
to note the appearance in some cases of the Thasian
alphabet, with its use of Ω for Ο (as in <lang=grc>Ἀλκιμάχως καλώς</lang>,                  // Tr: Alkimachôs kalôs
B.M. E 318), which has been traced to the influence of
Polygnotos.[2235]

.tb

We conclude our account of inscriptions on Greek vases with
a brief survey of those found on the vases of Southern Italy[2236];
it will be seen that they are neither numerous nor specially
interesting.

The inscriptions are for the most part in the Doric dialect and
Ionic alphabet, with the addition of the Doric sign
.pm ii glyph_asper_doric.jpg 'doric asper' '' ''
for the
aspirate. Generally speaking, these Doric forms are found on
the Apulian vases, whereas on the products of Paestum they are
mainly Ionic, with admixtures of Doric. Attic forms also occur.
It seems probable that the Doric tendencies of the Apulian
inscriptions are due to the influence of the great Laconian colony
of Tarentum (although the vases were not made there), while
Paestum was influenced, on the other hand, by the neighbouring
Ionic colonies, such as Cumae.

The latter, being for the most part of earlier date, will first
occupy our attention. They include two artists’ signatures,
which appear in the form
.pm ii inscr_271_assteas.jpg ΑΣΣΤΕΑΣ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_271_egraphe.jpg ΕΓΡΑΦΕ '' ''
and
.pm ii inscr_271_python.jpg ΠΥΘΩΝ '' ''
.bn 301.png
.pn +1
.pm ii inscr_271_egraphe.jpg ΕΓΡΑΦΕ ' ' '.'
We have already remarked on the use of the
imperfect tense (p. #258#); there are five vases by Assteas and
one by Python, on all of which the figures also have their names
inscribed.[2237] The Ionic forms appear in
.pm ii inscr_272_megare.jpg ΜΕΓΑΡΗ '' ','
<lang=grc>Μεγάρη</lang>,                                                    // Tr: Megarê
.pm ii inscr_272_alkmene.jpg ΑΛΚΜΗΝΗ '' ','
<lang=grc>Ἀλκμήνη</lang>, and so on; on the other hand, Python             // Tr: Alkmênê
uses the Doric form
.pm ii inscr_272_aos.jpg ΑΩΣ '' ','
<lang=grc>Ἀώς</lang> = <lang=grc>Ἠώς</lang>, and Assteas the Doric          // Tr: Aôs: Êôs
.pm ii glyph_heta_doric.jpg 'Doric heta' '' ''
in
.pm ii inscr_272_hessperias.jpg ἙΣΣΠΕΡΙΑΣ '' ''
= <lang=grc>Ἑ\<σ>σπεριάς</lang>. Ionic forms are also found          // Tr: E<s>sperias
on a few Apulian vases, as for instance Berlin 3257 (from
Ceglie), which has
.pm ii inscr_272_euthymie.jpg Ε]ΥΘΥΜΙΗ '' ''
and
.pm ii inscr_272_eunomie.jpg ΕΥΝΟΜΙΗ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Εὐθυμία</lang> and                                   // Tr: Euthumia
<lang=grc>Εὐνομία</lang>, or Naples 2296 with
.pm ii inscr_272_nesaie.jpg ΝΗΣΑΙΗ '' ''
for <lang=grc>Νησαία</lang>.                       // Tr: Eunomia: Nêsaia

Some of the inscribed Apulian vases are not without interest,
as for instance that in the Louvre, which bears the signature
of Lasimos:
.pm ii inscr_272_lasimos_egrapse.jpg 'ΛΑΣΙΜΟΣ ΕΓΡΑΨΕ' '' ','
<lang=grc>Λάσιμος ἔγραψε</lang>.[2238]                           // Tr: Lasimos egrapse
He was
probably not a Greek, but of Messapian origin. On the great
Dareios vase in Naples (No. 3253) several names are inscribed,
such as
.pm ii inscr_272_hellas.jpg ἙΛΛΑΣ '' ''
for<lang=grc>Ἕλλας</lang>,                                         // Tr: Ellas
.pm ii inscr_272_asia.jpg ΑΣΙΑ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_272_dareios.jpg ΔΑΡΕΙΟΣ  '' ','
and the general
title of the scene,
.pm ii inscr_272_persai.jpg ΠΕΡΣΑΙ '' '.'
On a well-known burlesque scene
in the British Museum (F 269) the characters are inscribed
.pm ii inscr_272_hera.jpg ΗΕΡΑ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Ἥρα</lang>),
.pm ii inscr_272_daidalos.jpg ΔΑΙΔΑΛΟΣ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Δαίδαλος</lang> = Hephaistos), and   // Tr: Hêra: Daidalos
.pm ii inscr_272_eneualios.jpg ΕΝΕΥΑΛΙΟΣ '' ''
(<lang=grc>Ἐν\<ε>υάλιος</lang> = Ares); and on the fine amphora   // Tr: En<e>ualios
F 331, representing Pelops at Olympia, are numerous
incised inscriptions:
.pm ii inscr_272_pelops.jpg ΠΕΛΟΨ '' ','
<lang=grc>Πέλοψ</lang>;
.pm ii inscr_272_oinomaos.jpg ΟΙΝΟΜΑΟΣ '' ','
<lang=grc>Οἰνόμαος</lang>;                                            // Tr: Pelops: Oinomaos
.pm ii inscr_272_hippodameia.jpg ἹΠΠΟΔΑΜΕΙΑ '' ','
<lang=grc>Ἱπποδάμεια</lang>, etc. On the altar is painted             // Tr: Hippodameia
.pm ii inscr_272_dios.jpg ΔΙΟΣ '' ','
<lang=grc>Διός</lang>, <i>sc.</i> “the altar of Zeus.”                // Tr: Dios

A curious inscription is that on a krater in Naples (No. 2872),
which represents Eros and a woman playing at ball; the latter
leans on a stele on which is inscribed
.pm ii inscription_272.jpg ἹΗΣΑΝΜΟΙΤΑΝΣΦΙΡΑΝ '' ''
which was interpreted by Cavedoni, probably correctly, as <lang=grc>ἵης    // Tr: iês an moi tan sph(a)iran
ἄν μοι τὰν σφ(α)ῖραν</lang>, “You might send me the ball.” The
.pm ii inscr_chi_sicyonian.jpg 'Sicyonian Χ' '' ''
is an error for
.pm ii glyph_heta_doric.jpg 'Doric heta' '' ','
the
.pm ii glyph_heta_doric_reversed.jpg 'heta reversed' '' ''
for Η. This inscription, be it noted,
is painted, contrary to the general rule in these vases, as they
are generally incised; but an exception seems to be made in
favour of inscriptions on <em>stelae</em> and similar objects, which are
not uncommon, though many are open to suspicion. In the
.bn 302.png
.pn +1
British Museum there are several examples,[2239] but by far the most
curious is on an amphora in Naples (No. 2868), where a <em>stele</em> is
inscribed:

// Tr: NÔTÔIMOLACHÊNTEKAIASPHODOLONPOLVRIZON
//     KOLPÔIDOIDIPODANLLIOVIONECHÔ
// Tr: nôtô [men] molachên te kai asphodolon polurizon
//     kolpô d Oidipodan Laio(u) uion echô]

//ΝΩΤΩΙΜΟΛΑΧΗΝΤΕΚΑΙΑΣΦΟΔΟΛΟΝΠΟΛVΡΙΖΟΝ
//ΚΟΛΠΩΙΔΟΙΔΙΠΟΔΑΝΛΛΙΟVΙΟΝΕΧΩ
.il fn=inscription_273.jpg cj=l w=400px ew=80%
.ca
<lang=grc>νώτω [μὲν] μολάχην τε καὶ ἀσφόδολον πολύριζον</lang>
<lang=grc>κόλπῳ δ’ Οἰδιπόδαν Λαίο(υ) υἱὸν ἔχω</lang>

“On my back I bear mallow and many-rooted asphodel, but
in my bosom Oedipus, Laios’ son.”[2240]
.ca-

A curious and unique inscription is found engraved on a
kotyle from Chiusi: <lang=grc>οὗτος τὸν δᾶμον ἔφα ποναρόν</lang>, “This fellow      // Tr: houtos ton damon epha ponaron
said that the people were a depraved lot.”[2241] The η of <lang=grc>πονηρόν</lang>  // Tr: ponêron
was first written Ε, and then corrected into Α, the Doric form.
It may be supposed that the inscription is due to a workman
who did not approve of the democracy under which he lived.

On an amphora from Gnatia (Fasano), with a goose and a
cock, in white on the black ground, is the quaint dialogue:

.ce 3
.pm ii inscr_273_anechnotia.jpg 'ΑΝΗΧΝΟΤΙΑ, ΟΤΟΝΕΛΕΤΡΥΓΟΝΑ' '' ''
<lang=grc>αἴ τὸν χῆνα, ὦ τὸν ἐλετρυγόνα</lang>, or, “What, the goose?”
“Oh, the cock!”[2242]      // Tr: ai ton chêna, ô ton eletrugona

Etruscan inscriptions do not come within the scope of this
chapter, but an Oscan inscription should be mentioned here,
which is incised on a vase in the British Museum (F 233), over
an actor:
.pm ii inscr_273_santia.jpg ΑΙΤΝΑΣ '' ''
= <em>Santia</em>, the Oscan form of <lang=grc>Ξανθίας</lang>,                      // Tr:: Xanthias
which was a common name for the slave of comedy.

.fs 95%
<target id=listofartists>
.ce
LIST OF ARTISTS’ SIGNATURES FOUND ON GREEK VASES
.ta l:12 l:13 l:20: l:25
I. <sc>Early Fabrics</sc> (<sc>Chapter #VII:vol1_ch07#.</sc>)

Aristonoös |   <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang> |   Uncertain fabric     |See Vol. I. p. #297:vol1_297#
Pyrrhos    |   <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang> |   Proto-Corinthian     |<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xl. (1902), p. 41
Chares     |   <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   | Corinthian            |Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meistersig.</cite></lang> p. 29
Milonidas  |   <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>  |  \ \ \ do.             |<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1888, pl. 1, fig. 4
Timonidas  |   <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    do.                |Klein,  p. 28
Gamedes     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |  Boeotian             |<i>Ibid.</i> p. 31
Gryton      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     do.               |<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, p. 54
.bn 303.png
.pn +1
Iphitadas   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |  Boeotian             |<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 105
Menaidas    |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     do.               |<lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 1, fig. 1
Mnasalkes   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     do.               |<cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1899, p. 56
Theozotos   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     do.               |Louvre F 69

II. <sc>Attic Black-figured Vases</sc> (Vol. I. p. #379:vol1_379#).

Amasis      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |  Amphorae and oinochoae  |Klein, p. 43; Vol. I. p. #383:vol1_383#
Anakles     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>[2243] | Minor artist    |<i>Ibid.</i> p. 75
Antidoros   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>   |  Minor artist        |<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1897, p. 231
Archikles   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist       |  Klein, p. 76
Charitaios  |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Hydria and kylix   |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 51
Cheiron     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist       |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 79
Epitimos    |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist       |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 84
Ergoteles   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist       |  Berlin 1758
Ergotimos   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Potter of François vase; kylix |   Klein, p. 37
Eucheiros   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist       |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 72
Euphiletos  |   <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>  |   Pinax             |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 49
Exekias     |  {ἔγραψε }|   Amphorae and kylikes |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 38
            |  {ἐποίησε}|                       |
Glaukytes   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist (with Archikles)|  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 77
Hermogenes  |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Minor artist                |   <i>Ibid.</i> p. 82
Kaulos      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Potter for Sakonides        |   <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1903, p. 35
Kittos      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Panathen. amph. (4th cent.) |   B.M. B 604
Kleisophos  |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |   Oinochoë (Xenokles as potter) | Athens 691
Klitias     |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |   François vase (painter)    |    Klein, p. 32; B.M. B 601_{4–5}
Kolchos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Oinochoë                  |     Berlin 1732
Mnesikleides|  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Aryballos            |          Athens 669
Myspios     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist               |    Klein, p. 84
Neandros    |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist               |    <i>Ibid.</i> p. 79
Nearchos    | <lang=grc>ἐγρ. κ. ἐπ.</lang> | Situla                  |       <i>Ibid.</i> p. 38
Nikosthenes |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    About eighty vases    |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 51
Oikopheles  | <lang=grc>ἐκεράμευσε</lang> | Kylix                 |         Oxford 189
Paseas      |  <lang=grc>γράμμα</lang>   |    Pinax                 |         Klein, p. 49
Phrynos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist          |         B.M. B 424 and Boston
Priapos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Doubtful              |         B.M. B 395
Psoieas     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>(?)  | Minor artist          |         B.M. B 600_{40}
Sakonides   |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Minor artist          |         Klein, p. 85
Sikelos     |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Panathen. amphora     |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 86
Skythes     |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Pinax                 |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 48
Sokles      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist          |          <i>Ibid.</i> p. 79
Sondros     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist          |          B.M. B 601_{6}
Sophilos    |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Fragment              |          <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1889, pl. 1
.bn 304.png
.pn +1
Taleides     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Various shapes       |          Klein, p. 46
Thrax        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist         |          <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1903, p. 36
Timagoras    |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Hydriae               |         Klein, p. 50
Tlenpolemos  |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist; potter for Sakonides   |                 <i>Ibid.</i> p. 84
Tleson       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist          |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 73
Tychios      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Hydria                |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 50
Xenokles     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Minor artist; potter for Kleisophos  |                 <i>Ibid.</i> p. 80

III. <sc>Transitional or “Mixed Technique”</sc>

Andokides     | { <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang> } |  Amphorae, etc.    |             See Vol. I. p. #386:vol1_386#
              | { <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>  } |                    |
Chelis        |           |    See below  |
Epiktetos     |           |    See below |
Epilykos      |           |   See below  |
Hischylos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Potter for Epiktetos, Sakonides, Pheidippos     |   Klein, p. 97
Nikosthenes   |           |  See above; two mixed; three R.F.[2244]          |
Pamphaios     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |  Various shapes            |             <i>Ibid.</i> p. 87
Pasiades      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |  White-ground              |            B.M. B 668
Thypheithides |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |   Doubtful                 |             See B.M. E 4

IV. <sc>Attic Red-figured Vases</sc> (see Vol. I. p. #420:vol1_420# ff.)

Aeson         |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylix                      |  <lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> ii. pl. 1
Amasis II     | (<lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>)  |  Kylix                        |  Bibl. Nat. 535; Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> chap. xvi.
Apollodoros   |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes                    |  <i>Ibid.</i> chap. xxii.
Aristophanes  |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes                    |  Berlin 2531; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1900, p. 49 ff.
Brygos        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes                    |  Hartwig, chap. xiii.
Chachrylion   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes                    |  <i>Ibid.</i> chap iv.
Chelis        |{ <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>} |    Kylikes (one “mixed”)      |  Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meistersig.</cite></lang> p. 116
              |{ <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>\ \  } |                               |
Deiniades     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Phintias        |
Duris         |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Various shapes             |   Hartwig, chaps. x., xxi.
Epigenes      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kantharos                  |   Klein, p. 186
Epiktetos     |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes and plates         |   <i>Ibid.</i> p. 100
Epilykos      |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes                    |   <i>Ibid.</i> p. 114: see <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ix. p. 135 ff.
Erginos       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Aristophanes    |
Euergides     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes                    |   Klein, p. 99
Euphronios    | { <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang> }|  Various shapes               |   Hartwig, chaps. vii., xviii.
              | {ἐποίησε }|                               |
Euthymides    |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Various shapes             |   Hoppin, <cite>Euthymides</cite>
Euxitheos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Amphora; potter for Oltos  |   Klein, p. 135
.bn 305.png
.pn +1
Hegesiboulos  |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    White-ground cup           |   <cite>Branteghem Cat.</cite>, No. 167
Hegias        |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylix                      |   Klein, p. 186
Hermaios      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes                    |   See Vol. I. p. #424:vol1_424#
Hermonax      |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Stamni and “pelikae”       |   Klein, p. 200
Hieron        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes and kotylae; potter for Makron |     Hartwig, chap. xii.
Hilinos       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Psiax           |
Hischylos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    See above                  |
Hypsis        |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Hydria                     |   Klein, p. 198
Kalliades     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Duris: see Table V. |
Kleophrades   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Duris and Amasis II. |
Makron        |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    (With Hieron)              |
Maurion       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>   |    Pyxis                      |   B.M. E 770; <cite>Class. Rev.</cite> 1894, p. 419
Megakles      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Pyxis                      |   Klein, p. 205
Meidias       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Hydria                     |   B.M. E 224 = #Plate XLI:vol1_pl41#.
Mys           |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Lekythos                   |   Athens 1362
Nikias        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Krater in B.M              |   See p. #259# above
Oltos         |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes                    |   Hartwig, chap. v.
Onesimos      |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes (Euphronios as potter)| <i>Ibid.</i> chap. xix.
Peithinos     |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylikes                    |   <i>Ibid.</i> chap. xi.
Pheidippos    |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylix                      |   B.M. E 6
Phintias      |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Various shapes             |   Hartwig, chap. ix.
Pistoxenos    |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kotylae; potter for Euphronios| <i>Ibid.</i> chap. xiv.
Polygnotos    |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Amphorae; stamni         |      <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, ix. p. 1 ff.
Praxias       |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    (Non-Athenian?)          |      Klein, p. 31
Psiax         |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kylix and alabastron      |     <cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1895, p. 485
Python I.     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Potter for Epiktetos and Duris|
Sikanos       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Plate   |                       Klein, p. 116
Smikros       |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>[2245] | Stamni     |                    <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ix. p. 15 ff.
Sosias        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylix     |                     Berlin 2278; Klein, p. 147
Sotades       | { <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang> } |  White-ground vases |            { <cite>Branteghem Cat.</cite> 159–166
              | { <lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>  } |                    |             { Klein, p. 187
Syriskos      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Astragalos vase    |            Hartwig, chap. xxiv.
Xenophantos   |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Lekythos           |            Petersburg 1790
Xenotimos     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Kylikes            |            <cite>Branteghem Cat.</cite> 84–85

V. <sc>Unfigured and Modelled Vases</sc>

Charinos      |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Modelled vases               |  Klein, p. 215; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1890, p. 316
Kalliades     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Modelled vases; potter for Duris  |      Klein, p. 216
.bn 306.png
.pn +1
Kleomenes     |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Modelled vase in Louvre    |    <lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1897, pls. 16–17
Kriton        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Jug; no subject            |    Klein, p. 213
Lydos         |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |    Fragment; painter’s name lost |  <i>Ibid.</i> p. 217
Lykinos       |  <lang=grc>ἠργάσατο</lang> |    Pyxis                  |        <i>Ibid.</i> p. 213
Lysias        |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     Jug; no subject       |         <i>Ibid.</i> p. 213
Myson         |  <lang=grc>ἐγρ. κ. ἐπ.</lang>| Fragment                |       <i>Ibid.</i> p. 217
Prokles       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     Modelled lekythos     |         Berlin 2202
Teisias       |  <lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>  |     Vases without subject |         Klein, p. 212
Therinos      |  <lang=grc>ποίημα</lang>   |     Chytra            |             <i>Ibid.</i> p. 214

VI. <sc>South Italian</sc> (see Vol. I. p. #478:vol1_478#)

Assteas       |  <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>   |    Kraters, etc.          |     See Vol. I. p. #478:vol1_478#
Lasimos       | <lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>    |    Krater                 |     Klein, p. 210
Python        | <lang=grc>ἔγραφε</lang>    |    Krater                 |     B.M. F 149
Statios       | <lang=grc>ἔργον</lang>     |    Doubtful               |     See B.M. F 594
.ta-
.fs 100%

.ce
LIST OF <lang=grc>ΚΑΛΟΣ</lang>-NAMES ON GREEK VASES
.ce
<s><em>Names in parentheses denote the artists with whom they are associated</em></s>

.in +10
.ta l:30 l:30
I. <sc>Black-figured Vases</sc>

Aischis                        | Myia
Andokides (Timagoras)          | Mys
Anthylle                       | Neokleides (Taleides)
Automenes                      | Onetor
Chairaia? (Nikosthenes)        | Onetorides (Exekias)
Chares                         | Pyles
Dorotheos (Charinos? also R.F.)| Pythokles I.
Eresilla                       | Rhodon
Euphiletos                     | Rhodopis
Hippokrates (also R.F.)        | Sibon (Kabeirion vase: see Vol. I. p. #218:vol1_218#)
Hippokritos (Glaukytes)        | Sime
Hippon I.                      | Sostratos
Kallias I. (Taleides)          | Stesias (Exekias)
Kallippe                       | Stesileos
Klitarchos (Taleides)          | Stroibos
Leagros (Exekias; also R.F.)   | Timotheos
Lysippides                     | Xenodoke (Charinos)
Mnesilla                       |

II. <sc>Red-figured Vases</sc>

Aisimides                      | Antimachos
Akestor                        | Antiphon
Akestorides                    | Aphrodisia
Alexomenos                     | Archinos II.
Alkides                        | Aristagoras (Duris)
Alkimachos                     | Aristarchos
Antias                         | Aristeides
.bn 307.png
.pn +1

Athenodotos (Peithinos; with Leagros) | Lichas
Brachas                               | Lyandros
Chairestratos                         | Lykopis
Chairias (Phintias)                   | Lykos (Euphronios, Duris, Onesimos)
Chairippos                            | Lysis (Hartwig, chap. xxiii.)
Charmides                             | Megakles I. (Phintias, Euthymides)
Damas                                 | Megakles II.
Diogenes (see Hartwig, chap. xv.)     | Memnon (Chelis, Chachrylion)
Diokles                               | Midas
Dion                                  | Mikion II.
Dionokles                             | Miltiades
Diphilos                              | Naukleia (Hieron)
Dorotheos (also B.F.)                 | Nikodemos
Dromippos                             | Nikon
Elpinikos                             | Nikophile
Epidromos (Chachrylion?)              | Nikostratos II. (Hartwig, chap. xx.)
Epileios                              | Oinanthe
Epimedes                              | Olympiodoros (also one B.F.)
Erosantheo                            | Panaitios (Euphronios, Duris)
Erothemis (Euphronios and Onesimos)   | Pedieus
Euaion                                | Perses
Eurymachos                            | Phayllos
Euryptolemos (Apollodoros)            | Pheidiades
Glaukon (Euphronios)                  | Pheidon
Heras                                 | Philon
Hermogenes (Duris)                    | Praxiteles
Hiketes                               | Sekline (Euphronios)
Hipparchos (Epiktetos)                | Sikinnos
Hippodamas (Duris and Hieron)         | Simiades
Hippon II.                            | Smikythos (Euthymides)
Hygiainon                             | Sokrates
Kallias II.                           | Solon
Kallides                              | Sophanes
Kallikles                             | Sostratos
Kallisto (Hieron)                     | Thaleia
Karton                                | Theodoros
Kephisios                             | Thero (Oltos)
Kephisophon                           | Timarchos
Kleinias                              | Timokrates
Kleophon (with Megakles I.)           | Timoxenos or Timaxenos
Krates                                | Tleson
Laches (see Hartwig, chap. xx.)       | Xenon
Leagros (Chachrylion, Euphronios, Euxitheos) | Xenophon.
.ta-
.in

.fs 95%
.in +10
.ti -4
[The foregoing list is not exhaustive, but only gives the more frequently
occurring names; reference should be made throughout to Klein’s
<lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschriften</cite></lang>, 1898 edition.]
.in
.fs 100%

.fm

.fn 2058
v. 17, 6.
.fn-

.fn 2059
xi. 466 D-E.
.fn-

.fn 2060
Hence the oblique cases <lang=grc>υἱεῖ</lang>, <lang=grc>υἱεῖς</lang>,                     // Tr:  uiei : uieis
etc., of classical usage.
.fn-

.fn 2061
<lang=de><cite>Die griechischen Vaseninschriften</cite></lang>,
Gütersloh, 1894.
.fn-

.fn 2062
See Berlin 2891; <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1879,
p. 96.
.fn-

.fn 2063
Cf. Berlin 2866 and the vase of
Xenophantos (Reinach, i. 23).
.fn-

.fn 2064
B.M. A 189* = Plate XVII. fig. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2065
Vol. I. p. #436:vol1_436#; Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meistersig.</cite></lang>
p. 162 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2066
Vol. I. p. #478:vol1_478#; Klein, <i>ibid.</i> p. 206 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2067
Klein, <lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschr.</cite></lang>^2 p. 118.
.fn-

.fn 2068
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1890, p. 396.
.fn-

.fn 2069
For the explanation of these names
see Chapter IV.
.fn-

.fn 2070
B.M. E 497; Schöne in <lang=la><cite>Comm. Phil.
in hon. Mommseni</cite></lang>, p. 658, Nos. 29–32.
.fn-

.fn 2071
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 651, No. 5. In this and
the other examples it will be understood
that
.pm ii glyph_delta.jpg Δ '' ''
denotes 10 (<lang=grc>δέκα</lang>),
.pm ii glyph_pi.jpg Π '' ''
5 (<lang=grc>πέντε</lang>),
and so on;
.pm ii glyph_drachma.jpg 'Ͱ' '' ''
being the sign for a drachma.
.fn-

.fn 2072
<i>Op. cit.</i> No. 17.
.fn-

.fn 2073
A diminutive of <lang=grc>πέλλα</lang>, a large deep                  // Tr: pella
cup or bowl (see Vol. I. p. #186:vol1_186#).
.fn-

.fn 2074
Schöne, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 650, No. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2075
<i>Ibid.</i> No. 7 = <cite>Cat.</cite> 1206.
.fn-

.fn 2076
<cite>Cat.</cite> 2188; Schöne’s No. 8. The
meaning of <lang=grc>Λύδια μείζω</lang> is uncertain.              // Tr: Lydia meizô
.fn-

.fn 2077
<lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1854, p. 36.
.fn-

.fn 2078
B.M. B 310; Munich 693. See Jahn
in <lang=de><cite>Ber. d. Sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1854, p. 37.
.fn-

.fn 2079
<cite>Ran.</cite> 1236.
.fn-

.fn 2080
<cite>Pac.</cite> 1202.
.fn-

.fn 2081
Schöne, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 655, No. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2082
F 595: see Vol. I. p. #135:vol1_135#.
.fn-

.fn 2083
B.M. B 451; <cite>J.H.S.</cite> vi. p. 374 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2084
B.M. B 450 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> vi. p. 372.
.fn-

.fn 2085
Boeckh, <cite>C.I.G.</cite> i. 545.
.fn-

.fn 2086
A 1054 = Roehl, <cite>I.G.A.</cite> 524, p. 151.
See also Kretschmer, pp. 3–4.
.fn-

.fn 2087
<cite>I.G.A.</cite> 22: see below, p. #252#.
.fn-

.fn 2088
<i>Ibid.</i> 2 = B.M. A 1512.
.fn-

.fn 2089
B.M. F 596: see Vol. I. p. #186:vol1_186#.
.fn-

.fn 2090
Heydemann’s <cite>Cat.</cite> 1212.
.fn-

.fn 2091
B.M. F 605–6.
.fn-

.fn 2092
<cite>Naukratis I.</cite>, pls. 32–4, p. 54 ff.;
<cite>Naukratis II.</cite>, pl. 21, p. 62 ff.; <cite>Brit.
Sch. Annual</cite>, 1898–99, p. 53.
.fn-

.fn 2093
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> xv. p. 395 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2094
See Vol. I. pp. #139:vol1_139#, #345:vol1_139#.
.fn-

.fn 2095
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1881, p. 107; 1893,
p. 225; Kretschmer, p. 110; also Vol. I.
p. #291:vol1_291#.
.fn-

.fn 2096
<lang=fr><cite>Mon. Grecs</cite></lang>, 1897, pls. 16–7, p. 55;
and see Vol. I. p. #493:vol1_493#.
.fn-

.fn 2097
B.M. B 134; Urlichs, <lang=de><cite>Beiträge</cite></lang>,
pl. 14.
.fn-

.fn 2098
Berlin 2314.
.fn-

.fn 2099
Examples in the B.M. are E 12 and
E 457 (Pamphaios), E 61 (Hieron), E 65
(Brygos), E 258 (Euxitheos); and cf.
Fig. #129:fig129#.
.fn-

.fn 2100
Perrot, <lang=fr><cite>Hist. de l’Art</cite></lang>, iii. p. 670.
They have been found at Larnaka,
Paphos, Dali, and Amathus.
.fn-

.fn 2101
Roberts, <cite>Gk. Epigraphy</cite>, i. p. 154.
.fn-

.fn 2102
On the subject generally see Roberts,
<cite>Greek Epigraphy</cite>, vol. i. (Cambridge
Press).
.fn-

.fn 2103
See the table given by Kretschmer,
p. 105.
.fn-

.fn 2104
See Hill, <cite>Handbook of Greek and
Roman Coins</cite>, p. 208 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2105
B.M. B 130.
.fn-

.fn 2106
See for other details of coin-inscriptions
Hill, <i>op. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2107
<cite>Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, No. 250.
.fn-

.fn 2108
No. 385 (Didot).
.fn-

.fn 2109
It should be borne in mind that
Mycenaean vases have been found in
Argolis, Cyprus, and elsewhere, with
characters <em>incised</em> on the handles, of
contemporaneous execution, and forming
parallels to the Cretan script and the
later Cypriote syllabary.
.fn-

.fn 2110
<cite>Olympia</cite>, iv. pl. 39, p. 102.
.fn-

.fn 2111
Roehl, <cite>I.G.A.</cite> 377.
.fn-

.fn 2112
$1<lang=grc>$2</lang> 1903, pls. 2–6: see Vol. I.      // Tr: Eph. Arch.
p. #92:vol1_92#.
.fn-

.fn 2113
See also Vol. I. p. #335:vol1_335#.
.fn-

.fn 2114
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1891, p. 263; Kretschmer,
p. 7.
.fn-

.fn 2115
Vol. I. p. #297:vol1_297# and Plate #XVI:vol1_pl16#.; for
the latest interpretation of the name, as
here adopted, see <cite>Class. Review</cite>, 1900,
p. 264.
.fn-

.fn 2116
<i>E.g.</i> Ramsay in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> x. p. 187.
.fn-

.fn 2117
Studniczka, <cite>Kyrene</cite>, p. 11 ff.; Vol. I.
p. #342:vol1_342#.
.fn-

.fn 2118
Collected by Blass, <lang=de><cite>Dialektinschr.</cite></lang>
iii. 3120 ff., and Wilisch, <lang=de><cite>Altkorinthische
Thonindustrie</cite></lang>, p. 156.
.fn-

.fn 2119
Roberts (<cite>Gk. Epigraphy</cite>, i. p. 134)
distinguishes three periods in the Corinthian
alphabet from 700 to 400 <sc>B.C.</sc>, but
the vases seem to belong almost entirely
to the first, down to 550 <sc>B.C.</sc>
.fn-

.fn 2120
Vol. I. p. #316:vol1_316#, Fig. #90:vol1_fig90#.
.fn-

.fn 2121
<cite>Cat.</cite> 1655: see Vol. I. p. #319:vol1_319#.
.fn-

.fn 2122
Louvre E 600 = Reinach, i. 395.
.fn-

.fn 2123
B.M. A 1080 = Reinach, i. 306.
.fn-

.fn 2124
Athens 620 = Reinach, i. 394.
.fn-

.fn 2125
Roehl, <cite>I.G.A.</cite> 20, 5.
.fn-

.fn 2126
<i>Ibid.</i> 20, 63.
.fn-

.fn 2127
E 638 = <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1855, pl. 20.
It has been suggested that the name is
originally a corruption of <em>Alexandra</em> =
Xandra = Ksandra = Kesandra (Kretschmer,
p. 28).
.fn-

.fn 2128
The general peculiarities of the
Corinthian alphabet are not touched on
here, as examples have been given of
all characteristic letters. See Roberts,
<cite>Gk. Epigraphy</cite>, i. p. 134.
.fn-

.fn 2129
Kretschmer, p. 51; Roehl, <cite>I.G.A.</cite>
p. 14, No. 22.
.fn-

.fn 2130
See Vol. I. p. #300:vol1_300#; Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meisters.</cite></lang>
p. 30; <cite>Boston Mus. Report</cite>, 1898, p. 54,
1899, p. 56; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 105.
.fn-

.fn 2131
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1892, pl. 6, p. 101.
.fn-

.fn 2132
<lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1890, p. 411.
.fn-

.fn 2133
See Vol. I. p. #357:vol1_357#; Karo in <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xix. p. 156; <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1900, p. 93,
note.
.fn-

.fn 2134
<lang=de><cite>Auserl. Vasenb.</cite></lang> 205, 3, 4: see Vol. I.
p. #357:vol1_357#.
.fn-

.fn 2135
See Vol. I. p. #322:vol1_322# and Kretschmer,
p. 62.
.fn-

.fn 2136
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xl. (1902), p. 41.
.fn-

.fn 2137
As is often the case with English
seventeenth-century inscriptions.
.fn-

.fn 2138
<cite>Frag. Com. Gr.</cite> (<cite>Script. Gr. Bibl.</cite>,
xlii.), p. 248.
.fn-

.fn 2139
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1903, p. 34.
.fn-

.fn 2140
For the language spoken by the
<lang=grc>μέτοικοι</lang> cf. Kretschmer, p. 76, and Philostratus,      // Tr: metoikoi
<cite>Vit. Soph.</cite> ii. 1, 14; also Plat.
Lys. 223<i>a</i>, <lang=grc>ὑποβαρβαρίζοντες παιδαγωγοί</lang>.         // Tr: hypobarbarizontes paidagôgoi
.fn-

.fn 2141
Naples 3089 = Millingen-Reinach,
33–4.
.fn-

.fn 2142
Bibl. Nat. 372 = Reinach, i. 92.
.fn-

.fn 2143
Bibl. Nat. 846 = Klein, <lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschr.</cite></lang>^2
p. 129.
.fn-

.fn 2144
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 320; Dümmler
in <lang=de><cite>Berl. Phil. Woch.</cite></lang> 1888, p. 20; Kretschmer,
p. 81.
.fn-

.fn 2145
Ar. <cite>Thesm.</cite> 1084–1225.
.fn-

.fn 2146
Kretschmer also hints that it seems
to indicate the pronunciation of Φ by the
Athenians as PH in “hap-hazard,” not
as F.
.fn-

.fn 2147
There are also isolated instances of
<lang=grc>ἔγραφε</lang>; Timonidas of Corinth, Pheidippos,              // Tr: egraphe
Euthymides, and Aristophanes.
See Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meisters.</cite></lang> p. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2148
B.M. F 594.
.fn-

.fn 2149
Gardner, <cite>Ashmolean Vases</cite>, No. 189,
pl. 26: <lang=grc>Εκεράμευσεν ἐμὲ Οἰκυφέλης</lang>. We                  // Tr: Ekerameusen eme Oikyphelês
are reminded of the jest about Chairestratos
made by the comic poet Phrynichos,
who speaks of “Chairestratos soberly
pottering (<lang=grc>κεραμεύων</lang>) at home” (Athen.                 // Tr: kerameuôn
xi. 474 B).
.fn-

.fn 2150
See list at end of chapter, and Klein,
<i>op. cit.</i> pp. 49, 213, 214.
.fn-

.fn 2151
Munich 378 = Furtwaengler and
Reichhold, pl. 14. See Vol. I. p. #428:vol1_428#.
.fn-

.fn 2152
Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meistersig.</cite></lang> p. 111.
.fn-

.fn 2153
G 107: see <lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ix.
p. 33.
.fn-

.fn 2154
Naples 3415.
.fn-

.fn 2155
Munich 498 = Reinach, i. 215.
.fn-

.fn 2156
<cite>Cat.</cite> 1152.
.fn-

.fn 2157
Munich 380, 810 = Reinach, ii. 115,
i. 363.
.fn-

.fn 2158
Louvre E 852 = Reinach, i. 156.
.fn-

.fn 2159
Reinach, ii. 292.
.fn-

.fn 2160
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. F 62.
.fn-

.fn 2161
See also Kretschmer, p. 84.
.fn-

.fn 2162
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 164, B 254; Louvre
F 297 = Reinach, ii. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2163
Kretschmer, p. 85: see p #92#.
.fn-

.fn 2164
Munich 6: see Vol. I. p. #428:vol1_428#, and
Hoppin, <cite>Euthymides</cite>, p. 18.
.fn-

.fn 2165
<lang=fr><cite>Monuments Piot</cite></lang>, ix. pl. 2.
.fn-

.fn 2166
Berlin 1737.
.fn-

.fn 2167
Munich 333 = Reinach, ii. 119.
.fn-

.fn 2168
Berlin 1704 = Reinach, i. 198;
Vol. I. p. #326:vol1_326#.
.fn-

.fn 2169
Berlin 1732 = Reinach, ii. 66.
.fn-

.fn 2170
Plate XXIII.: see Vol. I. p. #326:vol1_326#.
.fn-

.fn 2171
Bibl. Nat. 219.
.fn-

.fn 2172
Louvre F 385 = Millingen, <lang=de><cite>Anc.
Uned. Mon.</cite></lang> pl. 38.
.fn-

.fn 2173
Reinach, ii. 49.
.fn-

.fn 2174
Kretschmer, p. 86.
.fn-

.fn 2175
Reinach, ii. 128.
.fn-

.fn 2176
Kretschmer, pp. 86, 197.
.fn-

.fn 2177
See Kretschmer, p. 86.
.fn-

.fn 2178
<cite>Cat.</cite> 1158 = <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1884, pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 2179
Kretschmer, <i>loc. cit.</i>: cf. Bergk,
<lang=de><cite>Poet. lyr. Gr.</cite></lang> iii.^4 p. 97, frag. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2180
See Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> p. 255.
.fn-

.fn 2181
Petersburg 1670. The Doric dialect
is explained by Kretschmer as due to
the Sicilian origin of the game.
.fn-

.fn 2182
<i>Sc.</i> “hard to beat.”
.fn-

.fn 2183
Kretschmer, p. 88.
.fn-

.fn 2184
<i>I.e.</i> <lang=grc>κυβιστητῆρι</lang>.                  // Tr: kybistêtêri
.fn-

.fn 2185
Reinach, i. 294. Probably, as
Kretschmer points out, a dog of Melita
off Illyricum, not of Malta.
.fn-

.fn 2186
Kretschmer, p. 91.
.fn-

.fn 2187
Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gr. u. sic. Vasenb.</cite></lang> pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 2188
Helbig, 186 = <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vorl.</cite></lang> 1889,
pl. 8, 6.
.fn-

.fn 2189
Reinach, i. 96.
.fn-

.fn 2190
Reinach, i. 106.
.fn-

.fn 2191
This translation is somewhat doubtful:
see Reinach, <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2192
<cite>Cat.</cite> 688 = Reinach, i. 164.
.fn-

.fn 2193
Reinach, i. 513.
.fn-

.fn 2194
Athens 1241 = Dumont-Pottier, i.
pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2195
Plate #XXXIX:vol1_pl39#.
.fn-

.fn 2196
On the form of the Δ see #below:formofdelta#,
p. 268.
.fn-

.fn 2197
<cite>Brit. Sch. Annual</cite>, 1898–99, p. 65.
.fn-

.fn 2198
Reinach, i. 277: see on the subject,
<cite>Hermes</cite>, 1898, p. 640; <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>,
1895, 86 ff.; and above, pp. #115#, #137#.
.fn-

.fn 2199
See on this subject, Urlichs, <lang=de><cite>Beiträge</cite></lang>,
p. 33 ff., and Vol. I. p. #389:vol1_389#.
.fn-

.fn 2200
Athen. xi. 466 D; not found on Attic
vases, but cf. B.M. F 548.
.fn-

.fn 2201
B.M. B 415, 422; Berlin 1775–76.
.fn-

.fn 2202
Berlin 1764; Munich 37. For variations
see Kretschmer, p. 195.
.fn-

.fn 2203
See Klein, <lang=de><cite>Meisters.</cite></lang> p. 110; Kretschmer,
p. 82.
.fn-

.fn 2204
Instances are B.M. B 330, B 339,
B 631, E 182, E 718.
.fn-

.fn 2205
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. B 400.
.fn-

.fn 2206
<cite>Cat.</cite> 334 = Reinach, i. 79. The vase
is probably by Charinos.
.fn-

.fn 2207
Cf. the story of Pericles and Sophocles
told by Cicero, <lang=la><cite>De Offic.</cite></lang> i. 40, 144.
.fn-

.fn 2208
<lang=de><cite>Vasen mit Lieblingsinschriften</cite></lang>, 2nd
edn., 1898. Of these, 528 are masculine
names, and only 30 feminine.
.fn-

.fn 2209
143 ff. There is, of course, a play
here on the word <lang=grc>ἐραστής</lang>.                         // Tr: erastês
.fn-

.fn 2210
97 ff. Demos is here a proper name;
<lang=grc>κημός</lang> means the ballot-box, in which the         // Tr: kêmos
juries recorded their votes.
.fn-

.fn 2211
Cf. Frazer’s note on Paus. vi. 10, 6
(vol. iv. p. 37).
.fn-

.fn 2212
Such as the Laches <lang=grc>καλός</lang> on Berlin               // Tr: kalos
2314, a name which recalls the Platonic
dialogue with that title.
.fn-

.fn 2213
Hartwig, <lang=de><cite>Meistersch.</cite></lang> pl. 17, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2214
Reinach, ii. 94.
.fn-

.fn 2215
Hartwig in <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges d’Arch.</cite></lang> 1894,
p. 10 note.
.fn-

.fn 2216
The name of Leagros occurs on many
vases by Euphronios and other artists:
see Klein, <lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschr.</cite></lang>^2 p. 70 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2217
Klein, <lang=de><cite>Lieblingsinschr.</cite></lang>^2 p. 87 = <cite>Ashmolean
Vases</cite>, No. 310.
.fn-

.fn 2218
See for this section, Kretschmer,
p. 94 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2219
See Kretschmer, p. 98.
.fn-

.fn 2220
See Vol. I. p. #326:vol1_326#.
.fn-

.fn 2221
But see p. #271# for the probable explanation
of this use of ω.
.fn-

.fn 2222
Kretschmer, p. 146.
.fn-

.fn 2223
Naples 2899; B.M. E 156.
.fn-

.fn 2224
Louvre F 53 = Reinach, ii. 59 (Exekias).
.fn-

.fn 2225
Berlin 2291.
.fn-

.fn 2226
Munich 340 = <lang=de><cite>C.I.G.</cite></lang> 7433.
.fn-

.fn 2227
B.M. E 224; Karlsruhe 209: cf.
Berlin 2184
.pm ii inscr_270_oresstes.jpg ΟΡΕΣΣΤΕΣ '(' ')'             // Tr: ORESSTES
and 1906
.pm ii inscr_270_tritonnos.jpg ΤΡΙΤΟΝΝΟΣ '(' ').'           // Tr: TRITONNOS
.fn-

.fn 2228
Kretschmer, p. 179.
.fn-

.fn 2229
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 180.
.fn-

.fn 2230
Munich 334.
.fn-

.fn 2231
See generally Kretschmer, p. 110 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2232
The two Proto-Attic inscribed vases
(Berlin 1682 and <lang=de><cite>Art. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. 57:
see Vol. I. p. #293:vol1_293#).
.fn-

.fn 2233
Berlin 2008; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1886, p. 21.
.fn-

.fn 2234
See the table given by Kretschmer,
p. 105.
.fn-

.fn 2235
See Vol. I. p. #443:vol1_443#, and Dümmler’s
article in <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1887, p. 168 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2236
See Kretschmer, p. 211 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2237
For the proof that Assteas and
Python worked at Paestum, see Vol. I.
p. #479:vol1_479#.
.fn-

.fn 2238
The name is perhaps a by-form of
Dasimos (see Vol. I. p. #478:vol1_478#). The
correspondence of D and L is not uncommon,
as in <lang=grc>δακρύς</lang> = <lang=la><em>lacrima</em></lang>.                   // Tr: dakrys
.fn-

.fn 2239
F 62,
.pm ii inscr_273_termon.jpg ΤΕΡΜΩΝ '' ';'
F 92,
.pm ii inscr_273_oresstas.jpg ΟΡΕΣΣΤΑΣ '' '.'           // Tr: TERMÔN: ORESSTAS
See also Millingen-Reinach,
pls. 14, 17, 18.
.fn-

.fn 2240
Cf. the version given by Eustathius
<cite>ad Odyss.</cite> p. 1698, 25.
.fn-

.fn 2241
Kretschmer, p. 218; <cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xii.
(1888), p. 344.
.fn-

.fn 2242
Rayet and Collignon, p. 330 (in
Louvre): see above, p. #186#; also Vol. I.
p. #488:vol1_488#.
.fn-

.fn 2243
One kylix in partnership with Nikosthenes.
.fn-

.fn 2244
In one case as potter for Epiktetos.
.fn-

.fn 2245
See also Vol. I. p. #440:vol1_440#.
.fn-

.bn 308.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h2
PART IV | ITALIAN POTTERY


.sp 4
.h3 id=ch18
CHAPTER XVIII | <i>ETRUSCAN AND SOUTH ITALIAN POTTERY</i>

.pm start_summary
Early Italian civilisation—Origin of Etruscans—Terramare civilisation—Villanuova
period—Pit-tombs—Hut-urns—Trench-tombs—Relief-wares
and painted vases from Cervetri—Chamber-tombs—Polledrara
ware—<lang=it>Bucchero</lang> ware—Canopic jars—Imitations of Greek vases—Etruscan
inscriptions—Sculpture in terracotta—Architectural decoration—Sarcophagi—Local
pottery of Southern Italy—Messapian and
Peucetian fabrics.
.pm stop_summary

.sp 2
In the succeeding section of this work we propose, by a natural
transition, to deal with Italian pottery, that is, Etruscan and
Roman, as distinct from Greek. The subject naturally falls
under three heads—the first two dealing with the pottery of
the period previous to the Roman domination of Italy, and
therefore contemporaneous with the Greek pottery; the third
with Roman pottery from the second century <sc>B.C.</sc> onwards,
and of necessity including also remains of similar pottery from
Gaul, Britain, and other countries over which that civilisation
extended.

In the present chapter the first two branches of the subject—namely,
Etruscan pottery, and the local fabrics of Southern
Italy—will be discussed; the period of time which they cover
is, as has been said, coincident with that covered by the history
of Greek pottery, extending from the Bronze Age down to
the end of the third century <sc>B.C.</sc>
.bn 309.png
.pn +1

.h4 id=sec18_1
§ 1. <sc>Etruscan Pottery</sc>

.sp 2

.ce
BIBLIOGRAPHY

.pm start_summary
Helbig, <lang=de><cite>Die Italiker in der Poebene</cite></lang>; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1884, p. 108 ff., 1885,
p. 5 ff.; Karo, <lang=la><cite>Cenni sulla cronologia preclassica</cite></lang>, Parma, 1898; Von Duhn
in <lang=de><cite>Bonner Studien</cite></lang>, p. 21 ff., and in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xvi. p. 125 ff.; Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art
Étrusque</cite></lang>, <i>passim</i>; Dennis, <cite>Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria</cite>, 2nd edn. (good
for topography; archaeology out of date); <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiv. p. 206 ff. (C. Smith
on Polledrara ware); Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Vulci</cite></lang>; Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Cat. des vases ant.
du Louvre</cite></lang>, ii. p. 285 ff. (the best general survey); <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>,
<i>passim</i>, for excavations; <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, p. xliv ff.
.pm stop_summary

.h5
(1) EARLY ITALIAN CIVILISATION

As regards Etruria, it will be seen that the art of the people
was largely imitative, being derived mainly from Greece, but
in some measure also from the East. Few remains of their
productions have reached the present day, with the exception
of large numbers of vases, bronzes, and jewellery; these,
however, afford a very clear notion of the characteristics of
Etruscan art. It is hardly possible to treat the subject of
working in clay in Etruria with such fulness as can be done
in the case of Greece and Rome, owing to the greater dearth
of literature; but in our previous chapter (III.) on this subject
much has already been said with reference to what is known on
this head. In regard to the pottery, careful scientific excavations,
such as those undertaken by M. Gsell at Vulci (Vol. I.
p. #77:vol1_77#), have done much to increase our knowledge of all periods,
and to place chronological certainty within the reach of the
inquirer.

In dealing with the history of art in Italy, we are naturally
first met with two questions: (1) Who were the earliest
inhabitants of the country, particularly in the region afterwards
known as Etruria, in which the first signs of artistic development
appear? (2) At what period and from what quarter
did the Etruscans occupy this region, or are they aboriginal?
It will therefore be necessary to devote a few preliminary
paragraphs to these much-debated questions,[2246] in order to gain
a better understanding of the subsequent history.
.bn 310.png
.pn +1

The question of the origin of the Etruscans, to take the
second first, is as old as Herodotos.[2247] As is well known, the
Father of History held to the view that they originally came
from Lydia, a view which found general support in antiquity,
and is referred to by Horace,[2248] and many other writers. His
fellow-townsman Dionysios was, however, of the opinion that
they were autochthonous.[2249] However much of truth there may
be in either of these theories, the fact remains that with certain
modifications each of the two alternatives has found supporters
even down to the present day, though to Niebuhr first is due
the suggestion that the immigration of the Etruscans was
by land and not by sea, and that they came from Central
Europe by way of the Rhaetian Alps. He has been followed
by most writers since—above all by Mommsen, who was the
first to point out the absurdity of identifying the Lydian
<lang=grc>Τυρρηνοί</lang> or <lang=grc>Τυρρηβοί</lang> with the Italian <em>Tusci</em> or <em>Etrusci</em>. It   // Tr: Tyrrênoi: Tyrrêboi
follows from this that the whole of the civilisation of Northern
and Central Italy is due to this race, which would obviously
have left its impress on each district as it passed through it;
and, secondly, that it was this same race that was afterwards
known by the name of Etruscan.

The chief objection to the theory of an autochthonous origin
is that, as we shall presently see, a break in the civilisation
of Northern Italy which can be traced about the beginning of
the ninth century <sc>B.C.</sc> is of such a marked and rapid character
that it cannot be regarded as due to any cause but the irruption
of a new race. Moreover, there is probably, as M. Pottier
points out,[2250] more truth in the words of Herodotos than
appears at first sight. It is true that there are no grounds
for accepting the Lydian theory absolutely; but apart from
this, it is to be noted that Herodotos nowhere states that the
Tyrrhenians landed on the west coast of Italy—<i>i.e.</i> in Etruria.
What he does say is that, “after having visited (or coasted
along) many nations, they arrived at the Umbrians, where
they founded cities and inhabit them to this day; and
instead of Lydians, their name was changed to that of
.bn 311.png
.pn +1
Tyrrhenians.” Additional evidence is given by Hellanikos,[2251] who
explicitly states that they landed at the mouth of the Po;
and as the Umbrians probably occupied a larger territory in
prehistoric than in classical times,[2252] we may fairly place here
the city of Tyrsenia or Tyrrhenia, which Herodotos gives as
the name of their first new home. Thus the Umbrians will
represent the early aborigines whose civilisation, known as the
Terramare, we shall presently describe, and it was this civilisation,
transformed and developed, which was carried by the
invaders over the Apennines into the region now to be known
as Etruria. It will be noted that this theory at least satisfactorily
combines the land and sea migrations of the Etruscans into
Etruria, though it does not profess to dogmatise as to the
region whence they first started. The idea that they first
landed on the west coast is entirely due to Roman ideas,
fostered by poets like Virgil; and though it is in one passage
accepted by Dionysios of Halicarnassos, he expressly contradicts
himself in another.[2253]

The two chief characteristics of this new Etrusco-Umbrian
civilisation are the development of geometrical decoration and
the predominance of a metallurgic element, both of which are
obviously derived from Eastern sources, whether Hellenic or
Oriental. It will suffice here to point out that the “Tyrrhenians”
during their previous voyages (see above) might well
have come in contact with the other civilisations of the Eastern
Mediterranean, such as Cyprus, Asia Minor, Mycenae, and
the Greek islands, and that their natural acquisitiveness and
capacity for imitation, which we shall find illustrated throughout
their history, enabled them to pick up and use artistic ideas
from all these quarters. Even their earliest art yields many
points of comparison with that of the Eastern Mediterranean.

The earliest civilisation of which traces have survived in
Italy is, as we have already seen, that of the Terramare, so called
.bn 312.png
.pn +1
from the remains discovered in that district, covering the basin
of the Eridanus or Po, but chiefly between Piacenza and
Bologna. We have further seen that the aboriginal people
to whom these remains belong are probably to be identified
with the Umbrians, but it is perhaps safer to style them Italiotes.
They were lake-dwellers, living in wooden houses built on
piles in the water or in the marshy lagoons of the district
which they inhabited, and their civilisation was of the rudest
description.

We find among their remains, besides rude objects in bronze
and other substances, pottery of the very simplest kinds, hand-made
and roughly baked. This is not found in tombs, but
mingled with the débris of the dwellings. The shapes comprise
cups and pots, and there are few attempts at decoration beyond
rows of knobs or bosses. A crescent-shaped or lunulated
handle is attached to many of the vases, serving as a support
for the thumb; but this is a feature also found in other parts
of Italy and in Sicily. Iron, glass, and silver are quite unknown,
and gold only represented by a doubtful specimen; on the
other hand, along with the finds of bronze, which include
weapons, tools, and objects of toilet, are survivals of the
Neolithic Age in the shape of axes, spear-heads, and tools of
stone. In several of the settlements actual moulds for bronze-casting
were found.

The Neolithic remains are sufficient to indicate the early
date of this civilisation, and it is probably contemporary in
point of development (if not of date) with the earliest remains
from Hissarlik and Cyprus. It may thus be traced back as
far as 1500 <sc>B.C.</sc> at least, and seems to extend down to about
the end of the tenth century <sc>B.C.</sc> The analogous pottery
found at Thapsus in Sicily is mixed with Mycenaean vases,
and may therefore be more precisely dated; but it is altogether
more advanced than that of the Terramare. The influence of
the latter no doubt spread gradually downwards during these
thousand years through Central and Southern Italy.[2254]
.bn 313.png
.pn +1

.h5
(2) THE VILLANUOVA PERIOD (TOMBS <lang=it><em>A POZZO</em></lang>)

The next stage in the development of civilisation in Italy,
probably separated from the preceding by a period of transition,
is what is known as the Villanuova period, from a site of that
name at Bologna. It begins with the ninth century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and
lasts for some two hundred years; its traces are much more
widely spread than those of the Terramare people, being found
not only to the north of the Apennines, but all over Etruria.
It is interesting to note that the chief finds have been made
in what afterwards became the principal centres of Etruscan
civilisation, such as Bologna, Corneto, Vetulonia, etc. In
almost every respect it shows a marked development on the
preceding stage. Iron is already known, and the working
of bronze better understood, the processes of hammering plates
(<lang=grc>σφυρήλατον</lang>) and working in <lang=fr><em>repoussé</em></lang> being introduced to    // Tr: sphyrêlaton
supplement that of casting.[2255]

We now for the first time meet with tombs, the characteristic
form of which is that of a well or pit, ending in a small circular
chamber, in which the remains are deposited. Italian archaeologists
have given to these tombs the name of <lang=it><em>a pozzo</em></lang>. The
method of burial practised was almost exclusively that of
incineration, but it appears certain that the inhabitants of
Etruria never showed a special preference either for one method
or the other, and the alternative method of inhumation already
appears at Corneto before the next stage is reached with the
eighth century.

It has been sometimes objected that the introduction of
inhumation must connote the first arrival of the Etruscan
people in these regions, on the ground that they did not practise
incineration; but this idea rests on no sound basis. The
introduction of the new system, which never entirely ousted
incineration, can easily be explained as due to external
influences; not indeed to the Phoenicians (although it was a
universal Oriental custom), for their influence in Italy has
been much exaggerated; but rather to the Greeks, who colonised
Cumae in the middle of the eighth century, from which time
.bn 314.png
.pn +1
onwards Hellenic influence gradually becomes more and more
apparent.

We have seen, then, that the Villanuova civilisation may be
fairly regarded as Etruscan. It was not, however, by any
means confined to Etruria, for it is spread all over the
country to the north of the Apennines, and two of its most
important centres were at Bologna and Este. The whole of
this region shows traces of having been for a long time
under the early Etruscan domination. It is, in fact, in close
dependence on the Terramare civilisation which here preceded
it, the difference, as we have indicated, being brought about
by commerce and foreign influences.

.il id=fig178 fn=fig178_314.jpg align=r w=200px ew=50%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang></s>
FIG. 178. TOMB <lang=it><em>A POZZO</em></lang>
WITH CINERARY URN.
.ca-

The <lang=it><em>pozzo</em></lang> tombs usually contain a
large cinerary urn or <lang=la><em>ossuarium</em></lang>, in
which the ashes were placed after
being burnt (Fig. #178:fig178#).[2256] These urns
are fashioned by hand from a badly
levigated volcanic clay, generally known
as <lang=it><em>impasto Italico</em></lang>. It is to be distinguished
from the later <lang=it><em>bucchero nero</em></lang>
(see p. #301#) by its quality, and by the
fact that vases of the latter clay are
always wheel-made. The clay is irregularly
baked over an open fire, and
the colour of the surface varies from
red-brown to greyish black. It is
covered with a polished slip, and there is no doubt that it
was the intention of the potter to give the vases a metallic
appearance as well as form.

As regards their shape, they are of a peculiar but uniform
type, with a small handle at the widest part, and cover in
the form of an inverted bowl or saucer with handle (Fig. #179:fig179#:
see also Fig. #178:fig178#).[2257] The ornamentation consists of geometrical
ornaments incised or stamped in bands round the neck and
body—such as maeanders, chevrons, stars, and dots—the incisions
being made while the clay was moist. In rare cases
.bn 315.png
.pn +1
we meet with painted ornaments in white applied directly to the
surface. Besides the urns, which often almost fill the chamber,
accessory objects in the form of common pottery, fibulae, and
other bronze objects, spindle-whorls and amber objects, are
found in the tombs.

The common pottery does not in its character exhibit much
advance on that of the Terramare. The difference, indeed,
consists not so much in development of technique as in a
greater variety of decoration. It has points of resemblance
with the far earlier pottery of Hissarlik and the early Bronze
Age tombs of Cyprus (see Chapter #VI:vol1_ch06#.), and there are not
wanting evidences of commercial intercourse with and importation
from the Eastern Mediterranean. But two salient features
of the Italian wares are the employment of handles and the
unique form of the hut-urn (see below).

.il id=fig179 fn=fig179_315.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>.</s>
FIG. 179. CINERARY URNS FROM TOMBS OF VILLANUOVA PERIOD AT CORNETO.
.ca-

The clay is mostly of the same kind as that of the urns,
and the smoked and irregularly fired surface shows that
furnaces were not yet in use, but that an open fire sufficed
for the purpose. The technique is exceedingly primitive, and
the forms are simple but heavy. In the latter respect the
striking difference in the inherent artistic capacity of the Greeks
and Italians is already apparent. The latter never at any time
displayed that unfailing eye for form which distinguishes the
.bn 316.png
.pn +1
Greeks in all their products. The shapes include saucers like
the urn-covers, bowls with a flat vertical or high-looped handle,
flasks with long beak-like necks like the early Cypriote vases,
bowls with small feet, jars with one or two handles, <em>aski</em>, and
<em>kerni</em>, or groups of vases united on one stem.

Many of these are quite plain, but the majority are decorated
with geometrical patterns, like the <em>ossuaria</em> or urns already
described. Some of the patterns show quite a mechanical
regularity, as if produced from a stamp. These take the form
of circular sinkings and other patterns formed by circles, an
early instance of a motive which afterwards became common
in Etruria. There are even some instances of designs in
colour, a sort of cream pigment being used. A peculiarity
of this class is the fondness for protuberances in the form of
horns on the handles (<lang=la><em>ansae lunulatae</em></lang>), which are also found
in the Terramare, as already mentioned; or knobs round the
body of the vase, in order to hold cords for suspension, which
afterwards served a merely decorative purpose, like the bosses
on cups described by Homer.[2258] Sometimes are to be seen rude
attempts at modelling horses or heads of oxen, or at giving the
whole vase the form of a bird, as is seen in some of the <em>aski</em>.[2259]

The absence of accessory vases in Villanuova tombs, as is
sometimes the case at Vulci,[2260] seems to show either very great
antiquity or else a long survival of an older type. On the
whole, however, a chronological classification is hardly possible.
Generally speaking, the pit-tombs were still in use throughout
Etruria at the end of the eighth century, and no tombs of
the next stage can be dated earlier than 700 <sc>B.C.</sc> The line
of demarcation for the latter end of the period is therefore
the seventh century, coincident with the first undoubtedly
Greek importations found in the tombs.

The real interest of the Villanuova period is, however, centred
in remains which do not come within our province—namely,
the objects in bronze which have been found in such enormous
.bn 317.png
.pn +1
numbers at Bologna, Vetulonia, and elsewhere.[2261] They fall
into line with the earliest remains on Hellenic sites—such as
Olympia, Rhodes, and Crete—and a connection can often be
traced, as in the fibulae, with the Hallstatt civilisation.[2262] On
the other hand, they are entirely free from any Oriental
influence.

Sometimes the cinerary urns in the tombs of this period
take the form of huts (<em>tuguria</em>), though these are more often
found in the neighbourhood of Rome, as at Alba Longa.
They represent, in fact, the civilisation of the Italiote people
on their first arrival in Latium, which they probably colonised
by moving southward through Umbria and Picenum, leaving
Tuscany to the Etruscans. One of the best examples of
these hut-urns is that from the Hamilton collection in the
British Museum (Plate #LVII:pl57#. fig. 4), which still contains ashes.
The ashes were inserted through a little door, which was secured
by a cord passing through two rings at its side and tied round
the vase. The ornamentation suggests the rude carpentry
which was applied to the construction of the dwellings of this
primitive people, the cover or roof being vaulted, with raised
ridges intended to represent the beams of a house or cottage.
These urns have no glaze on their surface, but a polish was
produced by friction. They are occasionally painted with patterns
in white, inlaid in grooves. On the Museum example
are fragments of maeander. They are usually found inside
large vases, which protected them from falling earth and other
accidents. The fact that they were found under beds of lava
originally led to an exaggerated opinion of their antiquity,
but in any case the nature of their contents confirms their
very primitive use.[2263]

An interesting account of the early settlements in the
southern extremity of Etruria is given by Von Duhn,[2264] as the
result of exploration by local archaeologists on the sites of
.bn 318.png
.pn +1
Falerii (Civita Castellana) and Narce.[2265] The most interesting
feature of these results is the gradual migration of the peoples
from the hill-tops to the valleys as they became more civilised.
Thus many modern cities, such as Florence, are direct
descendants of the early hill-settlements of primitive Italy.
In Etruria it was usually the reclaiming of the marshes for
cultivation that enabled the population to settle in the lower
and more accessible situations.

The Faliscan region well illustrates this principle, as does
Narce. In the earliest graves on the hill-tops cremation is
the rule, and the urns are of the Villanuova type. Nothing
of later date than the eighth century is found, and no importations.
The hut-dwellings at Narce seem to have been of the
hut-urn type. The common pottery is of the primitive hand-made
greyish black clay; but after the eighth century the
position of the settlement was shifted lower down, and in these
later tombs a remarkable series of red-glazed wares is found
(see below, p. #301#), and Greek and Oriental importations soon
make their appearance. Narce soon fell under Etruscan sway,
but Falerii retained its individuality for some time longer.

.h5
(3) THIRD PERIOD: TOMBS <lang=it><em>A FOSSA</em></lang>; FIRST GREEK INFLUENCES

The next stage in the development of Etruscan civilisation
is marked by a change in the form of the tomb. The pit is
now replaced by a trench; in other words, the vertical form
is exchanged for a horizontal one. Concurrently with this
change the practice of inhumation becomes fairly general.
This period may be regarded as extending from the eighth
century <sc>B.C.</sc> to the beginning of the sixth, and is marked by
the first signs of importations from Greece in the shape of
Geometric pottery and bronzes. In general character it is
not strongly marked off from the preceding. The great
advance is in the development of art in the objects found in
the tombs. Not only do we witness the first beginnings of
what is destined to become the typical species of Etruscan
pottery—namely, the <lang=it><em>bucchero nero</em></lang>—but towards the end of
.bn 319.png
.pn +1
the period the Greek influence, as evidenced by finds of wheel-made
vases with Geometrical decoration, or even of the so-called
Proto-Corinthian type, becomes widely felt. It was no doubt
largely due to the foundation of colonies in the south of Italy,
such as Cumae. Altogether it is a most important period for
the history of Etruscan pottery. Of Oriental influence there
are at present hardly any signs, and all wheel-made vases
found in these tombs are probably of Greek origin, as it does
not appear that the wheel was in regular use before the middle
of the sixth century.[2266]

It is now necessary to turn our attention to the local hand-made
varieties. And, in the first place, it is worthy of note
that pottery of the Villanuova type actually survives the
transition from the pit-tombs to the trenches, as is seen at
Corneto, Vetulonia, and elsewhere. Probably it indicates the
pottery in common use, the imported objects being only
regarded as <lang=fr><cite>de luxe</cite></lang>; or else, as Prof. Helbig suggests,[2267] the
former types were preserved for religious reasons connected
with burial rites, as was often the case in Roman religion.

In the earlier types of pottery from the <em>fossa</em> tombs, such as
are common at Vulci, the hand-made pottery of <lang=it><cite>impasto Italico</cite></lang>
still continues, preserving the same shapes and the same simple
linear decoration; but it is better baked, and the surface is somewhat
better polished. Red wares are also found, and yellow
wares with Geometrical ornaments painted in red, which are
evidently local imitations of the Greek Geometrical fabrics (see
below).

Later, while the technique remains unaltered, a difference
is seen in the forms, which become lighter, more varied, and
more symmetrical. Such shapes as the stamnos, kantharos, and
trefoil-mouthed oinochoë now for the first time appear. The
methods of ornamentation are also modified; new varieties
of incised patterns are seen, and the bodies of the vases are
sometimes fluted or ribbed; while such motives as friezes of
.bn 320.png
.pn +1
ducks, which are also found on the contemporary bronzes,[2268] now
first find a place. M. Gsell, describing in detail the various
fabrics found in the Vulci tombs of this period,[2269] speaks of pottery
of a grey clay baked to red, perhaps in a furnace, forming urns
and jars of a considerable size. He thinks that some primitive
kind of wheel (see above) must have been used to produce these.
In some of the <em>impasto</em> wares there is a decided advance in
technique, the clay being better levigated and the walls of the
vases thinner. Some black wares seem to have been <em>fumigated</em>
like the later <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang>. Generally speaking, both incineration
and inhumation are still practised.

The ornaments are incised, stamped, or painted, and the
decoration almost exclusively linear, the stamped patterns being
usually in the form of stars. This pottery is, in fact, merely
a continuation of that of the pit-tombs, except that the imitation
of metal-work is much more strongly in evidence.

Yet another variety preserves the methods and forms of the
Villanuova class, but introduces a new kind of clay, altogether
black, as distinguished from the earlier reds and browns. A
remarkable specimen of this early black ware found at Orvieto
has incised upon it the subject of Bellerophon and the Chimaera,
the style being, as we should expect, childish to the verge of the
ludicrous.[2270] Later, the black wares acquire a very fair glazed
surface, and are ornamented with incised linear patterns of
zigzags, chevrons, etc.; these are mostly small vases. It is
in these two particularly that we see the forerunners of the
highly developed <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware.

Besides these local fabrics, there are found Greek imported
wares with Geometrical decoration of pale yellow clay, with
ornaments in brown turning to red; the commonest form is
the oinochoë, and the patterns include circles, zigzags, wavy lines,
embattled patterns, etc. These are all wheel-made, and are, in
fact, the same types as are found in the Dipylon cemetery
at Athens and in Boeotia (Chapter VII.); the earliest instances
belong to the end of the eighth century, in some late pit-tombs
.bn 321.png
.pn +1
at Caere, in which also “Proto-Corinthian” pottery was found.
They coincide with the great impetus given to Greek colonisation
in Sicily and Southern Italy, and probably came by that
way into Etruria. It should be borne in mind that these vases
were imported not for their own merit, but for the value of their
contents. It has already been mentioned that local imitations
of them are found in the trench-tombs.

To the seventh century belong also two classes of pottery
which are more or less connected, and are chiefly associated
with Caere.[2271] The first class consists of a series of vases of red
ware, mostly large jars and <lang=grc>πίθοι</lang>, ornamented with designs in       // Tr: pithoi
relief, the lower part of the body being usually ribbed. The
designs take the form of bands of figures stamped round the
upper part of the vase, either in groups on the principle of
the metope or in extended friezes. In the former case the
design was produced from a single stamp for each group; in
the latter, it was rolled out from a cylinder resembling those
in use in Assyria for sealing documents. Besides the jars,
plates of this ware are not uncommon; they may have formed
either covers like those of the Villanuova <em>ossuaria</em>, or stands
for the jars, in order to hold drippings of liquid, etc. The use
of the <lang=grc>πίθοι</lang> in tombs is not quite clear, though they were   // Tr: pithoi
doubtless in daily use for holding grain or liquids.[2272]

The subjects are always of an Orientalising character, similar
to those found on Greek vases under Oriental influence, and
comprising animals, monsters, hunting scenes, combats, and
banquets. The origin of these vases is doubtful; they may
be either indigenous or imported, as similar examples have been
found in Rhodes, Boeotia, Sicily, and elsewhere; but they are
rare outside Etruria. The suggestion of a Sicilian origin[2273] has
found some favour, but it is more likely that they are native
productions after Greek models (see Vol. I. p. #496:vol1_496#); some are
undoubtedly of local make,[2274] and they were probably made at
Caere or in the neighbourhood. Their prototypes go back
.bn 322.png
.pn +1
almost to the Mycenaean period, but were hardly imported
before 700 <sc>B.C.</sc>, after which time the local imitations begin,
being one more instance of the invariable rule that all Etruscan
pottery is more or less imitative. Similar vases in metal were
manufactured on the coast of Asia Minor, and the <lang=grc>ἀναθήματα</lang> of          // Tr: anathêmata
the Lydian kings at Delphi[2275] were probably examples of this class.[2276]

.il id=fig180 fn=fig180_322.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></s>
FIG. 180. PAINTED ETRUSCAN PITHOS FROM CERVETRI (IN LOUVRE): BIRTH
OF ATHENA; BOAR-HUNT.
.ca-

The second class shows some affinities to the other in regard to
the shape and the nature of the clay; but the important difference
is that the vases are decorated with <em>painted</em> subjects instead of
reliefs. The subjects are painted in white outline on a brick-red
glazed ground, the process being as follows: The clay, which
resembles the <em>impasto Italico</em>, is first hardened by baking, and
then a mixture of wax and resin and iron oxide is applied to
it, and a lustre given to the surface by polishing. The pigment,
a mixture of chalk and lime, is then laid on. The process can
hardly be said to be Greek, and yet the subjects are purely
Greek, being borrowed in part from the Greek Geometrical vases,
such as sea-fights, and in part from later (Ionian) sources[2277]; we
.bn 323.png
.pn +1
actually find representations of the Birth of Athena and the
Hunt of the Calydonian Boar (Fig. #180:fig180#).[2278] The shapes of the
vases again are certainly local, as are the animal forms, which
resemble those incised on the <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> wares. The drawing is
usually crude in the extreme. It is interesting to note that
on the vase from which Fig. #180:fig180# is taken the potter has painted
in white an Etruscan inscription (not shown in the cut).
Another vase of the same class was found in the Polledrara
tomb (see Plate #LVI:pl56#. and p. #300# below). The method of
painting in opaque pigment on a red or black ground is, it
would seem, an Ionian characteristic, being found at Naukratis
in the seventh century (Vol. I. p. #347:vol1_347#), and also, as we shall see
on other quasi-Ionic fabrics in Etruria.

Generally speaking, the tombs <em>a fossa</em> are not later than the
middle of the seventh century; evidence of this is given by the
absence of <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> proper and of Corinthian fabrics. There are,
however, traces of their lingering on even down into the sixth
century, as at Vulci, where Helbig mentions a tomb found in
1884 containing Corinthian vases of that date.[2279] At Corneto the
latest belong to the end of the seventh century.

.h5
(4) FOURTH PERIOD: CHAMBER TOMBS; ORIENTAL INFLUENCE

Our fourth period, which in many respects shows a close
continuity with that of the tombs <em>a fossa</em>, is nevertheless
clearly defined by two circumstances: firstly, the adoption of a
new type of tomb, doubtless developed out of the <em>fossa</em>, which
takes the form of a large chamber, and is therefore known as
<em>a camera</em>; secondly, the influence of Oriental art, concurrently
with an increased influx of importations from Greece. The
period covers about a century of time, from 650 to 550 <sc>B.C.</sc>,
and includes several of the largest and most important tombs
that have been found in Etruria, which will demand more or
less detailed treatment. In none, however, were any great
finds of pottery made; but one of these tombs, the Grotta
d’ Iside or Polledrara tomb at Vulci, contained several specimens
of exceptional interest.
.bn 324.png
.pn +1

The simplest form of chamber-tomb consists of a narrow
corridor or <lang=grc>δρόμος</lang> leading into a larger chamber; next, the           // Tr: dromos
<lang=grc>δρόμος</lang> opens into a square or rectangular vestibule, round  // Tr: dromos
which various side-chambers are attached; finally, the tomb
assumes the form of a vast subterranean edifice composed of
several wings, and used for more than one corpse—in fact, a
“family vault.”

While on the one hand the ceramic types of the Villanuova
period still linger on, as in the retention of <em>ossuaria</em> for the
receipt of ashes, on the other the painted Greek vases and
the local <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> wares increase more and more, and altogether
there is a great advance in the direction of variety and richness.
This period saw not only the general introduction of the
wheel into Etruria, but also the introduction of the alphabet of
Western Greece, through Cumae. A vase of <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware
found at Vetulonia bears an Etruscan inscription, which can
hardly be much later than 700 <sc>B.C.</sc>,[2280] and we have already seen
an instance on a vase from Caere.

In the earlier chamber-tombs no <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> is found, and the
pottery is of the same types as in the trench-tombs; but with
the enlarged arrangement of the tomb come the Corinthian
vases of Orientalising style, to be followed later by the Ionian
and later Corinthian fabrics, and finally by the Athenian
wares. The vestibule disappears after the sixth century, and
all later tombs have the simple <lang=grc>δρόμος</lang>. The typical contents         // Tr: dromos
of a chamber-tomb are, as regards local pottery, in the earlier
tombs <em>impasto Italico</em> wares, in the later <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang>. The former
is hand-made, the shapes similar to those found in the trench-tombs—<i>i.e.</i>
pots incised with zigzags, circles, and other patterns,
or painted in white. The latest varieties are wheel-made,
of <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> forms. The latter wares, which are much more
numerous, are evolved from the <em>impasto</em>: (1) by the use of
the wheel; (2) by the introduction of the furnace; (3) by
extensive imitation of Greek ceramic and metal forms. The
earliest <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> vases at Vulci and Corneto synchronise with
Corinthian pottery of the middle style, about 630-600 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and
they last down to the end of the fifth century.
.bn 325.png
.pn +1

The appearance of the alphabet seems to point to a marked
incursion of Greek influence in the early part of the seventh
century. The story of the arrival of Demaratos of Corinth,
about 665 <sc>B.C.</sc>, with the three artists whom he brought in his
train, Diopos, Eucheir, and Eugrammos,[2281] is no doubt an echo
of this. The progress of Hellenism was, however, momentarily
arrested by the growing power of Carthage, which may
partly account for the temporary Orientalising of Etruscan
civilisation. It is certainly to the Carthaginian influence in
Italy that the Phoenician objects found in the seventh
century tombs, such as the silver bowls of Praeneste, are due.
Oriental influence is also seen in the large tombs at Vulci,
Caere, and Vetulonia, but it is hardly so strong as was at
one time supposed; and of late years scholars have generally
recognised that Ionian art and commerce played a much
larger part throughout in the civilisation of Etruria[2282]; and,
further, that Oriental art found its way mainly through these
channels. At all events there was throughout the seventh
and sixth centuries a keen struggle for supremacy in the
Western Mediterranean, in which the Etruscans, the Phoenicians
of Carthage, and the Ionian and Continental Greeks alike
shared; and hence the diverse influences at work in Etruria.

But it was not long before Greece, with its rising colonies of
Cumae, Sybaris, and Syracuse, made its predominance to be felt
in the Western Mediterranean, and this was consummated by
the final victory of Hiero over the combined fleets of Carthage
and Etruria off Cumae in 474 <sc>B.C.</sc> A monument of this exists
to the present day in the bronze helmet dedicated by that
king at Olympia, now in the British Museum.

We may further define as the second great period of Greek
importations, that extending over the sixth and fifth centuries,
a period which saw the development not only of the local
<lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> fabrics, but also of the Greek black- and red-figured
vases, which, heralded by the Corinthian wares, now pour in
a continuous stream into Etruria. To this same period belong
the paintings of the Etruscan tombs.
.bn 326.png
.pn +1

The earliest influences from Greece came, as has been
hinted, through colonies like Chalcidian Cumae, which were
the chief agents in the Hellenisation of Etruria; but at
Cervetri, at any rate, the prevailing influence was Corinthian,
as testified by the remarkable series of Corinthian and quasi-Corinthian
vases in the Campana collection at the Louvre.
Later in the sixth century came the connection with Athens,
the chief results of which are to be seen in the contents of
the tombs of Vulci (Vol. I. p. #76:vol1_76#). It extends from the time
of the Peisistratidae (540-520 <sc>B.C.</sc>) down to about 450 <sc>B.C.</sc>,
being probably brought to an end by the Peloponnesian War
and the destruction of the Athenian maritime supremacy; but
isolated instances of importations occur down to the time of
Alexander the Great, in the Panathenaic amphorae of which
dated examples of 336 <sc>B.C.</sc> have been found at Cervetri
(Vol. I. p. #390:vol1_390#).

In sketching this outline of Hellenic influence in Etruria
we have overstepped the limits of chronological sequence, and
must retrace our steps in order to deal first with the local
products of the period from 650 <sc>B.C.</sc> onwards, and secondly
with the effects of the Greek civilisation on the same.

.tb

<b>Polledrara ware.</b>—The Grotta d’ Iside or Polledrara tomb
at Vulci has been dated, on the authority of a scarab of
Psammetichos I. (656-611 <sc>B.C.</sc>) which it contained, towards
the closing years of the seventh century. This dating has
been generally accepted, and there seems no reason to doubt
it, although the evidence of an isolated scarab is not always
as trustworthy as appears at first sight. Besides local bronze
work and objects of Egyptian or quasi-Egyptian character,
it contained one vase of unique character which calls for special
consideration.[2283]

This is a hydria of somewhat peculiar, if not unique form,
with a very wide body and rudimentary foot. In some details,
especially in the treatment of the handles, it exhibits obvious
.bn 327.png
.pn +1
evidence of imitation of metal-work. Although at first sight
resembling <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware, the clay is seen on examination
to be of a different type, not being grey but reddish brown
in fracture, while the lustrous black surface is produced by
a thin coating or slip. It is decorated with designs in three
colours, red, blue, and a yellowish white, which were laid
on the black and then fired. The red is best preserved, the
blue fairly so, but the white has almost entirely disappeared.[2284]
The designs are arranged in three friezes, of which the lower
consists only of isolated bits of key-pattern. On the two
upper rows are scenes from the story of Theseus and Ariadne,
together with Centaurs, Sphinxes, and other accessory figures.
On the upper row Theseus slays the Minotaur; on the lower,
Theseus and Ariadne are seen, firstly in a chariot, secondly
leading a dance of four other figures, the hero playing a lyre,
while Ariadne holds the clue.[2285] The colouring scheme is most
elaborate, and cannot be detailed here; an occasional use of
incised lines may also be noted.

A small two-handled cup or kylix,[2286] of a type often found at
Naukratis decorated with eyes, was also found in this tomb,
and appears to belong to the same class. The clay is similar
to that of the hydria, as is the decoration, which however,
owing to the flaking off of the black slip, has largely disappeared.
Although in its technique it resembles the hydria,
the subjects and motives are probably derived from Naukratis.
Only a few other examples of this “Polledrara” ware are
known: an oinochoë in Berlin,[2287] two vases in the Louvre,[2288] and
a vase found at Cervetri, unpublished.[2289] From the contents of
the tomb in which the last-named was found, it may fairly be
dated early in the sixth century.

Mr. Cecil Smith regards the Polledrara hydria as the result of
an Italian attempt to imitate the new <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> technique which
was at this time being perfected (see below), the form of the
.bn 328.png
.pn +1
vase being borrowed from an Ionic source.[2290] Ionic influence (see
above, p. #296#) is visible in more than one respect in this vase, as
also in the reliefs decorating the bronze bust from the same
tomb. Other details, such as the imitation of metal-work, are
rather to be referred to a Corinthian source; and it is worthy
of note that two Corinthian vases were among the contents of
the tomb.

The striving after a gaudy effect by the use of polychrome
decoration, and especially the employment of blue, a colour
otherwise unknown in vase-painting before the end of the fifth
century, finds a parallel in the sixth century poros-sculptures
from the Athenian Acropolis, in which even more violent effects
of colour are attained, as in the bright blue beard of the Triton.
But in this case there seems little doubt that the idea is borrowed
from Egypt, with its fondness for brightly decorated
mummy-cases and bright blue images of faïence and porcelain.
Other details which betray an Egyptian origin are the lions’
masks, the all-pervading lotos-flower, and the seated dog or
jackal. The connecting link is no doubt the great trading
centre of Naukratis, through whose agency the Egyptian
scarabs, porcelain objects, and ostrich eggs found in this tomb
also came to Etruria.

As a parallel to the Polledrara finds should here be cited the
painted terracotta panels from Caere now in the British Museum
and Louvre, which are certainly local products, and give a
realistic representation of the Etruscan people. They are
described below (p. #319#). These again, both in subject and
style, lead to a comparison with the large Etruscan terracotta
sarcophagi, of which the most remarkable is that in the British
Museum.[2291] Here, as in the Polledrara bronze bust, the rude
native attempts at sculpture in the round are combined with
reliefs which successfully reflect the style of Ionic art. Lastly,
we note another parallel in the paintings of animals on the walls
of a tomb at Veii.[2292]
.bn 329.png
.pn +1

Mr. Cecil Smith sums up: “The Polledrara ware was probably
local Italian, made at Caere under the combined influence
of Ionian and Naukratite imports, acting on an artistic basis
principally derived from Corinth.” Developed <lang=fr><em>pari passu</em></lang> with
the red <lang=it><em>impasto</em></lang> ware (of which a painted example was found
in the Vulci tomb), it gradually gave way to the <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware
with which we deal in our next section. It only remains to
note that similar ware has been found in Rhodes,[2293] where also
later wares of a genuine <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> type, unpainted, have come to
light; and these appear to be instances of a counter-importation
from Etruria to Asia Minor.

The only other piece of pottery from the Polledrara tomb
which calls for special comment is one to which reference has
just been made, a large <em>pithos</em> of the primitive <em>impasto</em> red ware,
made on the wheel (Plate #LVI:pl56#.). It falls into line with the
painted and stamped fabrics from Caere already described
(p. #292# ff.), and is, like the hydria, painted in polychrome, but the
colours are much faded. The subjects are a frieze of animals
and a ship.

Three other tombs which rival the Polledrara in size and
importance are the Regulini-Galassi tomb at Caere,[2294] the Tomba
del Duce at Vetulonia,[2295] and the Bernardini tomb at Praeneste.[2296]
Although the finds of pottery herein were small, they are yet
of great interest for the history of Etruscan art in general,
especially as they afford evidence for approximate dating. In
the two former Etruscan inscriptions were found. The Caere
and Praeneste tombs are probably the earliest, about 650 <sc>B.C.</sc>,
and the Del Duce and Polledrara tombs are not later than the
end of the seventh century.

.pm onplate LVI
.il id=pl56 fn=plate56_330.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Early Etruscan Pottery.</sc>
<s><sc>1. Cauldron and Stand of Red Ware from Falerii; 2. Painted Amphora of Red Ware (Polledrara Tomb)
(British Museum).</sc></s>
.ca-
.pm offplate

In the Regulini-Galassi tomb the pottery takes the form of
large caldrons of red glazed ware, which mark a transitional
stage between the <em>impasto</em> and <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang>. They are characterised
by the large Gryphons’ heads projecting in relief round the
.bn 330.png
.bn 331.png
.bn 332.png
.pn +1
sides, to which are attached chains. Sometimes they are supported
on high open-work stands. In 1892 the British Museum
acquired a series of these and similar vases (Plate #LVI:pl56#.),
including some plain specimens of <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware from early
tombs at Civita Castellana (Falerii: see Vol. I. p. #75:vol1_75#).

.tb

<b>Bucchero ware.</b>—This may be called the national pottery of
Etruria. Its technique is not at present perfectly known, and
analysis does not show certainly whether the black paste is
natural or artificial. Modern experiments have been made
which seem to indicate that this result may be obtained by
fumigating or smoking the clay in a closed chamber after the
baking, which process blackens the clay throughout.[2297] But
M. Pottier[2298] thinks that the black surface was obtained not by
fumigation of the vase, but by applying a slip of pounded
charcoal already smoked, which at a moderate temperature
would permeate the clay. The surface was then covered with
wax and resin, and polished, like the Polledrara hydria. A
combination of analyses of the paste made by Brongniart[2299] gives
the following result:

.ta lcc
Silica            | 60-70 | parts.
Clay earth        | 12-16 |  ”
Carbonate of lime | 2-4   |  ”
Magnesia          | 1-2   |  ”
Water             | 8-10  |  ”
Carbon            | 1 -3  |  ”
.ta-

The oldest <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> vases go back to the tombs <em>a fossa</em> of the
end of the seventh century. They are small and hand-made,
ornamented, if at all, with geometric patterns, incised. The
engraving was done by a sort of toothed wheel or a sharp
tool; more rarely, hollowed out in grooves. Obviously the
process is an imitation of metal engraving. Oriental influence
soon appears, first of all in the chalice-shaped cups found at
Cervetri, the surface of which is covered with figures of lions,
.bn 333.png
.pn +1
deer, etc., in Oriental style. Both form and decoration are
derived from metallic prototypes. The projecting Gryphons’
heads mentioned above are also typical of this class.

In tombs of 560-500 <sc>B.C.</sc>, along with Corinthian vases, a
different type occurs, the vases being wheel-made, of light and
elegant forms—cups, chalices, pyxides, amphorae, and jugs.[2300]
The ornament is in the form of reliefs, either stamped from a
cylinder on a narrow band, as in the red ware from Caere
(see p. #292#), or composed of a series of medallions separately
modelled or made from moulds and stuck on. This, again, is
an imitation of metal. Examples of these types are given in
Plate LVII. figs. 1-3, 5.

The subjects are not very varied. They range from animals
such as stags and lions, or monsters such as Sphinxes and
Centaurs, to winged deities, suppliants with offerings before
deities, and other mythological figures—Chimaera, the Asiatic
Artemis, or the Minotaur. Egyptian masks are also common.
Episodes of hunts or banquets occur,[2301] and also groups of figures
in meaningless juxtaposition. Some vases have only curvilinear
patterns, such as palmettes, all of a vegetable rather than a
geometrical type. In this group the general tendency is rather
Hellenic than Oriental, especially towards Ionian art.[2302] This is
only a temporary phase, and is practically confined to Cervetri,
Veii, and Corneto—<i>i.e.</i> the maritime region in which the
Corinthian vases are found.

.pm onplate LVII
.il id=pl57 fn=plate57_334.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Etruscan Black Ware: Hut-urn and Bucchero</sc>

(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

At Chiusi an extraordinary development is manifested, which
gradually obtained a monopoly. The city was far from the sea
and Hellenic influences, and retained Oriental traditions. After
the end of the sixth century all the varieties of <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> were
fused into one type, which lasted down to the end of the fourth
century.[2303] The shapes include amphorae, trefoil-mouthed oinochoae,
various forms of cups, bowls with raised handles and
ladles (kyathi), table-utensils, basins imitating metal forms,
braziers, and vases in the form of birds or fishes. They are
.bn 334.png
.bn 335.png
.bn 336.png
.pn +1
ornamented with reliefs from top to bottom, the subjects being
much the same as in the last group. The tops or covers are
often in the form of female or cows’ heads, or surmounted by
birds (cf. Plate #LVII:pl57#. fig. 5). The figures and ornaments are
stamped in from moulds and fixed by some adhesive medium,
incised designs being inserted to fill up the spaces. These reliefs
are never found earlier than the period of Attic importations.

The subjects are derived as before from Greek, Egyptian,
and Assyrian sources, the Oriental types being so much
combined that they must evidently have come through the
Phoenicians. Among the Greek subjects we find Theseus and
the Minotaur, Perseus and the Gorgons, Pegasos and the
Chimaera, warriors, etc. The animals and the four-winged
figures are Assyrian in type, while Egypt supplies such types
as Ptah, Anubis, and other animal-headed deities, and the
female heads on the so-called Canopic jars.

There are here no signs of inventive genius. The technique
is purely native, but all is founded on foreign models.[2304] The
shapes are those of Ionia and the coast of Asia or of Athens.
On the other hand, the development of the technique from the
Villanuova pottery is certainly apparent. The Greeks, indeed,
tried to imitate it at times, and <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware is found at
Rhodes and Naukratis. We may fairly lay down that Etruscan
invention is limited to the perfecting of the technique and the
combination of the borrowed elements and art-forms. Many
of the flat reliefs seem to be copied from ivories, and the rounded
reliefs are certainly from bronze <lang=fr><em>repoussé</em></lang> work; in some cases
we find traces of gilding, silvering, and colour, which have been
intended to reproduce the appearance of metal. Again, in many
respects the <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> vases are merely the counterparts of works
in bronze, as in the case of the braziers and the bowl with
Caryatid supports given in Plate #LVII:pl52#. fig. 2.[2305] In short, they
reproduce for us what is wanting in our knowledge of early
Greek metal ware.[2306]
.bn 337.png
.pn +1

There seem to be some references to this early black ware in
the Roman poets, for Juvenal[2307] mentions it as being in use in the
time of Numa: “Who dared then,” he says, “to ridicule the
ladle (<lang=la><em>simpuvium</em></lang>) and black saucer of Numa?” Persius[2308] styles
it <em>Tuscum fictile</em>, and Martial[2309] imagines Porsena to have been
quite content with his dinner-service of Etruscan earthenware.

.tb

A peculiarly Etruscan type of vase which deserves some
separate attention is that known as the Canopic jar, resembling
the so-called <lang=grc>κάνωποι</lang> in which the Egyptians placed the bowels            // Tr: kanôpoi
of their mummies.[2310] These Etruscan <em>canopi</em> are rude representations
of the human figure, the heads, which are often attired
in Egyptian fashion, forming the covers. The eyes are sometimes
inlaid, and the female heads have large movable earrings
and other adornments. In the tombs it was customary to place
these vases on round chairs of wood, bronze, or terracotta. An
example may be seen in the Etruscan Room of the British
Museum, where the chair is plated with bronze, covered with
archaic designs in <lang=fr><em>repoussé</em></lang> relief,[2311] and another is shown in
Fig. #181:fig181#. Similar chairs were discovered in the <lang=it><em>Tomba delle
Sedie</em></lang> at Cervetri; but the Canopic jars are almost confined
to Chiusi. The type finds a parallel in the so-called “owl-vases”
from the second city at Hissarlik (Vol. I. p. #258:vol1_258#), in
which the same combination of the vase-form with the human
figure is to be observed. The lower portion of the jar was
intended to receive the ashes of the dead, like the <em>ossuaria</em>,
this method of placing the mortal remains of a person within
a representation of himself being peculiarly Egyptian.

Signor Milani[2312] has traced the origin of the Canopic jars to
the funeral masks placed over the faces of the dead, which are
sometimes found in the earliest Etruscan tombs. This practice
.bn 338.png
.pn +1
may have been derived from Mycenae, where Schliemann found
gold masks in the shaft-tombs of the Agora; but in Etruria the
examples are all in bronze, except a few of terracotta.[2313] A
gradual transition can be observed from the mask, at first placed
on the corpse and then attached to the urn containing its ashes,
to the head fashioned in the round and assimilated with the
cover; while in later times a further transition may be observed
from the vase with human head to the complete human figure.
Finally, its place was taken by the reclining effigies on the covers
of the sarcophagi (p. #320#). The earliest jars are found in the
<lang=it><em>pozzo</em></lang> tombs of the eighth century, the evolution of the head
modelled in the round being accomplished by the seventh
century, and the archaic types last down to about 550 <sc>B.C.</sc>,
when the severe perfected style comes in, to be succeeded by
the free style of the fifth century, after which time the Canopic
jars cease to be manufactured.

.il id=fig181 fn=fig181_338.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Mus. di ant. class.</cite></lang></s>
FIG. 181. CANOPIC JAR IN CHAIR PLATED WITH BRONZE.
.ca-
.bn 339.png
.pn +1

The types are both male and female throughout, the latter
being usually distinguished by wearing earrings and necklaces.
Towards the end of the series the handles are gradually
converted into rudimentary arms, and finally into fully
developed human arms, sometimes holding attributes. They
are probably placed on chairs as emblems of the power and
authority which the deceased enjoyed during his life. In the
Berlin Museum[2314] there is a remarkable example of the sixth
century in which the jar is placed on a chair of the same clay,
covered with <lang=it><em>graffito</em></lang> ornamental designs and figures of animals.
The jars are always made of a plain red unglazed clay, and are
uncoloured. In the British Museum[2315] there are two seated
female figures on detached square bases, wearing bright red
chitons and large circular earrings, which seem to represent
the period of transition from the jar to the sarcophagus, the
style in which they are modelled being that of the fifth century.
Some of the later examples have strongly individualised
features, and seem to be genuine portraits; it is possible
that they are actually from moulds taken from the faces of
the dead.

.h5
(5) PERIOD OF GREEK INFLUENCE; PAINTED POTTERY

Although the Etruscans executed such admirable works in
bronze, exercised with such skill the art of engraving gems,
and produced such refined specimens of filagree-work in gold,
they never attained to high excellence in their pottery. The
vases already described belong to plastic rather than pictorial
art, and are mostly imitations of work in metal. Down to the
end of the sixth century <sc>B.C.</sc> their attempts at painting vases
have been, as we have seen, limited practically to two fabrics,
the Polledrara ware and the Caere jars with paintings in a
similar technique. These methods have, however, nothing in
common with Greek vase-paintings of the ordinary kind on
a glazed surface, a method which was never popularised in
Etruria.

The total failure of the Etruscans in vase-painting finds a
.bn 340.png
.pn +1
curious parallel in their sculpture; all their best work is to be
sought in their engraving or figures in low relief, as in the
mirrors and <em>cistae</em>. Yet the same mirrors and <em>cistae</em> show
clearly that it was from no lack of ability in drawing that
they failed; wherefore it is the less easy to understand, not
only the absence of all originality in their painted vases, but
also the rarity of instances of their imitative tendencies in this
respect.

Apparently the red-figured vases which were imported into
Etruria in such large numbers in the fifth century served as
prototypes, not for their paintings, but for the engraved mirrors
to which we have alluded. It may have been that they shrank
from the task so successfully achieved by Greek painters of
suitably decorating the curved surfaces of a vase, and preferred
the flat even surfaces supplied by the circular mirrors and the
sides of the <em>cistae</em>. Moreover, the interior designs of the kylikes,
perfected by Epiktetos, Euphronios, and their contemporaries,
served as obvious models for disposing a design in a circular
space; and they had in the subjects of the vases a mythological
repertory ready to hand.

It now remains to be seen to what extent they actually were
influenced in their pottery by the imported Greek vases.

For considerably over a century painted pottery, at all times
rare in Etruria, is practically unrepresented in the tombs except
by Greek importations, Corinthian, Ionic, and Attic; the only
local attempts in this direction are the Polledrara and Cervetri
vases. As we have seen, early Corinthian vases appear in the
<em>fossa</em> tombs, and later Corinthian in the chamber tombs, in
which, towards the middle of the sixth century, the Attic B.F.
fabrics begin to make their appearance. The latest developments
of the Corinthian wares are, indeed, almost unrepresented,
but their place is taken by what appear to be local imitations
of the Corinthian vases, a large series of which was found at
Cervetri, and now forms part of the Campana collection in the
Louvre. These are, however, for the most part certainly Greek,
being presumably made by the Greek settlers in that town—at
any rate, an Etruscan origin cannot be proved for them.[2316]
.bn 341.png
.pn +1

We have also seen that the Ionian fabrics exercised a great
influence on Etruscan art, and this leads us to another series
of vases found at Cervetri, the Caeretan hydriae discussed in
Chapter #VIII:vol1_ch08#. Some years ago it was noticed by the late
F. Dümmler[2317] that there were in many museums examples of
a class of vases which stood in close relation to the Caeretan
hydriae, yet were obviously a different fabric. Having collected
and examined these vases, he was able to demonstrate satisfactorily
that they were direct imitations by the Etruscans of
the Caeretan hydriae,[2318] thereby proving at the same time that
the latter were imported from other sources (<i>sc.</i> Ionia), and not,
as had hitherto been supposed, themselves of Italian origin. It
is not unlikely that the Ionic influence in Etruria is due to the
Phocaean migration of 544 <sc>B.C.</sc>; on reaching Italy the Ionian
fugitives would naturally hand on their art-traditions there.

.pm onplate LVIII
.il id=pl58 fn=plate58_342.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca <sc>Etruscan Imitations of Greek Vases (British Museum).</sc>
.pm offplate

These Etruscan vases are not exclusively hydriae, some being
amphorae, others kyathi; but they all bear the unmistakable
stamp of Etruscan art in the drawing of the figures and other
small details, such as the treatment of the incised lines. It will
further be noticed that the drawing is in most cases quite free
from archaism, figures being often drawn in full face or correct
profile; and this consequently proves that they belong to a
considerably later date than the fabrics which they imitate,
although the figures are always in black on a red ground.
The style in some cases is not unlike that of the later Panathenaic
amphorae of the fourth century, and may also be
compared with some of the bronze cistae from Palestrina.
Accessory pigments are rare, and the incised lines are sketchy
and careless; great prominence is given to the bands of
ornament bordering the designs, this being a feature borrowed
from the Caeretan hydriae. On a large amphora in the British
Museum (B 64) the characteristic Caeretan band of lotos-flowers
and palmettes is exactly reproduced, though in black instead of
polychrome.[2319] Other typical ornaments are the maeander and
chevrons; ivy-leaves and sprigs shooting up from the ground;
.bn 342.png
.bn 343.png
.bn 344.png
.pn +1
lotos-buds, and wreaths of all kinds. The subjects are limited
in range, and thoroughly Etruscan in feeling; Pegasi and
beardless Centaurs with human forelegs, Bacchic subjects, and
genre scenes, such as athletic contests, combats, or funeral
ceremonies (Plate #LVIII:pl58#.), almost complete the list. The
turned-up shoes and the pointed <em>tutuli</em> worn by the women,
as well as the physiognomy of the figures, with their receding
foreheads, are all characteristically Etruscan, though the two
former details are borrowed from Ionia.[2320] The shapes of the
vases are heavy and inartistic, and the effect altogether unpleasing.
A list of the principal examples is here appended.[2321]

When at last the imitative instincts of the Etruscans did in
course of time impel them to turn their fancy to copying the
red-figured vases, we find the same characteristics reproduced.
The number of such imitations is not large, but they are
unmistakable, not only from the style, but from the pale yellow
clay, dull black glaze, and bizarre character of the ornamentation.
Nevertheless, in some cases fairly good results are
obtained, as in the B.M. kylix F 478, which in its interior
design at all events is an obvious attempt to imitate the
work of the great Athenian kylix-painters. The artist seems
to have learned his art from the school of Hieron and Brygos,
but his Etruscan instincts are revealed in the over-elaboration
and stiff mannerisms of the drawing. The Museum also possesses
a very fine krater from Falerii (F 479), which appears
to be an example of a local school,[2322] imitating the red-figured
vases of the “fine” period and large style. But these comparatively
successful imitations are exceptional.

The other red-figured Etruscan vases are far inferior, and
are executed in a style which none can fail to recognise. It
is dry and lifeless in the extreme, the drawing helpless, and
.bn 345.png
.pn +1
the whole effect repulsive and disagreeable, as is so often the
case with Etruscan art. These vases are not earlier than the
third century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and may be later. In them we observe,
besides Greek mythological subjects, the introduction of local
deities such as Charun and Ker. The British Museum possesses
some ten examples of this class, in addition to the two already
described. The most interesting is a krater (F 480 = Plate LVIII.),
with, on one side, the death of Aktaeon, designated by his
Etruscan name <em>Ataiun</em>; on the other, Ajax, designated <em>Aifas</em>,
throwing himself upon his sword, after the award of the armour
of Achilles.

Another vase of this class has for its subject the farewell
of Admetos and Alkestis,[2323] with Etruscan inscriptions accompanying
the figures, and a speech issuing from the mouth of one
of them. Behind Admetos is one of the demons of the Etruscan
hell, probably intended for Hades or Thanatos, wearing a short
tunic and holding in each hand a snake. Behind Alkestis is
Charun with his mallet. On another vase found at Vulci[2324]
Ajax is represented slaying a Trojan prisoner in the presence
of Charun; and on the reverse the latter appears again with
Penthesileia and two other women. On a third[2325] Leda is
represented showing Tyndareus the egg from which Helen
and Klytaemnestra were destined to be born; it is inscribed
<em>Elinai</em>, the Etruscan form of Helen.

The latest specimens of these fabrics, which have been found
at Orvieto and Orbetello, positively degenerate into barbarism[2326];
the figures are carelessly and roughly painted, and white is
extensively used as an accessory, as in the later Apulian and
Campanian vases. The subjects are usually borrowed from
the infernal regions, and the gruesome figure of Charun is
common.

Inscriptions on Etruscan vases are rare as compared with
Greek, and in many cases have only been scratched in after the
vase was made. There are also instances of imported Greek vases
on which Etruscan inscriptions have been incised in this manner,
.bn 346.png
.pn +1
as in the case of a vase in the form of a lion in the British
Museum (A 1137, from Veii), on which is incised
.pm ii inscr_311_felthur.jpg FΕΛΘΥΡ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_311_hathisnas.jpg ἉΘΙΣΝΑΣ '' ','
<em>felthur hathisnas</em>. The earliest known are incised
on plain pots of black ware, and several of these take the
form of what are known as <em>abecedaria</em>, or alphabets. Strictly
speaking, some of these alphabets are of Hellenic origin, and
do not give the forms of the Etruscan letters as they are known
to us; but as the latter are derived from the Greek (western
group), probably through Cumae (see above, p. #295#) these
inscriptions would naturally represent their original forms in
Etruria.

In 1882 an amphora was discovered at Formello near Veii,[2327]
on which this Greek alphabet is written twice from left to right,
together with a retrograde Etruscan inscription, and a “syllabary”
or spelling exercise. The alphabet is as follows: α, β, γ,
δ, ε, ϝ, ζ, <i>h</i>, θ, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν,
.pm ii glyph_samech.jpg samech, '' ','
ο, π, Ϻ,
ϙ, ρ, σ, τ, υ,
.pm ii glyph_xi_chalcidian.jpg X '' ','
φ, ψ. This
is the most complete <em>abecedarium</em> extant, containing twenty-six
letters and illustrating the archaic Greek forms of the twenty-two
Phoenician letters in their Semitic order. The four additional
ones are υ,
.pm ii glyph_xi_chalcidian.jpg X '' ''
( = ξ), φ, and ψ ( = χ). The character
.pm ii glyph_xi_chalcidian.jpg X '' ''
is the
representative of <em>samech</em>, and is not found in Greek inscriptions;
Ϻ is <em>shin</em> or <em>san</em> (cf. p. #247#).

The Caere alphabet, on a vase now in the Museo Gregoriano,
is also combined with an Etruscan syllabary, consisting of
such forms as <em>bi</em>, <em>ba</em>, <em>bu</em>, <em>be</em>, <em>gi</em>, <em>ga</em>, <em>gu</em>, <em>ge</em>, etc.[2328]; the alphabet
resembles that from Formello, except for the omission of
the ϙ, and the
.pm ii glyph_san.jpg san '' ',' which represents <em>san</em>. A third alphabet
of the same type, extending as far as ο, was found at Colle
near Siena.[2329] On another small black jar also found at Caere,
and now in the Museo Gregoriano,[2330] is incised an Etruscan
inscription in two lines, in which also the letters are certainly
early Greek rather than Etruscan; these two from Caere must
be of the same date as the Regulini-Galassi tomb, about
650-600 <sc>B.C.</sc>
.bn 347.png
.pn +1

.il id=fig182 fn=fig182_347.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 182. ETRUSCAN ALPHABET, FROM A VASE.

The two following, however, are genuine Etruscan <em>abecedaria</em>:
one from the foot of a cup found at Bomarzo,[2331] on which the
alphabet runs (retrograde): α, γ, ε, ϝ, ζ, η, θ, ι, λ , μ, ν, π, Ϻ, ρ,
σ, τ, υ, φ, χ, φ,
the other in the museum at Grosseto,[2332] in which the letters are
practically the same, but with the addition of κ and ϙ. In
the first named the form ζ for Z should be noted, and in both
occur the <em>san</em> and two forms of φ, which in Etruscan generally
appears as
.pm ii glyph_phi_etruscan.jpg 'Etrusan phi' '' '.'
Among other instances of early Etruscan inscriptions
are that on the Louvre vase from Caere, with white
paintings on red ground (D 151: see p. #294#), which dates from
the seventh century; and on objects from the Regulini-Galassi
and Del Duce tombs (pp. #295#, #300#). They are, however, very
rare on the pottery of the next two centuries, with the exception
of those incised on the plain pottery, which bear no essential
relation to the vase itself.[2333] These, as has been noted, are also
found on imported Greek wares, one of the best instances
being the kylix of Oltos and Euxitheos, at Corneto,[2334] on the
foot of which is an inscription of thirty-eight letters not divided
into words. Occasionally also painted inscriptions are found.[2335]

When, however, we come to the imitation Greek vases of the
third and second centuries, we find a curious reversion to the old
Greek practice of inscribing the names of the figures and even
sentences on the paintings themselves. Some of these have
already been mentioned. The best example is afforded by
the krater with Admetos and Alkestis, on which the names of
the two principals are given as
.pm ii inscr_312_atmite.jpg ΑΤΜΙΤΕ '' ','
<em>Atmite</em>, and
.pm ii inscr_312_alcsti.jpg ΑΛCΣΤΙ '' ','
<em>Alcsti</em>; while by the side of the figure of Charun is a long inscription
.pm ii inscr_312_1.jpg 46 15 'ΕΓΗ:' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_312_2.jpg 72 15 'ΕΑΣΓΕ:' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_312_3.jpg 56 15 'ΝΑΓ:' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_312_4.jpg 94 15 'ΑΤΔΛΜ:' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_312_5.jpg 96 14 'ΦΛΕΔΟΔΓΕ' '' '.'
On
the vase with Ajax and Penthesileia the names are given as
.bn 348.png
.pn +1
.pm ii inscr_313_aifas.jpg ΑΙFΑΣ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_313_psady.jpg ΨΑΔΥ '' ','
.pm ii inscr_313_pentasila.jpg ΠΕΝΤΑΣΙΛΑ '' ','
and
.pm ii inscr_313_hinthial.jpg ἹΝΘΙΑΛ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_313_tyrmycas.jpg TYRMYGAS '' '.'
On
a vase mentioned by Gerhard, Nike inscribes on a shield the
word
.pm ii inscr_313_lasna.jpg ΑΝΣΑΛ '' ','
<em>Lasna</em>.[2336]

.h4
§ 2. <sc>Etruscan Terracotta Work</sc>

It remains to say a few words on the other uses of clay
among the Etruscans. This subject has indeed been discussed
to some extent in Chapter III., regarding the use of clay
in general in classical times. But there are some features
of work in terracotta which are peculiar to this people. For
their extensive use of this material we are quite prepared by
the evidence of the pottery found in their tombs, which shows
that they understood the processes of manufacture perfectly,
even if they failed in their attempts at decoration. As we shall
see, they employed it constantly, not only for finer works of
art, but for ordinary and more utilitarian purposes. This we
know not only from the existing remains, but from many
passages of ancient writers, who speak of the Etruscan
preference for clay and their skill in its use.

Pliny, in particular, speaks of the art of modelling in clay
as “brought to perfection in Italy, and especially in Etruria.”[2337]
He attributes its introduction to the three craftsmen whom
Demaratos brought with him from Corinth in the seventh
century <sc>B.C.</sc>—Eucheir, Eugrammos, and Diopos—whom he styles
<em>fictores</em>.[2338] This story of its origin need not, of course, be implicitly
believed; nor, on the other hand, need the statement
of Tatian,[2339] who, followed in modern times by Campana and
other Italian writers, claimed for Italy a priority over Greece in
the art of making terracotta figures. For their statues the
Etruscans certainly seem to have preferred clay to any other
material. Although few of these have descended to us, there
are many passages in Roman literature which imply their
excellence, and it is chiefly from these that our knowledge of
Etruscan statues in terracotta is derived. The Romans, unable
.bn 349.png
.pn +1
themselves to execute such works, were obliged to employ
Etruscan artists for the decoration of their temples, as in the
notable instance of that of Jupiter on the Capitol. A certain
Volca of Veii[2340] was employed by Tarquinius Priscus, about
509 <sc>B.C.</sc>, to make the statue of the god, which was of colossal
proportions, and was painted vermilion, the colour being solemnly
renewed from time to time. The same artist made the famous
chariot on the pediment of the temple, which, instead of contracting
in the furnace, swelled to such an extent that the
roof had to be taken off. This circumstance was held to
prognosticate the future greatness of Rome.[2341] Volca also made
a figure of Hercules in the Forum Boarium, and we read that
Numa consecrated a statue of Janus[2342]; but the material in the
latter case is not actually specified as terracotta.

Pliny goes on to say that such statues existed in many
places even in his day. He also speaks of numerous temples
in Rome and other towns with remarkable sculptured pediments
and cornices; the existing remains of some of these
will presently be discussed. There is no doubt that the use
of terracotta for the external decoration of temples was even
more general in Etruria than in Greece; and, whereas in Greece
it ceased in the fifth century, in Etruria it lasted down to
Roman times. The use of bricks in Etruria seems to have
belonged entirely to the time when it had lost its independence,
under Roman dominion. For instance, the brick walls of
Arretium, which are highly spoken of by Pliny and Vitruvius,[2343]
do not belong to the Etruscan, but to the later city; and
although Gell alleged that he saw tufa walls with a substructure
of tiling at Veii, Dennis sought for these in vain[2344]; even a pier
of a bridge resting on tiles which he found there proved to be
later work. For buildings and for tombs the principal material
seems to have been tufa, but the tiles of the roofs were probably
of terracotta, as were sometimes those used for covering
tombs.[2345]
.bn 350.png
.pn +1

Etruscan temples were also largely built of wood, with a
covering of terracotta slabs, as the evidence of recent excavations
shows. This method of decoration, which, as we
saw in a previous chapter (Vol. I. p. #100:vol1_100#), was largely practised
in Italy and Sicily, and even spread thence to Greece, as at
Olympia, is not alluded to by Vitruvius in his description
of Etruscan temples (iv. 7), although he speaks of the wooden
construction of the roofs; but he alludes to <em>antepagmenta</em> fixed
on the front of the temples, which may refer to the terracotta
slabs.[2346] Earlier restorations made after his descriptions are
imperfect in this respect, only regarding construction and not
decorative effect.[2347] It is at any rate clear that the roof had a
pediment on the front only, the other three sides projecting
over and forming eaves, round which hung the pendent slabs
(see below); they were not required in front because of the
portico. Araeostyle temples, the same writer tells us, had
wooden architraves and pediments, ornamented with sculpture
in terracotta. The cinerary urns often supply evidence as
to the construction of the roofs, with their exact imitation
of tiles.

We have now remains of at least four temples built in
this method, or, rather, of their terracotta decoration: from
Cervetri in Berlin, from Civita Lavinia in the British Museum
(Plates II.-III.), from Alatri (1882), and from Falerii or Civita
Castellana (1886).[2348] Other remains of architectural terracotta
work come from Orvieto,[2349] Pitigliano,[2350] and Luni (see below),
and from Conca or Satricum,[2351] the latter being chiefly antefixal
ornaments of the ordinary Italian types. The Cervetri remains
consist of roof-tiles, antefixal ornaments with figures in relief
in front, and friezes with chariots and warriors.[2352] Portions of
a similar frieze from the same site are in the British Museum,[2353]
as are also three antefixes in the same style as one in Berlin
.bn 351.png
.pn +1
from Cervetri (Plate #LIX:pl59#.).[2354] They belong to the fifth century,
and illustrate a later development from the ordinary archaic
type—idealised female heads or heads of Satyrs with rich
polychrome decoration. Another example in Berlin appears
to represent Juno Sospita.[2355] The friezes are a good example
of the Italo-Ionic style of the end of the sixth century, the
points of comparison with the Chalcidian and other B.F. vases
being particularly noteworthy.[2356]

But for information on the form of the Etruscan temple these
are too fragmentary to be of any use. The remains from Alatri,
Civita Castellana, and Civita Lavinia are much more illuminating.
The last-named, of which some description has already
been given (Vol. I. p. #101:vol1_101#), are partly archaic, partly of the
fourth century, the two former wholly of the later date; but
allowing for differences of style, the general arrangement was in
all cases practically the same. The front of the temple was
in the form of a pediment supported on columns, with ornamental
raking cornices, and <em>akroteria</em> in the form of figures or
groups. Along the sides and back ran gutters, with lion-head
spouts at intervals, faced by upright cornices, with pendent
plates of terracotta, or “barge-boards” hanging free and ornamented
with patterns in relief. These were for protection
against weather, like the edgings to the roofs of Swiss châlets
and modern railway stations. The practice was quite un-Greek,
and peculiar to Etruria. The antefixal ornaments were continued
along the sides above the cornice. The architraves were
also ornamented with terracotta slabs, on which were palmette
patterns; and thus the whole formed a rich and continuous
system of terracotta plating which completely covered the
woodwork of the architraves and roof. All the slabs were
ornamented with coloured patterns in relief, or simply painted
on a white slip, such as maeanders, tongue, scale-pattern,
lotos-flowers, or various forms of the palmette.

.tb

.pm onplate LIX
.il id=pl59 fn=plate59_352.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>1. Etruscan Antefix (Fifth Cent.)</sc>
<sc>2. Etruscan Sarcophagus (Third Cent.)</sc>
(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

The existing remains of Etruscan monumental sculpture in
.bn 352.png
.bn 353.png
.bn 354.png
.pn +1
clay are, as has been indicated, not large. Some of the architectural
antefixes are almost important enough to be included
under this head, especially those in the form of figures or groups
modelled almost in the round. These belong mostly to the
fifth century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and the finest example is the group in the
Berlin Museum from the Cervetri find already mentioned, representing
Eos carrying off Kephalos[2357]; it is in the style of about
480 <sc>B.C.</sc> A smaller but still very effective example is the
antefix from Civita Lavinia in the British Museum, representing
a Satyr and Maenad awaiting the advent of Dionysos (Plate II.).[2358]
With these must be reckoned the sculptured friezes from
Cervetri in the British and Berlin Museums, and the reliefs on
the British Museum sarcophagus from the same site.[2359] In all
these the same prevalence of Ionic Greek influence may be
observed, which is characteristic of so much Etruscan work
of the late archaic period, both in terracotta and bronze, as
in the reliefs of the Polledrara bust.[2360] This influence, which is
due to the strong Hellenic element in the civilisation of Caere
and the Campanian cities, we have also seen at work in the
vase-paintings of the period.[2361]

One of the earliest instances, and perhaps the most remarkable,
of Etruscan clay modelling in the round, for its size and execution,
is the group on the top of the famous sarcophagus in the
British Museum (Fig. #183:fig183#).[2362] The figures, a man and woman
reclining on a couch, are life-size, of somewhat slender proportions,
with smiling features, the drapery of the woman stiff
and formal. Sir Charles Newton has described the style as
“archaic, the treatment throughout very naturalistic, in which a
curious striving after truth in anatomical details gives animation
to the group, in spite of the extreme ungainliness of form and
ungraceful composition.” The same difficulties that beset the
.bn 355.png
.pn +1
sculptor of the Polledrara bust, in working in the round instead
of relief, are visible here; and the contrast with the Hellenic
style of the reliefs round the lower part is very marked. There
are similar sarcophagi in the Louvre, and in the Museo Papa
Giulio at Rome.[2363] M. Martha notes in regard to the figures
on the former that the faces are remarkable for individuality
and precision of type, but the limbs are stiff and rude. This is
not an infrequent feature of early Greek art.[2364] Signor Savignoni
claims these three monuments as purely Ionic Greek work,
but repudiates much of the British Museum sarcophagus as
un-antique.

.il id=fig183 fn=fig183_355.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 183. ARCHAIC TERRACOTTA SARCOPHAGUS (BRITISH MUSEUM).

Of later sculpture in terracotta the instances are comparatively
few, by far the best being the pedimental sculptures from
Luni in Northern Tuscany, discovered in 1842, and now at
.bn 356.png
.pn +1
Florence.[2365] Their date is about 200 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and they include figures
of the Olympian deities, Muses, and a group of Apollo and
Artemis slaying the Niobides. A few remains of similar
figures were found at
Orvieto.[2366]

.il id=fig184 fn=fig184_356.jpg align=r w=350px ew=75%
.ca
FIG. 184. PAINTED TERRACOTTA SLAB FROM TOMB
(LOUVRE).
.ca-

It may be convenient
to speak here
of a small group of
monuments in terracotta
which illustrate
in an interesting
manner the achievements
of Etruscan
painting in the
archaic period. This
is a series of terracotta
slabs, which
were inserted into
the walls of small
tombs at Cervetri to
receive the painted
decoration which the
Etruscans considered
such an important
feature of their
sepulchral arrangements.[2367]
Two sets
have been found, one
of which is in the
Louvre, the other in
the British Museum;
both are of similar character, and belong to the beginning of
the sixth century, but the style varies in some degree. Fig. #184:fig184#
gives one of the slabs in the Louvre.
.bn 357.png
.pn +1

The surface of the slabs was covered with the usual white
slip or <lang=grc>λεύκωμα</lang> of early Greek paintings,[2368] on which the designs      // Tr: leukôma
were sketched with a point and filled in with red and black
outlines or washes. The white ground was left for the flesh
of women and for white drapery, the flesh of the men being
coloured red. Of the two the Louvre slabs seem the more
advanced, and more directly under Ionic influence, while the
others are more provincial in character. The Caeretan hydriae
seem to have left some traces on the former, and in the latter
it is interesting to note the use of borders of white dots for the
drapery, such as we see on the Daphnae vases (Vol. I. p. #352:vol1_352#).

These paintings may also be compared with those in the
Grotta Campana at Veii (Vol. I. p. #39:vol1_39#), which, in spirit at any
rate, if not in date, are the oldest examples of Etruscan
painting, while still under Oriental influence. But not being
works in terracotta, they do not strictly concern us here.

.tb

Although the more important sarcophagi of the Etruscans
were made of alabaster, tufa, and peperino, a considerable
number, principally of small size, were of terracotta. All of
these belong to a late stage of Etruscan art. Some few were
large enough to receive a body laid at full length. Two
large sarcophagi, from a tomb at Vulci, now in the British
Museum, may be taken as typical.[2369] The lower part, which held
the body, is shaped like a rectangular bin or trough, about three
feet high and as many wide. On the covers are recumbent
Etruscan women, modelled at full length. One has both its
cover and chest divided into two portions, probably because it
was found that masses of too large a size failed in the baking.
The edges at the point of division are turned up, like flange tiles.
These have on their fronts in one case dolphins, in the other
branches of trees, incised with a tool in outline. Other sarcophagi
of the same dimensions are imitations of the larger ones
of stone. Many of the smaller sort, which held the ashes of the
dead, are of the same shape, the body being a small rectangular
chest, while the cover presents a figure of the deceased in a
.bn 358.png
.pn +1
reclining posture. They generally have in front a composition
in relief, freely modelled in the later style of Etruscan art, the
subject being often of funeral import: such as the last farewell
to the dead; combats of heroes (Plate LIX.), especially that
of Eteokles and Polyneikes; a battle in which an unarmed
hero is fighting with a ploughshare[2370]; the parting of Admetos
and Alkestis in the presence of Death and Charun; and the
slaying of the dragon by Kadmos at the fountain of Ares.[2371]
Some few have a painted roof. All these were painted in
<em>tempera</em> upon a white ground, in bright and vivid tones,
producing a gaudy effect. The inscriptions were also traced
in paint, and rarely incised. A good and elaborate example
of the colouring of terracotta occurs in the recumbent figure
on a small sarcophagus in the British Museum (Plate #LIX:pl59#.).[2372]
Here the flesh is red, the eyes black, the hair red, the wreath
green, and the drapery of the figure is white, with purple and
crimson borders; the phiale which the figure holds is yellow
(to imitate gilding), and the cushions on which he reclines
are red and blue. This system of colouring is maintained
to an even greater degree in the relief on the front of the
sarcophagus, the subject of which is a combat of five warriors.
The background is coloured indigo, and every detail is rendered
in colour, except the nude parts, which are covered with a white
slip throughout. The pigments employed are red, yellow, black,
green, and purple, and the inscription above is painted in brown
on white, all the colours being marvellously fresh and well preserved;
but the general effect is gaudy, fantastic, and scarcely
appropriate. It may also be said in regard to the whole series
that the subjects are monotonous and unpleasing, and the
compositions crowded to excess.

By far the finest example of these terracotta sarcophagi is
one found at Cervetri not many years ago, now in the British
Museum (Plate #LX:pl60#.).[2373] It is known from the inscription in front
.bn 359.png
.pn +1
to be the last resting-place of a lady named Seianti Thanunia,
whose effigy, life-size, adorns the top—a most realistic specimen
of Etruscan portrait-sculpture, and in splendid preservation.
Within the lower part her skeleton is still preserved, together
with a series of silver utensils. A very similar specimen, that
of Larthia Seianti, is in the Museum at Florence,[2374] and from
the coins found therewith the date of these two may be fixed
at about 150 <sc>B.C.</sc> The figure of the lady was cast in two halves,
the joint being below the hips; she is represented as a middle-aged
matron, her head veiled in a mantle which she draws aside
with her right hand. In her left she holds a mirror in an open
case; she wears a <em>sphendone</em> in her hair, and much jewellery.
On the right arm are bracelets, and on the left hand six rings,
the bezels of which are painted purple to imitate sard-stones;
in her ears are pendants painted to imitate amber set in gold.
The nude parts are painted flesh-colour, and colouring is freely
employed throughout, the cushions being painted in stripes.
The dimensions of the sarcophagus itself are 6 ft. by 2 ft. by
1 ft. 4 in.; it has no reliefs on the front, but is ornamented with
pilasters, triglyphs, and quatrefoils.

For antefixal ornaments, masks, and the decoration of the
smaller sarcophagi and other products of ordinary industry,
the clay seems to have been invariably made in the form of
a mould; but for the larger sarcophagi and the Canopic figures
a rough clay model was made by hand and itself baked. Probably
both processes were employed concurrently—large statues,
for instance, being made in several pieces; in these it will
generally be noted that the head and torso are modelled more
carefully than the limbs.

.pm onplate LX
.il id=pl60 fn=plate60_360.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca <sc>Sarcophagus of Seianti Thanunia (Second Cent. B.C.) (Brit. Mus.)</sc>
.pm offplate

M. Martha[2375] explains the invariable colouring of Etruscan
terracottas on the supposition that the Etruscans did not
profess to make figures in this material, but looked down on
it as a common substance, to be concealed wherever possible.
However this may be, the polychromy was not only a necessary
artifice, but an admirable means of imparting life and realism
to the figures. In the archaic period there is much less variety,
yellow, red, brown, and black being the only colours employed
.bn 360.png
.bn 361.png
.bn 362.png
.pn +1
as a rule.[2376] The dark red pigment usually applied for flesh-colour
on the sarcophagi may suggest the <em>minium</em> with which
the statue of Jupiter Capitolinus was smeared. In later work
the tints are lighter and much more varied, as we have seen,
and this is especially noticeable on the figures from the Luni
pediments, in which rose, yellow, green, and blue are employed
with the same delicate <em>nuances</em> that we see in the Tanagra
figures.

.h4
§ 3. <sc>Southern Italy</sc>

In dealing with the indigenous non-Hellenic people of Southern
Italy and their pottery, we are almost more at a disadvantage than
in regard to the Etruscans. The peoples are almost unknown to
us, and are vaguely characterised as “Iapygian,” “Messapian,”
“Oscan,” and so on; but this does not really carry us much
further. Moreover, this part of Italy has never been scientifically
or thoroughly excavated, like Etruria, and even where finds have
been made they are small and poor; nothing of very remote
date appears to have come to light, and very few early Greek
importations. Hence there has been until quite recently no
attempt made at a scientific study of the pottery, or even to
distinguish local from imported wares; in Heydemann’s catalogue
of the Naples vases it is practically ignored. Recently,
however, Herr Max Mayer, and Signor Patroni, whose laudable
investigations of the Graeco-Italian vases have already received
attention (Chapter XI.), have turned their attention to the study
of the less promising indigenous fabrics.[2377]

The region with which the present section deals is that comprised
by the three districts of Apulia, Lucania, and Campania.
The barbarian races by which it was occupied in classical times
were known by various names, used with some vagueness; but
roughly we may divide them into two groups: the Iapygians or
Messapians and the Peucetians, occupying the south-east portion
of the peninsula from modern Bari to the end of the “heel”[2378];
.bn 363.png
.pn +1
and the Osco-Samnites, who occupied Campania and the mountainous
district of Samnium on its north-eastern border. In
Lucania the district of Sala Consilina has yielded local pottery.[2379]
The Osco-Samnites appear to have been more amenable to
the influence of Greek civilisation than the others, owing to the
existence in their midst of such centres of culture as Cumae,
Capua, and Poseidonia (Paestum); hence we find that the
pottery of that region shows a much more Hellenic character
than that of Apulia, and is more like that of Etruria in its
attempts to imitate the Greek imported fabrics (see Vol. I.
p. #484:vol1_484#).

Greek painted vases are found in Southern Italy as early as
the seventh century <sc>B.C.</sc>, though even in “Aegean” times they
had penetrated as far as Sicily, and even Marseilles (see Vol. I.
pp. #69:vol1_69#, #86:vol1_86#).[2380] At Cumae in particular, and also at Nola, “Proto-Corinthian”
and Corinthian wares have been found; during the
sixth century Ionic and Attic B.F. wares make their appearance,
but never in large quantities, as in Etruria. They, however, gave
rise to a class of imitative fabrics found chiefly in Campania:
small amphorae and other forms rudely painted with black
silhouettes, dating from the fifth century. At Tarentum the
finds of vases have been mainly Greek, but even these are
comparatively rare. The principal examples of local wares
are to be seen in the museums of Bari, Lecce, Taranto, and
Naples; the British Museum, Louvre, and Berlin only possess
isolated specimens.[2381] The general scarcity of imports is due,
Signor Patroni thinks, to the restricted intercourse between the
colonies on the coast and the interior districts peopled by hostile
local tribes. After the fifth century, when large numbers of
Greek artists were established in the towns of Southern Italy,
the circumstances became different, and we have already made
in Chapter XI. a general survey of the various fabrics produced
from that time in the various centres down to the total decay of
the art.

All Italiote pottery, before this direct influence of Hellenism
.bn 364.png
.pn +1
made itself felt, may be called “archaic”; but it must at the same
time be borne in mind that these archaic types still went on
during the time of Greek influence. They formed, in fact, a
“domestic” style, as opposed to the “high-art” style of the
Graeco-Italian wares, just as the early Geometrical pottery of
Athens is thought to have been in relation to the Mycenaean
vases (see Vol. I. p. #279:vol1_279#). They must not, however, be regarded—as
has been done by some writers—as deliberate archaistic
revivals of older fabrics. It is true that they bear a remarkable
resemblance in many cases to Aegean, Cypriote, and Geometrical
wares; but this likeness is due to other causes, being the result
of development, not of direct imitation. A learned Italian, on
first seeing some of the local pottery excavated in Apulia, exclaimed,
“This is the Mycenaean style of Italy.” Chronologically
and ethnographically he was wrong, but artistically he was right;
and as Signor Patroni has pointed out, parallels to nearly all the
ornamental motives of local Apulian fabrics may be traced in
Mycenaean pottery.

There is also a favourite shape, that of a large double-mouthed
<em>askos</em>, examples of which may be seen in the British
Museum (F 508 = Fig. #185:fig185#, and F 509), which is obviously
derived directly from the Mycenaean “false-necked amphora”
(see Vol. I. p. #271:vol1_271#). It is not a Hellenic type, although it is
the forerunner of a form of askos found among the painted
vases of Apulia.[2382] Another favourite form, which Signor Patroni
calls the <lang=it><em>orcio appulo</em></lang>, a jar with three vertical handles round the
nearly spherical body, and wide-spreading mouth, may similarly
be derived from the Mycenaean three-handled <em>pyxis</em> (Vol. I. p. #272:vol1_272#).
Other forms, again, are parallel with those of Cyprus, as is in
some cases the system of geometrical decoration, a figure or
pattern in a panel with borders of geometrical ornament.

The writers above-mentioned distinguish two main classes
of the local pottery of Apulia (including the south-eastern
extremity or “heel” of Italy). The central portion of this
district was inhabited by a tribe known as the Peucetii, and
the extremity by Messapians, or, as they are also styled,
Iapygians. The vases, which appear to be the product of the
.bn 365.png
.pn +1
latter race, are found in various places—such as Brindisi, Egnazia
or Fasano, Lecce, Nardo, Ostuni, Otranto, Putignano, Rugge,
Taranto, and Uzento—and they may best be studied in the
museum at Bari. The pottery of the Peucetii, which Signor
Patroni calls Apulian, covers the region round Bari, including
Putignano on the south, Bitonto and Ruvo on the north, where
the local civilisation seems to have been modified by the
influence of such centres as Canosa.

.il id=fig185 fn=fig185_365.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 185. ASKOS OF LOCAL APULIAN FABRIC (BRITISH MUSEUM).

The typical form of Messapian pottery is a krater with high
angular handles, at the highest and lowest points of which are
pairs of discs (<em>rotelle</em>), a spherical body, and neck sloping
.bn 366.png
.pn +1
inwards, without lip. The form is one which, as we have
seen in Chapter #XI:vol1_ch11#., was adopted by the Greek vase-painters
in Lucania at a later date.[2383] Mayer states that this form is only
found in the “heel” of Italy, but Patroni seems to imply that
it is typical of Central Apulia.[2384] It is painted in two colours—purple-red
and dark brown or black; but the former colour
is not found in the earlier examples. The decoration includes
simple geometrical or vegetable patterns, such as wreaths, panels
of lozenge-pattern, zigzags, and an ornament composed of two
triangles point to point
.pm ii glyph_hourglass.jpg hourglass '' ','
which Mayer calls the “hour-glass“
ornament. The more developed examples have figures
in panels, ranging from rows of ducks to human figures. Among
these are a man gathering fruit from a tree and two stags confronted.
Lenormant published two very interesting specimens
in the Louvre, one of which has two cocks confronted, the other
a man swimming accompanied by a dolphin.[2385]

The latter, with others of the same class, styled by Lenormant
“Iapygian,” appear to be imitations of B.F. amphorae[2386]; but
if they are imitations they must be almost contemporaneous
with their prototypes, and cannot be later than the fifth century.
The man with the dolphin recalls the story of Taras and the
coin-types of Tarentum; but Lenormant pointed out that a
similar legend was current relating to Iapys, the eponymous
hero of Iapygia,[2387] and he may therefore be intended. Some of
these vases have painted inscriptions, one of which runs,
.pm ii inscr_327_iar.jpg ΙΑΡ '' ';'
but they are apparently nothing more than names, partly
Hellenised.

Among other shapes are a kind of askos with simple decoration,
a jug or pitcher with discs attached to the handles, also
with simple patterns, and a unique variety of the krater with
four flat-topped column-handles. Signor Patroni[2388] calls attention
to another class of Messapian vases from which the geometrical
decorative element is absent, the ornament being arranged in
bands of equal width, and varying between linear and natural
.bn 367.png
.pn +1
forms. A characteristic motive is a sort of chain-pattern. The
wave and rows of pomegranate-buds also occur, and animals,
such as dogs and dolphins; also human heads and figures.
The shapes are either the double-necked askos, as given in
Fig. #185:fig185#, with an arched handle between the mouths, or a kind
of double situla, formed of two jars on a cylindrical stand
with a vertical handle between.

As Mayer has pointed out, there cannot here be any question
of a very ancient class of vases, but rather of one of eclectic
character. The Geometrical tendency appears chiefly in the
north of the district, where
the influence of Peucetia
(see below) was felt. The
vegetable ornaments, he
suggests, have affinities
with those of “Rhodian”
vases.[2389] The date can
hardly be earlier than the
fifth century.


.il id=fig186 fn=fig186_367.jpg align=l w=250px ew=50%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>.</s>

FIG. 186. KRATER OF “PEUCETIAN” FABRIC WITH GEOMETRICAL DECORATION.
.ca-

The fabrics of Central
or Peucetian Apulia centre,
as has been noted, round
Bari. They are all of a
strongly Geometrical type,
but the system of ornamentation
is freer and
more varied than in the
Messapian class. They are
easily recognisable by their forms and characteristic designs,
painted only in brown or black. Here, again, the typical form
is a krater, in which the handles are either arched in vertical
fashion or else form flat bands. It has a shallow, spreading
lip. The patterns are arranged in panels and bands, and are
often executed with great care. Fig. #186:fig186# gives an example
from Sala Consilina in Lucania.[2390] The favourite motives are
chequers, zigzags, the “hour-glass,” hook-armed crosses, and
lozenges filled with reticulated pattern, neatly arranged in
.bn 368.png
.pn +1
friezes or saltire-wise. Round the lower part of the vase is
often found what may be described as a comb-pattern, and on
some vases is a curious rudimentary form of the maeander,
arranged in triangles or diagonal crosses. Among the other
shapes are a small askos with ring-handle on the back, a sort
of high stand like a fruit-dish, large cups and bowls, and the
<em>orcio</em> already mentioned. One of the finest examples is a
krater from Ruvo in the Jatta collection,[2391] with twisted handles
and a very elaborate system of ornamentation, chiefly diaper
and maeander patterns.

Like the Messapian, the Peucetian or Apulian pottery seems
to have flourished during the fifth century[2392]; but there are some
vases which seem to form connecting-links with their Hellenic
prototypes, and probably belong to the sixth century.[2393] In any
case, both fabrics must be regarded as much earlier than
previously supposed; they are certainly not late archaistic
work, and time must be allowed for their disappearance when
the Hellenic fabrics of Apulia begin. In placing the majority
of the products between 600 and 450 <sc>B.C.</sc>, we shall probably
not be far from the truth, although M. Pottier[2394] would throw
the origin of the fabrics as far back as the eighth century.

.fm

.fn 2246
See especially Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 285 ff., and Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Vulci</cite></lang>,
p. 315 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2247
i. 94.
.fn-

.fn 2248
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 6, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2249
i. 30.
.fn-

.fn 2250
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 297.
.fn-

.fn 2251
<cite>Frag. Hist. Graec.</cite> ed. Didot, i.
p. 45: <lang=grc>ἐπὶ Σπινῆτι ποταμῷ</lang> (the name of                     // Tr: epi Spinêti potamô
one of the mouths). He calls them here
Pelasgians.
.fn-

.fn 2252
Bertrand and Reinach, <lang=fr><cite>Les Celtes
dans les vallées du Po et du Danube</cite></lang>,
p. 73 ff.: cf. Bertrand, <lang=fr><cite>Arch. celtique et
gauloise</cite></lang>, p. 205.
.fn-

.fn 2253
Cf. i. 27 with vii. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2254
See Helbig, <lang=de><cite>Die Italiker in der
Poebene</cite></lang>, for a full account of this period;
also Von Duhn in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xvi. p. 128,
whose ethnographical views seem to differ
in many details from those of other writers
previously cited.
.fn-

.fn 2255
See <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, p. xlv.
.fn-

.fn 2256
See <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1884, p. 111.
.fn-

.fn 2257
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1881, pl. 5, Nos.
15, 16.
.fn-

.fn 2258
<cite>Il.</cite> xi. 633; <cite>Od.</cite> iv. 615, vi. 232. See
Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 152.
.fn-

.fn 2259
On the ornamentation of the Villanuova
period general reference may be
made to Böhlau’s <lang=de><cite>Zur Ornamentik der
Villanovaperiode</cite></lang> (1895).
.fn-

.fn 2260
Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Vulci</cite></lang>, p. 254.
.fn-

.fn 2261
See <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>,
p. xlv, and references there given.
.fn-

.fn 2262
The objects found at Hallstatt date
from about the tenth to ninth centuries
<sc>B.C.</sc>, and are sometimes “sub-Mycenaean”
in character.
.fn-

.fn 2263
See on the subject of hut-urns the
bibliographies given in Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de
Vulci</cite></lang>, p. 258; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Studien</cite></lang>, p. 24
(Von Duhn); and <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xvi. p. 127
(<i>id.</i>).
.fn-

.fn 2264
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xvi. p. 125.
.fn-

.fn 2265
See also for Narce <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, iv. pt. 1, p. 105 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2266
M. Pottier states that a primitive
kind of wheel was used for making the
<lang=it><em>impasto</em></lang> in the eighth century, and Helbig
and Martha are certainly wrong in stating
that it was not introduced till the sixth
(see <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 294).
.fn-

.fn 2267
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1885, p. 118.
.fn-

.fn 2268
<i>E.g.</i> <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat.</cite> Nos. 347 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2269
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 345 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2270
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1884, p. 186 = 338:
cf. for the style a vase from Tamassos,
Cyprus, in the British Museum (<cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite> ix. 1887, p. 77).
.fn-

.fn 2271
See generally Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang>
ii. p. 363 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2272
See Vol. I. p. #153:vol1_153#, and cf. Perrot,
<lang=fr><cite>Hist. de l’Art</cite></lang>, vi. p. 211, fig. 57, for
examples from Troy.
.fn-

.fn 2273
Abeken, <lang=de><cite>Mittelital.</cite></lang> p. 362 ff.; but
see <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1881, p. 41.
.fn-

.fn 2274
<i>E.g.</i> <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1884, pl. C.
.fn-

.fn 2275
Hdt. i. 14, 25; Paus. x. 16.
.fn-

.fn 2276
For Greek examples of early vases
with reliefs see Vol. I. p. #497:vol1_497#, and
Plate XLVII.
.fn-

.fn 2277
See for specimens <lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1881,
pls. 28, 29, 32-3; Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Vases du
Louvre</cite></lang>, pls. 33-4.
.fn-

.fn 2278
Louvre D 151.
.fn-

.fn 2279
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1884, p. 163.
.fn-

.fn 2280
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1886, p. 135.
.fn-

.fn 2281
See Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 152. The
names are doubtless descriptive.
.fn-

.fn 2282
Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, p. xlvii,
and references there given.
.fn-

.fn 2283
Nearly all the contents of this tomb
are now in the British Museum (Etruscan
Saloon, Cases 126-35): see Micali,
<lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pls. 4-8; Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>^2,
i. p. 457 ff.; C. Smith in <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiv.
p. 206.
.fn-

.fn 2284
A most trustworthy reproduction of
this vase and its decoration, made by
Mr. F. Anderson, is given in <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
xiv. pls. 6-7.
.fn-

.fn 2285
Cf. throughout the François vase.
.fn-

.fn 2286
Micali, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 5, fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 2287
<cite>Cat.</cite> 1543.
.fn-

.fn 2288
<cite>Cat.</cite> C 617-18.
.fn-

.fn 2289
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>  1881, p. 167,
No. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2290
The hydria is a form of essentially
Ionic origin, the earliest examples being
found in the “Caeretan” and Daphnae
fabrics (see Chapter VIII.).
.fn-

.fn 2291
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, B 630 = Fig. #183:fig183#.
.fn-

.fn 2292
Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pl. 58; Dennis,
<cite>Etruria</cite>, i. p. 34 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2293
Cf. an oinochoë in the British Museum,
A 633; and see <cite>J.H.S.</cite> x. p. 126.
.fn-

.fn 2294
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang> i. pl. 15 ff.; Helbig,
<lang=de><cite>Führer</cite></lang>, 1899, ii. p. 344 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2295
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1887, pls. 14-18.
.fn-

.fn 2296
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1876, p. 117 ff., and
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> x. pls. 31-33. The art
of Praeneste, though a Latin town, was
wholly Etruscan. Cf. the later series of
bronze cistae found here.
.fn-

.fn 2297
Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art Étrusque</cite></lang>, p. 462.
.fn-

.fn 2298
<lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. pp. 294, 315.
.fn-

.fn 2299
<lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 414: see Blümner,
<lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, ii. p. 62. It may be compared
with the analysis of the clay of
Greek vases given in Vol. I. p. #203:vol1_203#.
.fn-

.fn 2300
Cf. Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pls. 28-30.
.fn-

.fn 2301
Micali, <i>op. cit.</i> pls. 28-32.
.fn-

.fn 2302
Cf. <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1884, pl. 8, fig. 1,
and the reliefs from Sparta, <lang=de><cite>Ath. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1877, pls. 20-4.
.fn-

.fn 2303
Cf. <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1877, pls. <sc>U</sc>, <sc>V</sc>;
Micali, <i>op. cit.</i> pls. 27-32.
.fn-

.fn 2304
See Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 324 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2305
Cf. B.M. A 379 with <cite>Bronze Cat.</cite>
Nos. 385, 436-37.
.fn-

.fn 2306
See also on the subject generally,
<lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1879, p. 99 ff.; Pottier,
<lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 314 ff.; Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art
Étrusque</cite></lang>, p. 462 ff.; and Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles
de Vulci</cite></lang>, p. 445 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2307
vi. 343: cf. Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 158-59,
and Chapter #XXI:ch21#.
.fn-

.fn 2308
ii. 60.
.fn-

.fn 2309
xiv. 98: cf. p. #479#.
.fn-

.fn 2310
See Perrot, <lang=fr><cite>Hist. de l’Art</cite></lang>, i. p. 308.
.fn-

.fn 2311
See <cite>Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, No. 600, and
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 215. The bronze
plates were formerly made up into the
shape of a shield, with many restorations;
but on removing these, the true
form was discovered. The body of the
chair is modern.
.fn-

.fn 2312
<lang=it><cite>Mus. di Ant. Class.</cite></lang> i. p. 299 ff., with
many examples on pls. 9, 9<i>a</i>, 11-13.
Fig. #181:fig181# is from pl. 9, figs. 9, 9<i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 2313
H 148 in the British Museum is a
curious terracotta example, covered with
incised designs: see Benndorf, <lang=de><cite>Gesichtshelme
und Sepuleralmasken</cite></lang>, pl. 11, p. 42.
.fn-

.fn 2314
<cite>Cat.</cite> 3976-77.
.fn-

.fn 2315
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 219-220.
.fn-

.fn 2316
See Vol. I. p. #321:vol1_321#.
.fn-

.fn 2317
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1888, p. 174 ff.: see
also Endt, <lang=de><cite>Ion. Vasenm.</cite></lang> p. 71.
.fn-

.fn 2318
They also show the influence of the
“Pontic” class (Vol. I. p. #359:vol1_359#).
.fn-

.fn 2319
It may be compared with B 59 in
the same case (Plate XXVI.).
.fn-

.fn 2320
See Endt, <lang=de><cite>Ion. Vasenm.</cite></lang> p. 51;
Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 413.
.fn-

.fn 2321
B.M. B 61-74; Louvre E 754-81
(some of these do not show distinctive
Etruscan features, although made in
Italy); Naples 2522, 2717, 2757; Würzburg
81-2; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> 36. 1, 37,
1, and 43, 3; <i>id.</i> <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, 82, 3; Dubois-Maisonneuve,
<lang=fr><cite>Introd.</cite></lang> 34; Inghirami,
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Chins.</cite></lang> 72; Gsell, <lang=fr><cite>Fouilles de Vulci</cite></lang>,
pl. 18-9; <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1893, p. 87. According
to Endt, <i>loc. cit.</i>, about 200
examples are known. B 63 in the B.M.
is reproduced in Plate #LVIII:pl68#.
.fn-

.fn 2322
Another is given in <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>
x. pl. 51.
.fn-

.fn 2323
Bibl. Nat. 918 = Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>, ii.
frontispiece.
.fn-

.fn 2324
Reinach, i. p. 88.
.fn-

.fn 2325
Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pl. 38.
.fn-

.fn 2326
Cf. <lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> xi. pls. 4-5; also
Inghirami, <lang=it><cite>Vasi Fitt.</cite></lang> iv. 358.
.fn-

.fn 2327
Roberts, <cite>Gk. Epigraphy</cite>, i. p. 16
(<i>q.v.</i> for facsimile); <lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>
1882, p. 91.
.fn-

.fn 2328
Roberts, p. 17: for a facsimile see
Dennis, i. p. 271.
.fn-

.fn 2329
Roberts, p. 18.
.fn-

.fn 2330
Dennis, i. p. 273; Deecke, <lang=de><cite>Etr.
Forsch. u. Stud.</cite></lang> iv. (1883) p. 39.
.fn-

.fn 2331
Dennis, i. p. 172.
.fn-

.fn 2332
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. p. 224.
.fn-

.fn 2333
See for instances Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang>
pl. 55, 7; <i>ibid.</i> <lang=it><cite>Storia</cite></lang>, pl. 101; <lang=it><cite>Mus.
Greg.</cite></lang> ii. pl. 99.
.fn-

.fn 2334
Reinach, i. 203.
.fn-

.fn 2335
<i>E.g.</i> Fabretti, <lang=it><cite>C. I. Ital.</cite></lang> 2606, 2609.
.fn-

.fn 2336
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1831, p. 176: cf.
also Fabretti, Nos. 2222, 2583.
.fn-

.fn 2337
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 157.
.fn-

.fn 2338
<i>Ibid.</i> 152.
.fn-

.fn 2339
<lang=la><cite>Orat. ad Graec.</cite></lang> 1.
.fn-

.fn 2340
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 157.
.fn-

.fn 2341
The story is told by Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite>
xxviii. 16, and Plutarch, <cite>Poplicola</cite>, 13.
See Vol. I. p. #116:vol1_116#.
.fn-

.fn 2342
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiv. 33.
.fn-

.fn 2343
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 173; Vitr. ii. 8, 9.
.fn-

.fn 2344
<cite>Etruria</cite>, i. p. 12.
.fn-

.fn 2345
See Durm, <lang=de><cite>Handbuch d. Architektur</cite></lang>,
2. Theil, Bd. 2 (<lang=de><cite>Die Baukunst der
Etrusker</cite></lang>), p. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2346
See Wiegand, <lang=de><cite>Puteolanische Bauinschr.</cite></lang>
(<lang=de><cite>Jährb. für Philol.</cite></lang> Suppl.-Bd. 20,
p. 756 ff.); Borrmann in Durm’s <lang=de><cite>Handbuch</cite></lang>,
1. Theil, Bd. 4, p. 40.
.fn-

.fn 2347
For a recent restoration of an Etruscan
temple see Anderson and Spiers, <cite>Architecture
of Greece and Rome</cite>, p. 126.
.fn-

.fn 2348
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1887, p. 92 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2349
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1881, p. 48.
.fn-

.fn 2350
<lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>, 1898, p. 429 ff.; <cite>Class. Review</cite>,
1899, p. 329.
.fn-

.fn 2351
<lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>, 1896, p. 33.
.fn-

.fn 2352
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> Suppl. pls. 1-3.
.fn-

.fn 2353
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, B 626.
.fn-

.fn 2354
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, B 621-23: cf.
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1871, pl. 1. B 621 is illustrated
in Plate #LIX:pl59#.
.fn-

.fn 2355
Panofka, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten des k. Mus.</cite></lang>
pl. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2356
See Furtwaengler, <lang=de><cite>Meisterwerke</cite></lang>, p. 250.
.fn-

.fn 2357
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1882, pl. 15: cf. also
Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art Étrusque</cite></lang>, p. 324 (in
Louvre).
.fn-

.fn 2358
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 316.
.fn-

.fn 2359
Murray, <cite>Terracotta Sarcophagi</cite>, pls.
9-11.
.fn-

.fn 2360
<cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, No. 434, and
p. xlvii.
.fn-

.fn 2361
See p. 308, and Furtwaengler, <lang=de><cite>Meisterwerke</cite></lang>,
p. 250.
.fn-

.fn 2362
For full description of this sarcophagus
see <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, B 630;
Murray, <cite>Terracotta Sarcophagi</cite>, pls. 9-11,
p. 21. It is interesting to note that the
figures must be contemporaneous with
the Capitoline statues made by Volca.
.fn-

.fn 2363
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> vi. pl. 59; <lang=it><cite>Mon.
Antichi</cite></lang>, viii. pl. 13, p. 521 ff. (Savignoni).
The latter was found in the same
group of tombs as the painted slabs in
the Louvre described below.
.fn-

.fn 2364
Cf. <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, viii. p. 531.
.fn-

.fn 2365
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Ital. di Ant. Class.</cite></lang> i. p. 89 ff.,
pls. 3-7.
.fn-

.fn 2366
Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>, ii. p. 48.
.fn-

.fn 2367
Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art Étrusque</cite></lang>, pl. 4 =
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> vi.-vii. pl. 30; <cite>J.H.S.</cite>
x. pl. 7, p. 243 ff.; Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang>
ii. p. 412.
.fn-

.fn 2368
Cf. the Thermon metopes, $1<lang=grc>$2</lang>                         // Tr: Eph. Arch.
1903, pls. 2-6 (Vol. I. p. #92:vol1_92#).
.fn-

.fn 2369
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 799, 800.
.fn-

.fn 2370
This subject has been interpreted as
Kadmos (or Jason), contending with the
armed men who sprang from the sown
teeth of the dragon: see Dennis, <cite>Etruria</cite>^{2},
ii. p. 165.
.fn-

.fn 2371
See generally Brunn and Körte,
<lang=it><cite>I rilievi dell’ urne Etruschi</cite></lang>, 2 vols.; <cite>B.M.
Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 787-98.
.fn-

.fn 2372
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 795.
.fn-

.fn 2373
Martha, <lang=fr><cite>L’Art Étrusque</cite></lang>, p. 351;
<lang=de><cite>Ant. Denkm.</cite></lang> i. pl. 20; <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>,
D 786.
.fn-

.fn 2374
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> xi. pl. 1.
.fn-

.fn 2375
<lang=fr><cite>L’Art Étrusque</cite></lang>, p. 300.
.fn-

.fn 2376
Blue occurs on the B.M. sarcophagus
(B 630) (as also on the Polledrara hydria).
.fn-

.fn 2377
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 201 ff., 1899, p.
13 ff.; Patroni, <lang=it><cite>Ceramica Antica</cite></lang>, chap. i.,
and <i>id.</i> in <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, vi. p. 349 ff.:
see also Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 371.
.fn-

.fn 2378
A line drawn across from Taranto to
Fasano roughly divides the two districts,
the Peucetians being on the north, the
Messapians on the south.
.fn-

.fn 2379
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1897, p. 167.
.fn-

.fn 2380
For Marseilles see also Déchelette,
<lang=fr><cite>Vases Céramiques de la Gaule rom.</cite></lang> i. p. 7.
.fn-

.fn 2381
See also Reinach, ii. 242-43, for
those in the Imperial Museum at
Vienna.
.fn-

.fn 2382
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. F 414-16, 584-85.
.fn-

.fn 2383
See also Vol. I. p. #172:vol1_172#, Fig. #40:vol1_fig40#.
.fn-

.fn 2384
<lang=it><cite>Ceram. Ant.</cite></lang> p. 27.
.fn-

.fn 2385
<lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1881-82, pl. 19, p. 107.
.fn-

.fn 2386
<i>Ibid.</i> pls. 19, 21; <lang=fr><cite>Sale Cat. Hôtel
Drouot</cite></lang>, May 11, 1903, No. 20.
.fn-

.fn 2387
Serv. <i>ad</i> Virg. <cite>Aen.</cite> iii. 332.
.fn-

.fn 2388
<lang=it><cite>Ceramica Antica</cite></lang>, p. 19 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2389
Cf. <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, pl. 10, p. 222.
.fn-

.fn 2390
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1897. p. 168.
.fn-

.fn 2391
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1899, pl. 3, fig. 32.
.fn-

.fn 2392
Patroni puts the limits of date for
both fabrics at 600-450 <sc>B.C.</sc>
.fn-

.fn 2393
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1899, p. 46, pls. 4-5.
.fn-

.fn 2394
<lang=fr><cite>Louvre Cat.</cite></lang> ii. p. 372.
.fn-
.bn 369.png
.pn +1




.sp 4
.h3 id=ch19
CHAPTER XIX | <i>TERRACOTTA IN ROMAN ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE</i>

.pm start_summary
Clay in Roman architecture—Use of bricks—Methods of construction—Tiles—Ornamental
antefixae—Flue-tiles—Other uses—Inscriptions on
bricks and tiles—Military tiles—Mural reliefs—List of subjects—Roman
sculpture in terracotta—Statuettes—Uses at Rome—Types and subjects—Gaulish
terracottas—Potters and centres of fabric—Subjects—Miscellaneous
uses of terracotta—Money-boxes—Coin-moulds.
.pm stop_summary

.sp 2

The uses of clay among the Romans were, as may be supposed,
much the same as among the Greeks and Etruscans, in architecture,
in sculpture, and for household implements. The main
differences are that in some cases—as in architecture—its use
was more extensive at Rome, in others less; and that generally
the products of this material in Roman workshops are inferior
to those of the Greeks. But the technical processes are in
the main identical with those employed by the Greeks, and
consequently much that has been said in Chap. III. of this work
need not be here repeated.

.h4
I. <sc>Architecture</sc>

.h5
1. BRICKS AND TILES

The Romans divided the manufacture of objects in clay
into two classes: <lang=la><em>opus figlinum</em></lang> or fine ware, made from <lang=la><em>argilla</em></lang>
or <lang=la><em>creta figularis</em></lang>; and <lang=la><em>opus doliare</em></lang>, for tiles and common earthenware.[2395]
We begin, then, as in the chapter on the Greek uses
of clay, with the latter division, including the use of this
material in Roman architecture, and primarily in the making
.bn 370.png
.pn +1
of <b>bricks and tiles</b>. It must be borne in mind, however,
that the structural use of bricks of clay, such as we employ
at the present day, was unknown to the Romans; they only
used what we should call tiles, and even these were only
employed structurally, as a facing to walls and vaults of concrete;
no walls were ever built of solid brick, and even in
those of seven inches thickness the bricks are built on a core
of concrete. Nor were the bricks allowed to appear on the
outer face of the building, at least before the second century
of the Empire; they were always faced with a coating of marble
or stucco.

Nevertheless, the general use of bricks or tiles was most
extensive, and they were employed as tiles for roofing houses,
as bricks for walls and vaults, and even for columns, as slabs
for pavements, for furnaces and for covering graves, and in
tube form for conveying water or hot air; they are found in
temples, theatres, and baths, and are used for cisterns and
fountains, and in aqueducts and military fortifications. They
were called <lang=la><em>lateres</em></lang>, because, says Isidorus, “they were broad,
and made by placing round them four boards.”[2396] The kilns
were called <lang=la><em>laterariae</em></lang>, and the makers <lang=la><em>laterarii</em></lang>; to make bricks
was <lang=la><em>lateres ducere</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>fingere</em></lang>,[2397] or (with reference to the baking
only) <lang=la><em>coquere</em></lang>. The word <em>later</em> seems to be employed indiscriminately
for sun-dried (<lang=la><em>crudi</em></lang>) and baked bricks (<lang=la><em>coctiles</em></lang>),[2398] without
the qualifying epithet, but <lang=la><em>testa</em></lang> is also used when burnt brick
is intended.[2399] The sun-dried bricks were the earlier and simpler
form, used for building walls and cemented together with clay
or mud.[2400] Vitruvius in his account of brick-making (ii. 3)
only refers to this kind, and apparently never mentions baked
bricks except in passing allusions. He describes three kinds,
to which he says the Greeks gave the respective names of <lang=la><em>genus
Lydium</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>pentadoron</em></lang>, and <lang=la><em>tetradoron</em></lang> (see Vol. I. p. #95:vol1_95#). The
two latter are exclusively Greek, but the first-named, 1½ by
.bn 371.png
.pn +1
1 foot in dimensions, answers to the Roman <lang=la><em>tegula sesquipedalis</em></lang>.[2401]
A frequent arrangement, he says, was to employ
half-bricks in alternate courses with the ordinary sizes, which
served to bind the walls together and present an effective as
well as a stable appearance. This information is repeated by
Pliny, copying almost word for word.[2402]

Among the Romans two dimensions were in general use,
as may be inferred from the frequent mention in inscriptions
or elsewhere of the <lang=la><em>sesquipedales</em></lang> and of <lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang>,[2403] or two-foot
bricks, as we shall have occasion to show later. Being very flat
and thin in proportion to their size, these bricks rather resemble
tiles, as has been already noted; they are generally square,
or at least rectangular. But there were also <lang=la><em>tegulae bessales</em></lang>
or bricks measuring two-thirds of a foot square, <i>i.e.</i> about
8 inches, and triangular bricks, equilateral in form, with a length
varying from 4 to 14 inches. The latter are the kind used
in all existing Roman walls of concrete with brick facings.
The thickness varies from 1¼ to 2 inches. They are not
always made with mechanical accuracy, the edges being
rounded and the sides not always parallel. In military works
they were often used alternately with flint and stone (see
below, p. #337#), as we see them in England, at Colchester,
Dover, Verulam, and many other places.[2404] At Verulam the
tiles are arranged in three horizontal layers at intervals of
about 4 feet, with flint and mortar between. They were also
used for turning the arches of doorways, and for this purpose
<lang=la><em>tegulae bipedales</em></lang> were cut into pieces, so as only to tail a few
inches into the concrete which they cover. Complete squares
were introduced at intervals to improve the bonding.[2405]

The pillars of the floors of hypocausts were formed of
<lang=la><em>tegulae bessales</em></lang>, and sometimes also of two semicircular bricks
joined so as to form a circle, varying from 6 to 15 inches in
diameter.[2406] Occasionally the upper bricks diminished in size,
.bn 372.png
.pn +1
in order to give greater solidity to the structure. The bricks
or tiles forming the upper floors were from 18 to 20 inches
square; in some cases, as at Cirencester,[2407] these were flanged
tiles (see below).

The general size of Roman bricks was, in the case of the
<lang=la><em>sesquipedales</em></lang>, 1½ by 1 Roman foot; but variations are found, such
as 15 by 14 inches. For the <lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang> Palladius recommends 2 feet
by 1 foot by 4 inches. The great building at Trier known as the
Palace of Constantine is built of burnt bricks, 15 inches square
by 1¼ inch thick.[2408] Prof. Middleton notes tiles in Rome of 12, 14,
and 18 inches square,[2409] and Marquardt[2410] states that bricks found
in France measure 15 by 8 to 10 inches; others (the <lang=la><em>bessales</em></lang>)
8 by 8 by 3 inches. A complete circular brick, measuring
7½ inches across by 3¼ inches thick, and impressed with the
stamp of the eleventh legion, was found at Dolae near Gardun,
and is now in the museum at Spalato.[2411]

Vitruvius[2412] gives elaborate instructions about the preparation
of the clay for sun-dried bricks, and counsels in the first place
a careful choice of earth, avoiding that which was sandy or
stony or full of loose flints, which made the bricks too heavy,
and so liable to split and fall out when affected by rain; it
also prevented the straw from binding properly. Clay which
was either whitish or decidedly red (from a prevalence of
ochre) was preferred, and that combined with coarse sand
(<lang=la><em>sabulo masculus</em></lang>) made light tiles, easily set. The process of
manufacture was a very simple one. The clay was first carefully
cleaned of foreign bodies, and then moistened with water
and kneaded with straw. It was then moulded by hand or
in a mould or frame of four boards, and perhaps also pressed
with the foot.[2413] The bricks were then dried in the sun and
turned as required, the usual process also adopted in the modern
.bn 373.png
.pn +1
brickfield. Some bricks actually bear the marks of the feet
of animals and birds which had passed over them while the
clay was soft, and there is one in the Shrewsbury Museum
with the imprint of a goat’s feet. Others at York and Wiesbaden
show the nails of a boy’s shoes.[2414] These impressions
of feet (where human) may also be referred to the practice of
using the feet to knead the bricks.

The bricks were then ready for use, but were kept for two
years before being employed, otherwise they were liable to
contract, which caused the stucco to break off and the walls
to collapse. At Utica, Vitruvius tells us, they had to be kept
five years, and then could only be used if passed by a magistrate.
Altogether, much care was taken in their preparation, and it
was generally considered that spring and autumn were the
most favourable times for making them, probably because
they dried more slowly and were less liable to crack during
the operation. In summer the hot sun baked the outer surface
too fast, and this appeared dry while the interior was still
moist, so that when the inside dried the outside contracted
and split.[2415] It was also, of course, advisable to avoid seasons
of rain and frost. But the bricks could not be properly tested
until they had undergone some exposure to the weather, and
for this reason Vitruvius recommends the employment of old
roof-tiles where possible in building walls.[2416]

For baked bricks the processes must have been much the
same, with, of course, the addition of the baking in the furnace.
Existing Roman bricks are nearly always of well-tempered
clay and well baked; but the clay exhibits a great variety of
colour—red, yellow, and brown. The paste is remarkably hard,
breaking with an almost vitreous fracture, and sometimes
shows fragments of red brick (<lang=it><em>pozzolana</em></lang>) ground up with it
to bind it together, and prevent warping. This may be seen
in the Flavian Palace on the Palatine, and in an archway in
the Aurelian Wall near the Porta Latina. As an instance of
.bn 374.png
.pn +1
varieties of brick found in the same building, Nero’s Aurea
Domus may be cited.[2417] The durability of Roman tiles is
ascribed to their careful preparation and seasoning, which
give them a much longer life than modern tiles; hence they
were frequently used up again in early mediaeval buildings
and in Romanesque churches in England, as at St. Albans,
St. Mary-in-Castro, Dover, and St. Botolph’s and Holy Trinity,
Colchester.[2418]

During the period of the Republic private houses and
public buildings alike were built of unburnt brick in Rome, as
we learn from the words of Dio Cassius,[2419] Varro,[2420] and Cicero[2421];
Varro speaks of <lang=la><em>domus latericiae</em></lang>, and Cicero of “the
brick (<lang=la><em>latere</em></lang>) and concrete of which the city is constructed.”
After the Republican period this material was still employed
outside Rome with burnt-brick cornices,[2422] but even this was
exceptional. Pliny mentions walls of sun-dried bricks at
Arretium and Mevania.[2423] Henceforth, then, burnt brick was
employed more and more as Rome grew more populous.[2424] In
Vitruvius’ time (the beginning of our era) the materials
used for building were stone for substructures, burnt brick
(<lang=la><em>structura testacea</em></lang>) for the outer walls, concrete for the party-walls,
and wood for the roofs and floors. He explains the
cessation of the use of unburnt brick as due to the legal
regulations of his time, which prohibited party-walls of more
than 1½ foot in thickness, and unburnt bricks could only
support one story above them in that size.[2425]

Baths, either public or private, walls and military fortifications,
were built of bricks, the latter being thus better able to resist
attacks than if they were of stone. Temples, palaces, amphitheatres,
the magnificent aqueducts and the cisterns with
which they communicated, were also usually of this material.
Of these, numerous remains exist in Rome and other places,
such as Cumae and Pozzuoli. The aqueduct made by Nero
.bn 375.png
.pn +1
from the Anio to Mons Caelius is of brick, that of Trajan
partly so; the <lang=la><em>aqua Alexandrina</em></lang> of Severus Alexander
(A.D. 229) and that existing at Metz are wholly of brick, and
so are the <lang=la><em>castella</em></lang> or reservoirs made by Agrippa when he
constructed the Julian conduit over the Marcian and Tepulan.[2426]
It is true that Augustus boasted that he had found Rome
of brick and left it marble[2427]; but it must be remembered, firstly,
that Suetonius uses the term <lang=la><em>latericiam</em></lang>, which may denote
unburnt brick; secondly, that the phrase is probably to be
limited to public buildings and monuments, in which there
was an increased use of marble for pillars and roofs. For
walls brick and concrete continued to be used, as in private
buildings, with a covering of stucco in place of marble incrustation.

In the first century of the Empire brick-making was
brought to perfection, and its use became universal for private
and public buildings alike; the mortar of the period is also
of remarkable excellence. The Romans introduced brick-making
wherever they went; and even their legions when
on foreign service used it for military purposes. But of pure
brick architecture, as we see it, for instance, in the Byzantine
churches of Northern Italy, there was no question until comparatively
late times. It was always covered over with
marble or stucco until the second century of the Empire.
Examples of sepulchral buildings wholly in brick, of the time
of Hadrian, may be seen in the tomb before the Porta San
Sebastiano at Rome, known as the temple of Deus Rediculus.
This has Corinthian pilasters with a rich entablature, red
bricks being used for architectural members, yellow for the
walls; the capitals are formed of layers of bricks. Of
Hadrian’s time are also the guard-house of the seventh cohort
of Vigiles across the Tiber, of which a small part remains,
and the <lang=la><em>amphitheatrum castrense</em></lang> on the walls of Aurelian.[2428]

One of the most remarkable instances of Roman brick
.bn 376.png
.pn +1
construction is the Pile Cinq-Mars, as it is called, a tower
still standing on the right bank of the Loire, near Tours.
It is about 95 feet high and 13 feet square, expanding at
the base, being built of tiles to a depth of 3 feet each
side, with a body of concrete; the tiles are set in mortar
composed of chalk, sand, and pounded tiles. On one side
there are eleven rectangular panels with tile-work of various
patterns, like those on the flue-tiles (see p. #348#), and as also
seen on the Roman wall at Cologne; the patterns include
squares, triangles, and rosettes. The history and purpose of
this building are quite unknown.[2429]

At Pompeii bricks are used only for corners of buildings
or doorposts, and sometimes for columns, as in the Basilica
and the house of the Labyrinth.[2430] There are also late examples
of brick columns with capitals in tiers of bricks as in the
tomb mentioned above. Brick walls are not found, but bricks
occur as facing for rubble-work. These are less than an
inch thick, triangular in form, with the hypotenuse (about
6 inches long) showing in the face of the wall. Sometimes
fragments of roof-tiles are used (cf. p. #334#). The earlier
bricks contain sea-sand, and have a granular surface; the
later are smooth and even in appearance. Later, what is
known as <lang=la><em>opus mixtum</em></lang> (see below) is used, as in the entrance
of the Herculaneum gate; this implies courses of stone and
brick alternating,[2431] which, as we have seen, was common in
military works, as in the Roman walls in Britain. In this
country, owing to the absence of good material for concrete,
the use of stones or brick throughout for building was general
from the first; hence, too, the bricks are always flat and
rectangular in form (<lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang>).[2432]

The arrangement of triangular bricks (made by dividing
a medium-sized brick into four before baking), laid flat in
regular horizontal courses, is characteristic of the earliest
examples of Roman methods. It is found in the Rostra
(44 <sc>B.C.</sc>) and in the Regia (35 <sc>B.C.</sc>), the earliest existing
.bn 377.png
.pn +1
examples.[2433] The back wall of the Rostra is of concrete faced
with triangular bricks 1½ inch thick, the sides 10 inches
long. The same arrangement may be seen in the Pantheon,
in the Thermae of Diocletian, and in some of the aqueducts
(see below). The brickwork in the Pantheon was formerly
thought to belong to the building of Agrippa in 27 <sc>B.C.</sc>, but
has been now shown to belong to the second century.[2434] At
Ostia, in the temple of Honos and Virtus, the walls are built
of triangular bricks or with red and yellow bricks with
moulded cornices.

.il id=fig187 fn=fig187_377.jpg align=l w=200px ew=50%
.ca
<s>Section of Angle.</s>

FIG. 187. CONCRETE WALL,
<s>Faced with (<sc>A</sc>) <lang=la><em>opus incertum</em></lang>, (<sc>B</sc>) <lang=la><em>opus reticulatum</em></lang>. <sc>C</sc> shows the horizontal section, similar in both.</s>
.ca-

.il id=fig188 fn=fig188_378.jpg align=r w=275px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 188. CONCRETE WALL (VERTICAL SECTION), FACED WITH BRICK.

About the year 80 <sc>B.C.</sc> the method
known as <lang=la><em>opus reticulatum</em></lang> was introduced,
in which the bricks presented
square faces (about 4 inches each
way), and were arranged diagonally
to form a network pattern (Fig. #187:fig187#).
At Pompeii the <lang=la><em>opus reticulatum</em></lang>
dates from the time of Augustus;
it is laid on concrete, and the bricks
are small four-sided pyramids with
bases 3 to 4 inches square.[2435] This
method lasted down to about
<sc>A.D.</sc> 130 in Italy. It should,
however, be noted that it was commoner
in stone than in brick, the
latter material not having come into
general use for building at the time
when it was employed.[2436] But even
when tufa was used for the reticulated work, bricks or tiles
were used for quoins at the angles, and for bonding courses
through the walls, as well as for arches and vaults (Fig. #188:fig188#).
This combination of <lang=la><em>opus reticulatum</em></lang> and brickwork is well
illustrated in the palace of Caligula.[2437] In the case of vaults,
.bn 378.png
.pn +1
indeed, the use of brick seems to have been general, as in the
baths of Caracalla, and
many other buildings (cf.
Fig. #189:fig189#). Vitruvius[2438] advises
the use of <lang=la><em>tegulae
bipedales</em></lang> to protect the
wooden joists over the
vaults from being rotted
by the steam from the hot
bathrooms; they were to
be placed over the whole
under-surface of the concrete
vault, supported on
iron girders, which were
suspended from the concrete
by iron clamps or pins.
Over the whole was laid
a coating of cement (<lang=la><em>opus
tectorium</em></lang>) in which pounded
pottery was the chief constituent,
and this was
stuccoed.[2439]

.il id=fig189 fn=fig189_378.jpg align=l w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 189. CONCRETE ARCH; HALF WITH BRICK FACING REMOVED.

The <lang=la><em>opus mixtum</em></lang> (the
term is not classical) prevailed
regularly under the
later Empire, from the
fourth to the sixth century; the earliest example which can
be dated is the circus of Maxentius. It is also used in work
of the time of Theodoric.[2440]
The method of construction
is shown in Fig. #190:fig190#.
.bn 379.png
.pn +1

The reason for the limited use of brick in Rome may have
been the scarcity of wood for fuel for the kilns. But in any
case the pointed backs of the bricks made a good bonding
with concrete, and presented a large surface with a comparatively
small amount of clay. The secret of the wonderful
durability of Roman buildings is that each wall was one
solid coherent mass, owing to the excellence of the concrete.
In the Pantheon the concrete of the dome is nearly 20 feet
thick, the brick facing only about 5 inches. The character
of the brick facing often indicates the date of a wall, the
bricks in early work being thick and the joints thin; later, the
reverse is the case. But caution must be exercised in dating
on this principle, owing to the great variety of methods employed
during the same reign, and even in the same building.[2441]

.il id=fig190 fn=fig190_379.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Blümner</cite>.</s>
FIG. 190. DIAGRAM SHOWING CONSTRUCTION OF WALL OF OPUS MIXTUM.
.ca-

.tb

The word for a tile, <lang=la><em>tegula</em></lang>, is derived from <lang=la><em>tegere</em></lang>, to cover, or,
as Isidorus says, they are so called <lang=la><em>quod aedes tegant</em></lang>[2442]; the
.bn 380.png
.pn +1
curved roof-tiles were known as <lang=la><em>imbrices</em></lang> because they received
rain-showers (<lang=la><em>imbres</em></lang>). The maker of roof-tiles was known as
<lang=la><em>tegularius</em></lang>[2443] or <lang=la><em>figulus ab imbricibus</em></lang>.[2444] <lang=la><em>Tegulae</em></lang> or flat roof-tiles
were usually made with vertical flanges (2½ inches high) down
the sides, and these flanges, which fitted into one another
longitudinally, when placed side by side served to hold the
covering-tiles placed over them. There were also roof-tiles
known as <lang=la><em>tegulae deliciares</em></lang>[2445] and <lang=la><em>colliciares</em></lang>, which formed the
arrangement underneath the surface of the roof by means of
which the water was collected from the <lang=la><em>tegulae</em></lang> and carried off in
the front through spouts in the form of lions’ heads.[2446]

Besides the various rectangular forms we find triangular tiles
used, either equilateral or right-angled; semicircular or curved
tiles, used for circular walls, ovens, tombs, and cornices, or other
parts of buildings; cylindrical tiles (<lang=la><em>tubuli fictiles</em></lang>),[2447] which were
used for drains and conduits; and, finally, the rectangular hollow
flue-tiles, employed for hot air in hypocausts.[2448] Another form was
the <lang=la><em>tegula mammata</em></lang>, a plain square tile with four knobs or
breast-like projections (<lang=la><em>mammae</em></lang>), which was often used in party-walls
with the object of keeping out damp.[2449] The tiles were
inserted by the points of the projections into the concrete,
thus leaving a space between in which the warm air could
circulate freely.

Existing examples of tiles are composed of a compact dense
clay, less fine than that of the bricks, and of a pale salmon
or light straw colour when baked. They were probably made
in moulds—but these may only have been a couple of boards
placed together—and after being dried in the sun were baked in
kilns. The flanged tiles were, of course, produced by turning up
the edges before drying. Besides the arrangement described
above, it is probable that roofs were sometimes tiled in the
manner prevalent in the present day, with flat or curved tiles
.bn 381.png
.pn +1
overlapping like scales; and for this purpose the tiles seem to
have been pierced with holes at one corner, and so attached to
one another. The same method obtained in the Roman villas
in Britain, except that Stonesfield slate was used in place of
tiles. An inscription found at Niederbrunnen in Germany
speaks of <lang=la><em>attegia tegulicia</em></lang>, or huts roofed with tiles, erected in
honour of Mercury.[2450]

Tiles with turned-up edges or flanged tiles were principally
employed, as has been indicated, for roofing; but some were
also placed in walls where required, especially where a space
was required for the passage of air.[2451] They were also employed
for the floors of bath-rooms, in which case they were laid on the
<lang=la><em>pilae</em></lang> of the hypocaust in an inverted position, and the cement
flooring was laid upon them. The flanges are generally about
2¼ inches higher than the lower surface of the tile; they are
bevelled on the inner side in order to diminish the diameter of
the <lang=la><em>imbrex</em></lang>, but have no holes for nailing to the rafters. The
ends of the sides were cut away in order that the lower edge
of one tile might rest on the upper edge of the one adjoining.
Those found in France are said to be distinguished by the sand
and stones found in their composition.[2452] There are flange tiles
of red and yellow clay from the Roman Thermae at Saintes in
the Museum of Sèvres, and others from ancient potteries at
Milhac de Nontron, as well as tiles of red clay from Palmyra.[2453]
In the military <lang=la><em>castra</em></lang> in England flange tiles of a red or
yellow colour have been found, the latter with fragments of red
tiles mixed in the clay. They are also often found in the ruins
of villas. A flange tile from Boxmoor, Herts, now in the British
Museum, measures 15½ by 12 inches, the flange being 2¼ inches
high; and it will be seen that these dimensions correspond
roughly with the <lang=la><em>tegulae bipedales</em></lang>. Flanged tiles with holes in
them appear to have been used at Pompeii for lighting passages,
the flanges serving to keep out rain.[2454]

The <lang=la><em>imbrices</em></lang> or covering-tiles which held the flat tiles together,
.bn 382.png
.pn +1
thus rendering the roof compact, were quite plain, with the exception
of the end ones over the gutters. These were in the form
of antefixal ornaments like the Greek examples (Vol. I. p. #98:vol1_98#),
an upright semi-oval termination ornamented with a relief or
painted pattern, with an arched support at the back. Many
examples exist at Pompeii (see below), Ostia,[2455] and elsewhere;
but artistically they are far inferior to the Greek examples, and
of simpler design. Most of them have a simple palmette or
acanthus pattern in low
relief, but on or below
this an ideal head or the
head of a deity is sometimes
added, such as
Zeus Ammon, Medusa,
a Bacchic head, or a
mask, or even a figure
of Victory. Of the last-named
there is a good
specimen in the British
Museum (D 690 = Fig.
#191:fig191#); she carries a
trophy from the battle of
Actium, and stands on a
globe from which spring
two Capricorns (the
symbol of Augustus).[2456]

.il id=fig191 fn=fig191_382.jpg w=350px ew=75%
.ca
FIG. 191. ROMAN TERRACOTTA ANTEFIX: VICTORY WITH TROPHY
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
.ca-

No better example of
the various uses of ornamental tiles in architecture can be
selected than the remains found at Pompeii, which are exceedingly
numerous. Terracotta seems to have been used here
especially for such parts of the decoration as were exposed to
wet, as well-mouths, gutters, and antefixal tiles.[2457] A characteristic
feature of the decoration of Pompeian houses was the
.bn 383.png
.pn +1
trough-like gutter which surrounded and formed an ornamental
cornice to the <lang=la><em>compluvium</em></lang> or open skylight of the atrium and
peristyle, through and from which the rain-water was collected
in the <lang=la><em>impluvium</em></lang> or tank sunk in the ground below. These
were adorned with spouts in the form of animals’ heads or
foreparts,[2458] usually lions and dogs, with borders of palmettes
between; the gutter behind was virtually a long tank of
square section.

Antefixes and gutter-cornices, where they occur, must always
be regarded as serving ornamental rather than necessary purposes.
All early work in terracotta at Pompeii is of coarse
clay, but good execution; later, the reverse is the case. The
only public building in which many remains of terracotta tiles
and cornices have been preserved is the temple of Isis; but
the Basilica may also have had terracotta decoration. Many
fragments also remain from private houses, some actually <lang=la><em>in
situ</em></lang>, having been neglected by early explorers as unimportant.
In the house of Sallust a kymation cornice from one of the
garden courts has scenic masks forming the spouts; this is not
earlier than the rebuilding of the house <sc>A.D.</sc> 63. There is
also much terracotta work in the house of the Faun.[2459] Comic
masks were used both as spouts and as antefixes, the exaggerated
mouth of the mask serving admirably for the former
purpose.[2460] These date from the reigns of Nero and Vespasian,
and all seem to be from the same fabric, although there is
considerable variety in the types; the use of masks for these
purposes is not earlier than Nero’s reign (cf. the house of Sallust,
above). Besides the ornaments above mentioned the patterns
on the cornices include palmettes and floral scrolls, dolphins
and Gryphons.

The roof-tiles were of the usual kinds, flat oblong <lang=la><em>tegulae</em></lang>
with flanges, measuring 24 by 19 by 20 inches,[2461] with semi-cylindrical
<lang=la><em>imbrices</em></lang>. They were laid in lines parallel to the
long ridges of the roofs, so that the water converged into the
.bn 384.png
.pn +1
gutter-tiles at the angles, whence it fell into the impluvium.
These gutters, however, were not confined to the angles of the
openings, but were sometimes ranged along the whole length
of the sides, as we have seen; those at the angles only seem
to be earlier in date. They are not found on the exteriors
of buildings. The front of the gutter was usually in the form
of a vertical kymation moulding, but was sometimes simply
chamfered. Antefixal ornaments terminating the covering or
ridge-tiles are not invariable, but are found at different periods.
The earliest examples are in the form of palmettes, but the
later exhibit a great variety[2462]: comic masks, a head in low relief
on a palmette, or a head surmounted by a palmette. Of the
latter class thirty-eight were found in 1861. In the Augustan
period ideal heads of gods and demi-gods are sometimes
found.[2463]

Von Rohden, in summing up (p. 14), is of the opinion that
terracotta roof-decoration at Pompeii was <em>comparatively</em> rare. In
the whole record of excavations only twenty-three water-spouts
are mentioned, though it is probable that many were never
registered. In scarcely more than twelve private houses have
as many pieces been found as would suffice for the whole of the
atrium and peristyle roofs, and nearly all of these are of late
date. The discovery of isolated pieces in a house seems to
show that they were used up again in the restorations after
the earthquake of <sc>A.D.</sc> 63.

There are also some good examples of roof-tiles among those
which have been found at Ostia, both in baths and private houses;
some of the latter came from a house of which the brickwork
bore inscriptions with the names of consuls of Hadrian’s reign.
The arrangement of the roof-tiles is that described on p. #341#;
the antefixal ornaments are usually in the form of palmettes
or acanthus leaves, with maeander below; but heads of deities,
such as Venus and Neptune,[2464] or of Medusa, and tragic masks
were also found. Two exceptional examples had groups in
relief of Neptune drawn over the sea by hippocamps, and of
.bn 385.png
.pn +1
the statue of Cybele in the ship drawn by the Vestal Virgin
Claudia.[2465]

.tb

Tiles of the size known as <lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang> are also used for lining the
walls of rooms. They are found in Roman villas in Britain, and
are ornamented on one side with various incised patterns, made
with a tool in the wet clay. On some found at Ridgewell in
Essex the decoration consists of lozenges, rosettes, and other
ornaments,[2466] like those on the Pile Cinq-Mars already described;
they are often found covered with the stucco with which the
walls were plastered. At Pompeii, Orvieto, and elsewhere the
stucco-painted walls were constructed with <lang=la><em>tegulae mammatae</em></lang>
placed edgewise, and connected with the main walls by leaden
cramps, the brick lining being thus detached from the walls by
a narrow interval which served as an air-cavity.[2467] This was a
frequent proceeding, and was also contrived with flanged tiles;
it corresponds with the system prescribed by Vitruvius for
keeping damp from the painted walls of rooms.[2468] It was also
largely employed in baths and bathrooms, the object being
both to keep the walls dry and to allow hot air to circulate
from the hypocausts and warm the rooms. In the cold climate
of Britain the Romans found this a universal necessity, and
instances may be observed in many of their villas; but, as far
as can be observed, the general method of warming was by an
extensive system of pipes under the floors rather than up the
walls.[2469] These tiles are pierced with holes, by means of which
they were attached to the walls by plugs or nails of lead. In the
<lang=la><em>castrum</em></lang> at Jublains a chamber is yet partly standing with one of
its sides coated with tiles of this kind.[2470]

.il id=fig192 fn=fig192_386.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Middleton</cite>.</s>
FIG. 192. METHOD OF HEATING THE BATHS IN THE THERMAE OF CARACALLA.
.ca-
.fs 80%
.ta l:5 l:35
     A A |   Concrete wall, faced with brick, shown in vertical and horizontal sections.
     B   |   Lower part of wall, with no brick facing.
     C C |   <lang=la><em>Suspensura</em></lang>, or upper floor of Hypocaust, supported by pillars.
     D D |   Another floor, with support only at edges.
     E E |   Marble flooring.
     F F |   Marble plinth and wall lining.
     G G |   Under floor of Hypocaust, paved with large tiles.
     H H |   Horizontal and vertical sections of flue-tiles lining wall of Calidarium.
     <i>a a</i> |  Iron hold-fasts.
     J J |   Socket-jointed flue-pipe of Tepidarium.
     K   |  Rain-water pipe (in horizontal section).
     L L |  Vaults of crypt, made of pumice-stone concrete.
.ta-
.fs 100%

More commonly, however, a peculiar kind of tile was used for
warming the hot rooms (<lang=la><em>sudationes</em></lang>) of baths, and in villas when
required. They were hollow parallelopipeds, known as <lang=la><em>tubi</em></lang>,
.bn 386.png
.pn +1
with a hole in the side for the escape of the air which traversed
them, the usual dimensions being about 16 by 6 by 5 inches.[2471]
Seneca speaks of pipes inserted in walls, which allowed the
warmth to circulate and warm both the upper and lower stories
equally[2472]; and the younger Pliny mentions the air-holes
(<lang=la><em>fenestrae</em></lang>) in the pipes which warmed his bedroom, by means
of which the temperature could be regulated at pleasure.[2473]
Sometimes, as in the baths of Caracalla and the house of the
Vestals, the whole side of a wall was composed of flue-tiles
covered with cement,[2474] which was made to adhere by scoring the
.bn 387.png
.pn +1
sides with wavy or diagonal lines, as in the flat tiles described
above, and as is often done in modern building. The whole
system of heating, which may be seen in the baths of Caracalla,
is very instructive (Fig. #192:fig192#): the walls were of concrete
with brick facing, through which a system of flues of socket-jointed
tiles passes upwards from the hypocaust below, effectually
warming every part.[2475]

.il id=fig193 fn=fig193_387.jpg align=l w=175px ew=40%
.ca FIG. 193. FLUE-TILE WITH ORNAMENTAL PATTERNS.

The hollow tiles often assume a more ornamental appearance
(as in Fig. #193:fig193#), the patterns scratched
on them taking the form of lozenges and
diapers, chevrons, chequers, and rosettes, as
may be seen in a Roman villa at Hartlip
in Kent, where other tiles are simply
scored with squares.[2476] This villa is remarkable
for the extensive use of tiles
throughout; even the staircases are constructed
with them. Others found in
Essex and Surrey have dogs, stags, and
initial letters among foliage; one found
in London had among the wavy lines of
pattern the letters Px Tx[2477]; and another,
from Plaxtol in Kent, the local maker’s
name, <sc>CABRIABANTI</sc>.[2478] These hollow tiles,
which are generally of the same clay as
the roof-tiles, were also occasionally used
as pillars of hypocausts,[2479] but for this
purpose columns of <lang=la><em>tegulae bessales</em></lang> were
more usual, as Vitruvius implies.[2480] Many
examples may be seen in the Roman villas of Britain, as at
Cirencester, Chedworth, Lympne, and Wroxeter. In a villa
found at Carisbrooke, Isle of Wight, the whole bath was constructed
of tiles, the floor supported by <lang=la><em>pilae</em></lang> of the same.[2481] At
.bn 388.png
.pn +1
Bath the hollow tiles are actually used as <lang=la><em>voussoirs</em></lang> for arches
and vaults.[2482]

Through these chimneys—for this is what they practically
were—the hot air circulated and gave an imperfect warmth to
the rooms, the heat radiating from the walls or penetrating
through the air-holes.[2483] The pipes standing close to one another
virtually made up the wall; but the exact method by which the
warming was accomplished, without great inconvenience to the
occupiers of the rooms, is not quite clear. It is not difficult to
imagine that the tiles would have warmed rooms merely by
the introduction of hot air circulating through them, even
though covered with stucco. On the other hand, the apertures
for admitting the air into the rooms, if of any size, must also
have admitted smoke from the hypocausts, and interfered with
the ventilation. It may be that they were not made for this
purpose at all, but only for fastening the pipes together or to the
walls. Another difficulty is the method in which the flues
made their exit into the open air. It has been suggested,
partly on the analogy of a mosaic found in Algeria, that they
ended above in an arrangement like a chimney-stack. There is,
moreover, a terracotta roof-tile in the Museo delle Terme at
Rome with a circular pipe, 8 inches in diameter, projecting
from its upper surface.[2484]

Terracotta pipes, or <lang=la><em>tubuli</em></lang>, of cylindrical form, were sometimes
employed by the Romans for conveying or distributing
water, but the more usual material for this purpose, especially
for drinking-water, was lead; the latter were called <lang=la><em>fistulae</em></lang>.[2485]
The Venafrum inscription, an edict of the Emperor relating
to the water-supply of the town, mentions <lang=la><em>canales</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>fistulae</em></lang>,
and <lang=la><em>tubi</em></lang>.[2486] Vitruvius calls the <lang=la><em>canales structiles</em></lang>, implying that
they were of masonry.[2487] Pliny speaks of <lang=la><em>tubi fictiles</em></lang> used for
conduits from fountains,[2488] and Vitruvius recommends the use of
terracotta pipes (<lang=la><em>tubuli fictiles</em></lang>) in aqueducts.[2489] Examples of clay
.bn 389.png
.pn +1
piping are preserved in the Museo delle Terme at Rome. At
Marzabotto, near Bologna, terracotta pipes were used for carrying
off the water from the roof of a house, by means of a straight
tube through the wall fitting into another which curved
upwards inside.[2490] These date from the fifth century B.C. Other
examples have been found in Rome and Italy,[2491] and specimens
found on the Rhine were 21½ inches long, of which ¾ inch
was inserted into the adjoining pipe, and 3½ to 4½ inches
in diameter. Terracotta was also used for cisterns, as at
Taormina,[2492] and for aqueducts; but Lanciani has pointed out
that its use in these ways was confined to irrigating purposes.
The Campagna of Rome was formerly extensively drained
with these tiles, and owed to that circumstance much of its
ancient healthfulness.

Of the use of tiles in pavements there is frequent mention
in Roman writers.[2493] For this purpose complete tiles were
seldom used, at any rate in Italy; but in Britain it was not at
all uncommon, as in the villa at Hartlip already mentioned.
On the other hand, hypocausts were regularly paved with tiles,
as in the Baths of Caracalla (Fig. #192:fig192# above),[2494] and in an example
found at Cirencester, where the tiles are flanged.[2495] But in
another form tiles played a considerable part in Roman methods
of paving. Pliny and other writers[2496] speak of <lang=la><em>pavimentum
testaceum</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>opus signinum</em></lang> as the usual pavement for rooms,
especially those liable to damp, such as kitchens and outbuildings,
or for baths and cisterns. This was made of a
layer of fragments of tiles stamped and pounded into a firm
solid mass, combined with mortar. It corresponds to the
<lang=la><em>nucleus ex testis tunsis</em></lang> of Vitruvius, which (to a depth of six
inches) was laid on the <lang=la><em>rudus</em></lang> or coarser concrete. On this
was laid the flooring, consisting either of tiles or marble slabs,
.bn 390.png
.pn +1
or more generally of mosaic. The Baths of Caracalla again
afford a good illustration of the process.[2497] In the mosaics too
fragments of clay were often used, especially for producing
red or black colour.[2498] Vitruvius and other writers allude to
this practice,[2499] and the former also speaks of <lang=la><em>testacea spicata</em></lang>, a
kind of false mosaic made with small bricks about 4 inches by
1 inch, set on edge to form a herring-bone pattern. In the
Guildhall Museum is part of a tesselated pavement of concrete,
faced with small bricks about an inch square.

One of the most interesting uses of tiles by the Romans
is in connection with their tombs. Not only are they used
in the construction of the more magnificent edifices (cf. p. #336#),
but they were also often employed (as in Greece) for the
humbler graves. For the latter, three, or sometimes six,
<lang=la><em>tegulae bipedales</em></lang> were set up in the form of a prism, one
forming the floor, the other two the gabled covering which
protected the body from the superincumbent earth. Within
this were laid the <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang> or sepulchral urns which held the ashes
of the dead, and other vases. A tomb found at Litlington in
Cambridgeshire was covered with a large flanged tile, which
protected the pottery buried underneath[2500]; and at Eastlow
Hill in Suffolk a tomb was found roofed with twelve rows of
flanged tiles, each side in rows of four.[2501] In some of the tombs
of Greece belonging to the Roman period semi-cylindrical tiles
were used for this purpose. In the provinces the tiles often
have impressed upon them in large letters the names of the
legions which garrisoned the various cities. The tiles of
Roman tombs at York are inscribed with the names of the
sixth and ninth legions which were quartered there: as
<sc>LEG · VI · VICT · P · F</sc>, <lang=la><em>legio sexta victrix pia fidelis</em></lang>; <sc>LEG · IX ·
HISP</sc> (or <sc>VICT</sc>), <lang=la><em>legio nona Hispana</em></lang> (or <em>victrix</em>).[2502] At Caerleon
(Isca Silurum) the bricks bear the name of the second or
Augustan legion: <sc>LEG · II · AVG</sc>.[2503] The stations of the twentieth
legion may also be traced at Chester in this manner; the tiles
.bn 391.png
.pn +1
are inscribed <sc>LEG · XX · V · V</sc>.[2504] They were placed at the foot of
the tomb like tombstones, in order to indicate who was buried
beneath, the inscriptions being written across the breadth of the
tile. They are of very different dates, some of those in Britain
being apparently as late as the introduction of Christianity.

.tb

The extent to which bricks and tiles were used in Roman
buildings under the Empire may be gauged by the number of
those with inscriptions which remain; a whole section of the
Latin <lang=la><em>Corpus</em></lang> (see below) is devoted to those found in Rome
alone, numbering some two thousand. Many of them have been
removed to the museums from the principal edifices, such as the
Pantheon, the Coliseum, the Circus Maximus, the Baths of Titus
and Caracalla, the Basilica of Constantine, and the Praetorian
Camp. Other inscriptions have been found on tiles removed
from such buildings and used to repair the roofs of churches
in Rome. Such places as Bologna, Cortona, Tibur, and Ostia
have also produced numerous inscribed tiles of this class. The
use of such stamps was to guarantee the quality of the clay.
To the topographer, as will be seen, these stamps are often of
great value; and had the custom of placing on them the names
of the buildings for which they were intended been less rare,
they might often have afforded valuable evidence as to doubtful
sites. Besides their topographical value, the tiles also help to
settle the succession of consuls, and throw great light on the
economy of the Roman farms and the possessions of the great
landed proprietors. The uninterrupted series, extending from
the times of the Caesars to the age of Septimius Severus, of
names of proprietors, potters, and estates, tells much of the
internal condition of Italy, and of one of the sources of revenue
to the Roman nobility.[2505]

The stamps found on bricks and tiles are of four kinds—rectangular,
semicircular, circular, and crescent-shaped. The
inscriptions are in raised letters in all cases, but instances are
.bn 392.png
.pn +1
also known of incised inscriptions, written without frames across
the tile. After the time of Diocletian the only forms found are
square, circular, and octagonal; the square stamps always have
straight inscriptions. On the circular stamps the inscriptions
are placed in a circle, in one or two lines, and the beginning
is determined by a small cut-out circle at the edge of the
stamp, thus
.pm ii ornament_392_orbiculus.jpg 22 20 orbiculus '' ','
known as the <lang=la><em>orbiculus</em></lang>; apart from this
its object is uncertain. In later stamps the inscription often
reads backwards, or certain letters are reversed. The letters
were cut straight in a mould and lie in the plane of the surface,
being of rectangular section, not wedge-shaped, as in inscriptions
on marble. During the Republican period and the first century
of the Empire a plain “block” type is used; then the letters
become smaller and more elegant, with bars at the ends of
the <lang=la><em>hastae</em></lang>, as
.pm ii ornament_392_e_m.jpg 54 20 'E, M' '' ','
etc. Finally they show a tendency
about <sc>A.D.</sc> 200 to become broader and shorter:
.pm ii ornament_392_e_m_s.jpg 76 20 'E, M, S' '' '.'
At and after the time of Diocletian the forms become very varied.
Punctuation in the best period takes the form of a
.pm ii ornament_392_triangle.jpg 17 15 'triangle' '' ';'
afterwards the mark becomes vague in form. Ligatured
letters are rarely found after the time of Diocletian, but are
common in the best period; sometimes more than two
are combined.[2506] The stamps with which the letters were
made were usually of wood or bronze, but have not been
preserved.

In the centre of the stamp it was customary to place an
emblem or device of some kind, perhaps in view of a law which
obliged brick and tile makers to affix distinctive marks or emblems
on their bricks; but the devices are not peculiar to individual
workshops, and some potteries, such as the Terentian (see below),
used several. They may be compared with the countermarks or
small adjuncts on the coins of the Republic, and the seals and
stamps on the wine-amphorae of Thasos (Vol. I. p. #158:vol1_158#). Figures
of gods, such as Mars, Cupid, and Victory, animals, and even
groups of figures, occur, and after the third century Christian
emblems are often found. It is most probable that they were
merely ornamental and without significance, except in certain
.bn 393.png
.pn +1
cases of canting or punning allusions. Thus M. Rutilius Lupus
has a wolf; Flavius Aper a boar; Aquilia an eagle; C. Julius
Stephanus a wreath; and Aelius Asclepiades a serpent, with
reference to the god Asklepios.[2507]

.il id=fig194 fn=fig194_393.jpg align=l w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 194. STAMPED TILE (BRITISH MUSEUM).

The most complete stamps have the date of the emperor or
the consulship, the name
of the estates (<lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang>)
which supplied the clay,
that of the pottery where
it was baked (<lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang> or
<lang=la><em>officina</em></lang>), and that of the
potter who prepared it;
sometimes even of the slave
who moulded the tile, and
even its very dimensions.
Two typical examples may
be given from the British
Museum collection,[2508] of
which the first (Fig. #194:fig194#)
is said to have been found
in the Catacombs at Rome.
It has in the centre of the stamp a figure of Victory, round which
is the inscription in two lines, beginning with the outer band:

.in 4
.nf b
<sc>OPVS DOL</sc>(<i>iare</i>) <sc>DE FIGVL</sc>(<i>inis</i>) <sc>PVBLINIANIS</sc>
(<i>ex</i>) <sc>PREDIS AEMILIAES SEVERAES</sc>

“Pottery[2509] from the Publinian works, (the clay) from the estate
of Aemilia Severa.”
.nf-
.in

The other has no device, but the last word of the inscription is
in the centre:

.in 4
.nf b
<sc>IMP ANTONINO II E</sc>(<i>t</i>) <sc>BALBINO COS
D P Q S P D O ARABI SER</sc>(<i>vi</i>)
.nf-
.in
.in 4
.ti -2
“The Emperor Antoninus for the second time and Balbinus
consuls; from the estates (<lang=la><em>de praediis</em></lang>) of Q. Servilius Pudens,
pottery (<lang=la><em>doliare opus</em></lang>) from the hand of the slave Arabus.”
.in
.bn 394.png
.pn +1

The earlier stamps exhibit more method and precision; the
later betray comparative carelessness. In the latter the name of
the emperor sometimes occurs alone, and unusual expressions
are introduced. Contractions are invariable at all periods, and
even the consuls are sometimes only mentioned by initials;
but by comparison of examples it is possible to place them in the
right order. Those found in Rome cover the period from the
reign of Trajan to that of Theodoric (<sc>A.D.</sc> 500), but in other
parts of Italy they are found dating as early as 50 <sc>B.C.</sc> We
are told that Theodoric, when he repaired the walls of Rome,
made a present of twenty-five thousand tiles for the purpose,[2510]
and on the tiles bearing his name he is styled “The good
and glorious king,” with the additional exclamation, “Happy
is Rome!”[2511]

The estates on which the clay for the tiles was produced
are called <lang=la><em>possessiones</em></lang>; <lang=la><em>privata</em></lang> (private property); <lang=la><em>rationes</em></lang>
(shares); <lang=la><em>insulae</em></lang> (blocks); or more generally, <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang>. The
latter word, indeed, is almost invariably used down to the third
century, the others being more characteristic of the time of
Diocletian. The <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang> not only provided the clay, but in
some cases also contained the potteries. On some tiles <lang=la><em>fundus</em></lang>,
which means a country farm, is found. The proprietors of these
estates were imperial personages, persons of consular dignity or
equestrian rank, and sometimes imperial freedmen. Many
tiles give merely the name of the imperial estates, without
mentioning the reigning emperor; in the later ones, as in
the Basilica of Constantine, it is usual to find the expression
<sc>OFF · AVGG ET CAES NN</sc>, <lang=la><em>Officina Augustorum (duorum) et
Caesarum (duorum) nostrorum</em></lang>.[2512] Several names of the Antonines
occur; also Annius Verus and his wife Domitia Lucilla, the
parents of M. Aurelius. Septimius Severus owned many <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang>
which supplied bricks for his palace on the Palatine.[2513] The
Empress Plotina was evidently a large landed proprietor, and
we also find the names of Aelius Caesar (Hadrian’s adopted heir),
M. Aurelius, Faustina II., and Julia Procula. Among the names
.bn 395.png
.pn +1
of inferior proprietors, unknown to fame, occur Q. Servilius
Pudens, T. Statilius Severus, and L. Aemilius Julianus, priest
of the sun and moon.[2514] Such names as Q. Agathyrsus, Rutilius
Successus, and Sulpicius Servandus seem to denote imperial
freedmen; the first-named styles himself <sc>AVG · LIB</sc>.[2515]

A remarkable fact in connection with these inscriptions is the
prevalence of feminine names, the quantity of tiles on which
these are found being enormous. The causes are various,—partly
the renunciation by emperors of their private fortunes
in favour of their female relations; partly the proscriptions
which, from the failure of male heirs, caused estates to devolve
upon women; partly the gradual extinction of great families.
The important position held by freedmen under the Empire is
well known to the student of Roman history.

The potteries of the tile-makers were of two kinds—<lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang>
and <lang=la><em>officinae</em></lang>; but the former seems to be a wider and inclusive
term—that is to say, that one <lang=la><em>figlina</em></lang> included several <lang=la><em>officinae</em></lang>
or workshops. In the inscriptions, ex figlinis is usually followed
by the name of the owner, <lang=la><em>ex officinis</em></lang> by the name
of the potter (<lang=la><em>officinator</em></lang>). The former expression is by far
the commoner, and the latter (<sc>OF</sc> or <sc>OFFIC</sc>) is more usually
found on lamps and vases, although after the third century it
is invariable on the tiles. The <lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang> are always mentioned
in a subordinate manner to the <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang>, when both are mentioned,
as is usually the case. The potteries were mostly
outside the city, even at some distance. Localities are not
often mentioned, but we have the Salarian potteries on the
<lang=la><em>Via Salaria</em></lang>,[2516] and also mention of the <lang=la><em>Via Nomentana</em></lang>,[2517] and
such expressions as <lang=la><em>Ad Aureliam</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>Ad Mercurium felicem</em></lang>, or
<lang=la><em>Ad viam triumphalem</em></lang>. Stamps found in the walls along the
Appian and Latin ways show that potteries existed in the
direction of the Alban and Tusculan hills, and in other parts
of Latium, as at Praeneste and Ostia. On the north side
they extended as far as Narnia and Ocriculum[2518] on the Tiber.
They are also found in Etruria and Campania. Tiles from
.bn 396.png
.pn +1
Latium were exported to Liguria, the Adriatic, Sardinia, Africa,
Gaul, and Spain.

Usually a descriptive epithet is associated with the word
<lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang>, either of a geographical or personal character.
Examples of the former are Macedonianae, Rhodianae, and
Oceanae. The latter give either the name of an emperor,
as Neronianae, Domitianae; or a Gentile or family name, as
Favorianae,[2519] Furianae, Publinianae, Terentianae, or Voconianae.
One of the names which occurs most frequently is that of
L. Brutidius Augustalis, a freedman; others are stamped <sc>EX
FIGLINIS PRIMIGENI SERVI DNI NOSTRI IMP</sc>—“From the
potteries of Primigenius, slave of our lord the Emperor.”
Imperial slaves owned many potteries, and others were owned
by the emperors or other wealthy proprietors, and administered
by freedmen or slaves. The <lang=la><em>officinae</em></lang> served to distinguish the
functions of the different <lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang>. Thus the establishment of
M. Publicius Januarius, a freedman, is styled <lang=la><em>doliariae officinae</em></lang>;
or they are distinguished by separate names, as Claudianae,
Domitianae, and so on. The tiles from the potteries of Asinius
Pollio bear the name of C. Cosconius as maker, as do those
of Julia Procula’s potteries, being further distinguished as
<lang=la><em>doliares</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang>, and <lang=la><em>sesquipedales</em></lang>.[2520] It would appear that the
potteries of private proprietors were under the direction of
freedmen, while those of the imperial estates were chiefly
managed by slaves, from whose labours large revenues were
obtained.

There were many private potteries in Gaul and Germany.[2521]
In the neighbourhood of Saarbrück many tiles have been found
with the maker’s name, L. Valerius Labeius. Others with
private names have been found at Trier, one with the stamp
of the <lang=la><em>colonia</em></lang>. Several potters with Gaulish names are known,
and probably <sc>FIDENATIS</sc> on a tile at Zulpich, <sc>SECVNDANVS
F</sc>(<i>igulus</i> or <i>fecit</i>) and <sc>PACATVS F</sc> from Seligenstadt, refer to
craftsmen of that nationality.[2522] Often the master’s name only
.bn 397.png
.pn +1
occurs, of which possible instances are <sc>BELLICIANVS</sc> on a tile
from Caerwent, and <sc>PRIMV</sc>(<i>s</i>) on another from Colchester.[2523] In the
British Museum are tiles with the initials <sc>T · P · F · A, T · P · F · C</sc>,
<sc>T · P · F · P</sc>, from Rodmarton in Gloucestershire.[2524] Tiles found
in the provinces also have the maker’s name simply, without
indications of date or the owner of the pottery, as on those
from Seligenstadt already cited. The makers must in all
cases have been of inferior condition, as implied in the
example already quoted of the slave Arabus (p. #354#); and
other names—Daedalus, Peculiaris, Primigenius, Zosimus—belong
to the same rank of life. Yet the occurrence of a
single name for a private individual is everywhere very common.
On the other hand, imperial slaves usually have two names
given, and freedmen three.[2525]

On the tiles of the freedmen of the Gens Domitia (dating
about the reign of Hadrian) is frequently stamped the formula
<sc>VALEAT QVI FECIT</sc>, “May he who made it prosper,” with
the name of the representative of the family in the genitive.[2526]
On other tiles we find such expressions as <sc>VTAMVR FELICES</sc>,
“May we use it and be happy”[2527]; <sc>FORTVNA COLENDA</sc>,
“Fortune is to be worshipped” (a second-century tile)[2528]; and
on others of post-Diocletian date, <sc>VRBIS ROMAE</sc>, “The city
of Rome”[2529]; <sc>SECVLO CONSTANTINIANO</sc>, “The age of Constantine”;
<sc>FELIX ROMA</sc> (on the tiles of Theodoric), “Happy
is Rome.”[2530] Even on sepulchral tiles of late Imperial times
are stamped such aspirations as, <sc>VTI FELIX VIVAS</sc>, “May you
live happily.”[2531]

.il id=fig195 fn=fig195_398.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 195. INSCRIBED TILE FROM LONDON (GUILDHALL MUSEUM).

Again, memoranda are found incised on the tiles, as on one
at Hooldorn in Holland, <sc>KAL · IVNIS · QVARTVS LATERCLOS
N</sc>(<i>umero</i>) <sc>CCXIIII</sc>, “Quartus (made) 214 tiles on the first of
June”; and on another, found in Hesse in 1838, <sc>STRATVRA
TERTIA LATERCVLI CAPITVLARES NVM · LEG · XXII</sc>, “In the
third layer large tiles of the number of the twenty-second
.bn 398.png
.pn +1
legion.”[2532] A tile found in Hungary had scratched upon it
two metrical lines in cursive writing:

.pm onpoem
<lang=la><em>Senem severum semper esse condecet</em></lang>
<lang=la><em>Bene debet esse povero</em></lang> (sc. <lang=la><em>puero</em></lang>) <lang=la><em>qui discit bene</em></lang>[2533];
.pm offpoem

and on others names such as Tertius, Kandidus, Verna, were
incised.[2534] Idle boys in the brickfields often seem to have
scratched the alphabet or other words in the soft clay, and
complete Roman alphabets are found at Hooldorn[2535] and Stein
on the Anger[2536]; the letters <sc>I K L M</sc> on one at Winchester[2537];
on another at Silchester is ... <sc>E PVELLAM</sc>.[2538] On a tile in
the Guildhall Museum (Fig. #195:fig195#), found in Warwick Square, E.C.,
are the words <sc>AVSTALIS | DIBVS · III | VAGATVRSIB | COTIDIM</sc>,
of which no satisfactory translation has been given, but it has
been usually regarded as the gibe of a fellow-workman at
a devout individual.[2539] On another, now at Madrid, the first
.bn 399.png
.pn +1
two lines of the <cite>Aeneid</cite> are written in excellent cursive
characters of the first century after Christ.[2540]

The Roman tiles, if rightly used, are found very useful for
judging the dates of buildings. For instance, a study of those
in the Pantheon showed that the walls were neither the original
ones nor those built by Agrippa in 27 <sc>B.C.</sc>, but were restored
in the second century or supplied then with new brickwork.
On the other hand, the stamps from the Flavian amphitheatre
and Thermae Antoninianae confirm the dates of those buildings.
Those tiles which bear the name M. Aurelius Antoninus as
consul[2541] seem to be the Emperor Caracalla’s. In the time of
Diocletian the dates cannot be definitely ascertained, but
before his time the shape of the stamp is a good criterion.
Rectangular stamps are found in the best period, and in the
first century <sc>B.C.</sc> only one line of inscription is usual. Two
lines denote the period 50–100 <sc>A.D.</sc> or later; semicircular or
lunate forms came into use under Claudius, and lasted to the
end of the first century; perfect circles belong to the same
period. The type with the cut-out <lang=la><em>orbiculus</em></lang> came in about
Nero’s reign, and the size of the <lang=la><em>orbiculus</em></lang> gradually diminishes
down to that of Severus, while the inscriptions gradually
increase in length.[2542]

A considerable number of the Roman tiles are inscribed
with the names of the consuls of the current year in which
they were made, presenting a long and interesting series, from
the consulship of L. Licinius Sura and C. Sosius Senecio
(<sc>A.D.</sc> 107) to that of Severus Alexander (<sc>A.D.</sc> 222). Many of
these consulships do not, however, appear to have been
recorded in the regular <lang=la><em>fasti consulares</em></lang> or official lists, and
they were probably <lang=la><em>suffecti</em></lang>, whose names were not recorded
after their temporary elevation. It seems likely that the
occurrence of consuls’ names implies that such tiles were
destined for public buildings, and were so marked to prevent
their being stolen with impunity. They are fewer in number
than those which have merely the names of <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang> or potteries,
but are yet sufficiently numerous to be an invaluable
.bn 400.png
.pn +1
aid in tracing the succession for upwards of sixty years.
Inscriptions of this class are only found on <lang=la><em>opus doliare</em></lang>, and
chiefly in Italy. Their appearance is probably due to some
law passed by the Senate about the reign of Trajan to regulate
the potteries. As an example may be given a tile from
Hooldorn in the Netherlands, inscribed <sc>SVB · DIDIO · IVLIANO ·
COSS</sc>[2543]; the date is <sc>A.D.</sc> 179, the name being that of the future
emperor (<sc>COSS</sc> is a mistake for <sc>COS</sc>).

The following examples are taken from Dr. Dressel’s scheme
of the chronological order of the stamps,[2544] and show the style
of inscription characteristic of the different periods:

I. First century after Christ.

.in 8
.ti -6
1.\  (<i>a</i>) With name of master only (either of <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang> or
<lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang>):

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>Asini Pollionis.</em></lang>

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) With name of <lang=la><em>officinator</em></lang> or potter:

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>C. Cosconi.</em></lang>

.ti -6
2.\  (<i>a</i>) Master and potter (often a slave):

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>Felicis Domiti Afri.</em></lang>

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) Master and <lang=la><em>conductor</em></lang> (lessee of the pottery), or
potter:

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>Tegula C. Cosconi, figuli Asini Pollionis.</em></lang>

.ti -6
3.\  (<i>a</i>) Master, potter, and name of pottery:

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>Amoeni duorum Domitiorum Lucani et Tulli,
ex figlinis Caninianis.</em></lang>

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) Master, lessee or potter, name of pottery:

.ti +2
<lang=la><em>T. Grei Ianuari ex figlinis Caninianis duorum
Domitiorum.</em></lang>
.in

II. Second century to third century.

.in 8
.ti -6
1.\  (<i>a</i>) <lang=la><em>Ex praedis L. Memmi Rufi.</em></lang>

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) <lang=la><em>Opus doliare L. Bruttidi Augustalis.</em></lang>

.ti +1
<lang=la><em>L. Lurius Martialis fecit.</em></lang>
.bn 401.png
.pn +1

.ti -6
2.\  (<i>a</i>) <lang=la><em>Ex figlinis</em></lang> (vel <lang=la><em>praedis</em></lang>) <lang=la><em>Domitiae Lucillae, opus
doliare Terti Domitiae Lucillae</em></lang> (vel <lang=la><em>ab Tertio
servo</em></lang>).

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) <lang=la><em>C. Comini Proculi ex praedis Domitiae Lucillae.</em></lang>

<lang=la><em>Ex figlinis Q. Asini Marcelli doliare opus fecit C.
Nunnidius Fortunatus.</em></lang>

<lang=la><em>Opus doliare ex praedis domini n(ostri) ex conductione
Publiciaes Quintinae.</em></lang>

.ti -6
3.\  (<i>a</i>) <lang=la><em>Ex figlinis</em></lang> (vel <lang=la><em>praedis</em></lang>) <lang=la><em>Caepionianis Plotiae
Isauricae, fornace Peculiaris servi.</em></lang>

.ti -3
(<i>b</i>) <lang=la><em>Opus doliare ex praedis duorum Augustorum nostrorum,
figlinis Domitianis minoribus, Fulvi
Primitivi.</em></lang>
.in

During the greater part of the third century chronological
indications are absent, but about the time of Diocletian the
practice of signatures is revived. The inscriptions, however,
differ now from the earlier ones, not only in the forms of the
letters and of the stamp, but also in style; they are less regular
in form, and present several peculiarities. The expressions
<lang=la><em>opus doliare</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>ex figlinis</em></lang> are now no longer found, and in
place of the latter <lang=la><em>officina</em></lang> is invariable. Many of the <lang=la><em>officinae</em></lang>
are the same as in the former period, but new ones, such as the
Britannica, Claudia, Gemella, and Jobia, occur, the latter with
the <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang> Diocletiana. <lang=la><em>Officina</em></lang> is sometimes used twice
over, for the pottery and for the workshop. In place of <lang=la><em>praedia</em></lang>
we have such expressions as <lang=la><em>statio</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>rationes</em></lang>, or <lang=la><em>possessiones</em></lang>.
Formulae are introduced in an abbreviated form which give
the method of administration or character of the estates: as
<sc>R · S · P</sc>, <lang=la><em>ratio summae patrimonii or privatae</em></lang>; <sc>S · P · C</sc>, <lang=la><em>stationis
patrimonii Caesaris</em></lang>; <sc>S · R</sc> for <lang=la><em>summae rei or stationis Romanae</em></lang>;
<sc>S · P</sc> for <lang=la><em>summae privatae</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>stationis patrimonii</em></lang>; <sc>S · R · F</sc> for
<lang=la><em>sacrae rationis fisci</em></lang>; or simply <sc>S</sc> for <lang=la><em>stationis</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>summarum</em></lang>.[2545]
Apparently several <lang=la><em>stationes</em></lang> might be united in one <lang=la><em>officina</em></lang>, or
several <lang=la><em>officinae</em></lang> in one <lang=la><em>administratio</em></lang>; the number of the <lang=la><em>statio</em></lang>
is given in some instances. The name of the <lang=la><em>statio</em></lang> may be
.bn 402.png
.pn +1
replaced by that of the potter; or merely the <lang=la><em>administratio</em></lang> is
given, as <sc>OFF · PRIVATA</sc>. Besides the names of master, lessee,
and potter, that of the <lang=la><em>negotiator</em></lang> is sometimes mentioned. We
also find the <lang=la><em>portus</em></lang> or depôt in which the <lang=la><em>tegulae</em></lang> were stored
for distribution, as <sc>PORTU LICINI</sc>,[2546] or the name of the building
for which they were destined, as <sc>PORTVS AVGVSTI</sc>,[2547] <sc>CASTRIS
PRAETORI</sc>(<i>s</i>) <sc>AVG</sc>(<i>usti</i>) <sc>N</sc>(<i>ostri</i>), <sc>HORREIS POSTVMIANIS</sc>.[2548] Some
tiles dug up in Lambeth Hill, London, on the site of the
Post Office, now in the British and Guildhall Museums,[2549] were
impressed with the letters <sc>P · P · BR · LON</sc> or <sc>PR · BR · LON</sc>
(Fig. #196:fig196#), which have been interpreted
as <lang=la><em>publicani provinciae Britanniae
Londinienses</em></lang>.[2550]

.il id=fig196 fn=fig196_402.jpg align=r w=175px ew=30%
.ca FIG. 196. INSCRIBED TILE FROM LONDON.

Tiles made for military purposes
are exceedingly common in the later
period, and the stamps probably had
a double use. In the first place, they
show that they were made by the
soldiers, from which we learn that in
the legions, as in a modern army,
there were many men acquainted
with handicrafts. Secondly, they
prevented theft or removal of the tiles,
and served as a “broad arrow” to
denote public property. They are not, of course, found in
Rome, where there was no necessity for the legions to make
bricks or tiles; here the camp seems to have been supplied by
private individuals.

Of special interest are the inscriptions stamped on tiles which
relate to the military divisions stationed throughout the provinces
of the vast empire. These are found in soldiers’ graves (see
above, p. #351#), as well as in their camps and quarters; they
contain the names and titles of the legions, and mark the
extent of Roman conquest. Thus the route of the thirty
.bn 403.png
.pn +1
legions through Germany has been traced; and in Britain
an examination and comparison of such tiles shows the distribution
of military force and the migrations of different
legions from one quarter to another. The stamps are in the
form of long labels (<lang=la><em>tesserae</em></lang>), circles, or crescents, occasionally
surrounded by a wreath, or else in the shape of a foot,
an ivy-leaf, or a vase; the letters are in relief, sharply impressed,
as if from a metal die. The names and titles of the
legions are given either in initials or in contractions, as
<sc>LEG · II · P</sc>(<lang=la><em>arthicae</em></lang>), and so on (see above, p. #351#); sometimes the
potter’s name is added, with <sc>FIGVLVS</sc> or <sc>FECIT</sc>.[2551]

The tiles of the first legion have been found at Mainz and
Nimeguen; those of the second, or Parthian, at Darmstadt,
Ems, Hooldorn, Caerleon, and the Lake of Nemi[2552]; of the
third, in Scotland; of the fourth, at Mainz; of the fifth, in
Scotland, and at Baden, Cleves, Xanten, and Nimeguen; of the
sixth, at Nimeguen, Neuss, Aix-la-Chapelle, Darmstadt, and
Windisch; the seventh, at Aix-la-Chapelle and Xanten; the
eighth, at Mainz, Baden, and elsewhere; the ninth, at Baden
and York; the tenth, at Nimeguen, Hooldorn, Vienna, and
Jerusalem; the twentieth, at Chester[2553]; and so on down to
the thirtieth.[2554] At Bonn tiles have been found of the <lang=la><em>Legio
Cisrhenana</em></lang> on the left bank of the Rhine, and of the <lang=la><em>Legio
Transrhenana</em></lang> on the right bank. Cohorts have also left their
names on tiles: the second Asturian at Acsica on the Roman
Wall[2555]; the fourth (<lang=la><em>Breucorum</em></lang>), at Huddersfield[2556]; the fourth
Vindelician, at Frankfurt, Mainz, and Wiesbaden[2557]; the Ulpian
Pannonian at Buda-Pesth.[2558] The <lang=la><em>vexillationes</em></lang>, whose main
body was at Nimeguen, are similarly recorded; a British
<lang=la><em>vexillatio</em></lang> was attached to the army at Hooldorn[2559] and Nismes,
.bn 404.png
.pn +1
and another to that of Lower Germany, as instanced by tiles
inscribed <sc>VEX · EX · G · INF</sc> (<lang=la><em>vexillatio exercitus Germaniae
inferioris</em></lang>), found at Utrecht and Nimeguen in the Netherlands,
and at Xanten in Germany.[2560] Tiles of the British fleet, <sc>CL</sc>(<i>assis</i>)
<sc>BR</sc>(<i>itannica</i>), have been found at Boulogne, Lympne, and Dover.[2561]


.h5
2. TERRACOTTA MURAL RELIEFS

Terracotta <b>mural decoration</b> was largely employed by the
Romans for the interior and exterior of their buildings, in the
form of slabs, ornamented with reliefs, which were placed round
the impluvium or on the walls. Sometimes they seem to have
formed a sort of hanging “curtain” round the lower edge of
the cornice, as the open-work patterns along the edges seem to
imply, a method of decoration which we have already met with
at Civita Lavinia (Vol. I. p. #101:vol1_101#), where also the hanging slabs
are bordered with patterns in outline or open-work. But, as
also at Civita Lavinia, these slabs seem to have been frequently
used as <lang=la><em>antepagmenta</em></lang>,[2562] being pierced with holes, which imply
that they were nailed against the walls. In the Casa dei Cecilii
at Tusculum there is evidence that they were used as wall-friezes,[2563]
and those found at Pompeii (where they are very rare)
also have holes for fastening to walls. It may be to the first-named
variety that Festus refers when he speaks of <lang=la><em>antefixa</em></lang> of
fictile work which are affixed to the walls underneath the gutters.[2564]
There is also a reference to them in Cicero, who, in writing to
Atticus, says, “I entrust to you the bas-reliefs (<lang=la><em>typos</em></lang>) which I
shall insert in the cornice of my little atrium.”[2565]

The slabs are usually about 18 inches long by 9 or more
high, and 1 to 2 inches thick; they have nearly all been
found at Rome, but specimens are also known from Civita
Lavinia, Cervetri, Nemi, Pompeii, and Atri in Picenum.[2566] The
.bn 405.png
.pn +1
British Museum possesses a very fine series, numbering, with
fragments, one hundred and sixty, nearly all of which were
collected by Mr. Charles Towneley at Rome[2567]; and there is
an equally fine collection in the Louvre, which came from
Signor Campana, who devoted a large work to the illustration
of them.[2568] Other good examples, some of which were found in
the Baths of Caracalla, are in the various collections at Rome.[2569]

The reliefs were evidently cast in moulds, as many subjects
are repeated over and over again, or at least with only slight
differences; moreover, the relief is low, with sharp and definite
outlines, such as a mould would produce. Among the British
Museum examples a group of Eros, a Satyr, and a Maenad is
repeated in three cases (D 520-522), with no variations except
in the colouring; another of Dionysos and Satyr three times
(D 528-530), with only one small variation. It is evident that
in the latter, as in some other cases, the relief had been retouched
before baking. Reliefs entirely modelled are of much rarer
occurrence, but exhibit considerable artistic feeling and freedom,
as in an instance in the British Museum (D 651), which represents
the sleeping Endymion; the hair is so fine and deeply cut that
it could not possibly have been produced from a mould. The
moulds may have been made of various materials—wood, stone,
metal, or gypsum, as well as terracotta. Circular holes are left
in the slabs for the plugs—usually of lead—by which they were
attached to the woodwork or masonry. The clay varies in
quality and appearance, being often coarser than that of Greek
reliefs, and mixed with coarse sand in order to make it stronger
and more durable; in tone it varies from a pale buff to dark
reddish-brown. Traces of colouring are often found on the
slabs,[2570] and the background in some cases (as B.M. D 577,
623) was coloured a bright blue; the figures, or more often
details such as hair, etc., were usually painted red, yellow,
.bn 406.png
.bn 407.png
.bn 408.png
.pn +1
purple, or white. These colours are not fired, as in the earlier
terracotta reliefs, but painted in <lang=la><em>tempera</em></lang>, and their use is
entirely conventional. The slabs are ornamented above and
below with bands or cornices in the form of egg-and-tongue
mouldings, or a system of palmettes and intersecting arches;
these are sometimes in low relief on a band, sometimes partly
in outline or open-work.

.pm onplate LXI
.il id=pl61 fn=plate61_406.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Roman Mural Reliefs.</sc>

<s><sc>1. Zeus and the Curetes; 2. Dionysos in the Liknon-Cradle (British Museum).</sc></s>
.ca-
.pm offplate

The figures are mostly in low relief, being usually grouped
with large flat surfaces between, in the manner of Hellenistic
art; in some cases the design is composed in such a way that
the whole surface (except the principal figures) is occupied by
patterns of scroll-work or foliage, more or less conventional.
The compositions are either in the form of narrow friezes,
usually with rows of busts or figures of Cupids, or square
metope-like groups with two or three figures on a large scale.
For the narrower slabs the busts were preferred, owing to the
scope they gave for high relief, which better suited the distance
from the eye; but this rule is not invariable. The style is, in
general, bold and vigorous, and, though essentially architectural,
not devoid of dignity and beauty; but it is somewhat conventional,
and at times even archaistic.[2571] Those found at Pompeii
are usually of remarkably good style, especially the Nereid
frieze,[2572] with its rich colouring. These are earlier than the
earthquake of A.D. 63, and probably belong to the Augustan
period, to which also the majority may be assigned. On one
or two names of potters are found, such as Annia Arescusa(na)
and M. Antonius Epaphras in the British Museum.[2573]

The subjects on these reliefs cover a very wide field, almost
as wide as those on the painted vases, and quite as wide as those
on the Roman lamps. In many cases they are doubtless copies
of well-known works of art, and may even go back to prototypes
of the fifth century, as in the case of a figure of a girl in
the British Museum (D 648), or one of Eros, conceived as a
full-grown youth, in the Campana collection.[2574] Others, again,
present points of comparison with the Hellenistic reliefs, as is
.bn 409.png
.pn +1
the case with that representing the visit of Dionysos to a mortal
(B.M. D 531). Lastly, we find in the reliefs, as also on the
Arretine vases (below, p. #492#), a series of types closely related to
the New Attic reliefs, in which it was sought to revive an older
style[2575]; among the types borrowed from these originals are
Maenads in frenzy or dancing in various attitudes,[2576] and the
figures of the four Seasons.[2577] Among those which reflect the
character of their time rather than the spirit of Greek art, we
have representations of Egyptian landscapes, or Egyptian deities
and emblems; scenes from the circus or gladiatorial arena;
and quasi-historical subjects, such as triumphs over barbarian
enemies. Of mythological subjects, the most popular are
Dionysiac scenes or groups; next to these, Apollo, Aphrodite,
Eros, and Victory. Heroic legend is represented by the labours
of Theseus, Herakles, Perseus, and Jason, and occasional scenes
from the <cite>Iliad</cite> and <cite>Odyssey</cite>. Lastly, there are a certain
number which are purely decorative, with a single figure of
Eros or Victory (treated in archaistic fashion), or an ideal
head surrounded by elaborate and graceful scrolls or acanthus
foliage; others, again, have conventional groups of two priestesses
or canephori, with a candelabrum or a foliated pattern between
(Plate #LXII:pl62#.), a mask between two Cupids, and so on. Even
the figures in some cases tail off into conventional patterns.[2578]

To mention a few of the more interesting subjects in detail,
it may suffice to quote examples from the two best-known
collections—those of the British Museum and Louvre. Beginning
with the Olympian deities, we have the infant Zeus in the cave
on Mount Ida, protected by the Curetes, who dance above him,
wielding swords and shields (Plate LXI.); in one instance he
is in his nurse’s arms.[2579] On a narrow frieze the busts of Zeus,
Ares, Hera, and Athena are represented[2580]; Apollo receives a
libation from Victory,[2581] or a warrior consults his oracle, indicated
by a bird in a cage[2582]; Aphrodite is seen riding on a sea-horse
.bn 410.png
.pn +1
or on a goose.[2583] Eros or Cupid appears in various attitudes and
combinations of figures: flying, embracing Psyche, or being
embraced by a Satyr; accompanying Aphrodite, Triton, and the
Nereids; a pair on either side of a mask of Triton or Medusa;
or a group of three struggling under the weight of a heavy
garland of fruit and flowers.[2584] Busts or masks of Demeter,[2585] Zeus
Ammon, and Triton are also found; a group of Aphrodite and
Peitho; and the three Eleusinian deities, Demeter, Persephone,
and Iacchos.[2586]

The Dionysiac scenes are very frequent, though often of little
interest, and mere groups without definite action. The best
known is the reception of Dionysos in the house of a mortal,[2587]
a subject formerly interpreted as his reception by Ikarios at
Athens (cf. p. #139#); this type is remarkable for its rich and
elaborate composition, probably derived from a Hellenistic
original. A very effective composition is that of a dancing Satyr
and Maenad swinging the infant Dionysos in a <lang=grc>λίκνον</lang> (<lang=la><em>vannus</em></lang>)       // Tr: liknon
or winnowing-van, which serves as his cradle (Plate #LXII:pl62#.).[2588]
Among other scenes may be mentioned Dionysos giving drink
to a panther; two Satyrs standing on tiptoe to peep into a
laver; Satyrs gathering or pressing grapes (of which many
replicas exist), or working an oil-press; Ampelos (the personified
vine) between two Satyrs[2589]; Bacchic processions, sacrifices, or
ceremonies[2590]; and friezes of Bacchic masks and masks of Pan.[2591]

Among other deities Victory is by far the most common.
She is usually represented slaying a bull for sacrifice, a subject
of which there are two principal varieties, according as she turns
to right or left. The motive is a well-known one, and found in
fifth- and fourth-century art, from the balustrade of the Nike
temple at Athens onwards.[2592] She is also depicted flying with
a wreath, or as a conventional archaistic figure between tendrils
and scrolls.[2593] Of the figures of the Seasons we have already
.bn 411.png
.pn +1
spoken; they are characterised by the attributes they carry, as
a kid for Spring, corn for Summer, fruit for Autumn, and a hare
and boar for Winter. Masks of Medusa, Sirens, and Sphinxes
(both male and female) are found in compositions of a decorative
character.

Of heroic legends, the rape of the Leukippidae by Castor and
Pollux is repeated more than once[2594]; Herakles is seen contending
with the Nemean lion, the hydra, and the Cretan bull, and with
Apollo for the Delphic tripod[2595]; Theseus raises the rock which
discloses his father’s weapons (Plate #LXI:pl61#.), contends with the
Marathonian bull, or overcomes a Centaur; Jason builds the
Argo, superintended by Athena, and, assisted by Medeia, obtains
the golden fleece; Perseus rescues Andromeda, and brings the
Medusa’s head to Athena; Aktaeon is slain by his hounds.[2596]
The Homeric scenes include Paris carrying off Helen from
Sparta (or, as some interpret it, Pelops with Hippodameia);
Nestor healing the wounded Machaon with a potion[2597]; Priam
bringing offerings to Achilles; Penelope mourning for the
absent Odysseus; Odysseus recognised by Eurykleia; and
Orestes on the Delphic omphalos.[2598] There are also numerous
semi-mythical scenes, such as combats between Amazons and
Gryphons, between Amazons and Greeks, or between Arimaspi
and Gryphons.[2599]

.pm onplate LXII
.il id=pl62 fn=plate62_412.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca <sc>Roman Mural Reliefs.</sc>
.pm offplate

With the exception of the Roman subjects from the circus
and arena, the remaining subjects are purely decorative, and of
little interest; the former, some of which have reference to the
conquest of Dacia, admit of the dating of the reliefs in the
reign of Trajan. Others depict gladiators contending with
lions; chariots racing in the circus, which is indicated by the
obelisks and other adornments of the <lang=la><em>spina</em></lang>; or colonnades
adorned with statues of boxers and victorious athletes.[2600] Some
of the Egyptian subjects are interesting for their local colouring,
.bn 412.png
.bn 413.png
.bn 414.png
.pn +1
with their representations of the Nile, on which pygmies ply
a boat, among hippopotami, crocodiles, and lotos-flowers, and
ibises[2601]; but these compositions are more curious than artistically
effective.


.h4
II. <sc>Sculpture</sc>

.h5
1. ROMAN STATUES AND STATUETTES

In the earlier ages of Rome the laws and institutions, based
without doubt on the sentiments of the people, were unfavourable
to art. Numa was said to have prohibited the representation
of the deity in human form,[2602] and the statues of great men were
not allowed to exceed three Roman feet. To women the privilege
of having statues was not conceded until much later. Pliny
constantly compares the luxury of his own day with the simplicity
of early times, to the disadvantage of the former, dwelling fondly
on the times when men could be content with plain terracotta
images, and it was not necessary or possible to make a display
of silver and gold.

Most of the ancient statues of the Romans were of terracotta,
a fact to which constant allusion is made by their writers.
Juvenal speaks of “a fictile Jove, not spoiled by gold”[2603] and
Propertius speaks of the early days of the golden temples, when
their gods were only of clay.[2604] Similarly Pliny expresses his
surprise that, since statuary in Italy goes back to such a
remote period, statues of clay should even in his day still be
preferred in the temples.[2605] Vitruvius alludes to the favourite
Tuscan fashion of ornamenting pediments with <lang=la><em>signa fictilia</em></lang>,[2606]
examples of which, he says, may be seen in the temple of Ceres
in the Circus Maximus (see below), and the temple of Hercules
at Pompeii. Cicero speaks of a statue of Summanus on the
pediment of the Capitoline temple “which at that time was
of terracotta,”[2607] and Livy[2608] tells how in 211 <sc>B.C.</sc> a figure of Victory
.bn 415.png
.pn +1
on the apex of the pediment of the temple of Concord was struck
by lightning and fell, but was caught on the antefixal ornaments,
also figures of Victory, and there stuck fast. Though not stated
to be of terracotta, these figures would hardly be of any other
material at that period. Other allusions may be found in Ovid
and Seneca.[2609]

In the early days of the Republic art was clearly at a very
low ebb—in fact, Roman art can hardly be said to have existed—and
everything was either borrowed from the Etruscans or imported
from Greece. Hence the statues of terracotta which
adorned their temples are spoken of as <lang=la><em>signa Tuscanica</em></lang>. The
most celebrated works in ancient Rome were made by artists
of Veii or the Volscian Fregellae, such as the famous quadriga
on the pediment of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and the
statue of the god himself, described elsewhere (p. #314#), which
were made by Veientine artists in the time of Tarquinius Priscus.
Numa, ever attentive to Roman arts and institutions, is said to
have founded a corporation or guild of potters.[2610] In 493 <sc>B.C.</sc>
Gorgasos and Damophilos, natives of Himera in Sicily, ornamented
with terracotta reliefs and figures the temple of Ceres
at Rome (now Santa Maria in Cosmedin).[2611] Their work, which
is alluded to by Vitruvius in the passage referred to above, was
probably Greek rather than Etruscan in style, as we have seen
to be the case generally with the archaic terracotta relief-work
of Italy (p. #317#). In the reign of Augustus the temple was
restored, and so great was the esteem in which the works of
these old masters were held that they were taken out of the
walls and framed in wood.

Coming down to later times, Possis, “who made fruit and
bunches of grapes,” and Arkesilaos are cited by Pliny,[2612] on the
authority of Varro, as modellers in clay. The latter made for
Julius Caesar a statue of Venus, which, although unfinished, was
highly prized. Pliny also mentions a terracotta figure of <lang=la><em>Felicitas</em></lang>
made by order of Lucullus.[2613] It seems probable that the extensive
.bn 416.png
.pn +1
use of terracotta was mainly due to the absence of white marble
in Italy, none being discovered till imperial times. The siege
of Corinth, which unfolded to the eyes of the Romans an entirely
new school of art in the quantities of Greek masterpieces carried
by Mummius to Rome, as also the conquest of Magna Graecia
and other parts of Greece, caused the old fashion of sculpture
in terracotta to fall into contempt and neglect. Henceforth
the temples of the gods and houses of the nobility became
enriched and beautified with the spoils of Greek art in all
materials. Even at an earlier period (195 <sc>B.C.</sc>) Cato in vain
protested against the invading flood of luxury, and especially
against the new taste in sculpture. “Hateful, believe me,” says
he, “are the statues brought from Syracuse into this city.
Already do I hear too many who praise and admire the
ornaments of Corinth and Athens, and deride the terracotta
antefixes of the Roman gods. For my part I prefer
these propitious gods, and hope they will continue to be so, if
we allow them to remain in their places.”[2614] Yet up to the close
of the Republic, and even later, great works continued to be
executed in terracotta, and were much esteemed.[2615] The statue
made for Lucullus is an instance, and existing statues in this
material, which we shall shortly discuss, are probably of early
Imperial date.

Few statues of any size in this material have escaped the
ravages of time, but there are some specimens to be seen in
our museums. In the Vatican is a figure of Mercury about
life-size,[2616] and in the British Museum a colossal torso,[2617] to which
the head and limbs had been mortised separately. A head
of a youth from a large statue, found on the Esquiline, was
exhibited in 1888 at the Burlington Fine Arts Club.[2618] A series
of female figures, including a seated Athena, ranging from
two to four feet in height, was found in a well near the Porta
Latina at Rome in 1767.[2619] They were purchased by the sculptor
Nollekens, who restored them and sold them to Mr. Towneley,
.bn 417.png
.pn +1
from whom they were acquired for the British Museum. They
are made of the same clay as the mural reliefs already described,
and are supposed to have decorated a garden. Some of them
have been identified, on somewhat slight authority, as the
Muses Ourania, Calliope, and Thaleia; there are also two
terminal busts of the bearded Indian Bacchus, which show
some traces of conventional archaism in their style. Other
large figures have been found at Nemi and Ardea in Latium,
the latter being now in the Louvre.[2620]

At Pompeii in 1766 three pieces of colossal sculpture in terracotta
were found in the temple of Aesculapius, representing
a male and female deity and a bust of Minerva with her shield.
The two former used to be identified as Aesculapius and
Hygieia, but it is more probable that they are Jupiter and
Juno, making, with the bust, the triad of Capitoline deities,[2621]
a subject found on lamps at Pompeii. The execution is careful,
and they seem to date from the latter half of the first
century <sc>B.C.</sc> They formed the cult-statues of the temple.
Other statues appear to have been employed for adorning
gardens, or for niches in private houses, among which are a
portrait of a seated physician of great originality,[2622] a nude
boy, and two actors.[2623] A figure of Eros appears to have
been attached to a wall as an ornament[2624]; a fragment of
a colossal Minerva found in a niche near the Porta Marina
is an excellent example of sculpture of the first century <sc>B.C.</sc>
Figures were also employed as architectural members, such
as the Atlantes supporting the entablature in the <lang=la><em>tepidarium</em></lang>
of the Thermae in the Forum,[2625] dating from the Augustan
period; the former seem to be copied from originals in tufa.
Of later date is a Caryatid figure, probably of the Neronian
epoch.[2626] These sculptures are all of great importance for the
history of art at the end of the first century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and as showing
the continued popularity of terracotta; the fashion, however,
.bn 418.png
.pn +1
did not outlive the reign of Nero, and all those in Pompeii
must be anterior to the earthquake of <sc>A.D.</sc> 63.

Sculptors sometimes made preliminary models in clay of
the statues which they intended to execute in bronze and
marble. This was not a common practice with the Greeks,
and the first sculptor who made use of it, according to Pliny,[2627]
was Lysistratos, the brother of Lysippos. But at Rome in
the time of Augustus it became much more frequent; Pasiteles
is said by Pliny[2628] never to have made a statue except in this
manner. These models, known as <lang=la><em>proplasmata</em></lang>, were much
sought after, as exhibiting the artist’s style and powers of
conception in the most free and unfettered manner, and those
of Arkesilaos, another artist of the period, fetched a high price.[2629]

.tb

<b>Terracotta statuettes</b>, similar in proportions and subjects
to those of Greece, are found in houses and tombs of the Roman
period, and also as votive objects on sacred sites. They were
known to the Romans as <lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang>, and were employed as toys
and presents, or placed in the <lang=la><em>lararia</em></lang> or domestic shrines;
the same subjects are found applied to all these uses. Thus
in the <lang=la><em>lararia</em></lang> were placed not only figures of deities, such as
Venus, Mercury, or Bacchus, but masks, busts of children,
and so on.[2630] Sometimes they served to decorate the walls, as
in the house of Julia Felix at Pompeii, where in the wall
surrounding the garden were eighteen niches, containing
alternately marble terms and terracotta figures, one of the
latter representing a woman feeding a prisoner with her own
milk.[2631] In the Via Holconia forty-three terracotta figures from
a workshop were found, showing that there was a local manufacture
at Pompeii; the types were the same as in the houses.[2632]
It is noteworthy that the terracottas, of which some two hundred
have been found, were nearly all from the lower parts of the
city and the inferior houses, or in the domestic quarters of
.bn 419.png
.pn +1
the large houses. This implies that the richer Romans preferred
bronze statuettes for their shrines and household decoration.
Comparatively few were found in tombs.

A few notices relating to terracotta figures are found in Roman
authors. Martial speaks of a statuette of Hercules, which he
calls <lang=la><em>sigillum</em></lang>[2633]; he also alludes to a caricature of a man which
was so repulsive that Prometheus could only have made it when
intoxicated at the Saturnalia, and to a grotesque mask of a
Batavian.[2634] In another epigram he refers to the imitation of
a well-known statue of a boy in terracotta.[2635] Persius speaks
of clay dolls (<lang=la><em>pupae</em></lang>) dedicated by a maiden to Venus,[2636] and
Achilles Tatius of clay figures of Marsyas made by <lang=la><em>coroplathi</em></lang>.[2637]
Elagabalus, by way of a jest, used to place viands made of
earthenware before his parasitical guests, and force them to
enjoy a Barmecide feast.[2638]

There is also an interesting passage in the <cite>Satires</cite> of Macrobius
relating to the festival of the Sigillaria,[2639] at which large numbers
of terracotta masks and figures were in demand. This festival
took place on the twelfth to the tenth days before the Kalends
of January, forming the fifth to seventh days of the Saturnalia,
and corresponding to the 21st to 23rd of December. Ausonius
says that the festival was so named from the <lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang> or figurines,[2640]
and Macrobius more explicitly states that it was added to the
Saturnalia to extend the religious festival and time of public
relaxation.[2641] Subsequently he diverges into an excursus on the
origin of the feast, more curious than convincing. Epicadus
is quoted by him as referring it to the story of Hercules on
his return from slaying Geryon, when he threw into the river
from the Pons Sublicius images of men which represented his
lost travelling-companions, in order that they might be carried
by the sea to their native shores.[2642] His own view is that they
.bn 420.png
.pn +1
represent expiatory offerings (<lang=la><em>piacula</em></lang>) to Saturn, each man
offering an <lang=la><em>oscillum</em></lang> or mask on his own behalf in the chapel
of that god. Hence, he says, <lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang> were made by the potter
and put on sale at the Saturnalia.[2643] Elsewhere he states that
clay <lang=la><em>oscilla</em></lang> were given to children as playthings at this season
even before they had learned to walk.[2644] The festival was
indulged in by all classes of society, who vied in making
presents of statuettes and figures to one another[2645]; and we are
told that Hadrian exchanged gifts with others, and even sent
them to those who did not expect to receive them.[2646] Similarly,
Caracalla, when a child, gave to his tutors and clients, as a mark
of condescension, those which he had received from his parents.[2647]

.il id=fig197 fn=fig197_420.jpg align=r w=100px ew=20%
.ca
FIG. 197. MASK OF SATYR, WITH  NAME OF Q. VELIUS PRIMUS
(BRIT. MUS.).
.ca-

From the use of this word <lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang> (a diminutive of <lang=la><em>signum</em></lang>),
for terracotta figures, the makers came to be
known as <lang=la><em>sigillarii</em></lang>, or <lang=la><em>figuli sigillatores</em></lang>,[2648] and a
street in which they lived was known as the <lang=la><em>Via
Sigillaria</em></lang>.[2649] There was also a market for the
sale of <lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang> for the feast near the Pantheon.[2650]
Although the names of makers are constantly
found on Roman lamps and pottery, as well as
the tiles, they are very seldom found on statuettes,
with the exception mentioned below of
those found in Gaul. But the name of Q. Velius
Primus, in a sort of mixture of Greek and Latin,
is found in raised letters on a mask of a Satyr
in the British Museum (D 177 = Fig. #197:fig197#), and
other names are occasionally found on the
moulds. The social condition of the Roman
potter seems to have been much lower than that of the Greek,
who was often a person of respectable position; but this may
be partly due to the fact that his <lang=fr><em>clientèle</em></lang> was drawn mainly
from the poorer classes. He was generally a slave, sometimes
a barbarian, and even the masters of the potteries were only
.bn 421.png
.pn +1
freedmen. As we saw in the case of the tile-makers, the potters
often worked on the estates of wealthy or influential people,
from which their clay was obtained. More details of Roman
potters will be found in the sections dealing with tiles and
lamps.

On the technical aspect of Roman terracotta figures little
need be said. The processes were practically the same as those
described in Chapter #III:vol1_ch03#. when dealing with the Greek terracottas.
Large figures were made from models (<lang=la><em>proplasmata</em></lang>)
and built up in several pieces on a wooden framework, known
as <lang=la><em>crux</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>stipes</em></lang>.[2651] A reference to this method may be traced
in a fable of Phaedrus,[2652] which describes Prometheus as having
made human figures in clay in separate pieces, and, on returning
from a supper with Bacchus, joined them together wrongly,
so that the sexes became confused. The smaller figures were
all made from moulds, by means of which they could be repeated
with but slight alterations. Few statuettes seem to have been
made after the second century of the Empire.

.tb

The range of subjects in Roman terracottas is much the
same as in the Greek figures of the Hellenistic period. At
Pompeii <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang> figures predominate, including such types as
gladiators, athletes in the circus, slaves carrying bundles, and
personages in Roman costume.[2653] A favourite type at Pompeii
is a mask of a youth in a Phrygian cap.[2654] There is a decided
preference shown for portraits and grotesques. Von Rohden,[2655]
in dealing with the question of the extent to which these figures
represent Greek or purely Roman types, considers that although
the influence of the former is still strong, yet they are marked
by such wide differences that they must be ranked in the latter
category. He dates them in the time of Vespasian, in which
the decadence which had begun with the later Hellenistic age
is in the Roman fabrics still more strongly accentuated. The
style is negligent, the proportions faulty, and the art of colouring
.bn 422.png
.pn +1
practically lost. They are only redeemed from insignificance
by the taste for portraiture and the interest which attaches to
the reproduction of motives borrowed from contemporary life.

The Pompeii figures may serve as typical Roman terracottas,
but they are also found elsewhere in Italy, as well as
in other parts of the Roman Empire; nearly all, however, are
of inferior merit and execution. At Praeneste in 1878, on
the site of the temple of Fortuna Primigenia, were found <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang>
figures and votive objects,[2656] and similar <lang=la><em>ex votos</em></lang> have come
to light at Gabii.[2657] At Nemi figures have been found which
are obviously of Roman date, some of considerable size.[2658]
From time to time finds have been made in Rome, and there
is a pretty little head in the British Museum found in the
Tiber (D 383), which, however, may be of Greek workmanship.
The industry also extended from Rome to the provinces,
and even in Britain terracotta figures are sometimes found,
as at Richborough[2659]; at Caistor, by Norwich, a terracotta head
of Diana, of fairly good style, is recorded.[2660] There are also in
the Guildhall Museum some terracottas in the coarse red clay
which characterises most of the British examples: a Venus
on a swan; a female head with turreted crown, of archaistic
style, from Finsbury; and a large figure of Proserpina holding
a fruit, of very fair style, from Liverpool Street.[2661] A figure of a
boy on horseback is or was in the Museum of Practical Geology.[2662]

.h5
2. GAULISH TERRACOTTAS

In Gaul there appear to have been very extensive manufactures
of terracottas, but not anterior to the conquest by
Julius Caesar in 58 B.C. These statuettes were made for the
Roman colonists, who introduced the types of their own
religious conceptions, but the makers were local craftsmen.
Potteries have been unearthed at Moulins on the banks of
.bn 423.png
.pn +1
the Allier, and in Auvergne and other parts of France, and
even in Germany, where one was discovered at Heiligenberg
in Alsace, and others on the Rhine (see below, p. #384#).
The finds on the Allier, made in 1857, give a practically
complete survey of the subjects; they are all now collected
in the museums of Moulins and St. Germain, and were fully
published at the time in a work by M. Tudot.[2663] The figures
found here are not from tombs, but were unearthed from the
sites of the potteries and from ruins of buildings; they are
all made in a peculiar white clay, whereas the figures of the
Gironde district are grey or black, and those of the Rhine
Valley reddish, like those of Britain. The technique resembles
that of the Roman figures; there is no vent-hole, and they
usually stand on a conical base; the modelling is very heavy,
and the latest specimens are absolutely barbaric.

Until recently the subject of Gaulish terracottas had been
greatly neglected; Tudot’s plates were useful, but his text
unsatisfactory and devoid of method, there being no proper
description of the plates. M. Pottier has given a good summary
of his work, and M. Héron de Villefosse has also dealt with
some aspects of the subject.[2664] But they had not been treated
as a whole and in relation to the subject of ancient terracottas
in general until 1891, when an important memoir by M. Blanchet
appeared, in which a complete survey of the Gaulish terracottas
was given.[2665] This must of necessity form the basis of the
present account.

In dealing with the technical character of the terracottas
found in Gaul, M. Blanchet points out that the white clay of
which many are made (<i>e.g.</i> those from the Allier valley) is not
universal; some are made of red or grey clay, which has turned
white in the baking, apparently by a process analogous to that
used by the Chinese for porcelain, others are actually covered
with a white <lang=la><em>engobe</em></lang> like the Greek terracottas. This appears
.bn 424.png
.pn +1
to have been done with a view to subsequent colouring, which
in nearly all cases has quite disappeared; but statuettes with
remains of colouring, made of purely red clay, have recently
been found in the neighbourhood of the Moselle and in
Germany.[2666] M. Blanchet quotes an example in the Museum
at Angers, with the name of the maker, <sc>P · FABI · NICIAE</sc>, which
is coated with a lead glaze like the enamelled wares described
in Chapter III. He considers that the moulds from which they
were made were often of bronze, and that bronze models were
used as copies; but that they were also of terracotta is clear from
the numerous examples given by Tudot. A terracotta mould
for a figure of Venus Anadyomene, found at Clermont-Ferrand,
is in the British Museum, and another from Moulins is for the
back of the head of a similar figure, with hair elaborately coiled.[2667]
From the numerous moulds which have been found it may
be seen that the figures were cast in two pieces, longitudinally,
the arms being added afterwards, together with the circular
plinth. The mould in the British Museum may be cited as
an example of one for the back part of a figure; probably
only the upper part was modelled.

Potters’ names are exceedingly common, not only on the
figures, but also on the moulds,[2668] and form two distinct classes,
those on the <em>exterior</em> of the moulds, and those on the figures
or <em>interior</em> of the moulds (which are obviously the same thing).
The distinction is that the former were merely for the identification
of the moulds, while the latter indicated the creator
of the type and made him known to the world, a feature which,
as will be noted in Chapter XXIII. (p. #511#), reappears in the
pottery of Westerndorff in Germany. Tudot gives an example
of a mould with the name <sc>ATILANO</sc> on the exterior and
<sc>IOPPILLO</sc> on the inside.[2669] Many of the names are identical
with those of the makers of vases,[2670] but the types and subjects
are quite distinct from those on the Gaulish <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>.
.bn 425.png
.pn +1
Those on the exterior of the moulds are usually in a scrawling
cursive type, whereas the other class are in capital letters[2671];
the cursive characters resemble those in use at Pompeii, but are
not necessarily contemporary; they are, however, not later than
the second century. The influence of this cursive character
seems to have extended to the other class; for instance, in the
inscription given in Fig. #198:fig198# below, not only are the G and S
of cursive form, but E appears in the form II. Otherwise the
letters are in the ordinary Roman alphabet (with the exception
of A, which is sometimes
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic2.jpg 14 15 'Attic alpha' '' ');'
the forms E and II seem
to have been used indifferently in Gaul at all periods. The
“signature” sometimes combines the two names, as in the form
.if h
.li
<div class="center">
<span class="multiline"><sc>AVOT</sc><br /><sc>SACRILLOS</sc></span>
<span class="multiline"><sc>FORM</sc><br /><sc>CARATRI</sc></span>
</div>
.li-
.if-
.if t
.nf
         <sc>AVOT</sc>        <sc>FORM</sc>
      <sc>SACRILLOS</sc>     <sc>CARATRI</sc>
.nf-
.if-
which has been taken to mean <lang=la><em>Sacrillos
fecit forma Caratri</em></lang>, “made by Sacrillos from Caratrius’ mould.”[2672]
Among the Roman names which occur are Attilianus, Lucanus,
Pistillus, Priscus, Taurus, and Tiberius; among the Gaulish,
Abudinus, Belinus, Camulenus, and Tritoguno.

.il id=fig198 fn=fig198_426.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Blanchet</cite>.</s>
FIG. 198. GAULISH FIGURE OF APHRODITE FROM NORMANDY.
.ca-

A large majority of the existing statuettes were, as we have
seen, made in the valley of the Allier; these show more
conspicuously than any others, the influence of transplanted
Graeco-Roman art. Curiously enough none have been found at
Lezoux, one of the chief pottery-centres of Gaul, although there
is abundant evidence that the vases and statuettes were made
in the same workshops (see above).[2673] M. Blanchet considers
that there was a large and important manufacture in Western
France, which may have been inspired by the Allier workshops,
but mainly exhibits native characteristics; he also notes the
scarcity of these figures in Southern Gaul (Narbonensis), which
may perhaps be explained by the preference there shown for
bronze statuettes and vases with medallions (p. #530#).[2674] Other
centres were Cesson, Meaux (where Atilanus and Sacrillos can
be located), Bourbon-Lancy in Saône-et-Loire, and St. Rémy-en-Rollat
(see p. #516#), where vases also were made of the local
.bn 426.png
.pn +1
white clay. M. Déchelette has been able to assign to the
last-named pottery a date between <sc>A.D.</sc> 15 and 50. Another
fabric was in the neighbourhood of Liège, and in Germany
there were centres at Salzburg, and at Cologne, where the maker
Vindex can be dated in the reign of Postumus (<sc>A.D.</sc> 260-270).[2675]
An important maker, Pistillus, had a pottery at Autun; his
statuettes are found all over Gaul,[2676] and the name appears on
.bn 427.png
.pn +1
vases and coins, and also in an inscription.[2677] Julius Allusa
had a workshop at Bordeaux. In West and North-West France
statuettes are found with the name of Rextugenos; they are
all of peculiar and original character, with highly-ornamented
backgrounds to the figures, and easily distinguished. The
specimen given in Fig. #198:fig198#, representing Venus Genetrix, was
found at Caudebec-les-Elbeuf in Normandy (Seine-Inférieure);
it bears the inscription <sc>RIIXTVGIINOSSVLLIASAVVOT</sc>, <lang=la><em>Rextugenos
Sullias auvot</em></lang> (sc. <lang=la><em>fecit</em></lang>).[2678]

An interesting find of terracotta figures was made at Colchester
in 1866,[2679] consisting of thirteen figures presenting exact
analogies to the Gallo-Roman terracottas of the second period
both in type and style. One very poor specimen represents
Hercules with club and lion-skin; another a bull, and a third
a bust of a boy (perhaps a portrait of Nero or Britannicus);
four are recumbent figures. The rest are more or less grotesque,
including caricatured seated figures holding books or rolls,
and a buffoon. With them were found vases in the form of
animals of yellow-glazed ware. Figures of suckling goddesses
(see below) have been found in Britain, and similar finds of
Gallo-Roman types in white clay in London, among them a
Venus holding a tress of her hair.[2680] Votive offerings of parts of
the body and figures of the goddess Fecunditas were found
near the source of the Seine, in a temple of Dea Sequana,
the local river-deity.[2681] Other finds have been made in Touraine,
Anjou, La Vendée, Brittany, and Normandy, brought by
commerce from the Allier potteries; and in Germany at
Heddernheim and on the Rhine. Part of a group of some
size in purely Graeco-Roman style from the Department of
Marne is now in the British Museum (Morel Collection).

Tudot originally classified the Gaulish terracottas chronologically
in three periods according to style, and in this he
has been followed by M. Pottier. But M. Blanchet[2682] has pointed
.bn 428.png
.pn +1
out that the former’s method was altogether unscientific, that
he trusted too much to the evidence of coin-finds, and that
he was altogether wrong in conceiving the possibility of any
being anterior to the Roman conquest. On the whole the
chronological data are exceedingly vague, and can only be
accepted in isolated instances, as in the case of the finds at
St. Rémy-en-Rollat (<sc>A.D.</sc> 15-50) or Cologne (<sc>A.D.</sc> 260-270),
or where a resemblance in the coiffure of the feminine figures
to those of Roman ladies can be traced. Some figures may
probably be dated about A.D. 100 on the latter ground, the
head-dress recalling those of Domitia and Julia the daughter
of Titus. But it can only be laid down with certainty that the
manufacture of statuettes was introduced into Gaul with the
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> or ornamented red pottery at the beginning of
the Imperial period. Where there is a question of decadent
or barbaric style, as is undoubtedly often the case, it does not
necessarily imply a late date, but only that the inferior work
is due to the incapacity of some local artist, and figures of
varying style must frequently be contemporaneous.[2683]

In dealing with the types of Gaulish terracottas, their origin
and signification, M. Blanchet divides the subjects into three
classes, of which the first is not only the largest but the most
interesting: divinities, subjects from daily life, and animals.
The deities are not those we should expect from Caesar’s
statement[2684] that Mercury, Apollo, Mars, Jupiter, and Minerva
represent the scale of popularity in Gaul, for they are mainly
variants of one type, that of Venus. Many of these Venus
figures reproduce types familiar in Greek and Graeco-Roman
art, such as the Anadyomene, and the Cnidian or Pudica type;
but in the majority she is frankly recognised as a Nature-goddess
(Aphrodite Pandemos or Venus Genetrix), and hence
we find numerous examples in which the old Oriental conception
of the nude Aphrodite-Astarte with pronounced sexual
characteristics, so common in the primitive terracottas of
Chaldaea, Phoenicia, and Cyprus,[2685] once more reappears, as in
Fig. #198:fig198#. Of almost equal frequency is the seated type of the
.bn 429.png
.pn +1
Mother-Goddess or <lang=grc>Κουροτρόφος</lang>, suckling a child[2686]; this is not     // Tr: Kourotrophos
peculiar to Gaul, but is found in the terracottas of Southern
Italy.[2687] We may compare also the Fecunditas types on Roman
coins.[2688] Blanchet thinks that the goddess Rumina may be here
intended, but prefers to adopt the general term of Mother-Goddess.

.il id=fig199 fn=fig199_429.jpg align=l w=200px ew=40%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Blanchet</cite>.</s>

FIG. 199. GAULISH TERRACOTTA:
THE GODDESS EPONA.
.ca-

Among other mythological types the Ephesian Artemis,
Pallas, Mercury, Epona (Fig. #199:fig199#), and Abundantia occur; and
among <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang> subjects the most interesting
type is that of the Spinario,
or boy extracting a thorn from his
foot, familiar in Greek sculpture.
Slaves, caricatures, and busts of ladies
(see above) or children wearing the
<lang=la><em>bulla</em></lang>, vases in the form of heads,
and busts affixed to plates, also come
under the latter category. Many
of these are exceedingly rude and
barbaric; children are transformed
into coarse grotesques, and animals
look (says M. Pottier) as if they had
come out of a Noah’s ark.

The artistic origin of the Gaulish
types has been discussed by M.
Blanchet,[2689] who points out that although
the modern tendency is to restrict the rôle played by
Alexandrine art of the Hellenistic period in influencing that
of Rome,[2690] yet its effect on Gaul cannot be altogether ignored.
That Egyptian cults found their way into Gaul is well known,[2691]
and in the terracottas such types as Isis and Horus appear,
while comparisons may frequently be made with the late terracottas
found in the Fayûm and at Naukratis. But there was
also a stream of influence from Southern Italy, especially
.bn 430.png
.pn +1
Campania, whence, as we have seen, the Mother-Goddess
types were largely derived.

As regards the uses for which these terracottas were made,
much that has been said on that head in Chapter III. will apply
equally to Gaul. They have been found not only in tombs,
but in wells and rivers, and on the sites of sanctuaries[2692]; but
they do not seem to have had any special funerary significance.
The majority were probably used for various domestic purposes
in the houses, the figures of animals, for instance, as toys, and
were then buried with their owners. Those found in wells or
rivers may be regarded as votive offerings, as it is well known
that the Gauls were fond of throwing votive figures into rivers
or springs.

.h5
3. MISCELLANEOUS USES OF TERRACOTTA

It is impossible to enumerate all the purposes to which the
Romans applied terracotta, but a few peculiar uses deserve special
notice. The excavations at Pompeii have yielded several examples
of its application to the decoration of a <lang=la><em>puteal</em></lang>, the circular
structure which protected the mouth of a well; the core is of
tufa or other hard material, and round this are laid curved slabs
of terracotta decorated with reliefs.[2693] They are all of comparatively
early date; one has triglyphs and bulls’ heads in relief,
and is stuccoed over. Instances are also found at Pompeii of
its use for table-legs, in the form of figures of kneeling Atlantes,[2694]
like those supporting the entablature in the Thermae (p. #374#),
but sculptured in the round. Small altars, or stands for holding
lamps or for burning incense, supposed to have formed part of
the furniture of the domestic shrines, have also been found in
this material.[2695] Varro tells us that the <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> or large jars made
by potters were used as cages for dormice which were being
fattened for the palates of Roman epicures[2696]; and Columella
gives instructions for the use of clay tiles in making beehives.[2697]
Porphyry implies that it was customary to hive bees in kraters
.bn 431.png
.pn +1
or amphorae of clay.[2698] Tickets (<lang=la><em>tesserae</em></lang>) for admission to the
circus or amphitheatre were also occasionally made of clay,
and on them were stamped letters or numbers referring to
the position of the seat, or representations of the animals
exhibited. Two from Catania in the British Museum[2699] have
an elephant on the obverse and the letter A on the reverse,
showing that they were for admission to a spectacle in which
those beasts were shown. There are also possible instances
of <lang=la><em>tesserae frumentariae</em></lang>, or tickets for the supply of cheap
corn in time of necessity.[2700] Moulds of terracotta for making
counters, with masks or figures of Fortune and Isis, have also
been found; there is an example in the British Museum from
Arezzo (E 46).[2701]

Herr Graeven, in a very interesting article,[2702] has recently
collected all the known examples (numbering some fifty) of
money-boxes in terracotta used by the Romans. There is no
mention of such objects in Latin literature, but it is probable
that they were known as <lang=la><em>loculi</em></lang>, and were made in imitation
of the metal <lang=grc>Θησαυροί</lang> used for keeping money in temples. Of          // Tr: Thêsauroi
this there is a clear instance in a specimen recently found at
Priene in Asia Minor,[2703] in the form of a small shrine with a
slit in the top. Graeven states that there is evidence of their
having been placed on a cornice which ran round the walls
of the rooms in the houses. This box has an additional hole
at the back for extracting the money, but the Roman specimens
have only one opening. An example of a clay treasure-box
from Western Europe is one in the form of a chest, 12½ inches
high, with a bust of Apollo on the top, found at Vichy, and
now in the Museum at Moulins.[2704] It may have been placed
in a <lang=la><em>sacellum</em></lang> or chapel for the offerings of those who visited
the medicinal springs.

Of the Roman money-boxes proper four main types may
.bn 432.png
.pn +1
be distinguished. The first, of which examples have been found
at Pompeii,[2705] is in the form of a small chest or coffer (<lang=la><em>arca</em></lang>),
and may have been known by the name <lang=la><em>arcula</em></lang>. The second
type is that of a money-box in the form of a vase.[2706] The
custom of hoarding money in jars (<lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang>, p. #470#) was universal
in Roman times, as we know from the <cite>Aulularia</cite> of Plautus,
the plot of which turns on this practice,[2707] and from the numerous
finds of coins in jars in our own day. None of these have
any ornamentation; they have been found in Germany, and
there is a small specimen in the British Museum from Lincoln,[2708]
of spherical form with a knob at the top. Aubrey records
the finding of a similar one in North Wiltshire.[2709] These appear
to be of very late date.

The next two types are of much greater interest, not only
from their ornamentation, but from their form and the inscriptions
which they bear. In the one the box takes a flat circular
form, closely resembling the body of a lamp (the shape is that of
Fig. #207:fig207#), with a design similarly placed in a medallion. One
actually has a figure of Victory with a shield, which reproduces
the type of the New Year lamps described on page #413# (B.M.
No. 309), and has a similar inscription.[2710] It may be supposed
that these boxes were carried round on New Year’s Day to
solicit contributions, just as is done (says Herr Graeven) by
boys in Rome at the present time. Others have figures of
Fortune and Hermes in a shrine,[2711] the latter deity being of
course specially associated with money-making. These two
examples have their respective makers’ names on the back,
<sc>C IVN BIT</sc> and <sc>PALLADI</sc>, names which are also found on
Roman lamps,[2712] another detail which shows the close connection
between these two classes of objects.

.il id=fig200 fn=fig200_433.jpg align=l w=200px ew=40%
.ca
<s>From <lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>.</s>

FIG. 200. TERRACOTTA MONEY-BOX.
.ca-

The last type to be described is shaped like a bee-hive, or,
as in Fig. #200:fig200#, like a circular temple, forms which were found
convenient for the then favourite design of a deity in a
.bn 433.png
.pn +1
shrine. Among the examples quoted by Graeven[2713] is one of the
latter shape with Fortune (Fig. #200:fig200#), now in the Bibliothèque
Nationale. Of the bee-hive form three may be mentioned as
presenting interesting features. One with Hermes in a shrine
has the maker’s name, PAS AVGV, which also occurs on lamps[2714];
another, found on the Aventine, and now at Gotha,[2715] has on
the front the figure of a victorious
charioteer, on the reverse a slit for
the coins, and the maker’s name,
<sc>AEL MAX</sc>. D’Agincourt suggested
that this type of box was carried
about by victors in the games to
receive donations. Lastly, there is
one recorded to have been found in
the Baths of Titus in 1812, but now
lost, which contained coins of Trajan,
and was inscribed <sc>FISCI IVDAICI
CALUMNIA SVBLATA</sc>. The evidence
points to the dating of these two
classes in the first century of the
Empire, or slightly later.

Terracotta moulds for false or
debased coins of the Imperial period
have frequently been discovered in different parts of the
Empire.[2716] None, indeed, have come to light in Italy, but they
occur in Egypt, Tunis, France, on the Rhine, in Switzerland,
Lower Austria, and Britain. They were first noted by A. le
Pois in 1579 at Fourvières, where moulds were found of coins
of Septimius Severus and his successors. In 1697 and 1706
more of the same period, of local clay, were found at Lingwell
Gate, near Wakefield,[2717] in 1704 at Lyons, and in 1764 at Augst,
near Basle. In 1829 and 1830 further finds were made at
Wakefield, and again in 1869 at Duston, Northants.[2718] Numbers
.bn 434.png
.pn +1
have been noted from time to time in the museums of France
and the Rhenish provinces, the most interesting find being that
made in 1829-30 at Damery, near Épernay, in the Department
of Marne. In 1859 a find of 130 moulds contained in a jug was
made at Bernard; they appear to have been hastily placed there
and left by forgers. At Bordeaux in 1884 finds were made
in the ruins of a pottery, and others more recently at Autun and
La Coulouche. In 1899 thirty-four moulds were found at Susa
in Tunis. The British Museum has a collection of moulds of
denarii from Egypt, mostly found at Crocodilopolis (Arsinoe)
in the Fayûm; they are of a deep brick-red local clay, but a
great number are burnt black.

Nearly all these moulds fall between the reigns of Septimius
Severus and Diocletian, but some of those at Bernard go back
as far as Trajan, and there are isolated instances of coins of
Domitian at one end, of Constantius II. and Julia Mamaea
at the other. Caracalla and Elagabalus are frequently represented,
and those in the British Museum include Albinus,
Crispus, Constantine, Galerius, Licinius, and Macrinus. The
Damery find included thirty-nine moulds, comprising types of
the coins of Caracalla, the elder Philip, and Postumus; 2,000
pieces of base silver coin, chiefly of Postumus; 3,900 bronzes
of Constans I. and Constantius, all evidently made together;
chisels and remains of other tools, and groups of moulds still
containing the metal, and also lumps of metal which had overflowed
from the moulds.

The way in which these moulds were used is as follows. The
complete mould was composed of two shallow round boxes with
hollow impressions respectively of the obverse and reverse, obtained
by impressing the designs from genuine coins into the
soft clay. The depth of the hollow was so calculated that when
the two were placed together the space represented the required
thickness. To cast the coins, a number of these moulds were
placed one on the other, and luted with clay to prevent the
liquid metal from escaping between the two pieces of each
mould; down the side of the column formed by the pile of
moulds a hollow cutting was made, at the base of which holes
were pierced corresponding to the cavities where the metal was
.bn 435.png
.pn +1
to enter. The metal was then poured into the hollow, and ran
in through the holes as required.[2719] Sometimes the columns were
joined in groups of three
.pm ii ornament_435.jpg 29 25 image '' ','
for which a single column
served; of this there is an example at Damery, where each <lang=fr><em>rouleau</em></lang>
contained a dozen moulds (thirteen discs). In the Cabinet des
Médailles at Paris there is an example of one of these <lang=fr><em>rouleaux</em></lang>
of moulds, found at Lyons in 1704 (Fig. #201:fig201#),[2720] with the basin
in which they were placed for the
casting. At Susa the moulds were
fitted slantwise into a bronze tube.

.il id=fig201 fn=fig201_435.jpg align=r w=200px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 201. TERRACOTTA COIN-MOULD.

It is not absolutely certain whether
these moulds were all used for fraudulent
purposes by forgers; the find at
Damery, for instance, was made on
the site of Bibe, an important station
on the road from Rheims to Beauvais,
which would be too prominent a
place for forgers to have selected. It
is much more likely that in such a
case they were used to make coins
of inferior alloy, perhaps in some
instances for the issues of usurpers
who, being at a considerable distance
from the capital, were unable to fill
their military chests except with hastily cast coins. The distant
parts of the Empire in which these moulds are found lend some
colour to this theory. It will also be remembered that they
mostly date from the time when a debased coinage was current
throughout the Empire, beginning with the reign of Septimius
Severus; this was put an end to by Diocletian in 297. We may
therefore suppose that they represent, so to speak, officially
recognised forgeries, emanating from a kind of local mint for producing
coins hastily for provincial use. Hence the rapid spread
of base money in the third century, which was not only forced upon
the State, but was also readily taken advantage of by forgers.

.fm

.fn 2395
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxi. 47; Columella, <cite>Re Rust.</cite> iii. 11, 9.
.fn-

.fn 2396
<cite>Etym.</cite> xv. 8, 16: cf. xix. 10, 16.
.fn-

.fn 2397
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 170; Nonius,
p. 445, 22.
.fn-

.fn 2398
Columella, <cite>Re Rust.</cite> ix. 1, 2; Vitr.
i. 5, 8; Varro, <cite>Re Rust.</cite> i. 14, 4.
.fn-

.fn 2399
Vitr. ii. 8, 4; Varro, <cite>Re Rust.</cite> ii. 3, 6.
.fn-

.fn 2400
Columella, <i>loc. cit.</i>: <lang=la><em>paries crudo
latere ac luto constructus</em></lang>. Cf. Caesar,
<lang=la><cite>Bell. Civ.</cite></lang> ii. 9, of a floor, and ii. 15;
also Vitr. ii. 1, 7; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xviii. 301.
.fn-

.fn 2401
Vitr. ii. 3, 3.
.fn-

.fn 2402
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 170 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2403
Vitr. vii. 1, 7 and 4, 2; Pallad. <cite>Agric.</cite>
i. 19, 1 and 40, 2; Wilmanns, <cite>Exempla</cite>,
2793-94; Marini, <lang=it><cite>Iscriz. ant. doliari</cite></lang>,
942-944.
.fn-

.fn 2404
Cf. Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^4,
p. 188.
.fn-

.fn 2405
Cf. Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient
Rome</cite>, i. p. 59 (cut) = <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li.
pl. 1, fig. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2406
Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, p. 618.
.fn-

.fn 2407
Buckman and Newmarch, <cite>Roman
Art in Cirencester</cite>, p. 64 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2408
Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, p. 618;
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 91.
.fn-

.fn 2409
<cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>, i. p. 12:
see also <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xlix. p. 427, where
it is pointed out that measurements of
bricks form no guide to their date.
.fn-

.fn 2410
<i>Loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2411
<lang=de><cite>Jahreshefte</cite></lang> (Beiblatt), i. p. 123.
.fn-

.fn 2412
ii. 3, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2413
This may be the origin of the foot-shaped
stamp so common in Roman
lamps and vases (see Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 18).
.fn-

.fn 2414
Cf. also Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and
Saxon</cite>^4, p. 186.
.fn-

.fn 2415
Vitr. ii. 3. This passage with Pallad.
<cite>Agric.</cite> vi. 12 and Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xix. 10, 16
are the <lang=la><em>loci classici</em></lang> on the subject.
.fn-

.fn 2416
Blümner, ii. p. 20, points out that
there are very few instances of this, and
perhaps Vitruvius’ idea was not practical.
.fn-

.fn 2417
Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>,
i. pp. 12, 62.
.fn-

.fn 2418
See Roach-Smith, <cite>Illustr. Rom.
London</cite>, p. 112.
.fn-

.fn 2419
xxxix. 61 (<lang=grc>ἐκ πλίνθων</lang>).                           // Tr: ek plinthôn
.fn-

.fn 2420
<i>Apud</i> Non., p. 48 (s.v. <lang=la>suffundatum</lang>).
.fn-

.fn 2421
<cite>De Div.</cite> ii. 47, 99.
.fn-

.fn 2422
Vitr. ii. 8, 18.
.fn-

.fn 2423
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 173.
.fn-

.fn 2424
Vitr. ii. 8, 17.
.fn-

.fn 2425
<i>Ibid.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2426
See Daremberg and Saglio, s.v.
Aquaeductus; Middleton, <cite>Remains of
Ancient Rome</cite>, ii. p. 323.
.fn-

.fn 2427
Suet. <cite>Aug.</cite> 28.
.fn-

.fn 2428
Borrmann, <lang=de><cite>Die Keramik in der
Baukunst</cite></lang> (Durm’s <lang=de><cite>Handbuch d. Architektur</cite></lang>),
p. 51.
.fn-

.fn 2429
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iv. p. 11,
pls. 5-6.
.fn-

.fn 2430
Nissen, <lang=de><cite>Pompeian. Studien</cite></lang>, p. 26;
Mau-Kelsey, <cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 36.
.fn-

.fn 2431
See Mau-Kelsey, <cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 38.
.fn-

.fn 2432
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, lii. p. 664.
.fn-

.fn 2433
Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>,
i. pp. 254, 301; <i>id.</i> in <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xlix.
p. 426.
.fn-

.fn 2434
See Dressel in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 9.
.fn-

.fn 2435
Mau-Kelsey, p. 38: but see Nissen,
<lang=de><cite>Pompeian. Studien</cite></lang>, p. 59.
.fn-

.fn 2436
See Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, iii. p. 146,
where a good illustration is given.
.fn-

.fn 2437
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 2, fig. 4; Middleton,
<i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 55, fig. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2438
v. 10, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2439
See also on this subject Anderson
and Spiers, <cite>Architecture of
Greece and Rome</cite>, p. 137 ff.; Middleton,
<i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 66, ii. p. 120,
fig. 64.
.fn-

.fn 2440
See Middleton, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 62;
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 2, fig. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2441
Middleton, <i>op. cit.</i> i. pp. 12, 62.
.fn-

.fn 2442
<cite>Etym.</cite> xv. 8, 15; xix. 10, 15.
.fn-

.fn 2443
Henzen, <lang=de><cite>Inscr.</cite></lang> 6445, 7279-80.
.fn-

.fn 2444
Orelli, <cite>Inscr.</cite> 4190.
.fn-

.fn 2445
There are tiles in existence marked
<sc>DOL · DELIC</sc>, <i>i.e.</i> <lang=la>(<em>opus</em>) <em>doliare deliciare</em></lang>
(Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, p. 619).
.fn-

.fn 2446
The arrangement is well illustrated
on pl. 6 of Campana’s <lang=it><cite>Ant. opere in
plastica</cite></lang> (from Ostia).
.fn-

.fn 2447
Vitr. v. 9, 7; viii. 7, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2448
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 374; Marquardt,
<lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, p. 620.
.fn-

.fn 2449
See Vitr. vii. 4, 2; Nissen, <lang=de><cite>Pompeian.
Studien</cite></lang>, p. 65 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2450
Orelli, 1396: see <lang=de><cite>Sitzungsber. d.
Wiener Akad. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1901, pt. 2,
p. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2451
Caumont, <lang=fr><cite>Cours</cite></lang>, ii. p. 182.
.fn-

.fn 2452
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 184.
.fn-

.fn 2453
Brongniart and Riocreux, <lang=fr><cite>Mus. de
Sèvres</cite></lang>, i. p. 18.
.fn-

.fn 2454
<lang=it><cite>Bull. Arch. Nap.</cite></lang> 1853, pl. 14, p. 185.
.fn-

.fn 2455
Campana, <lang=it><cite>Ant. opere in plastica</cite></lang>,
pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2456
For references to ornamental terracotta
antefixes in Latin literature see
below, p. #371#; and cf. Livy, xxvi. 23,
xxxiv. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2457
See for an account of these Von
Rohden, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten von Pompeii</cite></lang>, p. 5;
also Mau-Kelsey, <cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 251.
.fn-

.fn 2458
Von Rohden, pl. 7, fig. 1, from the
Casa dei Niobidi.
.fn-

.fn 2459
<i>Ibid.</i>, pls. 5, 2, and 6, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2460
For examples of this type see <cite>B.M.
Terracottas</cite>, D 66 (from Corneto), D 700
(from Cumae), and D 706 (from Capua).
.fn-

.fn 2461
Mau-Kelsey, <cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 36.
.fn-

.fn 2462
Von Rohden, pls. 14-16; 18, fig. 1:
cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 699,
from Pompeii.
.fn-

.fn 2463
<i>Ibid.</i> pls. 11-13.
.fn-

.fn 2464
Campana, <lang=it><cite>Ant. opere in plastica</cite></lang>,
pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2465
Campana, pl. 6: cf. for the story
Livy, xxix. 14, and Preller-Jordan, <lang=de><cite>Röm.
Mythol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 55.
.fn-

.fn 2466
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xiv. pl. 13, p. 64: cf.
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 367.
.fn-

.fn 2467
Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>,
i. p. 181, ii. p. 121 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2468
vii. 4, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2469
See Middleton in <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, lii.
p. 663, for a general discussion of the
subject; also Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect.
Antiq.</cite> vi. p. 122.
.fn-

.fn 2470
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iii. pl.
26, p. 114; <cite>Illustr. Rom. London</cite>, p. 115.
.fn-

.fn 2471
Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, vii.
p. 620.
.fn-

.fn 2472
<cite>Ep.</cite> 90, 25 (xiv. 2).
.fn-

.fn 2473
<cite>Ep.</cite> ii. 17, 23.
.fn-

.fn 2474
So also in the Roman villa at Woodchester
(Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^4,
p. 198).
.fn-

.fn 2475
Middleton, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 113 ff.;
<i>id.</i> in <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2476
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 21,
pl. 8, figs. 1-2.
.fn-

.fn 2477
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1250; Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill.
Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 114, fig. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2478
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1238.
.fn-

.fn 2479
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, lii. pl. 20.
.fn-

.fn 2480
vii. 4, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2481
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi.
p. 125. Cf. <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> viii. p. 30 ff.
for another example from Hadstock,
Essex.
.fn-

.fn 2482
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, lii. p. 666.
.fn-

.fn 2483
Cf. Vitr. <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2484
Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>,
ii. p. 123.
.fn-

.fn 2485
See Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>, and
cf. Vitr. viii. 7, 1; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xv. 8,
17; xix. 10, 29.
.fn-

.fn 2486
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 4842.
.fn-

.fn 2487
viii. 7, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2488
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxi. 57.
.fn-

.fn 2489
viii. 7, 10.
.fn-

.fn 2490
<lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, i. pl. 6, p. 326.
.fn-

.fn 2491
See Lanciani in <lang=it><cite>Atti dell’ Accad. dei
Lincei</cite></lang>, Ser. 3, iv. (1879-80), p. 399 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2492
Avolio, <lang=it><cite>Fatture di argille in Sicilia</cite></lang>,
p. 8.
.fn-

.fn 2493
See generally Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>,
iii. p. 161 ff.; Middleton, <cite>Remains of
Ancient Rome</cite>, i. p. 80.
.fn-

.fn 2494
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2495
Buckman and Newmarch, <cite>Roman
Art in Cirencester</cite>, p. 64.
.fn-

.fn 2496
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 165; xxxvi. 188: cf.
<cite>Geoponica</cite>, ii. 27, 5; Pallad. i. 9, 4;
Cato, <cite>Agric.</cite> xviii. 7; Vitr. vii. 1, 4;
Columella, i. 6, 13; viii. 15, 3, 17, 1;
ix. 1, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2497
Middleton, <i>op. cit</i>. ii. p. 121, fig. 65.
.fn-

.fn 2498
Cf. Buckman and Newmarch, <cite>Roman
Art in Cirencester</cite>, p. 49 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2499
Vitr. vii. 1, 4; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxvi.
184; Stat. <cite>Silv.</cite> i. 3, 54.
.fn-

.fn 2500
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xxvi. pl. 44, p. 370.
.fn-

.fn 2501
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 113.
.fn-

.fn 2502
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1223-24.
.fn-

.fn 2503
<i>Ibid.</i> 1222 (in B.M.); others from
Brecon and Abergavenny.
.fn-

.fn 2504
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1225.
.fn-

.fn 2505
The inscribed tiles found in Rome
have been collected and published by
Dressel in vol. xv. (part 1, Nos. 1-2155)
of the <lang=la><cite>Corpus Inscr. Lat.</cite></lang> Others are
published in the other volumes under the
heading “Instrumentum Domesticum.”
In the succeeding pages Dressel’s account
has been mainly followed.
.fn-

.fn 2506
See Hübner, <lang=la><cite>Exempla Script. Epigr. Lat.</cite></lang> p. lxviii.
.fn-

.fn 2507
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 19-29; 209, 1145; 709;
1212; 398.
.fn-

.fn 2508
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 148-49.
.fn-

.fn 2509
<lang=la><em>Opus doliare</em></lang> is the invariable word
for bricks or tiles in Roman inscriptions,
<lang=la><em>figlinum</em></lang> being confined to pottery of the
finer kind (cf. p. #330#).
.fn-

.fn 2510
Cassiodorus, <cite>Variar.</cite> i. 25: cf. ii. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2511
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 1668-70.
.fn-

.fn 2512
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 204, Nos. 1616,
1627, etc.
.fn-

.fn 2513
Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient Rome</cite>,
i. p. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2514
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiv. 4089, 7, from Ostia.
.fn-

.fn 2515
<i>Ibid.</i> 4090, No. 14.
.fn-

.fn 2516
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 478 ff.: cf. 683, and
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1840, p. 240.
.fn-

.fn 2517
<i>Ibid.</i> 677-82.
.fn-

.fn 2518
<i>Ibid.</i> 389.
.fn-

.fn 2519
B.M. <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 150.
.fn-

.fn 2520
<i>E.g.</i> Wilmanns, <lang=la><cite>Exempla Inscr. Lat.</cite></lang>
2793<i>a</i>.
.fn-

.fn 2521
See Blanchet,  <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>,
ii. (1902), p. 110.
.fn-

.fn 2522
See Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Rom. Danubii
et Rheni</cite></lang>, i. p. 85, No. 190, ii. p. 187,
No. 1231.
.fn-

.fn 2523
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1255, 1257.
.fn-

.fn 2524
<i>Ibid.</i> 1242.
.fn-

.fn 2525
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 274.
.fn-

.fn 2526
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 1097-1101, and see p.
#275#.
.fn-

.fn 2527
Marini, <lang=it><cite>Iscriz. ant. doliari</cite></lang>, 1418.
.fn-

.fn 2528
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 1539.
.fn-

.fn 2529
<i>Ibid.</i> 1540, 1542.
.fn-

.fn 2530
<i>Ibid.</i> 1668-70.
.fn-

.fn 2531
Steiner, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 252, No. 541
(from Mainz); also <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 92.
.fn-

.fn 2532
Steiner, i. p. 75, No. 171; ii. p. 248,
No. 1373.
.fn-

.fn 2533
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. p. 962; <lang=de><cite>Wiener Sitzungsberichte</cite></lang>,
xiv. (1855), p. 133.
.fn-

.fn 2534
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> <i>ibid.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2535
Steiner, ii. p. 254, No. 1391.
.fn-

.fn 2536
Now in Pesth Museum (<cite>C.I.L.</cite> <i>ibid.</i>).
.fn-

.fn 2537
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1260.
.fn-

.fn 2538
<i>Ibid.</i> 1259; <cite>Victoria County Hist. of
Hants</cite>, i. p. 282 (<i>q.v.</i> for other examples).
.fn-

.fn 2539
<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 73, No. 56; <cite>Ephem. Epigr.</cite>
vii. (1892), p. 344.
.fn-

.fn 2540
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4967, 31: cf. <cite>Victoria
County Hist. of Hants</cite>, i. p. 275.
.fn-

.fn 2541
<i>E.g.</i> B.M. E 149: see p. #354#.
.fn-

.fn 2542
See Dressel in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2543
Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Rom. Danub. et
Rheni</cite></lang>, ii. p. 253, No. 1389.
.fn-

.fn 2544
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 5 ff. For epigraphical
and grammatical peculiarities see <i>ibid.</i>
p. 7. On p. 204 is given a list of
emperors whose names are found on the
tiles, from Trajan to Septimius Severus.
.fn-

.fn 2545
See for these abbreviations and expressions <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 387.
.fn-

.fn 2546
B.M. E 152.
.fn-

.fn 2547
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiv. 4089, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2548
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 3, 4, xiv. 4089, 4.
.fn-

.fn 2549
<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 73, Nos. 60-3.
.fn-

.fn 2550
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1235; Roach-Smith,
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> i. p. 143: see also
<cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xxxix. p. 389.
.fn-

.fn 2551
Numerous examples of these legionary
stamps will be found in Steiner’s <lang=la><cite>Codex
Inscr. Rom. Danubii et Rheni</cite></lang> (1851);
they will presumably be republished in
the forthcoming part of vol. xiii. of the
Latin <cite>Corpus</cite>.
.fn-

.fn 2552
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiv. 4090, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2553
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1225.
.fn-

.fn 2554
See generally <cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. Suppl. 1,
for Dacia, Pannonia, and the East; for
Germany, Steiner, <i>op. cit. passim</i>, and
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, index to vols. 1-60.
.fn-

.fn 2555
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1228.
.fn-

.fn 2556
<i>Ibid.</i> 1231: see Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill.
Rom. London</cite>, p. 116.
.fn-

.fn 2557
Wilmanns, <lang=la><cite>Exempla</cite></lang>, 2804.
.fn-

.fn 2558
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. 3756.
.fn-

.fn 2559
Steiner, ii. p. 250, No. 1379.
.fn-

.fn 2560
Marini, <lang=it><cite>Iscriz. ant. doliari</cite></lang>, No. 1382;
Wilmanns, <lang=la><cite>Exempla</cite></lang>, 2805 <i>b</i>.
.fn-

.fn 2561
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1226; Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill.
Rom. London</cite>, p. 112; Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges
Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>, ii. p. 110.
.fn-

.fn 2562
Vitr. iv. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2563
Campana, <lang=it><cite>Ant. opere in plastica</cite></lang>,
p. 31.
.fn-

.fn 2564
<i>S.v.</i> Antefixa or Impluvium.
.fn-

.fn 2565
<cite>Ep. ad Att.</cite> i. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2566
B.M. D 543, 576, 594; <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1886, p. 173; <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1901,
p. 188.
.fn-

.fn 2567
<cite>Cat.</cite> 501-660. It has been stated,
but on what authority is unknown, that
they were found in a well near the Porta
Latina, together with a series of statues
discussed below (p. #373#).
.fn-

.fn 2568
A collective publication of these
reliefs is being prepared by the German
Archaeological Institute.
.fn-

.fn 2569
See Helbig’s <lang=de><cite>Führer</cite></lang>^2, ii. pp. 272,
408 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2570
Cf. Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxvi. 189: <lang=la>Agrippa
in thermis figulinum opus encausto pinxit</lang>:
see also Vol. I. p. #119:vol1_119#.
.fn-

.fn 2571
See <cite>B.M. Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, p. xvii.
.fn-

.fn 2572
Von Rohden, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten von Pompeii</cite></lang>,
pl. 20: see also pls. 21, 23.
.fn-

.fn 2573
D 626-27: cf. <lang=de><cite>Jahreshefte</cite></lang>, 1903,
p. 25.
.fn-

.fn 2574
<lang=la><cite>Ant. opere in plastica</cite></lang>, pl. 14.
.fn-

.fn 2575
Hauser, <lang=de><cite>Neuattische Reliefs</cite></lang>, pp. 111,
128.
.fn-

.fn 2576
B.M. D 520, 527; Campana, pls.
47-8.
.fn-

.fn 2577
B.M. D 583-85; Campana, pls. 61,
62: cf. the Arretine krater, Fig. #219:fig219#,
p. 488.
.fn-

.fn 2578
B.M. D 561; Campana, pls. 27, 41.
.fn-

.fn 2579
B.M. D 501; Campana, pls. 1-2.
.fn-

.fn 2580
Campana, pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2581
B.M. D 505; Campana, pl. 18.
.fn-

.fn 2582
B.M. D 507; Campana, pl. 19.
.fn-

.fn 2583
B.M. D 508-9; Campana, pl. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2584
B.M. D 510-24; Campana, pls. 9-10,
15, 53, 88, 102-3.
.fn-

.fn 2585
Helbig 1459 = Overbeck, <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythol.
Atlas</cite></lang>, pl. 16, 8.
.fn-

.fn 2586
Campana, pls. 7-8, 13, 16-7.
.fn-

.fn 2587
B.M. D 531: cf. Campana, pls. 29-30.
.fn-

.fn 2588
B.M. D 525; Campana, pl. 50: see
<cite>J.H.S.</cite> xxiii. p. 295.
.fn-

.fn 2589
See for these B.M. D 526, 534-52.
.fn-

.fn 2590
Campana, pls. 26, 31, 35-7, 43-6.
.fn-

.fn 2591
B.M. D 553-60.
.fn-

.fn 2592
B.M. D 569-79: cf. <cite>J.H.S.</cite> vii. p. 284.
.fn-

.fn 2593
B.M. D 566-68; Campana, pls. 86 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2594
Campana, pl. 55; Helbig, 1179.
.fn-

.fn 2595
Campana, pls. 20-4; Helbig, 1180.
.fn-

.fn 2596
B.M. D 592-605; Campana, pls.
56-58, 63-65, 68; Helbig, 1188.
.fn-

.fn 2597
Otherwise interpreted, Helbig,
<lang=de><cite>Führer</cite></lang>^2, ii. p. 418.
.fn-

.fn 2598
B.M. D 606-609; Campana, pls.
66-67, 71-73; Helbig, 1190, 1456.
.fn-

.fn 2599
B.M. D 611-617; Campana, pls.
74-81.
.fn-

.fn 2600
B.M. D 624-632; Campana, pls.
89-96; Helbig, 1466; and see <lang=de><cite>Jahreshefte</cite></lang>,
1903, p. 16 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2601
B.M. D 633-638; Campana, pls.
114, 115.
.fn-

.fn 2602
Plutarch, <cite>Vit. Num.</cite> viii. 8.
.fn-

.fn 2603
<cite>Sat.</cite> xi. 116.
.fn-

.fn 2604
iv. (v.), 1, 5.
.fn-

.fn 2605
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiv. 34; and see xxxv. 158.
.fn-

.fn 2606
iii. 2 (3), 5.
.fn-

.fn 2607
<cite>De Div.</cite> i. 10, 16.
.fn-

.fn 2608
xxvi. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2609
Ovid, <cite>Fast.</cite> i. 202; Seneca, <cite>Cons. ad
Helv.</cite> 10, 7: cf. <cite>Ep.</cite> 31 (iv. 2, 11).
.fn-

.fn 2610
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 159; Plut. <cite>Vit.
Num.</cite> 17.
.fn-

.fn 2611
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 154.
.fn-

.fn 2612
<i>Ibid.</i> 155.
.fn-

.fn 2613
<i>Ibid.</i> 156.
.fn-

.fn 2614
Livy, xxxi. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2615
Cf. Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 155.
.fn-

.fn 2616
Helbig, <lang=de><cite>Führer</cite></lang>, ii. p. 272, No. 1177.
.fn-

.fn 2617
<cite>Cat.</cite> D 439.
.fn-

.fn 2618
Froehner’s <cite>Cat.</cite> No. 249.
.fn-

.fn 2619
B.M. <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, D 431-437,
and see <i>ibid.</i> p. xiii; also Smith, <cite>Nollekens
and his Times</cite>, i. p. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2620
Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Statuettes de Terre Cuit</cite></lang>,
p. 233.
.fn-

.fn 2621
Von Rohden, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten von Pompeii</cite></lang>,
pl. 29, p. 18, 21; Pottier, <i>op. cit.</i>
p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 2622
Von Rohden, pl. 32.
.fn-

.fn 2623
<i>Ibid.</i> pls. 34-35.
.fn-

.fn 2624
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 19, fig. 2.
.fn-

.fn 2625
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 25: cf. pl. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2626
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 24, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2627
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 153.
.fn-

.fn 2628
<i>Ibid.</i> 156.
.fn-

.fn 2629
<i>Ibid.</i> 155: see also on this subject
Wickhoff, <cite>Roman Art</cite>, English edn.,
p. 42; Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, iii. p. 190;
Gardner, <cite>Handbook of Gk. Sculpture</cite>,
p. 33.
.fn-

.fn 2630
Cf. Von Rohden, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 24.
.fn-

.fn 2631
<i>Ibid.</i>: cf. also pls. 35-36, 41, 47. For
the subject of the feeding of the prisoner
cf. <cite>Classical Review</cite>, 1901, p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 2632
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 42, pp. 25, 53.
.fn-

.fn 2633
xiv. 178.
.fn-

.fn 2634
<i>Ibid.</i> 176, 182.
.fn-

.fn 2635
<i>Ibid.</i> 171.
.fn-

.fn 2636
ii. 70: cf. Lactant, <cite>Div. Inst.</cite> ii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2637
iii. 15.
.fn-

.fn 2638
Lampridius, <cite>Vit.</cite> 25.
.fn-

.fn 2639
i. 10, 23 and 11, 46: cf. Warde
Fowler, <cite>Roman Festivals</cite>, p. 272.
.fn-

.fn 2640
<lang=la><cite>De fer. rom.</cite></lang> 31 (Teubner edn. p.
105); but see Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Staatsverwaltung</cite></lang>,
iii. p. 563.
.fn-

.fn 2641
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 10, 23.
.fn-

.fn 2642
Cf. the ceremony of the Argei on
the Ides of May (Preller-Jordan, <lang=de><cite>Röm.
Mythol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 135).
.fn-

.fn 2643
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 11, 46-49: cf. Preller-Jordan,
<i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2644
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 11, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2645
Cf. Seneca, <cite>Ep.</cite> 12 (i. 12, 3), and
other references given by Blümner,
<lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 125.
.fn-

.fn 2646
Spartianus, <lang=la><cite>Vit. Hadriani</cite></lang>, 17.
.fn-

.fn 2647
<lang=la><cite>Id. Vit. Carac.</cite></lang> 1.
.fn-

.fn 2648
Orelli, <lang=it><cite>Inscr. Lat.</cite></lang> 4279, 4191.
.fn-

.fn 2649
Suet. <cite>Claud.</cite> 16, <cite>Nero</cite> 28; Gellius,
ii. 3, 5, v. 4, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2650
Dio Cass. lix. 6; Gell. ii. 3, 5.
.fn-

.fn 2651
Tert. <cite>Apol.</cite> 12 and <cite>ad Nat.</cite> i. 12;
the Greek word is <lang=grc>κάναβος</lang>: see Vol. I.            // Tr: kanabos
p. #111:vol1_111#.
.fn-

.fn 2652
iv. 15.
.fn-

.fn 2653
Von Rohden, pls. 36-45.
.fn-

.fn 2654
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 21, fig. 14.
.fn-

.fn 2655
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 22: see also Pottier,
<lang=fr><cite>Statuettes de Terre Cuite</cite></lang>, p. 235.
.fn-

.fn 2656
Fernique, <lang=fr><cite>Praeneste</cite></lang>, pp. 166, 211 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2657
Paris, <lang=fr><cite>Élatée</cite></lang>, p. 156.
.fn-

.fn 2658
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1886, p. 176: cf. <cite>Archaeologia</cite>,
1. pls. 8, 9.
.fn-

.fn 2659
Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^4,
p. 281.
.fn-

.fn 2660
<cite>Victoria County Hist. of Norfolk</cite>,
p. 291.
.fn-

.fn 2661
<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 71, Nos. 39, 46; p. 70,
No. 30.
.fn-

.fn 2662
<cite>Handbook of British Pottery</cite>, 1893,
p. 77.
.fn-

.fn 2663
<lang=fr><cite>Figurines en Argile</cite></lang> (1859): see for
abstracts Roach-Smith in <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite>
vi. p. 48 ff., and Pottier, <lang=fr><cite>Statuettes de
Terre Cuite</cite></lang>, p. 236.
.fn-

.fn 2664
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xi. (1888), p. 145 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2665
<lang=fr><cite>Mémoires de la Soc. Nat. des
Antiquaires de France</cite></lang>, li. (1891), p.
65 ff., with a supplement in vol. lx.
(1901), p. 189 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2666
<i>Op. cit.</i> lx. p. 197.
.fn-

.fn 2667
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 48-49: cf.
Tudot, pl. 9, and Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill.
Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 109.
.fn-

.fn 2668
See the lists given by Tudot (p. 64)
and Blanchet (p. 83).
.fn-

.fn 2669
Pl. 3: other examples in pls. 4-14.
.fn-

.fn 2670
See Chapter #XXIII:ch23#. and Pottier,
<lang=fr><cite>Statuettes de Terre Cuite</cite></lang>, p. 241.
.fn-

.fn 2671
See the tables given by Blanchet,
p. 115.
.fn-

.fn 2672
Blanchet, p. 89. For <sc>AVOT</sc> see also
p. 384.
.fn-

.fn 2673
For a complete list of Gaulish sites
on which statuettes were made, see
Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>, ii.
(1902), p. 90 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2674
<i>Op. cit.</i> lx. p. 204.
.fn-

.fn 2675
<i>Op. cit.</i> lx. pp. 206, 234.
.fn-

.fn 2676
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xv. (1890), p. 423 (from
Dijon); for a list, see Blanchet, <i>op. cit.</i>
li. p. 96.
.fn-

.fn 2677
Orelli, <lang=it><cite>Inscr. Lat.</cite></lang> 2776.
.fn-

.fn 2678
Blanchet, <i>op. cit.</i> plate, fig. 1; <lang=fr><cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite></lang> xi. (1888), p. 155, pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2679
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi. p.
228 ff., pls. 46-47.
.fn-

.fn 2680
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 71, No. 32.
See also for Britain generally, <cite>Cumbd. and
Westmd. Ant. Soc. Trans.</cite> xv. p. 505.
.fn-

.fn 2681
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vii. p.
63; <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p 109.
.fn-

.fn 2682
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 106 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2683
See Blanchet, p. 120 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2684
<lang=la><cite>Bell. Gall.</cite></lang> vi. 17.
.fn-

.fn 2685
Cf. Heuzey, <lang=fr><cite>Figurines ant. du
Louvre</cite></lang>, pls. 2-4.
.fn-

.fn 2686
For a good example at Rouen see
Blanchet, p. 167.
.fn-

.fn 2687
Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat.  of Terracottas</cite>,
D 229 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2688
See Roscher, <i>s.v.</i> Fecunditas.
.fn-

.fn 2689
<i>Op. cit.</i> lx. p. 198.
.fn-

.fn 2690
See p. 489.
.fn-

.fn 2691
Cf. Lafaye, <lang=fr><cite>Culte des divinités d’Alexandrie</cite></lang>,
p. 162 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2692
See Blanchet, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 143 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2693
See Von Rohden, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten von
Pompeii</cite></lang>, pl. 27, p. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2694
<i>Ibid.</i> pl. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2695
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> Lucerna,
fig. 4607: see below, p. 396.
.fn-

.fn 2696
<cite>Re Rust.</cite> iii. 15.
.fn-

.fn 2697
ix. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2698
<cite>Antr. Nymph.</cite> 3, 14 ff. (Teubner).
.fn-

.fn 2699
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 123-124.
.fn-

.fn 2700
See <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xxxii.
p. 65.
.fn-

.fn 2701
See also Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>
Forma, fig. 3186.
.fn-

.fn 2702
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, p. 161 ff.: see also
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> Loculus.
.fn-

.fn 2703
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 167. Cf. also for the
form the <lang=grc>Θησαυροί</lang> at Olympia.                      // Tr: Thêsauroí
.fn-

.fn 2704
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 166; Tudot, <lang=fr><cite>Figurines</cite></lang>,
pl. 48; Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>
Loculus, fig. 4512.
.fn-

.fn 2705
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, p. 168.
.fn-

.fn 2706
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 170.
.fn-

.fn 2707
Cf. also Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 6, 10.
.fn-

.fn 2708
Jahrbuch, <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2709
<cite>Miscellanies</cite>, p. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2710
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, p. 178 = <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
xv. 6068.
.fn-

.fn 2711
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, p. 179; fig. 200.
.fn-

.fn 2712
See below, p. 428, and <cite>C.I.L.</cite>, xv.
6502, 6608; also B.M. Nos. 329, 554.
.fn-

.fn 2713
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 183 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2714
B.M. 488, 490; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6610.
.fn-

.fn 2715
<lang=de><cite>Jahrbuch</cite></lang>, 1901, p. 185; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv.
6073: cf. for the signature on lamps,
<i>ibid.</i> 6274, and B.M. 477.
.fn-

.fn 2716
See on this subject throughout
Babelon, <lang=fr><cite>Traité des monnaies grecques et
romaines</cite></lang>, i. p. 955 (with full bibliography).
.fn-

.fn 2717
<cite>Numism. Journal</cite>, ii. pp. 58, 195.
.fn-

.fn 2718
Hill, <cite>Greek and Roman Coins</cite>, p.
157; <cite>Victoria County History, Northants</cite>,
i. p. 198.
.fn-

.fn 2719
See Daremberg and Saglio, ii. <i>s.v.</i>
Forma, for an account of the process.
.fn-

.fn 2720
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>loc. cit.</i>,
fig. 3187.
.fn-
.bn 436.png
.pn +1


.sp 4
.h3 id=ch20
CHAPTER XX | <i>ROMAN LAMPS</i>

.pm start_summary
Introduction of lamps at Rome—Sites where found—Principal parts of
lamps—Purposes for which used—Superstitious and other uses—Chronological
account of forms—Technical processes—Subjects—Deities—Mythological
and literary subjects—<i>Genre</i> subjects and
animals—Inscriptions on lamps—Names of potters and their distribution—Centres
of manufacture.
.pm stop_summary

.ce
BIBLIOGRAPHY

.pm start_summary
Bartoli, <lang=it><cite>Le antichi lucerne sepolcrali</cite>; <cite>Antichità di Ercolano</cite></lang>, vol. viii.;
Kenner, <lang=de><cite>Die antiken Thonlampen des k.-k. Münz- und Antiken-Cabinetes
zu Wien</cite></lang>, 1858; Wieseler in <lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, 1870 (Kestnersche
Sammlung); La Blanchère and Gauckler, <lang=fr><cite>Cat. du Musée Alaoui</cite></lang>, 1897;
Daremberg and Saglio, <lang=fr><cite>Dict. des Antiqs</cite></lang>, iii. art. <sc>LUCERNA</sc> (an admirable
résumé by Toutain); Fink in <lang=de><cite>Sitzungsber. d. Münchener Akad. d. Wissensch.</cite></lang>
1900, p. 685 ff.; <cite>C.I.L.</cite>, <i>passim</i>, <i>s.v.</i> Instrumentum Domesticum, but above
all vol. xv. pt. 2, p. 782 ff. (Dressel).
.pm stop_summary

.sp 2
Lamps (<lang=la><em>lucernae</em></lang>) were often made of terracotta, and these are
in many ways of special interest. Originally they appear to
have been called <lang=la><em>lychnus</em></lang>, from the Greek <lang=grc>λύχνος</lang>, and this word   // Tr: luchnos
is used by Ennius, Lucilius, Lucretius, and Virgil.[2721] Varro[2722]
says that the word <lang=la><em>lucerna</em></lang>, from <lang=la><em>lux</em></lang>, was invented when the
want of a Latin word was felt, and that previously <lang=la><em>candelae</em></lang>
or torches had been alone in use, there being no oil known in
Italy suitable for this purpose. Even in Greece lamps were
comparatively rare all through the best period (cf. Vol. I. p. #106:vol1_106#).
The oldest lamps found in Rome date from the third century
B.C., and are thought to be of Campanian fabric; they were
found on the Esquiline, and are of quite different character
.bn 437.png
.pn +1
from the ordinary Roman types.[2723] It would appear, therefore,
that originally the Romans borrowed lamps from Southern
Italy. By the time of the Empire their use had become
general, and they are found everywhere. The increase in
their manufacture was mainly due to growing taste in house
decoration, and also to use in funeral ceremonies and for public
purposes, such as illumination. Of the latter use in imperial
times there is plenty of evidence (see below, p. #396#).

The sites on which Roman lamps have been found are far
too numerous to discuss in detail, as they embrace every part
of the Roman Empire. In Rome and the neighbourhood they
are especially plentiful, as is implied by the fact that a large
portion of the fifteenth volume of the Latin <lang=la><cite>Corpus Inscriptionum</cite></lang>
is devoted to those with potters’ stamps alone. They are found
in all parts of Italy, in Gaul, Germany, Britain, Spain, North
Africa, Sicily, Greece, Egypt, Cyprus, and Asia Minor. The
question of centres of manufacture is discussed elsewhere (p. #427#)
in connection with the potters’ stamps; but it may be noted
that those found on Greek soil are often of a distinct character
from those of Western Europe, and the stamps on them form a
distinct group, being usually in Greek letters (cf. Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#).
Of provincial sites, Knidos, Ephesos, Carthage, and some of
the German towns have proved particularly rich in this respect.
Large numbers have been found in London, mostly of the
later types, some perhaps of local fabric, and those in the
Romano-British collection of the British Museum are nearly
all from that city or from Colchester. Not the least remarkable
fact of their wide distribution is the occurrence in the most
widely separated regions of the same potter’s stamps and the
same subjects, implying in the former case extensive export
from one centre, in the latter systematic commercial intercourse
between the potters of different districts.

.tb

The principal parts of a Roman lamp[2724] are: (1) the reservoir or
body, which contained the oil (<lang=la><em>infundibulum</em></lang>); (2) the flat circular
top, known as the <lang=la><em>discus</em></lang>, sometimes with an ornamented rim
.bn 438.png
.pn +1
(<lang=la><em>margo</em></lang>); (3) the nozzle, with a hole for the insertion of the
wick (<lang=la><em>rostrum</em></lang>,[2725] <lang=la><em>nasus</em></lang>, myxus[2726]; the wick was called <lang=la><em>ellychnium</em></lang>);
(4) the handle (<lang=la><em>ansa</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>manubrium</em></lang>), which was not indispensable.
In the <lang=la><em>discus</em></lang> was a filling-hole for pouring in the oil, sometimes
protected by a cover or stopper, and sometimes a second smaller
hole, the purpose of which has been disputed (see p. #406#).
The number of nozzles was not limited, though there is
usually only one; a lamp with two is known as <lang=la><em>bilychnis</em></lang>[2727];
one with several, as <lang=la><em>polymyxus</em></lang>. Martial in one of his epigrams
says: “Though I illuminate whole banquets with my flame, and
have so many nozzles (<lang=la><em>myxos</em></lang>), I am known as a single lamp.”[2728]
The wicks were made of a plant known as <lang=la><em>verbascum</em></lang> <lang=grc>φλόμος</lang>              // Tr: phlomos
or <lang=la><em>thryallis</em></lang>,[2729] but tow, papyrus, and sulphur were also
employed[2730]; the oil was a vegetable oil of some kind. Sometimes
the lamps were provided with a sort of snuffers or tweezers
for extracting and trimming the wick,[2731] as described in a passage
in the <lang=la><cite>Moretum</cite></lang> (10 ff.), which speaks of drawing out the wick of
a dying lamp with a needle:

.pm onpoem
Admovet his pronam submissa fronte lucernam,
Et producit acu stuppas humore carentes
Excitat et crebris languentem flatibus ignem.
.pm offpoem

The purposes for which lamps were used by the Romans
were various, but fall under three main heads: (1) for purposes
of illumination in private houses, in public buildings, or on
occasions of rejoicing; (2) as offerings in temples; (3) as
funerary furniture.

In small houses they were placed either in niches in the
walls or on brackets, or were suspended by chains, or even
in some cases hung by the handle from a nail. An Etruscan
terracotta lamp bears evidence of having been suspended in
the last-named manner,[2732] but there is no doubt that this was
.bn 439.png
.pn +1
more usual with lamps of bronze, there being few in terracotta
which would have admitted of such a use. Sometimes
the lamps were made resting on a kind of support, as is
the case with two in the British Museum, and others found
in Africa.[2733] On the support a figure of a deity was usually
modelled in relief.[2734] Combinations of a lamp and altar are
not uncommon, especially at Rome and Naples.[2735] There are
numerous examples from Pompeii and Herculaneum illustrating
their use in private life, although lamps of clay are confined
to the poorer houses or to domestic service. For their use in
the bedchamber at night evidence is afforded by Martial and
other writers.[2736] A rough classification of the existing terracotta
lamps might be made by dividing them into—(1) those with
knobs for hanging, (2) those with handles for carrying, (3)
those without handles for placing on tables or brackets.

Many passages in Latin writers afford evidence for the use
of lamps in processions or for illuminations at times of
public rejoicings, such as triumphs. They were thus used by
Cleopatra, at the triumph of Julius Caesar, at the return of
Nero, and so on.[2737] Caligula had theatrical representations
performed by lamp-light at night, and Domitian arranged
hunts and gladiatoral combats <lang=la><em>ad lychnuchos</em></lang>.[2738] Severus Alexander
lighted up the baths with oil-lamps,[2739] and Tertullian
speaks of assisting in political triumphs by defrauding the
day with the light of lamps.[2740] Juvenal also speaks of their
use in illuminations.[2741] Many lamps, especially those with
subjects relating to the circus or games, are inscribed with
the word <sc>SAECVL</sc>(<lang=la><em>ares</em></lang>), and it is possible that they were used
in connection with the Ludi Saeculares, at which illuminations
took place. But lamps with this inscription are not
exclusively ornamented with such subjects.[2742]
.bn 440.png
.pn +1

Lamps were used for burning in temples, and were also
the subject of votive offerings to the gods, in Greece as well
as in Italy. One found at Oenoanda in Lycia was offered
“to the most high God”[2743]; and those which Sir Charles Newton
found in such large numbers at Knidos (Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#) were
also votive offerings in the temenos of Demeter. Votive lamps
are recorded from Selinus,[2744] and at Carthage numbers were
found round the altar of Saturnus Balcaranensis.[2745] To their use
in the worship of Isis, as referred to by Apuleius, we allude below.

Nearly all lamps have been found in tombs, the custom of
placing them there being one of Asiatic, not of Greek, origin;
it became quite general under the Roman dominion. Christian
lamps are found in the catacombs, but not in cemeteries, showing
that the practice came to be regarded as pagan. At Avisford
in Sussex they were found placed in open bowls with handles,
on brackets along the side of a tomb.[2746] The Roman lamps
found in tombs were placed there, like the Greek vases and
the later glass, for the use of the dead, sometimes, though
not necessarily, with the idea of their burning perpetually.[2747]
An inscription on a sepulchral <lang=la><em>cippus</em></lang> in the British Museum[2748]
directs the heirs of the deceased to place a lighted lamp in
his tomb on the Kalends, Nones, and Ides of each month, and
similarly L. Granius Pudens of the seventh cohort requests
that his family should place oil in a lamp on his birthday.[2749]
Another inscription in an elegiac couplet says: “Whosoever
places a lighted lamp in this tomb, may golden earth cover
his ashes.”[2750] A fourth inscription directs the daily offering of
a lamp at the public expense to the <lang=la><em>manes</em></lang> of a deceased person.[2751]
In the story of the matron of Ephesus, told by Petronius, a
servant-maid is described as replenishing the lamp in a tomb
as often as was required.[2752] Two lamps in the Athens Museum
.bn 441.png
.pn +1
have the subject of a bear, and over it the inscription <lang=grc>ΦΟΒΟC</lang>,         // Tr: PhOBOC
“Fear”; being found in tombs, they must have been placed
there with some significance, and as, on the evidence of a Cilician
inscription, Phobos was regarded as a guardian of tombs who
frightened off robbers and other evilly-disposed persons, it may
be that the terrible bear was placed on the lamp as a symbol
of this protector of the dead.[2753]

Other superstitious uses of lamps, not connected with the
tomb, were not uncommon. Omens were drawn from the
way in which the flame burned,[2754] and Chrysostom describes
a method of naming children by giving names to lamps, which
were then lighted, and the name of the child was taken from
that last extinguished.[2755]

There are also a few other exceptional uses of lamps, as for
instance when they were given as <lang=la><em>strenae</em></lang>, or New Year’s
presents. Such lamps usually have a figure of Victory holding
a shield, on which are the words <sc>ANNVM NOVVM FAVSTVM
FELICEM</sc>, “A happy and prosperous New Year!”[2756] In the
field are heads of Janus, or cakes, wreaths, and other objects
also probably intended for presents. These all appear to date
from the beginning of the first century after Christ.[2757] A lamp
of the same class in the Guildhall Museum has on the shield
<sc>FIILICTII</sc>, <lang=la><em>Felic(i)t(as)</em></lang>.[2758] It is interesting to note that the
New Year lamps are found in tombs[2759]; they may, of course,
have been preserved and buried as mementoes; but at the
same time, it is not essential that the subject on a lamp should
have any relation to its purpose, as we have seen in the case
of those inscribed <lang=la><em>Saeculares</em></lang>.[2760] The Helioserapis lamp (see
p. 403) and those with Phobos as a bear may, indeed, be
instances to the contrary, but on the whole it would seem that
the same rule would apply as in the case of the terracottas
(see Vol. I. p. #122:vol1_122#).
.bn 442.png
.pn +1

.il id=fig202 fn=fig202_442.jpg align=r w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 202. LAMP FROM THE ESQUILINE.

The earliest Roman lamps are of rude shape, undecorated,
with a long projecting nozzle and circular reservoir; they are
not always provided with
handles, but are often
covered with black glaze,
like the Greek examples.
Lamps of this type are
found on the Esquiline, in
North Africa, as at Carthage,
and in Sicily.[2761] One of the
Esquiline examples, dating from the second century, has the
engraved inscription <sc>VEVCADIA</sc> (Fig. #202:fig202#).[2762] Like the Greek
lamps, these are made on the wheel (<lang=grc>τροχήλατοι</lang>), not, as later             // Tr: trochêlatoi
ones, in a mould. Names in <lang=la><em>graffito</em></lang> seem to imply a reference
to the person in whose tomb the lamp was found, and such
formulae as <sc>AVE, NOLI ME TANGERE, NII ATTIGAS NON SVM
TVA M · SVM, PONE FVR</sc> (“Drop it, thief!”), which occur on
the Esquiline lamps, also clearly refer to funeral usage.[2763]

.il id=fig203 fn=fig203_442.jpg align=l w=100px ew=30%
.ca
FIG. 203.
“DELPHINI-
FORM” LAMP.
.ca-

In the first century B.C. the lamps, still
mostly of black ware, and devoid of subjects,
are distinguished by the straight-ended,
concave-sided nozzle
.pm ii ornament_442.jpg 26 20 nozzle '' ','
with a shallow
groove leading to the centre, small grooved
ring-handle, and sometimes a lateral projection
like a fin, from which some varieties are
known as “delphiniform” (Fig. #203:fig203#).[2764] These
are often found in North Africa, but are also
imported into Italy, and some have Greek
stamps. The top is sometimes covered with
globules, or with patterns of vine and ivy,
and in the later examples figure-subjects are introduced.[2765] The
earlier ones have large single letters or monograms underneath
.bn 443.png
.pn +1
for potters’ marks; the later, the name of the potter or
superintendent of the pottery.

.il id=fig204 fn=fig204_443.jpg align=l w=100px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 204. LAMP WITH VOLUTE-NOZZLE; FIRST CENTURY B.C.

We now come to the Roman lamps of the Imperial period,
of which such large numbers exist in museums
all over Europe and the basin of the Mediterranean.
They have not as yet been very
systematically studied and classified; but so far
as the subject has been treated at all, those who
have investigated the development of the forms
are fairly unanimous in their general conclusions.[2766]
The last writer on the subject, Herr Fink, of
Munich, has advanced a step further, and by
comparison of forms with potters’ signatures has
arrived at some interesting results, which we need
not hesitate to accept in the main.[2767] He adopted
as the basis of his classification the form of the
nozzle in each case, for the obvious reason that
it is more essential to the character of a lamp
than the handle; if the latter is removed, the form is in no
way affected, as it would be by the absence of the nozzle.

.il id=fig205 fn=fig205_443.jpg align=r w=100px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 205. LAMP WITH POINTED VOLUTE-NOZZLE; FIRST CENTURY B.C.

Following, then, on the lines of Fink and the other writers, we
may establish—apart from abnormal forms and
lamps modelled in the shape of figures—four
main classes, which are sufficient to include
practically all the lamps with which we have
to deal. They may be summarised as follows:

(1) Lamps with rounded nozzle or nozzles,
flanked on each side by a kind of double volute,
as in Fig. #204:fig204# and B.M. 167-352. The usual
number of nozzles is one, but two are not
infrequently found. These belong to the first
century <sc>B.C.</sc>, and, being convenient forms for a
decorated top, are ornamented with all kinds of
subjects[2768]; the handle when present is often ornamented as in the cut.
.bn 444.png
.pn +1

(2) Lamps of the same type as the last, except that the
nozzle ends in an obtuse-angled termination, as Fig. #205:fig205# and
B.M. 94-166. It is a form not adapted for
more than one nozzle, and usually has no
handle.[2769]

.il id=fig206 fn=fig206_444.jpg align=r w=100px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 206. LAMP WITH GROOVED NOZZLE (NORTH ITALY TYPE); FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.

(3) A small but distinct class, almost
devoid of figured decoration (Fig. #206:fig206# and
B.M. 379-392), but usually with a potter’s
name underneath; the form is elegant, and
probably copied from bronze.[2770] The chief
feature is the sunk centre, in which is usually
placed a Bacchic or comic mask; round it
runs a raised rim, through which a shallow
groove passes to the somewhat elongated
nozzle. This dates from the first century
of the Empire or earlier, some being found
with coins of Augustus, others at Pompeii; these lamps are
of red clay, unglazed, and have no handle. On the sides are
projecting knobs, either concealing the joins of the moulds (see
p. #405#), or for the attachment of chains.
The names of the makers, Strobilus,
Communis, Fortis, etc., are in good
raised letters, impressed in the mould
(see Fig. #210:fig210#). They are found in all
parts, but rarely south of Rome; most of
them are from Gallia Cispadana,[2771] and
they may have been made at Mutina.

.il id=fig207 fn=fig207_444.jpg align=l w=100px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 207. LAMP WITH SMALL PLAIN NOZZLE; SECOND CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.

(4) In this class (Fig. #207:fig207# and B.M.
393-567) the nozzle is small, and hardly
projects beyond the rim of the lamp; it
is semicircular or heart-shaped in form,
and sometimes has an incised line or
circles at the base. Fig. #208:fig208# represents
a late development with the heart-shaped nozzle, in which the
.bn 445.png
.pn +1
design is always surrounded by a wreath or ornamental pattern.
Many of these lamps, especially those found in Greece (see
Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#), have no handle; there is also a somewhat late
variety, described on the same page, which
is confined to Greece and marked by potters’
signatures in Greek letters (B.M. 604-629).
These lamps date from the time of Trajan
onwards; the signatures are usually abbreviated,
and are stamped hollow, or sometimes
scratched in the wet clay; raised letters are
rare. The subjects are very varied.

.il id=fig208 fn=fig208_445.jpg align=l w=100px ew=30%
.ca FIG. 208. THIRD-CENTURY TYPE OF LAMP.

Some of the larger lamps in the first class,
especially those with more than one nozzle,
have a flat vertical projection attached to
the top of the handle, triangular in form or
crescent-shaped (as in Fig. #204:fig204#), and this is often ornamented
with figures in relief, either whole subjects or busts of deities,
or such simple motives as a pair of dolphins, a leaf, or a
palmette. The figure-subjects are often quasi-Egyptian, such
as Harpocrates and Safekh on a British Museum example
(No. 337 = Plate #LXIII:pl63#. fig. 3), or a <lang=la><em>lectisternium</em></lang> of Sarapis,
Isis, Helios, and Selene.[2772] In a few cases this projection
is replaced by a bust or even a seated figure of Sarapis
enthroned in a niche. But in most cases the handle, when
present, is of a simple form, either a ring with shallow parallel
grooves or a solid projecting piece through which a hole is
pierced.

.pm onplate LXIII
.il id=pl63 fn=plate63_446.jpg w=386px ew=75%
.ca
<sc>Roman Lamps of Various Forms (First Cent. B.C.)</sc>
<sc>(British Museum).</sc>
.ca-
.pm offplate

Lamps of terracotta often assume, like those in bronze,[2773] a
more ornamental form, being modelled partly or wholly in the
form of figures, heads, animals, and so on. In some cases the
upper part or <lang=la><em>discus</em></lang> only is modelled, assuming the form of
a mask—Satyric, theatrical, or grotesque.[2774] Among the entire-figures
which form lamps occur Artemis,[2775] Eros,[2776] Victory slaying
a bull,[2777] and various animals; more common are heads of Zeus
.bn 446.png
.bn 447.png
.bn 448.png
.pn +1
Ammon,[2778] Pan, Seilenos,[2779] negroes,[2780] and animals such as oxen,
birds, snails, frogs, or tortoises.[2781] A favourite shape is a lamp
in the form of a foot or a pair of feet, shod in sandals or boots,[2782]
and there are two lamps in the British Museum, one of enamelled
ware, in the form of a gladiator’s helmet[2783]; others form fruit,
pine-cones or crescents.[2784] In the lamps which are modelled in
the form of a head, the chin usually forms the nozzle, and
the orifice for filling is on the forehead; in those in the shape
of a foot the nozzle is formed by the great toe. Occasionally
lamps are found in the form of a ship, recalling that which,
according to Apuleius, was used in the worship of Isis: a
golden boat or cup (<lang=la><em>cymbium</em></lang>, see Vol. I. p. #186:vol1_186#), which shone
with a clear light and sent forth a long flame.[2785] An interesting
commentary on this use of lamps is formed by a remarkable
example in the British Museum (Plate #LXIII:pl63#. fig. 1),[2786]
which is not only in the shape of a boat, but is decorated with
subjects referring to the pseudo-Egyptian cults characteristic
of Rome in the late republican and early imperial period.
This lamp, which is no less than twenty inches long and has
numerous holes for wicks along the sides, was dredged up from
the sea at Pozzuoli, where it may originally have been in the
temple of Isis and Sarapis. On it is the inscription
.pm ii inscr_403_euploia.jpg ΕΥΠΛΟΙΑ '' ','               // Tr: EUPLOIA
signifying “a prosperous voyage,” perhaps as a prayer on behalf
of the donor, and underneath are the words
.pm ii inscr_403_labe_me_ton.jpg 'ΛΑΒΕ ΜΕ ΤΟΝ' '' ''
.pm ii inscr_403_helioserapin.jpg ΗΛΙΟΣΕΡΑΠΙΝ '' ','
“Receive me, Helioserapis,” by which the name
of the vessel may be intended.

Most lamps had only one wick, but the light which they
.bn 449.png
.pn +1
afforded must have been feeble, and consequently the number
was often increased. When the number is not large, or when
the body is circular (as in Plate #LXIII:pl63#. fig. 4), they project
beyond the rim of the lamp, as in Class I. already described,
but the lamps which have a large number are usually boat-shaped
or rectangular in form (see Plate #LXIII:pl63#.), and the nozzles
do not then project, but are ranged along the sides, merely
indicated by separate moulding underneath.[2787] Occasionally a
conglomeration of small lamps was made in a row or group,
but even in these cases the illumination given must still have
been feeble. The average size of a lamp is from three to four
inches in diameter across the body, the length depending on
the form of the handle and nozzle, but averaging about an
inch over the diameter, and they are mostly about an inch in
height. The top of the lamp is almost always circular in form,
occasionally oval, and rarely rectangular,[2788] and is usually slightly
depressed, being thus shaped to enable any overflow of oil to
run down through the filling-hole. Many Greek lamps, and
Roman lamps from Greek sites, such as Cyprus, are convex
above, with a small moulded disc on the raised centre, in which
is the hole. These are either devoid of decoration, or only
have an ornamental pattern or a frieze of figures on a small
scale. Usually the subject is enclosed within a plain moulded
rim, but in the later examples (Class IV.) especially it is more
contracted in extent, and surrounded with a border of ornament,
such as the egg-pattern or a wreath of some kind (see Fig. #208:fig208#).

Christian lamps, which hardly come within the scope of this
work, vary very little in form; they have ovoid instead of
circular bodies, a plain rounded nozzle, and a small solid handle,
and the design is always encircled by a band of ornamental
pattern or symbolical devices.[2789]

.tb

The clay of which the lamps are made is usually of a red
colour, due to the presence of red ochre (<lang=la><em>rubrica</em></lang>), but it varies
both in quality and tone according to localities; those from
.bn 450.png
.pn +1
Greek sites, such as Athens and Corfu, are often of a pale
buff colour, those from Cyprus a light reddish brown, and so
on. Martial refers to the red clay of Cumae,[2790] a place where
lamps are sometimes found, and those from Naples are usually
of a dull brown or yellow colour. Lamps found in France
and England are often imported from Italy, and therefore of
the ordinary red clay, but those of local manufacture are of a
white or yellowish tone.

.il id=fig209 fn=fig209_450.jpg align=r w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 209. MOULD FOR LAMP FROM CATANIA (BRITISH MUSEUM).

The earliest undecorated examples are made on the wheel,
as are those from the Esquiline and from Carthage, in which
the decoration is only incised; but subjects in relief required
a different technique. Occasionally they are modelled by hand,
but we find that from the
first century <sc>B.C.</sc> onwards they
are almost invariably made in
moulds, modelled from a pattern
lamp, in a harder and finer clay
than the pattern.[2791] The mould
was divided into two parts, adjusted
by mortices and tenons,
which, in the opinion of some
writers, explains the lateral
projections visible on certain
varieties; the lower part formed the body of the lamp, the
upper the decorated <lang=la><em>discus</em></lang>. The two parts seem to have been
marked by corresponding letters to avoid errors, and there are
two or three lower lamp-moulds in the British Museum from
Ephesos and elsewhere, marked with an A on the under side
for this purpose.[2792] Other examples of moulds have been found
in Greece, Italy, and Africa,[2793] and there are also specimens both
for the upper and lower half in the Guildhall Museum.[2794] They
were either of terracotta or plaster.

The clay was impressed into the mould with the fingers,
.bn 451.png
.pn +1
the figured decoration being applied by means of models or
stamps, as with the Arretine ware (see below, p. #439#), and
the ornamental patterns probably produced with a kind of
wheel or running instrument, as in Roman pottery (p. #441#).
Signatures in relief were taken from the mould, those in
hollow letters were impressed in the lamp itself from a stamp
before baking. Important potteries must have possessed a
large number of moulds; for instance, at Rome alone ninety-one
different subjects are found on the lamps of one potter
(L. Caecilius Saevus), eighty-four on those of C. Oppius
Restitutus, fifty-one on those of Florentius, and there must
of course have been many more now lost. It is clear that
the same types were used by different potters; the models
must, therefore, have been handed about from one to another,
each potter merely adding his own name.

The two portions of the mould were joined while the clay
was moist, and pared with a tool, and the orifice for filling was
then pierced. Glaze, when used, was applied before the baking,
for which only a moderate temperature seems to have been
required; this process followed as soon as the clay was dry.
In some lamps a small hole or slit may be observed, which
some have thought to be for the pin with which the wick was
extracted,[2795] but it is more probable that it was for a piece of
wood which held the top and bottom of the mould together
until the clay was united; it was usually covered over before
the baking, and may have taken the place of the knobs already
spoken of which occur in other forms. The lamps were baked
in batches, placed closely together or superimposed,[2796] and it
sometimes happens that a number are found united together
which had coalesced firmly in the furnace, as in Sir Charles
Newton’s excavations at Knidos.


<b>Subjects</b> are first found on lamps in the second century <sc>B.C.</sc>,
though these are quite of a simple character. Lamps of this
date from North Africa[2797] have such designs as an altar and
.bn 452.png
.pn +1
fruit, a vase, or a caduceus, a head of an ibis, or a nude
incised figure of Tanit; others have merely a wreath round
the centre, and these apparently belong to the first century <sc>B.C.</sc>[2798]
The number of figures is generally small, it being contrary
to the principles of ancient art to crowd a work with minute
figures and details. The majority of lamps have only one
figure, and few beyond those of exceptional size have more than
three. As a rule the treatment is careless and the figures very
indistinct, but the lamps with Greek signatures (see Vol. 1.
p. #108:vol1_108#) form a notable exception.

It may be imagined that the lamp-maker sought to gratify
the taste of his customers by ornamenting his ware with familiar
subjects. Purchasers of terracotta lamps were, as has been
noted, generally persons of inferior condition, and the subjects
on the lamps are in many cases a popularising of well-known
myths or even of works of art, such as the Venus types
(p. #410#) or the Maenads of the “new-Attic” reliefs (p. #411#).
The types of Victory and Fortune are reflections of statues
of the period, and are repeated in many bronze statuettes.
There are also, as we shall see, occasional references to
literature. In Rome the stage exerted little influence, and
subjects are rarely taken from the drama (masks are an exception);
but the games of the circus and gladiatorial contests
found a ready market, and form a large proportion of the
designs. The subjects on the lamps, in fact, represent not so
much the great masterpieces of art, as do coins or gems, but,
like the Greek vases, the popular art of the day, and may be
compared with the illustrations of the popular journals and
magazines of our own time. On the whole, they are of great
value to us as illustrating Roman life and religion, just as
subsequently those on the Christian lamps are of inestimable
importance for the light they throw on the early ages of our
own religion.

As the number of published lamps and catalogues of collections
is so very small, the subjects included in the following list
are mostly confined to the collections in the British Museum,
.bn 453.png
.pn +1
which are quite sufficiently comprehensive for the purpose.[2799] A
few additional examples are given from the Guildhall, Vienna,
and other collections, from the <lang=it><cite>Antichità di Ercolano</cite></lang>, Bartoli’s
<lang=la><cite>Lucernae veterum sepulcrales</cite></lang>, the <lang=fr><cite>Musée Alaoui</cite></lang>, and other isolated
sources.[2800] References to Passeri’s work, <lang=la><cite>Lucernae fictiles Musei
Passerii</cite></lang>, have been avoided, as it has been shown by Dr.
Dressel[2801] that nearly all those published by him are false.

We proceed to note the principal subjects in detail, observing
practically the same order that was adopted in describing the
subjects on Greek vases. They may be roughly divided into
eight classes:—
.in +10
.nf
(1) Olympian deities.
(2) Miscellaneous deities.
(3) Heroic legends, etc.
(4) Historical and literary subjects.
(5) <lang=fr><em>Genre</em></lang> subjects.
(6) Animals.
(7) Inanimate objects.
(8) Floral and decorative devices.
.nf-
.in
The Olympian deities are not often represented, some not
at all, except on a lamp in the Kestner collection at Göttingen,
which has busts of all the twelve[2802]; they are not, however, clearly
distinguished by attributes. Zeus is represented with Hera
and Athena, the three Capitoline deities of Rome, whom the
Etruscans knew as Tinia, Thalna, and Menerfa, the Romans
as Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva.[2803] He also appears alone, seated
on his throne,[2804] but more commonly his bust only is represented
(Plate #LXIV:pl64#. fig. 4), accompanied by his eagle, which
perches on a thunderbolt, sometimes conventionally rendered.[2805]
.bn 454.png
.pn +1
The eagle and the thunderbolt also appear alone,[2806] or the
former with Ganymede.[2807] A bearded horned mask may be
intended for Dionysos, but is more probably Zeus Ammon.[2808]
Sarapis is sometimes enthroned, with Cerberus at his side[2809];
sometimes only his bust occurs, surmounted by the usual
<em>kalathos</em>[2810]; Cerberus is also found alone.[2811] Hera, except in the
instance mentioned, does not occur. A very interesting lamp
from Salamis, Cyprus, now in the British Museum, represents
the contest of Athena and Poseidon for the possession
of Attica[2812]; it is doubtless a reminiscence of the Parthenon
west pediment, though rough and indistinct in execution.
Athena is also seen as a single figure,[2813] seated, or standing in
the usual Promachos attitude, or before an altar, or pursuing
a panther[2814]; her head or bust are not uncommon.[2815] Apollo is
usually represented seated, playing on his lyre, or with the
Gryphon at his side[2816]; Artemis appears as a huntress, accompanied
by her hound, or drawing an arrow from her quiver.[2817]
A lyre or a crescent appearing alone may be the symbols of
these two deities.[2818] There are one or two possible instances
of Hephaistos and Poseidon,[2819] and Demeter may be indicated by
a pair of torches[2820]; the latter also appears in her chariot, seeking
for Persephone.[2821] Ares or Mars is found either as a single figure,[2822]
in a chariot,[2823] or playing with Eros, who steals his armour.[2824]
Hermes appears as a single figure, or accompanied by a sheep,
goat, or cock[2825]; in one instance he presents a purse to Fortune,
who is accompanied by Herakles.[2826] A common subject is his
.bn 455.png
.pn +1
bust, along with his attributes of the purse and caduceus[2827]; the
latter attribute, accompanied by two hands joined, may also have
reference to this deity.[2828] Aphrodite occurs but rarely; she is
either represented accompanied by lions,[2829] or riding on a goat,[2830]
or at the bath or toilet,[2831] or in the Cnidian type,[2832] all these
types being probably reproductions of known works of art.
She is also accompanied by Eros, who assists in arming her;
this type is known as Venus Victrix, and is seen in a group of
Aphrodite and Eros in the Louvre.[2833]

More common than all the Olympian deities put together is
Eros or Cupid, who appears in all sorts of attitudes and actions,
besides those already mentioned.[2834] He sits on a chair or reclines
on a couch,[2835] or is represented in motion, carrying a hare[2836] or a
bird, a dish of fruit or a branch of vine or palm, a cup, situla,
or torch[2837]; or plays on the lyre, flutes, or Pan-pipes[2838]; or
sacrifices a pig, or pours wine into a krater.[2839] He rides on a
donkey,[2840] a dolphin, or a crocodile,[2841] or sails in a boat[2842]; plays
with a chained lion,[2843] or is himself tied to a tree.[2844] He is represented
in the character of Ares, armed with spear and shield;
or in that of Dionysos, with cup and thyrsos; or of Herakles,
whose club he carries; also, probably in the character of Herakles,
he shoots at a serpent.[2845] He is also associated with Psyche,[2846] and
two Erotes sometimes appear together, in one instance in the
character of gladiators fighting, in another of boxers.[2847] One of
the most remarkable lamps in the Museum collection (No. 168)
.bn 456.png
.pn +1
represents a number of diminutive Erotes playing with the
club and cup of Herakles; it is unfortunately fragmentary, but
another example in Dresden gives the complete design.[2848] One
plunges head-foremost into the cup; three others raise the
club with difficulty from the ground, one supporting it with
his back, and a fifth, hovering in the air, pulls at it with his
hands. In front of the last-named are the words <sc>ADIVATE
SODALES</sc>, “Help, comrades!”

Dionysos is another surprisingly rare figure on the lamps,
though his followers, the Satyrs and Maenads, have their full
share of representation. He occurs as a single figure of youthful
appearance,[2849] and also with his panther, to which he offers his
kantharos to drink from[2850]; his mask or head may also be
recognised.[2851] Pan is occasionally found,[2852] in one case in the
form known as Aegipan (see p. #60#) in company with Echo,[2853]
in another as a grotesque bust.[2854] There is also an instance of
Marsyas hung up for his punishment to the branch of a tree.[2855]
A pastoral deity playing flutes on the handle of a lamp in
the B.M. (No. 366) may be either Pan or Marsyas. Satyrs
are represented seizing Maenads,[2856] dancing, drinking, and playing
on the Pan-pipes,[2857] or carrying cups and wine-skins,[2858] or with a
goat[2859]; both the bearded and beardless types are found, and
their masks or busts are also common.[2860] The shaggy-haired
Papposeilenos is occasionally represented.[2861] Maenads are depicted
dancing, in frenzied attitudes, or sacrificing kids; the
type is often that of the “new-Attic” reliefs, derived originally
from Scopas, of the Maenad <lang=grc>Χιμαιροφόνος</lang>.[2862] Their heads and             // Tr: Chimairophonos
masks also occur.[2863]

.pm onplate LXIV.
.il id=pl64 fn=plate64_458.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Roman Lamps with Mythological and Literary Subjects</sc>
(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

Among the minor deities we find that Helios and Selene
.bn 457.png
.pn +1
(Sol and Luna) are often depicted together,[2864] or Selene alone,[2865] or
else their busts together,[2866] or separately[2867]; in one case there is
a simple representation of the solar disc for Helios.[2868] A curious
subject in the British Museum collection is apparently a combination
of the Christian “Good Shepherd” with Helios and
the crescent for Selene.[2869] Asklepios and Hygieia occur in rare
instances,[2870] and there is an example of Charon in his boat.[2871] Of
marine deities and monsters, Triton or Proteus, wearing the
<em>pileus</em> or mariner’s cap,[2872] Scylla,[2873] and a Nereid riding on a
sea-monster (Plate #LXIV:pl54#. fig. 1)[2874] are found. The popularity
of exotic religions at Rome is testified to by the occurrence,
on the one hand, of Kybele with her lions,[2875] and Atys[2876]; on
the other, of Egyptian deities such as Sarapis, already mentioned,
and Harpocrates, who is found either alone, or with Isis, or
with Isis and Anubis,[2877] or with Safekh (Plate #LXIII:pl53#. fig. 3)[2878];
Isis and Horus, and busts of Hermanubis and Isis are also
found.[2879] On the handle of a lamp is a <lang=la><em>lectisternium</em></lang> with busts of
Sarapis and Isis, and of Helios and Selene.[2880] The busts of the
two Kabeiri also occasionally appear.[2881] Among personifications
or quasi-personifications we find the three Charites or Graces[2882]
and a Muse with lyre[2883]; others are all typically Roman, such
as a bust of Africa on a lamp from Carthage,[2884] and such types as
Abundantia[2885] (or two cornucopiae as her symbol[2886]), Vertumnus,[2887]
.bn 458.png
.bn 459.png
.bn 460.png
.pn +1
Fortune with her steering-oar and cornucopia,[2888] and Victory.[2889]
Many of these seem to be reflections of bronze statuettes
of the Roman period.[2890] The latter goddess is frequently
found, bearing a wreath, a trophy, or a shield,[2891] sometimes
reclining or in a chariot[2892]; or again between two Lares[2893];
or two Victories are grouped together.[2894] Of special interest
are what are known as the New Year lamps, given as <lang=la><em>strenae</em></lang>
on January 1st (see p. #398#),[2895] on which Victory is represented
holding a shield, on which is inscribed an aspiration (see
p. #420#) for a happy New Year, the head of Janus, cakes, coins
(<lang=la><em>stipes</em></lang>), and other emblems filling in the rest of the design
(Plate #LXIV:pl54#. fig. 5).[2896]

Occasionally the inscription is varied, and appears as “For the
safety of the state”[2897] or “Happiness” simply.[2898] Two Lares confronted,
holding cornucopia, etc., are also found without Victory.[2899]
Of representations of Phobos (Fear) we have spoken already (see
p. #398#). There are also representations of terminal deities,[2900]
as well as unidentified goddesses.[2901]

Coming now to the heroes and heroic legends, we find that
they play on the whole an inconsiderable part in the list of
subjects on lamps. Leda is represented with the swan,[2902] and
the Dioskuri sometimes appear as busts[2903]; also Kastor as a full
figure, accompanied by his horse.[2904] Of the labours of Herakles
we have the Nemean lion,[2905] the Erymanthian boar,[2906] the
.bn 461.png
.pn +1
hydra,[2907] and the slaying of the serpent in the Garden of the
Hesperides,[2908] as well as the combat with a Centaur[2909] and the
freeing of Prometheus.[2910] He is also represented as a single figure,
holding the apples of the Hesperides,[2911] leading kids,[2912] or with a jug
or drinking-cup,[2913] or his head alone (both bearded and beardless
types).[2914] Theseus slays the Amazon Andromache[2915]; Perseus is
represented carrying the Gorgon’s head[2916]; Bellerophon is seen
fallen from his horse Pegasos, or leading him to drink at Peirene[2917];
there are also possible representations of Kadmos and Meleager.[2918]
Europa is depicted on the bull[2919]; Endymion asleep[2920]; Aktaeon
devoured by his hounds[2921]; Telephos suckled by the hind[2922];
and Eos pursuing Kephalos.[2923] Icaros in his attempted flight
is watched by Minos from the walls of Knossos (Plate LXIV.
fig. 2).[2924] From the Theban legend we have only Oedipus
before the Sphinx,[2925] a scene from the <cite>Phoenissae</cite> of Euripides
(see p. #415#), and Amphion and Zethos seizing the bull for the
punishment of Dirke.[2926] Nor are scenes from the Trojan cycle
much more common; but Achilles and Thetis are represented,[2927]
and also Achilles dragging the body of Hector round the walls
of Troy[2928]; there is a curious scene, somewhat grotesquely
treated, of Odysseus and Neoptolemos stealing the bow of
Philoktetes, who fans his wounded foot[2929]; Ajax is seen grieving
after his madness[2930]; and Aeneas carries off his aged father and
his son from Troy.[2931] Odysseus appears before Kirke,[2932] passing
.bn 462.png
.pn +1
the Sirens,[2933] and offering a cup to Polyphemos,[2934] but sometimes
also without the Cyclops. Orestes appears at his trial before
Athena in the presence of a Fury.[2935] A Centaur is seen
carrying off a woman, and in combat with a Lapith[2936]; also
with a lion,[2937] carrying an amphora,[2938] or playing flutes.[2939] An
Amazon wounded, standing at an altar, and accompanied by
a crane, are also among the list of subjects.[2940] A single figure
of Pegasos,[2941] and the Gorgoneion or Medusa-head,[2942] are not
infrequently found. Combats of Pygmies and cranes,[2943] and a
Pygmy on a crocodile,[2944] may also perhaps be included under
this heading.

The next group of subjects includes those of a historical or
literary character. In the British Museum there are two very
interesting representations of Diogenes in his tub or <em>pithos</em>
(see Vol. I. p. #152:vol1_152#), presumably addressing Alexander, as in the
well-known story,[2945] but the latter is not represented (Plate
LXIV. fig. 6).

Among portraits are busts of Aesop,[2946] and various Roman
personages, such as Hadrian, Antonia, Trajan, Marcus Aurelius,
Septimius Severus, Commodus, Julia Domna,[2947] Lucius Verus,[2948]
and others who cannot be identified.[2949] A scene from the
<cite>Phoenissae</cite> of Euripides occurs on one lamp, with the combat
of the two brothers and the death of Jocasta; the name of
the play is actually inscribed on the lamp.[2950] With reference
to Virgil’s first Eclogue we find a representation of the shepherd
.bn 463.png
.pn +1
Tityrus on a lamp found at Pozzuoli[2951]; the shepherd, whose
name is given, is seated among his flocks. Several lamps
illustrate the well-known fable of Aesop, of the Fox and Crow.[2952]
The fox, wearing a chlamys, stands on his hind-legs holding
up a pair of flutes to the crow, which is perched on the top
of a tree. Another subject, which doubtless has reference to
some fable, is that of a stork holding in its beak a balance,
in which a mouse is weighed against an elephant.[2953] The
humour of the subject lies in the fact that the mouse is seen
to weigh the elephant down. These two are illustrated on
Plate #LXV:pl65#. figs. 3, 6. There is also a lamp in the British
Museum (Plate #LXIII:pl63#. fig. 2) with a curious subject which
may either be a scene from a comedy like those on the South
Italian vases, or else a parody of “a visit to Asklepios.”[2954]

The subjects taken from ordinary life are eminently characteristic
of the social life of Rome under the Empire. An almost
inordinate proportion relate to the now popular gladiatorial
shows, and many others deal with the events of the circus
and arena. Of gladiatorial subjects there are three principal
varieties, which occur again and again on lamps of all shapes
and periods with little alteration.[2955] One class represents a
single gladiator in the characteristic armour, with visored
helmet, greaves, and arm-guards, sword and shield[2956]; the next
represents a combat of two (Plate #LXV:pl65#. fig. 5), in which the
one is usually worsted and falls at the other’s feet, his shield
on the ground beside him.[2957] An interesting example in the
.bn 464.png
.bn 465.png
.bn 466.png
.pn +1
British Museum (No. 526) shows a <lang=la><em>mirmillo</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>secutor</em></lang> in combat
with a <lang=la><em>retiarius</em></lang>, who fought with net and trident. The third
series has representations of gladiatorial armour ranged in a
circle: swords, shields, arm-guards, greaves, and helmets.[2958]

.pm onplate LXV.
.il id=pl65 fn=plate65_464.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Roman Lamps with Miscellaneous Subjects</sc>
(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

From the circus and games we have such subjects as a naval
contest in the amphitheatre[2959]; a bull-fight[2960]; a <lang=la><em>bestiarius</em></lang> contending
with boars[2961]; a man leaping over a bull[2962]; and boxers.[2963]
A remarkable lamp in the British Museum (No. 164 = Plate #LXV:pl65#.
fig. 4) gives a representation of a chariot-race in the circus;
we have the colonnade of latticed barriers (<lang=la><em>carceres</em></lang>) from which
the chariots started, the <lang=la><em>spina</em></lang> down the middle of the course,
adorned with shrines and obelisks, and rows of seats full of
spectators; four chariots take part in the race. Next there
are scenes such as an athlete crowning himself, a victorious
charioteer in his quadriga, or a victory in the horse-race.[2964]
Of more miscellaneous character are such subjects as a chariot
drawn by four men, a two-horse or four-horse chariot by itself,
or a man or boy on horseback.[2965]

Military subjects are at all times rare, but a not infrequent
subject is a mounted warrior charging with a spear[2966]; a soldier
is also depicted with a bird,[2967] at an altar, taking an oath, and
saluting an officer who rides past.[2968] There are also representations
of an <lang=la><em>imperator</em></lang> on his triumphal car,[2969] of an eagle and
standard,[2970] and of a trophy perhaps commemorating a victory
over barbarians.[2971] A representation of a ship or galley is not
uncommon, but sometimes it is not easy to distinguish these
from the type of Odysseus and the Sirens.[2972] Some lamps
.bn 467.png
.pn +1
have landscapes in the style of Alexandrine reliefs and chased
metalwork, as for instance a harbour surrounded by buildings,
in which two fishermen pursue their vocation (Plate #LXV:pl65#.
fig. 1),[2973] or a hunter accompanied by a porter, with a town
in the background.[2974] Among pastoral scenes we have also,
besides the Tityrus already mentioned, shepherds and goatherds
with their dogs, tending sheep and goats which nibble the
foliage of trees[2975]; fishermen,[2976] and hunters, as already noted.
Another interesting type is that of a juggler or mountebank
accompanied by a dog and a cat, which climb ladders, jump
through rings, and perform other tricks (Plate #LXV:pl65#. fig. 2).[2977]
Of a more miscellaneous character are such subjects as a butcher
slaughtering animals hung from a tree[2978]; a fuller at work[2979];
a slave washing a dog, and another washing a statue[2980]; slaves
carrying casks or <lang=la><em>fasces</em></lang>[2981]; a mule turning a mill.[2982] Others,
again, do not admit of any exact classification; such are a
man and woman embracing; a woman scraping herself after
the bath; a youth with a mortar; the sacrifice of a pig[2983]; a
man riding on a camel or elephant,[2984] or driving a camel[2985]; a
dwarf in a boat or playing on a flute[2986]; comic actors,[2987] and
comic and tragic masks[2988] innumerable; and two skeletons
dancing.[2989]

Animals form a large proportion of the representations on
lamps,[2990] especially on the late class without handle from Knidos
(Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#), and include Gryphons, elephants, lions, panthers,
.bn 468.png
.pn +1
boars, bears, wolves, deer, horses, oxen, sheep, goats, dogs, rabbits,
eagles, storks, ostriches,[2991] peacocks,[2992] parrots,[2993] cocks and hens,
and other birds; dolphins, sea-horses, cuttle-fish and other kinds
of fish, scorpions,[2994] frogs, shell-fish, and so on. Those mentioned
so far are single figures, merely decorative; in others there is
more definite action. Such are a lion attacking a bull or
crocodile, or seizing a hind or a donkey[2995]; two bears dancing[2996];
a monkey and vine[2997]; a dog on a couch,[2998] fighting with a goose,
or attacking a stag,[2999] hind, or boar[3000]; two monkeys in a boat[3001];
a hare or rabbit nibbling at a plant[3002]; a bird on a twig,
sometimes eating fruit[3003]; an eagle seizing a hare[3004]; an ibis
and a serpent[3005]; a hen with chickens, cocks fighting, or a
cock pursuing a hen[3006]; dolphins twisted round a trident or
anchor; a crocodile and serpent; a lizard or sea-monster and
eel; two serpents, sea-horses, or dolphins with an altar
between[3007]; and a grasshopper eating grapes.[3008]

There are also a large number of lamps, the centre of which
is only ornamented with some decorative motive, such as
a <lang=la><em>carchesium</em></lang> (Vol. I. p. #188:vol1_188#), situla, or krater, from which spring
vine-branches, ivy, or other plants; an oinochoë, flask, or
drinking-cup; palm-branches, wreaths of ivy, vine, oak, and
myrtle, sprays of flowers; a cornucopia and caduceus,[3009] or other
emblems of deities, such as two hands joined with a caduceus
behind them (see p. #410#); scallop-shells; or purely conventional
patterns, such as large four-leaved flowers, stars, and rosettes.
The latter are mostly found on lamps from Greek sites,
especially in Cyprus, and at Tarsus and Knidos. Many lamps
.bn 469.png
.pn +1
have no decoration on the <lang=la><em>discus</em></lang>, but only comic masks round
the edge, or a border of foliage.

The Christian lamps are as a rule easily to be distinguished
from the pagan by their form, as well as by their subjects. These
subjects are mainly taken from the Old Testament, from the
life of our Lord, and from the sphere of symbolism; the Good
Shepherd, the seven-branched candlestick, the cross or <lang=la><em>labarum</em></lang>,
and the sacred monogram, are all favourites.[3010]

.tb

A considerable number of Roman lamps have inscriptions,
either impressed in relief or hollow letters from a stamp, or
engraved with a pointed instrument; the stamps were probably
of bronze. Potters’ signatures and trade-marks are always
underneath the lamp, and those found on the top usually relate
in some way to the subject. Sometimes, as in lamps from Pozzuoli
and Naples,[3011] the inscriptions are in relief on the surface, in small
tablets. They may, however, be classified under four headings:—

.in +6
.ti -4
  (1) Inscriptions referring to the circumstances under which
or for which the lamp was made, as, for instance, with reference
to national events or public games, or for religious dedications.

.ti -4
  (2) Inscriptions descriptive of the subjects.

.ti -4
  (3) Acclamations or formulae addressed by the potter to the
public.

.ti -4
  (4) Signatures of potters or trade-marks; this class is by far
the most numerous.
.in

To the first class belong some of the formulae to which allusion
has already been made (pp. #396#, #398#), such as those on the
New Year lamps: <sc>ANNVM NOVVM FAVSTVM FELICEM MIHI HIC</sc>
(or <sc>TIBI</sc>, or to some person whose name is given); occasionally
this is varied by formulae such as <sc>FIILICTII</sc> (for <sc>FELICITAS</sc>?),
“Happiness (to you)!”[3012] <sc>OB CIVES SERV</sc>(<i>atos</i>), “For the preservation
of the state”[3013]; <sc>G · P · R · F</sc>, <lang=la><em>Genio populi Romani feliciter</em></lang>[3014];
.bn 470.png
.pn +1
<sc>EX·S·C</sc>, “By the decree of the senate”[3015]; <sc>FIDES PVBLICA</sc>,
“The public trust,”[3016] and the <sc>SAECVLI</sc>, <sc>SAECVLO</sc>, <sc>SAECVLARES</sc>
group of inscriptions,[3017] which may in a few cases refer to the
Ludi Saeculares, but more probably are of similar import
to the <sc>SAEC</sc>(<i>ulum</i>) <sc>AV</sc>(<i>reum</i>) <sc>DOM</sc>(<i>ini</i>), “The golden age of
our lord,“ on a lamp from Antium.[3018] The last-named formula,
it should be noted, is found both above and below the
lamps. <sc>LVCER</sc>(<i>na</i>) <sc>PV</sc>(<i>b</i>)<sc>LICA</sc> probably refers to the use of
the lamp in some public illuminations (see p. #396#).[3019] A lamp
in the Trier Museum[3020] has the names of the consuls for
the year 235 (Severus and Quintianus). Among names of
deities for whose sanctuaries the lamps were intended are Venus
(<sc>SACRVM VENERI</sc>, with a figure of the goddess),[3021] and the
Ephesian Artemis
.pm ii inscr_421_artemis_ephesion.jpg 'ΑΡΤΕΜΙΣ ΕΦΕΣΙΩΝ' '(' ').[3022]'  // Tr: ARTEMIS EPHESIÔN

Among the inscriptions relating to the subjects on the
lamps are several which have already been mentioned, such
as <sc>DIOGENES</sc> and <sc>TITVRVS</sc>, and also <sc>GA</sc>(<i>ny</i>)<sc>MEDES</sc> over a
figure of the same.[3023] On a lamp representing the flight
of Aeneas from Troy are the names <sc>AEN</sc>(<i>eas</i>), <sc>ANC</sc>(<i>hises</i>),
<sc>ASC</sc>(<i>anius</i>), and the exclamation <sc>REX PIE</sc>, alluding to the former.[3024]
On another, which represents the fight of Eteokles and Polyneikes
and the death of Jocasta, subjects taken from the
<cite>Phoenissae</cite> of Euripides, occur not only the letters PVL for
Polyneikes, but also <sc>PHO</sc>(<i>e</i>)<sc>NISS</sc>(<i>ae</i>), leaving no doubt as to
the source whence the scenes are taken.[3025] Another in the form
of Eros or a Genius with the club and lion-skin of Herakles,
lying asleep, has on it the curious inscription <sc>AIA STLACIA TVRA
DORMIT, STERNIT SIR</sc> ...,[3026] the import of which is not quite
clear. Similar inscriptions often occur in scenes from the
circus or amphitheatre, giving the names of gladiators, as
Afer, Helenus, Popillius, or Sabinus,[3027] or of charioteers in the
.bn 471.png
.pn +1
circus-races, as C. Annius Lacerta and the horse Corax, which
won him a race for the white faction at the Secular Games[3028];
another lamp has the name of a horse or his driver, <sc>INCITATVS</sc>,
and a third the exhortation <sc>VIG</sc>(<i>i</i>)<sc>LA PRASINE</sc>,[3029] which may
allude to a driver of the green faction. Over the figure of a
warrior on a lamp from Carthage is <sc>PLVS FECISSES SI PLVS
LICERET</sc>, “You would have done more if you had had the
chance.”[3030] In other cases there seems to be a revival of the
old Greek fashion of apostrophising the figures as <em>Kalos</em>—<i>e.g.</i>
<sc>AQVILO CALOS, AXOLMVS</sc> (<i>c</i>)<sc>ALOS</sc>.[3031] There are also inscriptions
put into the mouths of figures, as in the subject of Cupids with
the club of Herakles, one of whom cries <sc>ADIV</sc>(<i>v</i>)<sc>ATE SODALES</sc>,
“Help, comrades!”[3032] or the funerary Genius weeping over an
urn and saying, <sc>LVGEO</sc>, “I mourn.”[3033]

To the third class belong such expressions as <sc>HAVE</sc>,
“Hail!”[3034]; <sc>VIVAS</sc> or <sc>VALEAS</sc>, “Long life!”; <sc>VTERE</sc>, “Use
this”[3035]; <sc>AVE ET VALE</sc>, “Greeting and farewell,” on a lamp
from Cologne[3036]; and on another from the same site, <sc>HAVE ·
MACENA · VILLIS · HAVE · LASCIBA · VALE</sc>,[3037] which seems to have
a somewhat coarse significance. Others allude to the future
purchaser, as <sc>EME ME</sc>, “Buy me”[3038]; <sc>QVI FECERIT VIVAT ET
Q</sc>(<i>ui</i>) <sc>EMERIT</sc>, “May the potter and purchaser flourish”; <sc>EMITE
LVCERNAS AB ASSE COLATAS</sc>, “Buy lamps for an ass”[3039]; <sc>BONO
QVI EME</sc>(<i>rit</i>), “May it be for his good who shall buy it.”[3040]
The latter class are chiefly found in North Africa. Mention
has already been made of the inscriptions on the Esquiline
lamps, such as <sc>PONE FVR</sc>; these are not found on lamps of
imperial times, and appear to be peculiar to the early fabrics.
<lang=grc>Μὴ ἅπτου</lang> has been found on a lamp at Athens.[3041] On a lamp         // Tr: Mê haptou
.bn 472.png
.pn +1
from Spain is inscribed <sc>G · IVLIVS · ARTEMIDOR ... LVCERNAS · II · D
D</sc>, “C. Julius Artemidorus makes a present of two lamps.”[3042]
A very curious inscription is found written in ink on a lamp
at Rome, to this effect: “Helenus delivers his name to the nether
world; he carries down with him coins, a New Year’s gift, and
his lamp; let no one deliver him except us who have made
them.”[3043]

.tb

Potters’ signatures are almost invariably to be found on the
under side of the lamp, where they are arranged on the diameter
at right angles to the axis of the lamp; sometimes they are
placed in a panel or tablet, or within the outline of a foot. In
rare instances they are found on the handle, or on the top.[3044]
Greek lamps which are not of Roman origin are never signed,
nor are those of Christian origin; the oldest signatures are to
be found on the Esquiline lamps, but they rarely appear before
imperial times, when they become fairly general. Among these
earlier instances are <sc>PRAESE</sc>(<i>ntis</i>)[3045] and <sc>FL</sc>(<i>a</i>)<sc>BIA</sc> (<lang=la><em>Flavia</em></lang>), the
latter found at Carthage.[3046] More frequently, lamps of this kind
have a single letter or monogram by way of stamp[3047]; a “delphiniform”
lamp in the Musée Alaoui has a monogram of Α and Π.
A single letter sometimes occurs above or below the inscription,
which may be regarded as a sort of trade-mark indicating the
potter (<lang=la><em>figulus</em></lang>), the full name being that of the <lang=la><em>officinator</em></lang> or
master; on a lamp in the British Museum from Knidos (No. 132)
the name <sc>ROMANE</sc>(<i>n</i>)<sc>SIS</sc> is accompanied by the letter X; on
another, <sc>FORTIS</sc> by the letter <sc>N</sc>. On the lamps signed by
<sc>L · HOS · CRI</sc>, a Gaulish potter, are found the letters <sc>G</sc>, <sc>I</sc>, <sc>L</sc>, <sc>M</sc>,
<sc>P</sc>, <sc>S</sc>, <sc>T</sc>, <sc>V</sc>, <sc>N</sc>, <sc>Z</sc>, and other signs.[3048] These trade-marks are not
confined to letters; Fortis uses a wreath and palm-branch, as in
Fig. #210:fig210#; L. Caecilius Saevus a palm-branch or a foot-shaped
.bn 473.png
.pn +1
stamp; L. Fabricius Masculus the letters <sc>H</sc> and <sc>X</sc>, a wheel, or a
star.[3049] Other lamps have no name underneath, but some simple
pattern, such as five circles in <lang=la><em>quincunx</em></lang> form, or the favourite device
of the foot-shaped stamp (cf.
p. 333). These varieties of
marks were probably intended
to distinguish different series
in the products of a single
pottery.

.il id=fig210 fn=fig210_473.jpg w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 210. UNDER SIDE OF LAMP WITH SIGNATURE OF FORTIS (BRIT. MUS.).

The signatures are usually
abbreviated, the full form
being <lang=la><em>ex officina</em></lang> (<lang=la><em>officinatoris</em></lang>),
the name being consequently
in the genitive. On a lamp
from Rome is <sc>EX · OF · AIACIS</sc>,
<lang=la><em>ex officina Aiacis</em></lang>.[3050] Sometimes,
but rarely under the
Empire, the nominative is
used: <lang=la><em>A.B. fecit</em></lang>, or more commonly
<lang=la><em>A.B.f.</em></lang> Thus we have
<sc>AVGENDI</sc>, <sc>ATIMETI</sc>, <sc>C . IVLI
NICEPHORI</sc>, or <sc>ASPRENAS</sc>,
<sc>FELIX</sc>, <sc>TROPHIMVS</sc>. But
where a single name occurs
it is rarely full enough to show the case. On a lamp at Dresden
the potter Diomedes calls himself <sc>LVCERNARIVS</sc>.[3051] From the
second century down to the time of Augustus the name may
be either in the nominative or genitive, either the <lang=la><em>praenomen</em></lang>
and <lang=la><em>nomen</em></lang>, or the <lang=la><em>nomen</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang> only; these signatures
were all incised while the clay was moist. In the period represented
by the third class (see p. #401#) nearly all the signatures
are <lang=la><em>cognomina</em></lang> simply, as <sc>ATIMETI</sc>, <sc>COMMVNIS</sc>, <sc>FORTLS</sc>, <sc>STROBILI</sc>,
all in the genitive. In the fourth class, or lamps of the second
century, the nominative is very rare; the names are usually
abbreviated, and one (<lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang>), two (<lang=la><em>nomen</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang>),
.bn 474.png
.pn +1
or three may be found. Potteries were, as we have seen, often
owned by women, hence female names are not uncommon.
Abbreviations of a particular name vary considerably; for
instance, L. Caecilius Saevus appears as <sc>L · CAEC · SAE</sc>,
<sc>L · CAE · SAE</sc>, <sc>L · CA · SAE</sc> (see below, p. #428#); L. Fabricius
Masculus as <sc>L · FABRIC · MASC</sc>, <sc>L · FABRIC · MAS</sc>, <sc>L · FABR · MASC</sc>,
<sc>FABRIC · MAS</sc>, and so on.[3052] Or the <lang=la><em>praenomen</em></lang> may vary, and
for <sc>C · OPPI · RES</sc> we find <sc>L · OPPI · RES</sc>; or, again, the <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang>,
as in the case of C. Junius, where it may be Alexis, Bitus,
or Draco,[3053] or of L. Munatius, found with Adjectus, Restitutus,
Successus, Threptus, and Philemo.[3054] The variations in the names
may denote potteries in connection, or successive holders of
one business. In one instance the name of a workman <sc>PVLCHER</sc>
occurs with that of Fabricius Masculus, in another that of
<sc>PRIMVS</sc> with C. Oppius Restitutus.[3055] Greek names, where they
occur, seem to imply that the potters were freedmen, as in
the case of Dionysius, Phoetaspus, and others.

The following list gives the names most frequently found,
with the localities in which they occur[3056]:—

.fs 95%
.in +6
.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Annius Serapiodorus</em></lang> (<sc>ANNI · SER</sc>): Rome, Ostia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Atilius Vestalis</em></lang> (<sc>C · ATILI · VEST</sc>): Rome, Italy, Gaul, Britain.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Atimetus</em></lang>: Italy, Gallia Narbonensis, Pannonia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>L. Caecilius Saevus</em></lang> (<sc>L · CAE · SAE</sc>): Rome, Southern Italy, Sicily,
Sardinia, Gallia Narbonensis, Britain.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Clodius Heliodorus</em></lang> (<sc>CLO · HEL</sc>): Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Clodius Successus</em></lang> (<sc>C · CLO · SVC</sc>): Rome, Gaul, Sardinia, Africa.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Communis</em></lang>: Rome, Pompeii, Gallia Cisalpina, Pannonia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Crescens</em></lang>: Gaul, Pannonia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>L. Fabricius Masculus</em></lang> (<sc>L · FABR · MASC</sc>): Rome, Gallia Cisalpina,
Africa.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Florentius</em></lang> (<sc>FLORENT</sc>): Rome, Italy, Sicily, Tunis, Gaul, Germany,
Britain.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Fortis</em></lang>: Rome, Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, Germany, Gaul, Britain.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Gabinia</em></lang>: Italy, Sardinia, Africa, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>L. Hospidius Crispus</em></lang> (<sc>L · HOS · CRI</sc>): Gaul.
.bn 475.png
.pn +1

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Julius Nicephorus</em></lang> (<sc>C · IVLI · NICEP</sc>): Italy, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Junius Alexis</em></lang>: Rome, Campania, Sicily, Sardinia, Africa.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Junius Bito</em></lang>: Italy, Sicily, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Junius Draco</em></lang>: Rome, Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, Africa, Gallia
Narbonensis.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>L. Mar. Mi.</em></lang>: Rome, Campania, Sicily, Spain, Gallia Cisalpina.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>L. Munatius</em></lang> (with various <lang=la><em>cognomina</em></lang>): Rome, Africa.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>N. Naevius Luc.</em></lang> (<sc>N · NAEV · LVC</sc>): Italy, Sardinia, Spain, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>M. Novius Justus</em></lang> (<sc>M · NOV · IVST</sc>): Rome, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia,
Africa, Gallia Narbonensis.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Oppius Restitutus</em></lang> (<sc>C · OPPI · RES</sc>): Rome, Italy, Sicily, Sardinia,
Africa, Gallia Narbonensis, Cyprus.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Passenus Augurinus</em></lang> (<sc>PAS · AVG</sc>): Italy, Gaul.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Phoetaspus</em></lang>: Italy, Gaul, Pannonia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Strobilus</em></lang>: Rome, Italy, Africa, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Gaul, Britain.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>Vibianus</em></lang>: Gaul, Pannonia.

.ti -4
<lang=la><em>C. Viciri Agathopus</em></lang> (<sc>C · VICIRI · AGAT</sc>): Italy, Sardinia, Gallia
Cisalpina.
.in
.fs 100%

It will be noted that nearly all are found at Rome, but that
the others fall into geographical groups; the same name is
seldom found both in the north and south of the Empire. Thus
Fortis is not found in Africa, Oppius Restitutus only rarely in
Gaul. Certain names are entirely localised, as Annius Serapiodorus
at Rome and Ostia, L. Hos. Cri. and Marcellus in Gaul,
Q. Mem. Kar. and Pudens in Sardinia. The name of Vindex,
a maker of terracotta figures at Cologne (see above, p. #383#),
is found on lamps at Trier and Nimeguen.[3057]

The distribution of the Fortis lamps in particular is remarkable.
They have been found in several places in Gallia Cisalpina,
such as Aquileia[3058]; at Lyons, Aix, Orange, and elsewhere
in France[3059]; at Nimeguen in Holland[3060]; at Trier, Cologne, Mainz,
and Louisendorf in Germany[3061]; in London[3062]; in Spain[3063]; and
over the region of Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia,[3064] as well as in
.bn 476.png
.pn +1
Rome and Italy.[3065] The most natural conclusion to be drawn from
these results is that the majority of the lamps seem to have been
made in Italy, and it has been thought probable that there were
three principal centres of fabric whence exportation went on in
different directions—Rome and its environs, Campania for the
lamps found in Southern Italy, Africa, and the Mediterranean, and
Gallia Cisalpina for those found in Central Europe.[3066] It has
also been suggested that the last-named fabric centred in
Mutina (Modena) and that this was the place where the lamps
of Class III. (see p. #401#) were chiefly made.[3067] Outside Italy there
may well have been manufactures in North Africa, where lamps
are so plentiful, and in Gallia Narbonensis, to which region some
signatures are peculiar. Evidence of a lamp-manufacturer in
Africa seems to be afforded by the mention of <lang=la><em>praedia Pullaenorum</em></lang>
in an inscription from Tunis,[3068] the lamps of Pullaenus
occurring in Sardinia and Africa. Local fabrics of very poor
lamps were doubtless numerous.

A certain number of Roman lamps have Greek signatures,
not differing in character but only in alphabet from the Latin
inscriptions. The most curious instance is that of
.pm ii inscr_427_kelsei.jpg ΚΕΛΣΕΙ '' ''
.pm ii inscr_427_pompeei.jpg ΠΟΜΠΕΕΙ '' ''
for <lang=la><em>Celsi Pompeii</em></lang>, which is found on lamps in Southern
Italy[3069]; <lang=grc>Πομπιλίου</lang> is also found at Naples, and even <lang=grc>Ἀβασκάντου</lang>  // Tr: Pompiliou: Abaskantou
and <lang=grc>Πρείμου</lang>, which are usually associated with lamps made in                  // Tr: Preimou
Greece (see Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#), occur on some found in Italy.[3070] In Sicily
we find the signatures of Apollophanes of Tyre
.pm ii inscr_427_apollophan.jpg ΑΠΟΛΛΟΦΑΝ '(' ''
.pm ii inscr_427_tyrio.jpg ΤΥΡΙΟ '' ')'
at Himera and Proklos Agyrios
.pm ii inscr_427_prokl_agyr.jpg 'ΠΡΟΚΛ ΑΓΥΡ' '(' ')'
at Gela
and Catania[3071]; <lang=grc>Ῥήγλου</lang> for Regulus occurs at Tarentum.[3072] Greek         // Tr: Rhêglou
names are often found in Cyprus,[3073] and conversely a large
number of lamps found at Knidos by Sir Charles Newton bore
the signature <sc>ROMANE</sc>(<i>n</i>)
.pm ii inscr_427_sis.jpg 'ROMANE(n)SIS' '' ','
in Latin letters with the S reversed,
.bn 477.png
.pn +1
apparently suggesting that the lamps were made by a Roman
abroad.[3074] Greek signatures are even found in Gaul and
Germany.[3075]

Mention must also be made here of the recent researches of
Herr Fink[3076] with the object of ascertaining the chronological
succession and general distribution of the signatures on lamps
of the Imperial period. Starting with the four main classes of
forms which have already been laid down as the basis[3077] (the distinction
resting mainly on the various forms of the nozzle), he
has obtained, by comparison chiefly of the lamps in the British
Museum, Berlin, and Munich collections, the following interesting
results.

Certain stamps appear to be peculiar, or almost peculiar, to
each class: thus, in Class I. only, we find P. Cessius Felix
and L. Munatius Successus; in Class II. only, L. Fabricius
Masculus; in Class III. only, Atimetus, Fortis, Phoetaspus, and
other single <lang=la><em>cognomina</em></lang>; in Class IV., which contains by far the
larger number of stamps, Clodius Helvidius, C. Junius Bitus,[3078]
L. Munatius Threptus, and C. Cornelius Ursus. The lamps of
the Gaulish potter L. Hospidius Crispus are all of one peculiar
form, a transition between Fink’s I. and IV.[3079] Cross-instances
are very rare, but C. Junius Draco is found in Classes I. and
IV., C. Oppius Restitutus in Classes II. and IV., Florentius
and Celsus Pompeius in Classes III. and IV. It is also interesting
to note that there are lamps in Class IV. with the Christian
monogram and the figure of the Good Shepherd. In Class I.,
generally speaking, signatures are very rare; in Class III. they
are almost invariable, but the total number of lamps is relatively
small. Another curious result is that certain signatures, such as
L. Caecilius Saevus, Bassus, Cerialis, Sextus Egnatius Aprilis,
and Romanensis, are not confined to one type of lamp, but in
these cases it is to be noted that each type has a variation of
signature: thus, in Class I., <sc>L·CAEC·SAE</sc>; in II., <sc>L·CAE·SAE</sc>;
.bn 478.png
.pn +1
in III., <sc>L·CA·SAE</sc>; while in IV., <sc>L·CAE·SAE</sc> occurs no less
than 140 times.

His conclusions are that one workshop did not necessarily
set itself to produce only one form, but that the differences
in form are merely due to changes of fashion. In Class I. Greek
technical instincts are still strong as regards form and choice of
subjects, but in ornament the taste of Southern Italy prevails;
the subjects are mainly mythological. In Class II. the typically
Roman motives appear: gladiators, combats, and hunting-scenes;
this form, according to Fink, is more developed than Class I.
Evidence which has been obtained from Regensburg shows
that Class III. belongs to the time from Augustus to Hadrian,
and, as we have seen, it is chiefly confined to the north of the
Apennines. Where provincial potteries can be traced, as at
Westerndorf and at Westheim in Bavaria, the lamps are usually
of this form, but it was doubtless imitated in Italy. Form IV.
is essentially Italian, but is also found in Central Europe, and
is evidently of late date.

.fm

.fn 2721
See Macrobius, <cite>Sat.</cite> vi. 4, 18. Lucilius uses this word and <lang=la><em>lucerna</em></lang> in the same line.
.fn-

.fn 2722
<cite>L.L.</cite> v. 119.
.fn-

.fn 2723
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 265 ff.: see
below, p. 399.
.fn-

.fn 2724
Cf. Dressel in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 784.
.fn-

.fn 2725
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxviii. 163.
.fn-

.fn 2726
The corresponding Greek word was <lang=grc>μύξα</lang>.                     // Tr: muxa
.fn-

.fn 2727
Petronius, <cite>Sat.</cite> 30 (Teubner edn.
p. 21); Orelli, <cite>Inscr.</cite> 3678.
.fn-

.fn 2728
xiv. 41.
.fn-

.fn 2729
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxv. 121.
.fn-

.fn 2730
<cite>Moretum</cite>, 11; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xix. 17,
xxviii. 168, xxxv. 175.
.fn-

.fn 2731
La Blanchère and Gauckler, <lang=fr><cite>Mus.
Alaoui</cite></lang>, p. 193, Nos. 487-88; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di
Ercolano</cite></lang>, viii. pl. 52.
.fn-

.fn 2732
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> Lucerna,
p. 1335, fig. 4605.
.fn-

.fn 2733
No. 393 and <cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>,
C 421 (Plate IV. fig. 4); <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>,
No. 484.
.fn-

.fn 2734
B.M. Nos. 2, 393.
.fn-

.fn 2735
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6609-10; Daremberg and
Saglio, fig. 4607; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii.
pl. 12: see also p. 387.
.fn-

.fn 2736
<cite>Epigr.</cite> xiv. 39; <lang=la><cite>Moretum.</cite></lang> 10 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2737
Plutarch, <cite>Ant.</cite> 26; Suetonius, <cite>Vit.
Caes.</cite> 37; Dio Cass. 63, 4.
.fn-

.fn 2738
Suet. <cite>Calig.</cite> 18; <cite>Domit.</cite> 4.
.fn-

.fn 2739
Lampridius, <cite>Vit.</cite> 24.
.fn-

.fn 2740
<cite>Apol.</cite> 35: cf. <lang=la><em>ad uxorem</em></lang>, ii. 6.
.fn-

.fn 2741
xii. 92.
.fn-

.fn 2742
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6221; and B.M.
Nos. 476, 506, 507, 534, 535.
.fn-

.fn 2743
<lang=grc>Θεῷ ὑψίστῳ λύχνον εὐχήν</lang>, Boeckh,                         // Tr: Theô hypsistô lychnon euchên
<lang=de><cite>C.I.Gr.</cite></lang> iii. p. 1169, No. 4380 <i>n</i>^2.
.fn-

.fn 2744
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1894, p. 205.
.fn-

.fn 2745
<lang=fr><cite>Mélanges de l’École franç. de Rome</cite></lang>,
xii. (1892), p. 116 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2746
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> i. pl. 44,
p. 123.
.fn-

.fn 2747
Cf. Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite>
p. 111, and <cite>C.I.L.</cite> vi. pt. 4, No. 30102
(<lang=la><em>semper vigilet lucerna nardo</em></lang>).
.fn-

.fn 2748
Ellis, <cite>Townley Gallery</cite>, ii. p. 250.
.fn-

.fn 2749
Orelli, 4416.
.fn-

.fn 2750
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 633 (from Salerno).
.fn-

.fn 2751
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. 2102.
.fn-

.fn 2752
<cite>Sat.</cite> 111 (Teubner ed. p. 77).
.fn-

.fn 2753
See <lang=de><cite>Athen. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1902, p. 257 ff.; and
cf. <cite>Amer. Journ. of Arch.</cite> 1903, p. 344.
.fn-

.fn 2754
Virg. <cite>Georg.</cite> i. 390; Apul. <cite>Metam.</cite> ii. 28.
.fn-

.fn 2755
<lang=la><cite>Homil. in Ep. ad Cor.</cite></lang> i. 12 (Pusey’s
<cite>Library of the Fathers</cite>, p. 164).
.fn-

.fn 2756
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4969, 3; x. 8053, 5;
xv. 6196-210: see also pp. 413, 420,
and Plate LXIV. fig. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2757
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. p. 785.
.fn-

.fn 2758
<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 47, No. 26.
.fn-

.fn 2759
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> ix. 6081, 1.
.fn-

.fn 2760
See also the lamps from the altar of
Saturnus Balcaranensis (Daremberg and
Saglio, iii. p. 1339).
.fn-

.fn 2761
B.M. 27-30, 67, 68; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>
1880, pl. O; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, pl. 34, Nos.
6-12, pp. 147-48.
.fn-

.fn 2762
See <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 275.
.fn-

.fn 2763
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6631, 6900 ff.; <lang=it><cite>Ann.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 315.
.fn-

.fn 2764
B.M. 25-26; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. part 2,
plate, No. 2; Daremberg and Saglio,
<i>s.v.</i> <lang=fr><cite>Lucerna</cite></lang>, p. 1323.
.fn-

.fn 2765
Cf. <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, pl. 34, p. 149,
Nos. 17-8: see also B.M. 69-82.
.fn-

.fn 2766
See Dressel in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 782 ff.;
Toutain in Daremberg and Saglio, <i>art.</i>
Lucerna; Fink, <lang=de><cite>Formen u. Stempel
röm. Thonlampen, in Sitzungsberichte d.
Münchener Akad.</cite></lang> 1900, p. 685 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2767
On the evidence yielded by the
potters’ signatures see also below, p. 428.
.fn-

.fn 2768
See the examples given on Plates
LXIV.-LXV.
.fn-

.fn 2769
I am inclined to agree with Dr.
Dressel in placing this type earlier than
Fink’s Class I. It seems to be intermediate
in form between the delphiniform
and other types with blunt nozzles, and
the type given in Fig. #204:fig204#. Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
xv. pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2770
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. pl. 2, No. 5 = Fig.
206, and Dressel, <i>ad loc.</i>, p. 783.
.fn-

.fn 2771
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> v. 8114.
.fn-

.fn 2772
See Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> p.
1011, fig. 4381.
.fn-

.fn 2773
Cf. for bronze examples, <cite>B.M. Cat.</cite>
2514 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2774
B.M. 3, 13.
.fn-

.fn 2775
Plate IV. fig. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2776
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6699, 5.
.fn-

.fn 2777
In the Louvre.
.fn-

.fn 2778
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6701.
.fn-

.fn 2779
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6513; Kenner, <lang=de><cite>Ant.
Thonlampen</cite></lang>, No. 431.
.fn-

.fn 2780
B.M. 9-12: see also <cite>Guildhall Mus.
Cat.</cite> p. 49, No. 50, for negro’s head
combined with camel’s.
.fn-

.fn 2781
B.M. 18-21 (bulls’ heads); 22 (eagle);
<lang=it><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang> xiv. 38; C.I.L. xv. 6739,
6334, 6393; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 27;
Kenner, 437, 437a; <lang=it><cite>Mus. Alaoni</cite></lang>, pl. 36,
No. 485.
.fn-

.fn 2782
B.M. 14-17; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6287;
Kenner, 434-35.
.fn-

.fn 2783
Greek and Roman Department, from
Cologne; British and Mediaeval Department,
from Britain; others in Guildhall
Museum, and <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6450.
.fn-

.fn 2784
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6387, 6627; <i>ibid.</i> 6393
(artichoke); B.M. 24 (walnut); <lang=it><cite>Ant.
di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 5.
.fn-

.fn 2785
<cite>Metam.</cite> xi. 245.
.fn-

.fn 2786
No. 1 = <lang=fr><cite>Cab. Durand</cite></lang>, 1777: cf.
Lafaye, <lang=fr><cite>Culte des Divinités d’Alexandrie</cite></lang>,
pp. 122, 303, No. 132; also Vol. I.
pp. 209, 216.
.fn-

.fn 2787
See for examples in B.M., Nos. 58-66.
.fn-

.fn 2788
Cf. <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 170, and B.M.
Nos. 90, 91.
.fn-

.fn 2789
See Dalton, <cite>B. M. Cat. of Early
Christian Antiqs.</cite> pl. 32, p. 148.
.fn-

.fn 2790
xiv. 114.
.fn-

.fn 2791
See on the subject Daremberg and
Saglio, iii. p. 1334; Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>,
ii. pp. 71, 108.
.fn-

.fn 2792
<cite>Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 81-83: see
Fig. #209:fig209#.
.fn-

.fn 2793
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, p. 253, Nos. 396-97
(Christian).
.fn-

.fn 2794
<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 51, Nos. 117-18 (from London
Wall).
.fn-

.fn 2795
See also p. #395# above.
.fn-

.fn 2796
Cf. Avolio, <lang=it><cite>Fatture di argille in
Sicilia</cite></lang>, p. 123.
.fn-

.fn 2797
Cf. <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 86;
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, p. 148, No. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2798
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, p. 156, Nos. 74-81: cf. the Roman lamps of the same date
(<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 782).
.fn-

.fn 2799
The numbers given in the following
notes are those of the forthcoming
Catalogue of Roman lamps in the
Department of Greek and Roman
Antiquities.
.fn-

.fn 2800
See also <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6195-751 for
mention of many interesting subjects.
.fn-

.fn 2801
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1892, p. 144 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2802
<lang=de><cite>Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, Nachrichten</cite></lang>,
1870, p. 174: cf. Roach-Smith,
<cite>Ill. Rom. London</cite>, p. 111.
.fn-

.fn 2803
B.M. 511; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 1.
.fn-

.fn 2804
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1394; B.M. 604
= Plate IV. fig. 1.
.fn-

.fn 2805
B.M. 270, 315, 330, 331, 394, 472-475:
cf. also Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom.
Lond.</cite> pl. 30, 1; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 1;
Bartoli, ii. 4; Kenner, <lang=de><cite>Antike Thonlampen</cite></lang>,
Nos. 4-6.
.fn-

.fn 2806
<lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, p. 177, No.
18; Kenner, Nos. 227, 228, 425.
.fn-

.fn 2807
B.M. 605; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1866,
pl. <sc>G</sc>.
.fn-

.fn 2808
Kenner, No. 7: cf. <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite>
1385-86.
.fn-

.fn 2809
Kenner, No. 8; B.M. 358 (handle).
.fn-

.fn 2810
B.M. 395; 360-363 on handle.
.fn-

.fn 2811
Kenner, No. 137.
.fn-

.fn 2812
No. 679 = <cite>J.H.S.</cite> xiii. p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 2813
B.M. 307, 402, 466, 573: see also
p. 415, note #2935:f2935#.
.fn-

.fn 2814
Kenner, No. 10.
.fn-

.fn 2815
B.M. 607-609, 681, 707; <cite>Cyprus
Mus. Cat.</cite> 1384.
.fn-

.fn 2816
B.M. 271, 398, 571; <cite>Cyprus Mus.
Cat.</cite> 1356.
.fn-

.fn 2817
Kenner, Nos. 17-22; Bartoli, ii.
32-3; B.M. 332, 512, 680.
.fn-

.fn 2818
Kenner, No. 230; <cite>Guildhall Mus.
Cat.</cite> p. 48, No. 43 (from Royal Exchange).
.fn-

.fn 2819
B.M. 572; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 151.
.fn-

.fn 2820
Kenner, No. 229.
.fn-

.fn 2821
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 115.
.fn-

.fn 2822
B.M. 94; with Sphinx, <i>ibid.</i> 574.
.fn-

.fn 2823
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 142.
.fn-

.fn 2824
B.M. 69.
.fn-

.fn 2825
B.M. 554, 614; Kenner, No. 28.
.fn-

.fn 2826
B.M. 174.
.fn-

.fn 2827
B.M. 175, 176, 333, 411-413;
Kenner, No. 26; Bartoli, ii. 17.
.fn-

.fn 2828
B.M. 432, 433; Kenner, Nos. 231-2;
<lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 32.
.fn-

.fn 2829
Kenner, No. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2830
Masner, <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vasensamml.</cite></lang> No.
684: cf. <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 27.
.fn-

.fn 2831
B.M. 575; Kenner, Nos. 24-5;
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 48, No. 46; <lang=fr><cite>Mus.
Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 181.
.fn-

.fn 2832
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 180.
.fn-

.fn 2833
B.M. 70: cf. Clarac, <lang=fr><cite>Musée de Sculpt.</cite></lang>
iii. 343, 1399; <cite>B.M. Terracottas</cite>, D 286.
.fn-

.fn 2834
See Kenner, Nos. 37-57.
.fn-

.fn 2835
B.M. 410, 477.
.fn-

.fn 2836
B.M. 172; Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom.
Lond.</cite> pl. 30, 6 (Brit. and Mediaeval
Dept.).
.fn-

.fn 2837
B.M. 516, 610, 611, 405, 515, 364,
553.
.fn-

.fn 2838
B.M. 407-409, 461, 479, 612, 654.
.fn-

.fn 2839
B.M. 478, 406.
.fn-

.fn 2840
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 168.
.fn-

.fn 2841
B.M. 308, 97.
.fn-

.fn 2842
B.M. 170, 171.
.fn-

.fn 2843
<lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, p. 179, No. 43.
.fn-

.fn 2844
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 2845
B.M. 92, 613; 98; 95, 96, 156; 403,
404.
.fn-

.fn 2846
B.M. 272; Bartoli, i. 7.
.fn-

.fn 2847
B.M. 173, 89, 576; Bartoli, ii. 25.
.fn-

.fn 2848
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 168: cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
xv. 6230.
.fn-

.fn 2849
B.M. 517, 577; Bartoli, ii. 20.
.fn-

.fn 2850
B.M. 78.
.fn-

.fn 2851
B.M. 273, 499.
.fn-

.fn 2852
B.M. 616, 709.
.fn-

.fn 2853
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1852, pl. 39 (in Berlin).
.fn-

.fn 2854
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 169.
.fn-

.fn 2855
Kenner, No. 36.
.fn-

.fn 2856
B.M. 481: cf. 316, 519.
.fn-

.fn 2857
B.M. 102, 180, 579; 183; Kenner,
No. 34.
.fn-

.fn 2858
B.M. 101, 182; Kenner, No. 33.
.fn-

.fn 2859
B.M. 518.
.fn-

.fn 2860
B.M. 184, 274, 275, 326, 462, 500;
Kenner, No. 35.
.fn-

.fn 2861
B.M. 181.
.fn-

.fn 2862
B.M. 58, 99, 578; 178, 179, 480,
618; <cite>Bull. Comm. Arch.</cite> 1887, p. 366,
No. 8: cf. Hauser, <lang=de><cite>Neuattische Reliefs</cite></lang>,
p. 154, Nos. 25-32.
.fn-

.fn 2863
B.M. 100, 582.
.fn-

.fn 2864
B.M. 476.
.fn-

.fn 2865
B.M. 514.
.fn-

.fn 2866
B.M. 513; Bartoli, ii. 13.
.fn-

.fn 2867
B.M. 83, 334, 399, 400, 157, 606;
Masner, <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vasens</cite></lang>. 695; Bartoli,
ii. 11.
.fn-

.fn 2868
B.M. 401.
.fn-

.fn 2869
No. 535: cf. also <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6221,
20.
.fn-

.fn 2870
B.M. 463, 482, 615; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053,
157.
.fn-

.fn 2871
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 48, No. 40.
.fn-

.fn 2872
B.M. 396, 397; <lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>,
1870, p. 184, Nos. 103-4.
.fn-

.fn 2873
B.M. 523; 191, 591 (bust); Kenner,
No. 71; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 164; <lang=it><cite>Ant.
di Ercol</cite></lang>. viii. 30.
.fn-

.fn 2874
B.M. 167; Masner, 685; Fiedler,
<lang=la><cite>Castra Vetera</cite></lang>, pl. 8, No. 3.
.fn-

.fn 2875
B.M. 465; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol</cite></lang>. viii. 11;
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 113; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xii. 5682,
71 (K. adored by a Gallus); Kenner,
No. 3, and see No. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2876
Kenner, No. 77.
.fn-

.fn 2877
B.M. 370, 467, 508; 190, 297, 280;
Kenner, No. 1; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol</cite></lang>. viii. 2:
cf. <cite>B.M. Terracottas</cite>, D 285.
.fn-

.fn 2878
B.M. 337.
.fn-

.fn 2879
B.M. 369; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 134.
.fn-

.fn 2880
Daremberg and Saglio, iii. p. 1011,
fig. 4381.
.fn-

.fn 2881
B.M 281.
.fn-

.fn 2882
B.M. 468-470; Bartoli, ii. 42.
.fn-

.fn 2883
B.M. 104, 185(?).
.fn-

.fn 2884
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 82.
.fn-

.fn 2885
Kenner, Nos. 66-7.
.fn-

.fn 2886
<i>Ibid.</i> Nos. 233-4.
.fn-

.fn 2887
<i>Ibid.</i> Nos. 72-3.
.fn-

.fn 2888
B.M. 276-278, 348, 484, 510, 586;
Kenner, Nos. 58-9; Bartoli, ii. 46.
.fn-

.fn 2889
See generally, <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 6;
Bartoli, iii. 3 (with wreath).
.fn-

.fn 2890
<i>E.g.</i> <cite>B.M. Bronzes</cite>, 1510 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2891
B.M. 189 (see p. 420), 335, 367,
520; 336; 103, 187, 188, 483: cf.
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. pl. 15.
.fn-

.fn 2892
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 229.
.fn-

.fn 2893
B.M. 583; Bartoli, iii. 2; <lang=de><cite>Arch.
Zeit.</cite></lang> 1852, pl. 39.
.fn-

.fn 2894
B.M. 186.
.fn-

.fn 2895
See Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>,
p. 245; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053, 5; ii. 4969, 3,
and xv. 6196 ff; Ovid, <cite>Fasti</cite>, i. 189 ff.
These lamps date from the time of
Augustus and his successors.
.fn-

.fn 2896
B.M. 309, and cf. 368, 584, 585;
Bartoli, iii. 5. For a similar subject on
a money-box see above, p. 389.
.fn-

.fn 2897
B.M. 189; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. pl. 6;
Bartoli, iii. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2898
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 47, No. 26.
See for these two p. 398 above, and p. 420
below.
.fn-

.fn 2899
B.M. 84, 105, 485; Kenner, No. 83;
Bartoli, i. 13-14.
.fn-

.fn 2900
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 229.
.fn-

.fn 2901
B.M. 710 (archaic <em>xoanon</em>).
.fn-

.fn 2902
Kenner, No. 76; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, Nos.
139-40.
.fn-

.fn 2903
B.M. 415.
.fn-

.fn 2904
B.M. 521.
.fn-

.fn 2905
B.M. 337 (Plate LXIII.), and 486.
.fn-

.fn 2906
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 167; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>,
No. 131.
.fn-

.fn 2907
B.M. 619.
.fn-

.fn 2908
B.M. 192, 587.
.fn-

.fn 2909
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1358.
.fn-

.fn 2910
B.M. 416.
.fn-

.fn 2911
B.M. 620; 338, 339; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang>
viii. 4 (in the three latter only with club
and lion’s skin).
.fn-

.fn 2912
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1393.
.fn-

.fn 2913
B.M. 506, 566, 588.
.fn-

.fn 2914
B.M. 106, 417.
.fn-

.fn 2915
B.M. 487.
.fn-

.fn 2916
B.M. 621.
.fn-

.fn 2917
B.M. 193; Kenner, No. 81.
.fn-

.fn 2918
Kenner, No. 82; B.M. 107.
.fn-

.fn 2919
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, Nos. 126-27; <lang=fr><cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 229.
.fn-

.fn 2920
<lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, 1870, p. 182,
No. 72.
.fn-

.fn 2921
B.M. 158, 589; Bartoli, ii. 24; <lang=it><cite>Ant.
di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 33; <cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite>
p. 48, No. 39.
.fn-

.fn 2922
B.M. 108; <lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>,
p. 188, Nos. 235-36.
.fn-

.fn 2923
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 100.
.fn-

.fn 2924
B.M. 194 = <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1852, pl. 39.
.fn-

.fn 2925
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, Nos. 153-56.
.fn-

.fn 2926
<i>Ibid.</i> No. 123.
.fn-

.fn 2927
Kenner, Nos. 79, 80.
.fn-

.fn 2928
B.M. 371.
.fn-

.fn 2929
B.M. 590 = Roscher, <lang=de><cite>Lexikon</cite></lang>, iii.
p. 2338.
.fn-

.fn 2930
Masner, <lang=de><cite>Wiener Vasens.</cite></lang> No. 674:
cf. <lang=it><lang=it><cite>Bull. Arch. Nap.</cite></lang></lang> N.S. iv. pl. 10, fig. 4.
.fn-

.fn 2931
B.M. 555; Von Rohden, <lang=de><cite>Terracotten
von Pompeii</cite></lang>, p. 49: cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6236.
.fn-

.fn 2932
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1865, pl. 194; B.M.
282: cf. 109, 195.
.fn-

.fn 2933
B.M. 319-321; Bartoli, iii. 11.
.fn-

.fn 2934
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 192.
.fn-

.fn 2935
Masner, No. 676. Cf. a lamp
with Athena voting for him, Daremberg
and Saglio, <lang=it><cite>Dict.</cite></lang> iii. p. 1329,
fig. 4601.
.fn-

.fn 2936
B.M. 199, 623.
.fn-

.fn 2937
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053, 194.
.fn-

.fn 2938
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 110; <cite>Guildhall
Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 48, No. 41 = Roach-Smith,
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. pl. 15 (from
Colchester).
.fn-

.fn 2939
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 111.
.fn-

.fn 2940
B.M. 196-198, 522, 622.
.fn-

.fn 2941
B.M. 130, 340, 418; Kenner, No.
136: cf. Masner, No. 686.
.fn-

.fn 2942
B.M. 524, 525; <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite>
1351; Kenner, Nos. 68-70.
.fn-

.fn 2943
B.M. 682.
.fn-

.fn 2944
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 2945
B.M. 110, 593: see Plutarch, <cite>Vit.
Alexandri</cite>, 14.
.fn-

.fn 2946
<lang=it><cite>Mon. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> iii. pl. 14, fig. 3;
see Bernoulli, <lang=it><cite>Gr. Ikonogr.</cite></lang> i. p. 56.
.fn-

.fn 2947
B.M. 128(?), 598; Kenner, Nos.
85-6, 88-90.
.fn-

.fn 2948
<lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang> 1861, <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, p. 157;
Kenner, No. 87.
.fn-

.fn 2949
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 47, Nos.
14-15.
.fn-

.fn 2950
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6699, 4.
.fn-

.fn 2951
<lang=it><cite>Bull. Arch. Nap.</cite></lang> iv. (1856), pl. 10,
fig. 3, p. 166; examples also in B.M.
(No. 216 = Plate LXIV. fig. 3) and
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6240. The companion lamp
given in the <lang=it><cite>Bull. Arch. Nap.</cite></lang> pl. 10,
fig. 4, does not represent Meliboeus, as
there supposed, but Ajax.
.fn-

.fn 2952
B.M. 224; Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom.
Lond.</cite> pl. 30, fig. 3; Jahn in <lang=de><cite>Mitth. d.
ant. Gesellsch. zu Zürich</cite></lang>, xiv. pl. 4, fig. 9;
<lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, 1870, p. 190,
No. 282; and see Daremberg and Saglio,
<i>s.v.</i> Lucerna, p. 1326.
.fn-

.fn 2953
B.M. 139: cf. <lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1867,
p. 35 = <lang=de><cite>Mitth. d. ant. Gesellsch. zu Zürich</cite></lang>,
xvii. p. 149; in the latter instance
a man weighs an ant against an elephant.
.fn-

.fn 2954
<cite>Coll. H. Hoffmann</cite> (Paris, 1886),
p. 39; and in B.M. (No. 59).
.fn-

.fn 2955
See for example <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii.
7; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch</cite></lang>, xxxiii. (1898), p. 230;
Daremberg and Saglio, <cite>Dict.</cite>, ii., <i>s.v.</i>
Gladiator, with the bibliography on p.
1600; also B.M., <i>passim</i>. Similar types
occur on the Gaulish <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> (p.
#507# below, and Déchelette, <lang=fr><cite>Vases ornés</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 97 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 2956
B.M. 111-114, 341, etc.
.fn-

.fn 2957
B.M. 115-117, 201, etc.
.fn-

.fn 2958
B.M. 121, 159, 160, 207, 285, 317,
342.
.fn-

.fn 2959
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 222.
.fn-

.fn 2960
<lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 9.
.fn-

.fn 2961
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xii. 5682, 74.
.fn-

.fn 2962
B.M. 558.
.fn-

.fn 2963
B.M. 318; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898),
p. 231, fig. 27.
.fn-

.fn 2964
B.M. 557, and cf. 165; 208, 531;
311 and <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1364. See
under the first-named head, <lang=de><cite>Zeitschr. für
Numism.</cite></lang> xxiv. p. 357, for an athlete
placing a prize vase on his head.
.fn-

.fn 2965
B.M. 507; 122, 211, 422; 209, 210;
125, 213, 214.
.fn-

.fn 2966
B.M. 75, 123, 124, 154, 212, 421.
.fn-

.fn 2967
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053, 127.
.fn-

.fn 2968
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 223 = Daremberg
and Saglio, iii. p. 1327, fig. 4590.
.fn-

.fn 2969
Kenner, No. 98; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No.
200.
.fn-

.fn 2970
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1339.
.fn-

.fn 2971
B.M. 328: cf. <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite>
p. 80, No. 1365.
.fn-

.fn 2972
See B.M. 423, 424, 532, 533, 701;
and cf. p. 415, note #2933:f2933#.
.fn-

.fn 2973
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, Nos. 233-34; also
B.M. 79. Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, No.
884.
.fn-

.fn 2974
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 227; B.M. 625
(hunter only).
.fn-

.fn 2975
B.M. 126, 425; Kenner, Nos. 117-122.
.fn-

.fn 2976
B.M. 79 = Plate #LXV:pl65#. fig. 1; <lang=fr><cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 2977
B.M. 217; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898),
p. 233; Urlichs, <lang=de><cite>Verzeichn. d. Antikens.
d. Univ. Würzburg</cite></lang>, p. 39, No. 37.
.fn-

.fn 2978
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6718.
.fn-

.fn 2979
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. pl. 15.
.fn-

.fn 2980
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), pp. 230,
231.
.fn-

.fn 2981
B.M. 534, 218, 219: cf. Kenner,
Nos. 123-24.
.fn-

.fn 2982
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> pl. 30,
fig. 4: cf. the well-known <lang=it><em>graffito</em></lang> at
Pompeii, and <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iv. pl. 11.
.fn-

.fn 2983
B.M. 27; 222; 127; 74.
.fn-

.fn 2984
B.M. 215, 489; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii.
(1898), p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 2985
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6221, 24.
.fn-

.fn 2986
<i>Ibid.</i> x. 8053, 126 and 192.
.fn-

.fn 2987
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 169.
.fn-

.fn 2988
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. London</cite>,
pl. 30, 2.
.fn-

.fn 2989
<lang=de><cite>Göttinger Nachrichten</cite></lang>, 1870, p. 186,
No. 182.
.fn-

.fn 2990
B.M., <i>passim</i>; Kenner, No. 139 ff.
.fn-

.fn 2991
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>, No. 278.
.fn-

.fn 2992
B.M. 441, 494, 501; Masner, <lang=de><cite>Wiener
Vasens.</cite></lang> No. 694; <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1379.
.fn-

.fn 2993
Kenner, No. 181.
.fn-

.fn 2994
<lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 23.
.fn-

.fn 2995
B.M. 560, 226, 561.
.fn-

.fn 2996
B.M. 562.
.fn-

.fn 2997
Fiedler, <cite>Castra Vetera</cite>, pl. 7, No. 2.
.fn-

.fn 2998
B.M. 544.
.fn-

.fn 2999
B.M. 135, 291, 563; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053,
127.
.fn-

.fn 3000
B.M. 230, 493; <cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite>
p. 49, No. 57; <cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> 1341.
.fn-

.fn 3001
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxiii. (1898), p. 232.
.fn-

.fn 3002
B.M. 234, 293, 439, 545; Kenner,
Nos. 163-166.
.fn-

.fn 3003
B.M. 238-241, 296, 443, 444;
Masner, No. 693.
.fn-

.fn 3004
<lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii. 5.
.fn-

.fn 3005
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch</cite></lang>. xxxiii. (1898), p. 232.
.fn-

.fn 3006
<i>Ibid.</i>; B.M. 242, 295, 626.
.fn-

.fn 3007
B.M. 76, 82; Masner, Nos. 654-59.
.fn-

.fn 3008
B.M. 77: cf. 145.
.fn-

.fn 3009
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. London</cite>,
p. 110.
.fn-

.fn 3010
See generally Dalton, <cite>B.M. Cat.
of Early Christian Antiqs.</cite> p. 139 ff.;
Daremberg and Saglio, iii. p. 1328; <lang=fr><cite>Mus.
Alaoui</cite></lang>, Nos. 497 ff.; <lang=it><cite>Ant. di Ercol.</cite></lang> viii.
45-7; De Rossi, <lang=it><cite>Roma Sotterr.</cite></lang> ii. p.
498 ff.; Delattre, in <lang=fr><cite>Revue de l’Art
Chrétien</cite></lang>, 1889-93, etc. (Carthage).
.fn-

.fn 3011
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053, 36, 143, 193; B.M.
201, 310, from Pozzuoli.
.fn-

.fn 3012
<cite>Guildhall Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 47, No. 26.
.fn-

.fn 3013
See B.M. 189 and <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6211-18;
these all date from the time of Augustus:
cf. his coins and those of his successors.
.fn-

.fn 3014
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6195.
.fn-

.fn 3015
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6219.
.fn-

.fn 3016
<i>Ibid.</i> 6222.
.fn-

.fn 3017
See <i>ibid.</i> 6221; B.M. 164, etc.
.fn-

.fn 3018
<i>Ibid.</i> x. 8053, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3019
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6223.
.fn-

.fn 3020
<i>Ibid.</i> xiii. 10001, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3021
<i>Ibid.</i> xiii. 10001, 2.
.fn-

.fn 3022
<lang=it><em>Inscr. Gr.</em></lang> xiv. 2405, 6. This and
the preceding are bronze lamps.
.fn-

.fn 3023
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6239 = <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>
1866, pl. G.
.fn-

.fn 3024
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6236.
.fn-

.fn 3025
<i>Ibid.</i> xi. 6699, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3026
<i>Ibid.</i> 6699, 5.
.fn-

.fn 3027
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6241-49.
.fn-

.fn 3028
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6250: cf. Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> viii.
160.
.fn-

.fn 3029
<i>Ibid.</i> 6257, 6261.
.fn-

.fn 3030
Daremberg and Saglio, <lang=it><cite>Dict.</cite></lang>, <i>s.v.</i>
Lucerna, p. 1330.
.fn-

.fn 3031
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6254-55.
.fn-

.fn 3032
<i>Ibid.</i> x. 8053, 8; xv. 6230: see
above, p. 411.
.fn-

.fn 3033
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6234.
.fn-

.fn 3034
<i>Ibid.</i> x. 8053, 6.
.fn-

.fn 3035
<i>Ibid.</i> xi. 6699, 8-10.
.fn-

.fn 3036
<i>Ibid.</i> xiii. 10001, 14.
.fn-

.fn 3037
<i>Ibid.</i> 10001, 20.
.fn-

.fn 3038
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6232.
.fn-

.fn 3039
<i>Ibid.</i> viii. 10478, 1; xiii. 10001, 19.
The meaning of <lang=la><em>colatas</em></lang> is doubtful. Mr.
F. H. Marshall suggests “well-made,”
<i>lit.</i> “sifted,” referring to the quality of
the clay.
.fn-

.fn 3040
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6752; xi. 6699, 7.
.fn-

.fn 3041
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1868, p. 59: see
Vol. I. p. #107:vol1_107#.
.fn-

.fn 3042
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4969, 1.
.fn-

.fn 3043
<i>Ibid.</i> xv. 6265: see <lang=de><cite>Arch. Zeit.</cite></lang>
1861, p. 167.
.fn-

.fn 3044
<lang=fr><cite>Mélanges de l’École Franc. de Rome</cite></lang>,
xii. (1892), p. 118, Nos. 31-3, pl. 4,
No. 5; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6520; <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Alaoui</cite></lang>,
No. 369; and see above, p. 420, for
examples on Campanian lamps.
.fn-

.fn 3045
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 291.
.fn-

.fn 3046
Daremberg and Saglio, <lang=fr><cite>Dict.</cite></lang>, <i>s.v.</i>
Lucerna, p. 1330.
.fn-

.fn 3047
<i>E.g.</i> <sc>A</sc>, <sc>B</sc>, <sc>C</sc>, <sc>H</sc>, <sc>I</sc>, <sc>R</sc>: <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x.
8053, 209-14; xii. 5682, 131; xv. 6266,
6334, 6342.
.fn-

.fn 3048
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xii. 5682, 57.
.fn-

.fn 3049
See Fink in <lang=de><cite>Münchener Sitzungsberichte</cite></lang>,
1900, p. 690, for examples.
.fn-

.fn 3050
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6282.
.fn-

.fn 3051
<lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1889, p. 170 = <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv.
6263.
.fn-

.fn 3052
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6350, 6433.
.fn-

.fn 3053
<i>Ibid.</i> 6501-03.
.fn-

.fn 3054
<i>Ibid.</i> 6560-65.
.fn-

.fn 3055
<i>Ibid.</i> 6434, 6593.
.fn-

.fn 3056
See Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>
Lucerna, p. 1331; also the lists given
by Fink in <lang=de><cite>Sitzungsb. d. Münch. Akad.</cite></lang>
1900, pp. 689, 692 ff., and the various
volumes of the <lang=la><cite>Corpus</cite></lang> under Instrumentum
Domesticum, especially vol. xv.
.fn-

.fn 3057
Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 112.
.fn-

.fn 3058
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> v. 8114, 54.
.fn-

.fn 3059
<i>Ibid.</i> xiii. 10001, 136; xii. 5682, 50;
B.M. 383, 391.
.fn-

.fn 3060
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10001, 136.
.fn-

.fn 3061
<i>Ibid.</i>: also Steiner, <lang=de><cite>Cod. Inscr. Rom.
Danub. et Rheni</cite></lang>, i. p. 185, ii. p. 238.
.fn-

.fn 3062
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1330, 15; Roach-Smith,
<cite>Ill. Rom. London</cite>, p. 112; <cite>Guildhall
Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 47, Nos. 27-8.
.fn-

.fn 3063
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. p. 665, No. 24.
.fn-

.fn 3064
<i>Ibid.</i> iii. 3215, 7; <i>ibid.</i> Suppl. 1,
8076, 16.
.fn-

.fn 3065
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ix. 6081, 33; x. 8053, 83;
xi. 6699, 89; xv. 6450.
.fn-

.fn 3066
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> p. 1332:
cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 783.
.fn-

.fn 3067
From vol. v. of the <lang=la><cite>Corpus</cite></lang> it may
be seen how common the signatures
peculiar to this class are in this region;
<i>e.g.</i> 8114, 11, 28, 54, 126, 137.
.fn-

.fn 3068
Carton, <lang=fr><cite>Découvertes</cite></lang>, p. 254: cf.
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> viii. 10478, 33-4.
.fn-

.fn 3069
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8053, 46; <lang=la><cite>Inscr. Graec.</cite></lang>
xiv. 2405, 18. Cf. <cite>Proc. Soc. Antiqs.</cite>
xx. (1904), p. 96.
.fn-

.fn 3070
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 6869, 6886.
.fn-

.fn 3071
Boeckh, <lang=la><cite>C.I.Gr.</cite></lang> iii. p. 660, No.
5685; <lang=la><cite>Inscr. Graec.</cite></lang> xiv. 24053, 34; and
B.M. 303.
.fn-

.fn 3072
<lang=la><cite>Inscr. Gr.</cite></lang> xiv. 2405, 35.
.fn-

.fn 3073
Cf. Cesnola, <lang=it><cite>Salaminia</cite></lang>, p. 284.
.fn-

.fn 3074
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. Suppl. 1, 7310, and
Vol. I. p. #108:vol1_108#. He also occurs in Africa
(<cite>C.I.L.</cite> viii. 10478, 37) and elsewhere.
.fn-

.fn 3075
<lang=la><cite>Inscr. Graec.</cite></lang> xiv. 2574.
.fn-

.fn 3076
<lang=de><cite>Münchener Sitzungsberichte</cite></lang>, 1900,
p. 685 ff. On p. 692 a table of signatures
on the British Museum lamps is given.
.fn-

.fn 3077
See above, p. #400#.
.fn-

.fn 3078
The names of this and other potters
in Class IV. also occur on terracotta
money-boxes (see above, p. #389#).
.fn-

.fn 3079
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. pt. 2, pl. 3, No. 15.
.fn-

.bn 479.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h3 id=ch21
CHAPTER XXI | <i>ROMAN POTTERY: TECHNICAL PROCESSES, SHAPES, AND USES</i>

.pm start_summary
Introductory—Geographical and historical limits—Clay and glaze—Technical
processes—Stamps and moulds—<lang=fr><em>Barbotine</em></lang> and other methods—Kilns
found in Britain, Gaul, and Germany—Use of earthenware
among the Romans—Echea—Dolia and Amphorae—Inscriptions on
amphorae—Cadus, Ampulla, and Lagena—Drinking-cups—Dishes—Sacrificial
vases—Identification of names.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2
.h4
1. <sc>Introductory</sc>

Roman vases are far inferior in nearly all respects to Greek;
the shapes are less artistic, and the decoration, though not
without merits of its own, bears the same relation to that of Greek
vases that all Roman art does to Greek art. Strictly speaking,
a comparison of the two is not possible, as in the one case
we are dealing with painted vases, in the other with ornamentation
in relief. But from the point of view of style they
may still be regarded as commensurable. Roman vases, in a
word, require only the skill of the potter for their completion,
and the processes employed are largely mechanical, whereas
Greek vases called in the aid of a higher branch of industry,
and one which gave scope for great artistic achievements—namely,
that of painting.

It may perhaps be advisable to attempt some definition
of the subject, and lay down as far as possible historical and
geographical limits within which Roman pottery as a distinct
phase of ancient art may be said to be comprised. The line
which distinguishes it from Greek pottery is, however, one
of artistic evolution rather than of chronology, one of political
circumstances rather than of geographical demarcation. In
.bn 480.png
.pn +1
other words, it will be found that during a certain period
the ceramic art had reached the same stage of evolution
throughout all the Mediterranean countries; in Greece and
Asia Minor, in the Crimea and in North Africa, in Southern
Italy and in Etruria, a point of development had been reached
at which the same kind of pottery, of very similar artistic
merit, was being made in all parts alike. In Greece and other
regions which had up to the end of the fourth century, or
even later, been famous for their painted pottery, this art had
lost its popularity and was dying or dead; in other parts,
as in Etruria, it had never obtained a very firm foothold, and
the local traditions of relief-ware imitating metal were revived.
Not the least remarkable feature of the art of the Hellenistic
Age is the great impetus given to working in metal, as
has already been indicated in a previous chapter (Vol. I. p. #498:vol1_498#).
The toreutic products of Alexandria and of the famous chasers
of Asia Minor, whose names Pliny records,[3080] became renowned
throughout the Greek world, and the old passion for painted
pottery was entirely ousted by the new passion for chased
vases of metal.

But in spite of increased habits of luxury, it is obvious
that the replacing of earthenware by metal could never have
become universal. For ordinary household purposes pottery
was still essential, and besides that, there were many to whom
services of plate and gold or silver vessels for use or ornament
were a luxury unattainable. Hence it was natural that there
should follow a general tendency to imitate in the humbler
material what was beyond reach in the more precious, and
the practice arose, not only of adorning vessels of clay with
reliefs in imitation of the chased vases, but even of covering
them with some preparation to give them the appearance of
metal. Instances of these tendencies have been given in
Chapter XI., and no better example could be adduced than
that of the silver phialae of Èze and their terracotta replicas
in the British Museum (Vol. I. p. #502:vol1_502#).

In the same chapter we saw that Southern Italy, in particular,
was the home of the relief and moulded wares in the Hellenistic
.bn 481.png
.pn +1
period. This was a time when there were close artistic relations
between that region and Etruria, and we have already seen
that this method of decoration had long been familiar in the
latter district (see p. #292# ff.). Hence it is not surprising
that we find springing up in the Etruscan region of Italy an
important centre of pottery manufacture which proved itself
to be the heir of more than one line of artistic traditions.
The era of Roman pottery is generally assumed to begin
with the establishment at Arretium, within the area of Roman
domination, of a great manufactory in the hands of Roman
masters and workmen. Evidence points to the second century
<sc>B.C.</sc> as the time when Arretium sprang into importance as a
pottery-centre; and thenceforward for many years its fabrics
filled the markets and set the fashion to the rest of the Roman
world.

The lower limit of the subject is, from lack of evidence,
not much easier to define; but after the second century of
the Empire, pottery, like other branches of working in clay,
sank very much into the background, and the spread of
Christianity after the time of Diocletian practically gave the
death-blow to all Pagan art. M. Déchelette, in his account
of the important potteries at Lezoux in Gaul, brings forward
evidence to show that they practically came to an end about
the time of Gallienus (<sc>A.D.</sc> 260-268)[3081]; but it is probable that
the manufacture of degenerate <lang=la><em>sigillata</em></lang> wares went on for
about a century longer in Germany at any rate, if not in Gaul.
Much of the pottery found in Germany and Britain is of an
exceedingly debased and barbaric character.

In discussing the geographical distribution of Roman pottery
we are met first with the difficulty, which has already been
hinted at, of defining where Greek ends and Roman begins.
But we must have regard to the fact that in most if not all
Greek lands pottery, painted or moulded, was in a moribund
condition, whereas in Italy the latter branch was rejuvenescent.
It seems, therefore, more satisfactory on the whole to exclude
the Eastern Mediterranean entirely from the present survey,
and to consider that with the concluding words of Chapter XI.
.bn 482.png
.pn +1
the history of pottery in that part of the ancient world came
to an end. That is to say, that all later fabrics found in
Greece or Asia Minor, even though they are sometimes of
Roman date, belong to the lingering traces of a purely
Hellenic development, and have no bearing on our present
investigation.

The latter must therefore be limited to the countries of
Western Europe, embracing—besides Italy—France, Germany,
Britain, and Spain. The pottery found in these regions during
the period of the Roman Empire is homogeneous in character,
though greatly varying in merit, and so far as it can be traced
to the victorious occupiers of those countries rather than to
purely native workmanship, represents what we may call
Roman pottery, as opposed to Greek or Graeco-Roman on
the one hand and Celtic or Gaulish on the other.

.h4
2. <sc>Technical Processes</sc>

Roman pottery, regarded from its purely technical aspect,
is in some ways better known to us than Greek, chiefly owing
to the extensive discoveries of kilns, furnaces, and potters’
apparatus, such as moulds and tools, in various parts of Western
Europe. On the other hand, its classification is a much more
difficult matter, although it has for so long been the subject
of study, for reasons which will subsequently appear. This
is perhaps partly due to the overwhelming interest which the
discoveries of recent years have evoked in the study of Greek
vases; and partly, of course, to the artistic superiority and
more varied interest of the latter; but the mass of material
now collected in the Museums of Italy and Central Europe
is gradually impelling Continental scholars to bring to bear
on Roman pottery the scientific methods now universally
pursued in other directions. Of their work we shall speak
more in detail in another chapter; for the present we must
confine ourselves to the technical aspect of the subject.

The Romans, who used metal vases to a far greater extent
than the Greeks—at least under the late Republic and Empire—did
not hold the art of pottery in very high estimation, and their
.bn 483.png
.pn +1
vases, like their tiles and lamps, were produced by slaves and
freedmen, whereas at Athens the potter usually held at least
the position of a resident alien. These were content to produce
useful, but not as a rule fine or beautiful, vases, for the most
part only adapted to the necessities of life. There was, so
far as we know, no manufacture of vases set apart for religious
purposes, either for funerary use or as votive offerings, and for
the adornment of the house metal had the preference. It is
not, therefore, surprising that we should find them making
use of a less fine and compact paste for the greater proportion
of their vases. With the exception of the fine red wares with
reliefs, which are now generally known to archaeologists as
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>,[3082] and which answered in public estimation to our
porcelain, they made only common earthenware, and this was
generally left unglazed.

All kinds of clays are used, varying with the different regions
in which the pottery was made, and ranging in hue from black
to grey, drab, yellow, brown, and red. In quality, too, the
clay varies to a considerable extent, some being of a coarse,
pebbly character. The red clay of the Allier district in France,
where most of the Gaulish pottery was manufactured, is of a
ferruginous nature; its natural colour is modified by baking,
though it never becomes white.[3083] The pottery of St. Rémy-en-Rollat
in that neighbourhood is made of the same white
clay as the terracotta figures (p. #382#).[3084] In Italy, as a rule,
careful attention seems to have been paid to the preparing
and mixing of the clay, and in the glazed red wares it is
uniformly good. In fact, the remarkable similarity in technique
and appearance of this ware throughout the Roman Empire
has led to the view that there can only have been one centre
from which it was exported. Against this, however, must be
urged the undeniably provincial and almost barbarous character
of the decoration on much of the pottery found in Central
and Northern Europe; and therefore, without denying that
exportation went on, as it undoubtedly did, we should prefer
.bn 484.png
.pn +1
to suppose that this red glaze was produced in some special
artificial manner, such as by using red ochre or iron oxide
(see below), the knowledge of which became common property.
As Semper said forty years ago[3085]: “Not only did barbarians,
Gauls, Britons, and Germans, learn to know and use Roman
technique, but also Egypt, Asia, and the Greeks, already
immortalised by their own pottery, dropped their local processes,
and voluntarily adopted Roman forms and technique.”
Clay and glaze, form and technical method, are in all parts
the same; it is only the decoration that varies and reflects
the spirit and taste of the locality.

Formerly it was thought that the red glaze was obtained
in the baking, after careful polishing of the surface, and that
special means were adopted to this end. In the kilns of
Castor (see below) Artis thought that he detected contrivances
for this purpose; but it is now generally agreed that the glaze
is artificial, not natural. In ordinary wares and in the lamps
a red glaze is produced by a mere polishing of the surface, and
this varies in tone and lustre with the proportion of oxide of
iron in the paste, and the degree of heat employed in the
baking. But in the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> the red glaze reaches a high
and uniform state of perfection. This seems to have been
produced by a kind of varnish, the elements of which are not
absolutely certain; but it would appear that the substance added
to produce the effect was of an essentially alkaloid nature.
This has been deduced by Dragendorff[3086] from a series of
analyses made from fragments of different wares, both without
and with the glaze; in the latter case the alkaloid constituents
show a marked increase in quantity, whereas the proportion
of the iron oxide and other elements remain constant. These
investigations were made by Dr. Lilienthal, of Dorpat, on
five fragments: (1) from a vase of the Republican period found
at Corneto; (2) from a bowl of fine <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> of the first
century after Christ; (3) from a deep cup of the same style;
(4) from late provincial ware of the second or third century;
(5) from a degenerate fabric with rough clay and inferior glaze,
the results being as follows:—
.bn 485.png
.pn +1

1. Without glaze[3087]:

.ta lrrrrr
                      |   (1)  |  (2)  | (3)     | (4)    | (5)
Silica                |  55·08 | 52·87 |  52·054 |  54·75 |  66·70
Clay earth            |  23·10 | 23·95 |    —    | 18·82  | 21·01
Iron oxide            |  14·13 |  4·78 |  13·966 |  14·48 |   5·89
Carbonate of lime     |   5·22 | 13·80 |    —    |  5·30  |  3·20
Magnesia              |   0·75 |  2·35 |   1·850 |  3·38  |  1·26
Potash                |   0·79 |  0·89 |   1·852 |   1·55 |   1·02
Carbonate of sodium   |   0·28 |  0·45 |   0·523 |   0·53 |   0·57
.ta-

2. With glaze[3088]:

.ta lrrrrr
                      |  (1)   | (2)    |  (3)    | (4)    | (5)
Silica                |  54·18 |   —    | 51·924  | 53·70  |   —
Clay                  |  21·31 |   —    |   —     |16·93   |  —
Iron                  |  15·00 |   —    | 12·168  | 14·70  |   —
Carbonate of lime     |   6·01 |   —    |   —     | 5·82   |  —
Magnesia              |   1·94 |  3·12  |   2·201 |   5·72 |   2·05
Potash                |   0·95 |  1·06  |   2·210 |   1·82 |   1·27
Carbonate of sodium   |   0·37 |  0·49  |   0·921 |   0·62 |   0·69
.ta-

It must be borne in mind that, although the final effect is
due to the alkaloids, the red colour of the vases is produced
by the iron oxide which was inherent in the composition of
the clay, none being added with the varnish, as the quantities
show. All the fragments also showed traces of manganese
and sulphuric acid. Previously analyses had been given by
Brongniart and Blümner,[3089] with results approximately similar,
.bn 486.png
.pn +1
but not so definite. Fabroni had thought that the iron oxide
was combined with a vitreous paste,[3090] and Keller, by practical
experiments, essayed to show that borax was employed to
provide the required appearance,[3091] and further maintained that
the furnace at Castor already alluded to was used for dissolving
that substance. He was not far from the truth, but the
results obtained by Dragendorff seem to militate against his
conclusions.

In any case the glaze is very perfect, of so bright a red as
to resemble coral, and serving, as Blümner says, to enhance
the ground colour where a modern glaze would only conceal
its imperfect tone. It is so fine and so carefully laid on
that it does not interfere with any outlines or details, in this
again evincing its superiority to modern glaze. It seems to
have been applied not with the brush, but by dipping the
vase into the liquid.[3092] Black glaze, such as occurs on the
earlier Italian fabrics (p. #481#), was produced from an alkaline
silicate.[3093]

The ordinary unglazed wares were classified by Brongniart
under four heads[3094]: (1) pale yellow; (2) red (dark red to red-brown;
first century of Empire); (3) grey or ash-coloured
(down to the end of the Western Empire); (4) black (mainly
provincial). This distribution was in its general lines adopted
by subsequent writers, such as Buckman[3095] and Birch, but was
felt to be inadequate, and some slight modifications were
adopted. For practical purposes, however, it will be found
to work fairly well as a convenient method of grouping the
commoner wares. None of them as a rule have any decoration.
They will be considered in fuller detail in a subsequent chapter.

.tb

In the manufacture of vases the Romans used the same
processes as the Greeks. They were made on the wheel
(<lang=la><em>rota figularis</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>orbis</em></lang>),[3096] to which allusion is not infrequently
.bn 487.png
.pn +1
made by the Latin poets, as in the well-known line of
Horace[3097]:—

.pm onpoem
              Amphora cepit
Institui; currente rota cur urceus exit?
.pm offpoem

And, again, in the phrase <lang=la><em>totus, teres, atque rotundus</em></lang>[3098] he is
doubtless referring to a vase just turned off the wheel. Tibullus
speaks of “slippery clay fashioned on the wheel of Cumae”[3099];
and there are also allusions in Plautus and other writers.[3100] The
simile has also been drawn upon by English poets.[3101] Specimens
of potters’ wheels have been found at Arezzo and at Nancy;
these are made of terracotta, pierced in the centre for the
axis of the pivot, and furnished at the circumference with
small cylinders of lead, to give purchase for the hand and
steadiness to the whirling wheel.[3102] Another from Lezoux, now
in the Museum at Roanne, is figured by M. Déchelette.[3103] Most
of the common wares were made by this process, except the
<lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang>, or large casks, which were built up on a frame like
the Greek pithos (Vol. I. p. #152:vol1_152#).

But for the ornamented vases with reliefs an additional
process was necessary in order to produce the raised ornament,
and they were in nearly all cases produced from moulds, like
the lamps or terracotta figures and reliefs.[3104] The vases were
still fashioned on the wheel, but this was done in the mould
from which the reliefs were obtained. Occasionally the reliefs
were modelled by hand or with the aid of tools, or even produced
with a brush full of thick slip (<lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang>), but moulding
was the general rule. This method entailed three distinct
stages, of which the first alone required artistic capacity; the
other two were purely mechanical, requiring only a certain
technical dexterity. The first was that of making the stamps
from which the designs were impressed; the second, the
.bn 488.png
.pn +1
making of the moulds; the third, impressing the clay in
the mould.

The stamps were made of clay, gypsum, wood, or metal,
and had a handle at the back for holding while pressing them
into the mould; they were used not only for figures and
ornamental designs, but also for the potter’s signature (see
below). Only clay examples, however, have been preserved,
but some of these are admirable specimens. Frequently the
subjects on the Arretine vases were taken, like those on lamps
and mural reliefs, from existing works of art, especially from
the “new Attic” reliefs to which allusion has already been
made (p. #368#), and the stamps are directly copied from these
sources. An instance of this is a stamp from Arezzo in the
British Museum, with a beautiful figure of Spring (Plate #LXVI:pl66#.
fig. 2), which finds its counterpart on a complete vase from
Capua (Fig. #219:fig219#), and also on a mural relief (B.M. D 583).
Another good example in the same collection represents a slave
bending over a vessel on a fire, and shielding his face from the
heat with one hand. From the same site are two others representing
respectively a boar and a lion. A fourth stamp found
at Arezzo, with a tragic mask, is given in Fig. #211:fig211#.[3105] The stamps
must have been articles of commerce, and handed down from
one potter to another, as the subjects are found repeated in
different places; the majority were probably made at Arezzo
and other important places in Italy.

Among examples from the provinces may be mentioned
one in the British Museum (Romano-British collection), with
the figure of a youth, inscribed <sc>OFFI</sc>(<i>cina</i>) <sc>LIBERTI</sc>; it is of fine
terracotta, and was found at Mainz. A stamp with the figure
of Paris or Atys is in the museum of the Philosophical Society
at York.[3106] Other stamps in the form of a hare and a lion in
the Sèvres Museum are inscribed with the name of Cerialis,
a well-known German potter, whose name also occurs on a
mould for a large bowl with a frieze of combatants in the
British Museum, and in the former museum are six others,
including one of a wolf, with the name of a Gaulish potter,
.bn 489.png
.pn +1
Cobnertus.[3107] Von Hefner mentions one found at Rheinzabern
with a figure of a gladiator at each end, inscribed <sc>P · ATTI ·
CLINI · O</sc>(<i>fficina</i>), and others from Westerndorf with a lion and
a horse.[3108] Dies for stamping the potters’ names have been found
at Lezoux in Auvergne, and in Luxemburg, with the names of
Auster (<sc>AVSTRI · OF</sc>) and Cobnertus, and Roach-Smith possessed
one with the latter name[3109]; in the Sèvres Museum is also a stamp
for making rows of pattern (see below),[3110] and at Rheinzabern
one for an egg-and-tongue moulding was found.[3111] Specimens
of these stamps are given in Fig. #211:fig211#.

.il id=fig211 fn=fig211_489.jpg w=300px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 211. STAMPS USED BY ROMAN POTTERS.

The moulds were made of a somewhat lighter clay than
that of the vases, but it was
essential that the material
should be sufficiently porous
to absorb the moisture of
the pressed-in clay of the
vase; sometimes holes for
the water to escape through
are visible. They were made
on the wheel, and had a
ridge on the exterior for
convenience in handling;
they were made whole, not
in halves, but sometimes
the vase was first made
plain, and the figures were
then attached from separate
moulds, or rather made
separately, as in the case of the “Megarian” bowls (Vol. I.
p. #499:vol1_499#).[3112] Vases have been found in the Rhone valley
.bn 490.png
.pn +1
ornamented with large <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> medallions, and the separate
moulds for these also exist; they seem to have been made
at Vienne.[3113] The figures and ornaments were impressed into
the moulds from the stamps while the paste was still soft,
leaving hollow impressions to receive the clay of the vases.
Similarly, continuous patterns, such as rows of beads or dots,
were traced in the mould with a roller or wheel-like instrument
on which the pattern was cut in relief.[3114] Any defects or
careless arrangement in the completed vase would of course
be due to a careless insertion of the stamps in the mould.

There are large numbers of moulds for Roman and provincial
vases in existence,[3115] and the British Museum has a fine though
fragmentary series from Arezzo, intended for some of the
finest specimens of the local ware; of these more will be said
in the following chapter. Many of these moulds have been
found on sites of potteries in Gaul, especially in the Auvergne
and Bourbonnais districts, and are collected in the Moulins,
Roanne, St. Germain, and other museums. Lezoux was an
important centre in this respect, and here also were found
moulds for patterns and ornaments.[3116] In the British Museum
(Romano-British collection) there is part of a mould for a
shallow bowl, found at Rheinzabern, with stamped designs of
a lion, boar, and hare pursuing one another; it is similar to
the mould with Cerialis’ name already described. These
<lang=la><em>matrices</em></lang> are usually of fine bright red clay, unglazed; they are
very porous, rapidly absorbing moisture, and easily allowing
the potter to withdraw the vessel from the mould. The importance
of the discovery of moulds can hardly be overrated
for the evidence they afford as to the site of potteries and
centres of fabrics[3117]; it is obvious that where they are found,
and only in such places, the vases must have been made;
and that the discovery of a potter’s name on any mould
establishes his workshop at the place where it was found.
.bn 491.png
.pn +1
Various tools for working the moulds, or touching up details
or damaged parts of bronze and ivory, have been found on
the sites of ancient potteries,[3118] as at Arezzo, but their use cannot
be accurately determined.

The method of decoration known as <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang>, which
is a sort of cross between painting and relief, was achieved
by the laying on of a semi-liquid clay slip with a brush, a
spatula, or a small tube. The pattern was probably first
lightly indicated, and the viscous paste was then laid on in
thick lines or masses, producing a sort of low relief. The
process was, as a rule, only employed for simple ornamentation,
such as leaves, sprays, and garlands; but on the
provincial black wares it finds a freer scope. On vases found
in Britain and the adjoining parts of the Continent (p. #544#)
figures of animals are rendered in this manner, and on another
class peculiar to Germany (p. #537#) inscriptions are painted in
a thick white slip. The colour of the slip did not necessarily
correspond to the clay of the vase, and was, in fact, usually
white. These vases are, however, technically poor, and the
reliefs heavy and irregular. The process has been aptly
compared to the sugar ornamentation on cakes.[3119]

Painted decoration is almost unknown in Roman pottery,
and is, in fact, confined to the <sc>POCOLOM</sc> series described in
Chapter XI. It occurs in a rough and primitive form on some
of the provincial fabrics, such as the Castor and Rhenish vases
(see pp. #537#, #544#), but its place is really taken by the <lang=fr><em>barbotine</em></lang>
method.

Engraved or incised decoration is exceedingly rare, and
practically confined to provincial wares, which sometimes have
incisions or undulations made over the surface with the fingernail
in the moist clay.[3120] In the north of England, as at York,
pottery is commonly found with wreaths and fan-patterns cut
in <lang=la><em>intaglio</em></lang> in the clay while moist. Others have patterns
of four leaves
.pm ii ornament_491_4leaf.jpg 19 20 'four-leaf' '' ''
cut in the soft clay, or continuous
.bn 492.png
.pn +1
ornaments round the vase made with the toothed roller-like
instrument of which we have already spoken. Some of this
ornamentation may be in imitation of contemporary glass
vases. M. Déchelette has traced this fabric to Lezoux,[3121] and
the specimens found in Britain are doubtless imported. A
Gaulish example from the Morel Collection in the British
Museum is given on Plate #LXIX:pl69#. fig. 4.

The feet and rims of the vases were made separately, and
attached after their removal from the wheel, as were also the
handles when required; but the rarity of handles in Roman
pottery is remarkable. It is perhaps due to the difficulty of
packing them safely for export. The next process was the
preparation of the glaze, for those vases to which it was
applied, followed by the baking.

.h4
3. <sc>Roman Pottery-Furnaces</sc>

The remains of pottery-kilns and furnaces discovered in
various parts of Europe have furnished a considerable amount
of valuable information on the system employed in baking the
vases. On this particular point, indeed, we know far more
in regard to Roman pottery than to Greek, although, as we
have seen in Chapter V., the painted vases themselves sometimes
yield information on the appearance and arrangement
of the furnaces. But remains of actual furnaces have been
found in many places in Western Europe, notably in Germany,
France, and Britain, in a more or less complete state, as also
in Italy, at Pompeii, Modena, and Marzabotto.[3122] A complete
list of those known in 1863 has been given by Von Hefner,[3123]
supplemented by Blanchet’s lists of furnaces found in France
(1898 and 1902).[3124] In Gaul the best examples are at Lezoux,
near Clermont, at Châtelet in Haute-Marne,[3125] and at Belle-Vue,
.bn 493.png
.pn +1
near Agen, in the Department of Lot-et-Garonne.[3126] The latter
was circular in form, below the level of the soil. In Germany
important remains have been found at Heiligenberg in Baden,
Heddernheim near Frankfort, Rheinzabern near Karlsruhe, and
Westerndorf.[3127] All these in general arrangement differ little
from those in use at the present day; the Heddernheim furnace
(Fig. #212:fig212#) was found in the most perfect preservation, but
was subsequently destroyed, not, however, before satisfactory
plans and drawings had been made.[3128] In Britain by far the
most important discoveries have been made at Castor, Chesterton,
and Wansford in Northants,
where the remains extend
for some distance along
the Nene valley.[3129] They
were first explored by
Artis in 1821-27, who
published a magnificent
series of plates in illustration,
entitled <cite>Durobrivae</cite>;
these he supplemented by
a full description in the
<cite>Journal</cite> of the British
Archaeological Association.[3130]
Castor and Chesterton
(the latter in Hunts)
are both on the site of Roman towns, and were the centres
of a special local ware, described in a succeeding chapter.
The potteries, being so numerous, are probably not all of the
same age.

.il id=fig212 fn=fig212_493.jpg align=l w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 212. ROMAN KILN FOUND AT HEDDERNHEIM, GERMANY.

In 1677 four Roman kilns were discovered in digging under
St. Paul’s Cathedral for the foundation of Sir C. Wren’s
.bn 494.png
.pn +1
building, at a depth of 26 feet. They were made of loam,
which had been converted into brick by the action of the
fires, and were full of coarse pots and dishes; they measured
5 feet each way. A drawing made at the time is preserved
among the Sloane MSS. in the British Museum.[3131] In the kilns
was found pottery of the kind typical of London and the
neighbourhood. In 1898 two kilns, one of large size, with
pottery bearing the name <sc>CASTVS FECIT</sc>, were found near
Radlett in Herts,[3132] and another was excavated in 1895 by
Mr. C. H. Read at Shoeburyness.[3133] In Norfolk a kiln of somewhat
curious form was found in the Roman settlement of
Caistor by Norwich; the shape is that of a shallow concave
depression with partitions, and it contained vases placed ready
for baking.[3134] Another found between Buxton and Brampton
was recorded by Sir Thomas Browne,[3135] and a third at Weybourne.[3136]
In the South of England kilns have been found in the
New Forest, where there was a manufacture of local pottery[3137];
in Alice Holt Forest near Petersfield, Hants; at Shepton
Mallet in Somerset; and a potter’s workshop at Milton Abbas,
Dorset.[3138] The British Museum contains a model of a kiln
unearthed at Worcester about forty years ago, on the site
of the modern porcelain works. Finally, discoveries of kilns
and pottery were made in 1819 at Colchester, and again in
1878, when five kilns, all of different forms, with local pottery,
came to light.[3139]

To describe all these different types of furnaces in detail
would of course be impossible, but much may be learnt from the
very full, though now somewhat antiquated, descriptions of
the Castor kilns given by Artis.[3140] It will be found more
.bn 495.png
.pn +1
satisfactory to describe the generally-prevailing arrangements,
noting the more important variations where they occur. It
may further be laid down that the system was practically the
same for terracotta figures and tiles as for pottery, and that in
many cases both were made in the same furnace. But this was
not invariably the case, and at Rheinzabern, for instance, the
kilns for tiles were quadrangular, those for pottery circular.

The kilns were constructed partly of burnt, partly of unburnt
brick, the interior, floor, and outside of the roofs being covered
with a strong layer of cement. They consisted of two main
portions, the fire-chamber with its adjuncts, and the vaulted
chamber above, in which the objects to be baked are placed.
The fire-chamber was usually circular, with a projection in
front, the <lang=la><em>praefurnium</em></lang>[3141] which had either a vaulted roof, as at
Castor and Heiligenberg, or a gabled roof formed of pairs of tiles,
as at Rheinzabern. Through this the fuel was introduced,
consisting chiefly, as charcoal remains show, of pine-wood. The
fire-chamber was either divided up, as at Castor, by walls radiating
from a central pillar which supported the roof, or by rows of
pillars in a line with the entrance, as at Rheinzabern and
Heiligenberg. Holes were bored in the roof to allow the heat to
penetrate through, but the arrangement varies; at Heiligenberg
each division of the furnace was vaulted, making grooves along
which the holes were bored. The oven where the pots were
placed has been destroyed in most cases, but we know that it
consisted of a floor, a wall with entrances, and a vaulted dome.
The pots were ranged partly on the floor, partly on terracotta
stands over the holes, as at Rheinzabern and Heiligenberg[3142]; at
Lezoux there are remains of holes in the walls for iron bars
to support them. Special arrangements seem to have been
made for baking the finer wares, in order to ensure the proper
spread of heat, and to guard against their being blackened or
otherwise injured. In the Romano-British Room of the
British Museum is a lump of bowls of red ware from Lezoux,
fused together in the baking and cast aside.[3143]
.bn 496.png
.pn +1

One of the kilns at Castor (Fig. #213:fig213#) is described by Artis as
a circular hole 3 to 4 feet deep and 4 feet in diameter, walled
round to a height of 2 feet; the <lang=la><em>praefurnium</em></lang> was about a
foot in length. In the centre of the circular hole was an oval
pedestal (with one end pointing to the furnace-mouth), on which
and on the side wall the floor was supported, being formed
of perforated angular bricks meeting in the centre. The
vaulted dome was composed of bricks moulded for the purpose,[3144]
and the sides of the kiln of curved bricks set edgeways in a
thick slip of the same material. Brongniart[3145] compares the
Castor kiln with that at
Heiligenberg, near Strasburg,
and others in the
Rhine valley in which
“Samian” ware was made.

.il id=fig213 fn=fig213_496.jpg align=r w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 213. KILN FOUND AT CASTOR, NORTHANTS.

Another kiln found in
1844 Artis describes as
having been “used for firing
the common blue or slate-coloured
pottery, and had
been built on part of the
site of one of the same
kind, and within a yard
and a half of one that had
been constructed for firing
pottery of a different description. The older exhausted kiln
... presented the appearance of very early work; the bricks
had evidently been modelled with the hand, and not moulded,
and the workmanship was altogether inferior to that of the
others, which were also in a very mutilated state; but the
character of the work, the bricks, the mouths of the furnaces,
and the oval pedestals which supported the floors of the kilns,
were still apparent.”

Artis was also of opinion that “the blue and slate-coloured
vessels found here in such abundance were coloured by
suffocating the fire of the kiln, at a time when its contents had
.bn 497.png
.pn +1
acquired a degree of heat sufficient to ensure uniformity of
colour.” Hence he denominated kilns in which this ware was
baked, “smother kilns.” He further notes that the bricks of
this kiln “were made of clay mixed with rye in the chaff, which
being consumed by the fire [<i>i.e.</i> in the baking of the bricks] left
cavities in the room of the grains, which might have been
intended to modify expansion and contraction, as well as to
assist the gradual distribution of the colouring vapour. The
mouth of the furnace and top of the kiln were no doubt stopped;
thus every part of the kiln was penetrated with the colouring
exhalation.” From experiments made on the local clays
he proved to his own satisfaction that the colour could not
have been produced by any metallic oxide, inherent or applied
from without; and this view was supported by the appearance of
the clay wrappers of the dome of the kiln. But in view of
recent researches, such as those of Blümner, it is doubtful
whether Artis’ theories can now be upheld. As Mr. Haverfield
has pointed out,[3146] the dark colour may be due to the chemical
action of the carbonaceous vapour of the smothered kiln rather
than to any “colouring exhalation.”

The process of packing the kiln in order to secure uniform
heat in firing is thus described by the same writer: “The kilns
were first carefully loose-packed with the articles to be fired, up
to the height of the side walls. The circumference of the bulk
was then gradually diminished, and finished in the shape of
a dome. As this arrangement progressed, an attendant seems
to have followed the packer, and thinly covered a layer of pots
with coarse hay or grass. He then took some thin clay, the
size of his hand, and laid it flat on the grass upon the vessels;
he then placed more grass on the edge of the clay just laid on,
and then more clay, and so on until he had completed the
circle. By this time the packer would have raised another tier
of pots, the plasterer following as before, hanging the grass over
the top edge of the last layer of plaster, until he had reached
the top, in which a small aperture was left, and the clay nipt
round the edge; another coating would be laid on as before
described. Gravel or loam was then thrown up against the side
.bn 498.png
.pn +1
wall where the clay wrappers were commenced, probably to
secure the bricks and the clay coating. In consequence of the
care taken to place grass between the edges of the wrappers,
they could be unpacked in the same-sized pieces as when laid
on in a plastic state, and thus the danger in breaking the coat to
obtain the contents of the kiln could be obviated.”

In the course of his excavations Artis discovered a singular
furnace,[3147] “of which I have never before or since met with an
example. Over it had been placed two circular earthen fire
vessels (or cauldrons); that next above the furnace was a third
less than the other, which would hold about eight gallons. The
fire passed partly under both of them, the smoke escaping by
a smoothly-plastered flue, from seven to eight inches wide. The
vessels were suspended by the rims fitting into a circular groove
or rabbet, formed for the purpose.” He was strongly of opinion
that this furnace was used for producing glazed wares by means
of iron oxide. Whether this is so or not, it is interesting to note
that in the British Museum and Museum of Geology there are
cakes of vitreous matter from Castor, probably used as a glaze,
and consisting of silicates of soda and lime.[3148]

The kiln found at Caistor, in Norfolk, was apparently used
for baking the grey Roman ware, and differed in form from
those described, which were for the black, being only calculated
for a slight degree of baking. It was a regular oval, measuring
6 feet 4 inches in breadth. The furnace holes were filled in below
with burnt earth of a red colour, and in the upper part with
peat; the exterior was formed of strong blue clay of 6 inches
in thickness, and the interior lined with peat; the kiln was
intersected by partitions of blue clay. Some of the vases were
inverted and filled with a core of white sand.[3149]

.il id=fig214 fn=fig214_499.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 214. PLAN OF KILN AT HEILIGENBERG.

The furnaces at Heiligenberg and Rheinzabern present the
following further peculiarities.[3150] The former, which were
evidently used for the baking of red wares, had a flue in the
.bn 499.png
.pn +1
form of a long channel with arched vault, the mouth being
over 8 feet from the space where the flames and heat were
concentrated under the oven (Fig. #214:fig214#). Numerous pipes of
terracotta, of varying diameter, diverged from the upper part
or floor of the oven, to distribute the heat; in the outer wall
of the oven was a series of smaller ones, and twelve or fifteen
of larger size opened under the floor of the oven to distribute
the heat and flame round the pots (Fig. #215:fig215#). The mouths
of the pipes were sometimes stopped with baked clay stoppers
to moderate the heat.
The upper part or dome
of the kiln is never
found entire, having
been generally destroyed
here, as elsewhere, by
the superincumbent
earth. Walls of strong
masonry separated and
protected the space between
the mouth of the
flue and the walls of
the oven, and the floor of the latter was made of terracotta tiles.

.il id=fig215 fn=fig215_499.jpg w=300px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 215. SECTION OF KILN AT HEILIGENBERG.

At Rheinzabern, where excavations were made in 1858,
fifteen furnaces were found, some round and others square,
.bn 500.png
.pn +1
but all constructed on the same plan. The floor of the oven
was over 3 feet below the top of the walls, and was covered
with tiling, the walls being formed of rough slabs of clay,
about 28 by 16 inches in size. The floors of the ovens were
in some cases supported by bricks covered with a coating
of clay. Stands of baked clay in the shape of flattened cylinders
supported the pots in the oven, and these rested on pads of
a peculiar form, roughly modelled in clay.[3151] In all, seventy-seven
pottery-kilns and thirty-six tile-kilns were discovered on
this site.[3152]

The following list, though by no means claiming to be
exhaustive, gives the names of the chief potteries where actual
furnaces have been discovered.

.ta l:25 l:45
1. <sc>Italy</sc>

Arezzo       |  See p. #479# ff.
Marzabotto   |  <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>, i. p. 282.
Modena       |  <lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1875, p. 192.
Oria         |  <i>Ibid.</i> 1834, p. 56.
Pompeii      |  Mau-Kelsey, <i>Pompeii</i>, p. 386.
Pozzuoli     |  <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 54.
.ta-

.ta l:5 l:15 l:15 l:34
2. <sc>France</sc>

Dept. of| Ain              | St.-Martin-du-Mont  | Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Melanges</cite></lang>, p. 107.
        | Allier           | Champ-Lary          | Blanchet, p. 89.
        |                  | Lubié               | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 95.
        |                  | St.-Bonnet          | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 96.
        |                  | St.-Didier-en-Rollat| \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 96.
        |                  | St.-Rémy-en-Rollat  | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 96; Déchelette, i. p. 41 ff.
        |                  | Vichy               | Blanchet, p. 95.
        | Aube             | Nogent-sur-Seine    | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 106.
        |  Aveyron         | Graufesenque        | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 97; Déchelette, i. p. 64 ff.
.bn 501.png
.pn +1
Dept. of| Bouches-du-Rhône | Arles               | Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vii. p. 13.
        |                  | Auriol              | Blanchet, p. 98.
        |                  | Marseilles          | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 98.
        | Charente         | Jarnac              | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 101.
        |                  | Chez Ferroux        | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 102.
        | Eure-et-Loire    | Chartres            | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 104.
        | Gard             | Uzès                | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 99.
        | Haute-Garonne    | Vieille-Toulouse    | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 101.
        | Haute-Marne      | Châtelet            | Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 439.
        | Haute-Saône      | Luxueil             | Blanchet, p. 107.
        | Ille-et-Vilaine  | Redon               | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 102.
        | Indre-et-Loire   | Nouâtre             | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 104.
        | Loire            | Montverdun          | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 96.
        | Loire-Inférieure | Herbignac           | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 102.
        | Loire-et-Cher    | Thoré               | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 104.
        | Lot              | Cahors              | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 100.
        |                  | Mélines             | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 101.
        | Lot-et-Garonne   | Agen                | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 101; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xviii. (1868), pl. 23.
        | Lozère           | Banassac            | Blanchet, p. 97; Déchelette, i. p. 117.
        | Nièvre           | Chantenay           | Blanchet, p. 96.
        |                  | Gravier             | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 96.
        | Oise             | Bois-Ibert          | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 105.
        |                  | Compiègne (Forest of) | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 104.
        |                  | Mont-de-Hermes, Beauvais | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 105.
        |                  | Sampigny            | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 105.
        | Orne             | Chandai             | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 103.
        | Pas-de-Calais    | Avesnes-le-Comte    | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 106.
        | Puy-de-Dôme      | Clermont-Ferrand    | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 95.
        |                  | Lezoux              | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 93; Déchelette, i. p. 141 ff.
        |                  | Thiers              | Blanchet, p. 94.
        | Rhône            | Lyons               | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 100.
        | Sarthe           | Grand-Lucé          | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 103.
        | Seine            | Paris               | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 104.
        | Seine-Inférieure | Incheville          | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 103.
.bn 502.png
.pn +1
        | Somme            | Amiens              | Blanchet, p. 106.
        | Tarn             | Montans             | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 97.
        | Tarn-et-Garonne  | Castelnau-de-Montratier| \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 97.
        |                  | Muret               | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 97.
        | Vendée           | Trizay              | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 102.
        | Yonne            | Sens                | \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 106.
.ta-
[See also Blanchet, p. 90 ff. for sites of furnaces for terracotta figures.]

.ta l:25 l:45
3. <sc>Germany</sc>

Alttrier, Luxemburg   | Von Hefner, p. 60.
Bergheim              | Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-rom.</cite></lang> ii. p. 108.
Bonn                  | <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxiv. p. 152; lxxxiv. p. 118.
Cannstadt             | Von Hefner, p. 61.
Cologne               | <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxix. p. 178.
Commern               | <i>Ibid.</i> iv.   p. 203.
Dalheim, Luxemburg    | Von Hefner, p. 61.
Dieburg               | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 61.
Güglingen             | <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> i. p. 74.
Heddernheim           | <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1882, p. 183.
Heidelberg            | <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxii. p. 7.
Heiligenberg          | Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 427; Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-rom.</cite></lang> ii. p. 108.
Heldenbergen          | <lang=de><cite>Westd. Zeitschr. für Gesch. u. Kunst</cite></lang>, xviii. (1899), pl. 4, p. 227.
Herbishofen           |    Von Hefner, p. 61.
Nassenfels            | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 61.
Petzel, Luxemburg     | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 61.
Rheinzabern           | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 61; Brongniart, i. p. 429.
Riegel                | Von Hefner, p. 61.
Rottenburg            | <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> iv. p. 141.
Schönbuch, Würtemberg |     Blanchet, p. 108.
Trier                 | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 108.
Waiblingen            |     Von Hefner, p. 61.
Westheim              | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 62.
Westerndorf           | \ \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ \ p. 62.
.ta-
.bn 503.png
.pn +1

.ta l:37 l:35
4. <sc>England</sc>

Dorset, Milton Abbas                   | Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi. p. 191.
Essex, Ashdon                          | <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> x. p. 21.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Colchester           | Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 38, vii. pls. 1-3, p. 1 ff.; <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xxxiii. p. 267.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Shoeburyness         | <cite>Proc. Soc. Antiqs.</cite> 2nd Ser. xvi. p. 40.
Hampshire, Alice Holt Forest           | <cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 306.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ New Forest           | <i>Ibid.</i> p. 326.
Hertfordshire, Radlett                 | <cite>Proc. Soc. Antiqs.</cite> 2nd Ser. xvii. p. 261.
Huntingdon, Sibson and Water Newton    | <cite>Vict. County Hist. Northants</cite>, i. p. 175.
Kent, Upchurch                         | Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi. p. 178; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, li. p. 467.
Lancashire, Warrington                 | <cite>Reliquary</cite>, 1900, p. 263.
Middlesex, London (St. Paul’s)         | Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 79.
Norfolk, Brampton                      | <cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 314.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Caistor-by-Norwich   | <i>Ibid.</i> p. 291; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xxxvi. p. 413.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Caistor-by-Yarmouth  | <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite>, xxxvi. p. 206.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Weybourne            | <cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 322.
Northants, Castor, Wansford, Bedford Purlieus  | <cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 166 ff., 206 ff.
Oxfordshire, Headington                | <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> vi. p. 60.
 \ \ \ ”\ \ \ \ \ Littlemore           | <i>Ibid.</i> liv. p. 349.
Somerset, Shepton Mallet               | <cite>Gentleman’s Mag.</cite> 1864, ii. p. 770.
Suffolk, West Stow Heath               | <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xxxvii. p. 152.
Worcester                              | <cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 207 (a model in Brit. Mus.).
.ta-

[On the subject generally reference may be made to Brongniart,
<lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 426; De Caumont, <lang=fr><cite>Cours d’ant. Monum.</cite></lang> ii. (for
Heiligenberg); Von Hefner, <lang=de><cite>Römische Topferei</cite></lang>, in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv
für vaterl. Gesch.</cite></lang> xxii. (1863), p. 60 (where a complete list of furnaces
up to date is given); <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, lxii. 1878, p. 7 ff.; Wolff
in <lang=de><cite>Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Gesch. u. Kunst</cite></lang>, xviii. (1899), p. 211 ff.;
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, ii. p. 23 ff.; Smith, <cite>Dict. of Antiqs.</cite> i. p. 845
(<i>art.</i> <sc>Fictile</sc>); and for Gaulish sites, Blanchet, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 93 ff.]
.bn 504.png
.pn +1

.h4
4. <sc>Pottery in Latin Literature; Shapes and Uses</sc>

Vessels of earthenware were extensively used by the Roman
people in the earlier days of the Republic for all purposes of
domestic life,[3153] and later writers often contrast their use with
that of the costly vases of precious metal then customary.
“Gold,” says Persius, “has driven away the vases of Numa and
the brass vessels of Saturn, the urns of the Vestals and Etruscan
earthenware”[3154]; and Juvenal speaks of those who laughed at
“Numa’s black dish and bowl, and fragile saucers from the
Vatican hill.”[3155] Even under the Empire fictile vases continued
to be used by the poorer classes, and the use of the finer red
glazed wares must have been even more general. But Juvenal,
satirising the luxury of Domitian’s time, says that it is
considered a reproach to dine off earthenware.[3156] In Republican
times it was the proud boast of a Curius to prefer his earthenware
service to Samnite gold,[3157] and in 167 <sc>B.C.</sc> the consul
Q. Aclius Tubero was found by the Aetolian ambassador
dining off earthenware[3158]; Seneca also tells how he, at his
entertainment given in the temple of Jupiter, placed fictile
vessels before his guests.[3159] But when Masinissa entertained
the Romans in 148 <sc>B.C.</sc> the first course was served on silver,
the second in golden baskets, which Ptolemy Euergetes
describes respectively as the Roman and Italian fashions.[3160]
Athenaeus says that up to Macedonian times dinners were
served in fictile vessels, but that subsequently the Romans
became more luxurious, and Cleopatra spent five minae a
day on gold and silver wares.[3161] Subsequently earthenware was
replaced by glass as well as metal, especially for unguent-bottles
and drinking-cups, of which large numbers are found in
Roman tombs, where they virtually take the place of pottery.
.bn 505.png
.pn +1
Vases of immense size were sometimes made under the
Empire, and stories are told of the absurdities perpetrated by
some of the Emperors in this respect. Juvenal, in describing
the turbot prepared for Domitian,[3162] says no dish could be found
of sufficient size to cook it in, and Vitellius had a dish made
which from its huge dimensions acquired the name of “the shield
of Minerva.”[3163] Elsewhere it is scoffed at as a “swamp of dishes”
(<lang=la><em>patinarum paludes</em></lang>).[3164] Pliny speaks of terracotta vases which
sold for even more than precious crystal or myrrhine ware,[3165]
and were therefore presumably of great size.

The principal use of earthenware was for the transport and
storage of wine, oil, corn, figs, honey, and other commodities,
answering to the casks of the present day. Martial speaks of
a jar (<lang=la><em>testa</em></lang>) reddened with the blood of tunnies exported from
Antipolis (Antibes).[3166] Of the shapes used for this purpose
and their names we shall speak presently in detail. Vases were
also used in religious rites, but metal was probably more general;
Plautus describes a miser who sacrificed to the Lares in earthenware
(<lang=la><em>vasis Samiis</em></lang>) because he was afraid that they might steal
silver vessels.[3167] They were also used for various operations in
agriculture, medicine, and household economy; but above all
for the domestic purposes of the table. Some of the peculiar
uses have already been referred to (p. #387#), and another that
may be mentioned is the use of jars as bell-glasses for rearing
vine-sprouts.[3168]

Although the custom of burying vases with the dead was
not so general among the Romans as among the Greeks, they
were yet frequently used in graves in the form of cinerary urns,
in the shape of a covered jar (<lang=la><em>olla</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>obrendarium</em></lang>[3169]) of coarse
ware and globular in form (p. #550#). Vases containing ashes
have often been found in England, as at Bartlow and Litlington
in Cambridgeshire.[3170] At the latter place a tomb contained a
sort of colander perforated with holes which formed the letters
.bn 506.png
.pn +1
<sc>INDVLCIVS</sc>.[3171] Similar finds are recorded from Arnaise in
France. Pliny states that many persons expressed their desire
to be buried in coffins of terracotta.[3172] Roman sarcophagi of
terracotta have been found at Saguntum in Spain, but for these
stone and lead were the ordinary materials. The cinerary
urns were often formed from large dolia or amphorae, the
neck being broken off so as to produce a globular vessel.
Examples have been found in England at Chesterford, Essex,[3173]
at Southfleet in Kent,[3174] and in the Bedford Purlieus near Kingscliffe,
Northants (now at Woburn Abbey); another is in the
Cathedral Library at Lincoln.[3175] Roach-Smith also mentions
specimens found in Lothbury, London, and in Kent, the latter
being now in the Maidstone Museum.[3176]

Vitruvius, in his chapter on <em>Echea</em>, or vases distributed around
the ancient theatres for acoustic purposes, mentions that they
were often made of earthenware for economical reasons[3177]; but
they were usually of bronze. Seneca, too, alludes to this practice
when he speaks of the voice of a singer falling upon a jar
(<lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang>).[3178] It is certain that the Greeks and Romans often
made use of earthenware jars in architecture, but it is probable
that this was more often done with the object of diminishing
weight than for acoustic reasons, or, as some have thought, for
want of better material. The <lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>amphora</em></lang>, and <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang> seem
to have been the forms most usually employed. There are
various examples in walls and substructures of the Augustan
period, and they are also found in vaults, where their purpose
is undoubtedly to lighten the weight.[3179] In the circus of
Maxentius a number of large amphorae were found embedded
in the vaulting and upper part of the walls, arranged neck
downwards and with their axis inclined obliquely to the wall.[3180]
All are now broken, but they illustrate the ingenious method
.bn 507.png
.pn +1
in which the upper parts of the arches supporting the rows
of seats were lightened. In the dome of the tomb of St. Helena,
outside the Porta Labicana, rings of pots are embedded for the
same purpose, whence the building is usually known as Torre
Pignattara (from <lang=la><em>pignatte</em></lang>, pots).[3181] An oven found at Pompeii
had a vaulted top formed of <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang> fitted into one another, each
about a foot in height, of ordinary red ware; the span of the arch
was 5 feet 6 inches, and the object here was to ensure extreme
dryness as well as lightness.[3182] A similar arrangement occurs
in the Stabian Thermae at Pompeii, and also in the church of
San Stefano alla Rotonda at Rome, and the dome of San Vitale
at Ravenna, built by Justinian in the sixth century, is similarly
constructed, with an elaborate system of tubes and jars.[3183] The
practice seems to have been continued during the Middle Ages,
and an example occurs in England, at Fountains Abbey, where
the purpose was acoustic.[3184]

.tb

We now proceed to describe in detail the principal shapes of
Roman vases, so far as they can be identified from literary
or epigraphical evidence or from other sources, on the same
lines as in our previous chapter on the shapes of Greek pottery.
Some of these shapes, it will be seen, they had in common with
the Greeks, such as the amphora, the krater, and the phiale
or patera, and in several instances (such as the cyathus and the
scyphus) the Greek name is preserved.

Beginning with vases used for storage, whether for liquids,
as for wine and oil, or for solids, as for corn or fruit, which
were chiefly kept in cellars, we take first the <lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang>, a gigantic
cask corresponding to the Greek <lang=grc>πίθος</lang> (Vol. I. p. #152:vol1_152#), which      // Tr: pithos
from its general usage gave rise to the generic term <lang=la><em>opus
doliare</em></lang>, for common work in clay. It was large enough to
contain a man, as we know from the story of Diogenes
illustrated on the Roman lamp already given (Plate #LXIV:pl64#.
fig. 6); the vessel thereon depicted may serve to give an
.bn 508.png
.pn +1
idea of its appearance. Columella[3185] speaks of <lang=la><em>dolia sesquiculearia</em></lang>,
<i>i.e.</i> holding one-and-a-half <lang=la><em>culei</em></lang> or thirty amphorae.
They were buried in the earth of the cellars, and have been
found thus in Italy at Anzi, in France at Apt, Vaucluse,
and near Clermont, and at Tunis.[3186] They were used for
wine, oil, corn, and salted meat, and Juvenal tells us that
<lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> were used for new wine, being lined with wax, pitch,
or gypsum.[3187] In 1858 a large number were found at Sarno in
Campania, some being stamped with the makers’ names,
as <sc>ONESIMVS FECIT, VITALIS F, L · TITI · T · F · PAP</sc>, and
<sc>M · LVCCEI · QVARTIONIS</sc>.[3188] On one was incised <sc>L · XXXIV</sc>, or
thirty-four <lang=la><em>lagenae</em></lang> (see p. #446#). One of the prodigies which
was supposed to predict the future fortune of the Emperor
Antoninus Pius was the discovery above ground of some <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang>
which had been sunk in the earth in Etruria.[3189] An old name
for the <lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang> was <lang=la><em>calpar</em></lang>,[3190] and another smaller variety was
the <lang=la><em>seria</em></lang>,[3191] containing only seven amphorae. A diminutive form
of the latter, <lang=la><em>seriola</em></lang>, is described as a wine-vessel invented
in Syria.[3192]

<lang=la><em>Dolia</em></lang> were made in separate pieces, the base and other parts
being secured by leaden cramps, and they were also hooped
with lead, as we learn from Cato.[3193] Pliny speaks of repairing
casks by fitting on handles, scraping the hoops, and stopping
up cracks.[3194] They are made both of white and red clay, baked in
a slow furnace, great care being required to moderate the heat
aright. Their makers were known as <lang=la><em>doliarii</em></lang>. Part of a large
<lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang> bound with leaden hoops was found near Modena, at
Palzano; also at Spilamberto, one with the name of T. Gavelius
and the numerals <sc>XXX</sc>, <sc>XIII</sc>, another of the capacity of 36
amphorae.[3195] On the mouth of one found in the Villa Peretta
at Rome was the name of L. Calpurnius Eros,[3196] on another
.bn 509.png
.pn +1
the name of T. Cocceius Fortunatus.[3197] Two good examples of
<lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> were at one time preserved in the gardens of the Villa
Albani, about 4 feet in diameter and as many in height, and of
a coarse gritty pale red clay. This kind of vase was often
used for sepulchral purposes, bodies having being found actually
buried in them (see above, p. #457#).

Next in size and importance to the <lang=la><em>dolium</em></lang> is the <lang=la><em>amphora</em></lang>,
resembling in form the Greek wine-jar[3198]; it usually has a long
cylindrical body with pointed base, a long narrow neck, and
two straight handles. Hölder[3199] notes several varieties: the
Canopic, the wide-bellied, the cylindrical, the globular, and
the spheroidal, the former of which is a typical early form in
the provinces.[3200] It was often without neck or handle, and was
seldom ornamented, not being used for artistic purposes like
its Greek prototype, but only for strictly utilitarian ends, that is,
for the storage and transport of wine. It is usually of coarse
red earthenware, made on the wheel, with a clay stopper to close
the mouth, and the name of the maker in a rectangular label
on the handle, like the <lang=la><em>diota</em></lang> or wine-amphora of the Greeks.
It was in fact often known as a diota, as in a familiar line
of Horace[3201]:

.pm onpoem
Deprome quadrimum Sabina,
  O Thaliarche, merum diota.
.pm offpoem

The amphora was pitched internally to preserve the wine[3202];
the pointed base was of course adapted for fixing it in the
ground in the cellar, but when brought up it was placed in
a tripod-stand of metal or wood (<lang=la><em>incitega</em></lang>).[3203] In Cicero’s time
the regulation size was equivalent to a quadrantal or two <lang=la><em>urnae</em></lang>.[3204]
The use of this vase was very varied and extensive among the
Romans; it was employed not only in cellars and granaries,
but also at the table and for many other purposes of ordinary
life, even where nowadays vessels of wood or iron would be
preferred.
.bn 510.png
.pn +1

D’Agincourt[3205] mentions the discovery at Rome, near the
Porta del Popolo, of a row of amphorae in a cellar in 1789,
and at Pompeii a hundred were found in the house of Arrius
Diomedes, a hundred and fifty in that of the Faun; a hundred
and twenty were found in a cellar near the baths of Titus, and
many more at Milan in 1809, and at Turin. Numbers have
been found in London, varying in capacity from four to twelve
gallons, and others at Colchester and Mount Bures in Essex.[3206]
But they are so universal all over the Roman Empire that to
enlarge the list would be tedious. Many, however, evoke a
special interest by reason of their stamps and inscriptions,
and a few typical examples may profitably be given.[3207]

The inscriptions vary in form and character; some amphorae
give the name of the maker in the genitive, <lang=la><em>officina</em></lang> being
understood; others the consuls for the year in which they
were filled; others, again, the name of the wine or other phrases
descriptive of their contents; and others complimentary inscriptions
to their owners. Among names of makers both single,
double, and triple names are found, and among the former
are many of a Gaulish or barbarian character, such as Bellucus,
Dicetus, and Vacasatus, son of Brariatus; the last-named from
Nimeguen, the first-named from London.[3208] Among the triple
names, showing that the potters were Roman citizens or
freedmen, are M. Aemilius Rusticus from Caerleon, and
C. Antonius Quintus, also found in Britain.[3209] Sometimes the
name is in the nominative with <sc>F</sc> for <lang=la><em>fecit</em></lang>, or with the genitive
<sc>OF</sc> for <lang=la><em>officina</em></lang> occurs. The stamps are in the form of oblong
rectangular labels on the handle or neck, the letters in
relief. One of the most curious stamps was on an amphora
found in the Pontine marshes near Rome, a square one with
a caduceus and other symbols arranged in twelve compartments;
.bn 511.png
.pn +1
the inscription runs <sc>M · PETRON · VETERAN · LEO · SER · FECIT</sc>,
“Leo, the slave of M. Petronius Veteranus, made it.”[3210]

The names of Vespasian and Titus as consuls are found
on an amphora from Pompeii: <sc>VESPASIANO III ET FILIO CS</sc>,
the year being <sc>A.D.</sc> 74[3211]; that of M. Aurelius (but not necessarily
as consul) occurs on an amphora found at Newington in Kent[3212];
and on one in the British Museum from Leptis in Africa is
<sc>L · CASSIO · C · MARIO · COS</sc>, the date being <sc>A.D.</sc> 107.[3213] On the
neck of a fourth amphora, found at Pompeii, was <sc>FVNDAN ·
CN · LENTVL · M · ASINIO · COSS</sc>, “wine of Fundi in the consulship
of Cn. Lentulus and M. Asinius (Agrippa),” of the year
<sc>A.D.</sc> 26.[3214]

The character or origin of the wine or other commodity
stored in the amphorae is given by such inscriptions as <sc>BARCAE,
KOR · OPT</sc> (“best Corcyrean”),[3215] <sc>RVBR · VET · [=V] · P CII</sc> (“old
red wine, 102 lbs. weight”), all from Pompeii, painted in red and
black.[3216] <sc>MES · AM · XVIII</sc>, also on an amphora from Pompeii, appears
to mean “eighteen amphorae [not measures] of Mesogitan
wine” (from Mesogis in Lydia[3217]); or, again, we find at Pompeii
<sc>SVRR · XXI</sc>, “twenty-one amphorae of wine of Surrentum”[3218];
<sc>TOSCOLA</sc>(<i>n</i>)<sc>ON</sc> (<i>ex</i>) <sc>OFFICINA SCAV</sc>(<i>ri</i>), “Tusculan wine from
the manufactory of Scaurus.”[3219] On the other hand, <sc>LIQVAMEN
OPTIMVM</sc> (“best pickle”), or such expressions as <sc>SCOMBRI</sc>
(“mackerel”), <sc>GARVS</sc> (“brine”), etc., imply that the vessel has
been used for conveying pickled fish.[3220]

Among expressions of a complimentary nature are: <sc>FABRILES
MARCELLAE N · AD FELICITATEM</sc>, “the workmen of our
Marcella to wish her joy”[3221]; (<i>pr</i>)<sc>OMO</sc>(<i>s</i>) <sc>FAMELIAI DONO</sc>(<i>m</i>)
<sc>V</sc>(<i>otum dedit</i>), or <sc>DONO V</sc>(<i>rnam dat</i>), “Promus gave (an urn)
as a gift and vow to his family” (from Ardea in Latium).[3222]
.bn 512.png
.pn +1
The list may be concluded with the inscription on an amphora
found in the garden of the Villa Farnese, among the ruins
of the Aurea Domus of Nero, which held eight <lang=la><em>congii</em></lang>; on
its neck was traced in ill-formed letters: <sc>L</sc>(<i>iquaminis</i>) <sc>FL</sc>(<i>os</i>)
<sc>EXCEL</sc>(<i>lens</i>) <sc>L · PVRELLI GEMELLI M</sc>(...), “Finest brand
of liquor, belonging to L. Purellus Gemellus.”[3223] An amphora
was found at Pompeii with the name of Septimius or Stertinius
Menodotus in Greek letters.[3224] There are occasional references
in the classics to the practice of placing such stamps on
vases, as when Plautus makes the slave say, with reference to
the drinking that went on in his master’s house, “There you
may see epistles written with letters in clay, sealed with
pitch; the names are there in letters a foot and a half
long.”[3225] Or, again, another slave, fearing to be caught with
a jar in his possession, reflects, “This jar is lettered; it
proclaims its ownership.”[3226] Juvenal speaks of wine whose
country and brand had been obliterated by old age through
long hanging in the smoke.[3227]

Another vase used much in the same way as the amphora,
and particularly for keeping wine, was the <lang=la><em>cadus</em></lang>, the shape
of which is not exactly known. It held about twelve <lang=la><em>congii</em></lang>,
or seventy-two <lang=la><em>sextarii</em></lang> (pints), and is frequently mentioned
by Horace and Martial.[3228] The former in the <cite>Odes</cite> refers to
his jar of Alban wine nine years old, and in another passage
to one stored in Sulpicius’ cellars[3229]; the latter speaks of <lang=la><em>cadi
Vaticani</em></lang>, which may mean made of clay from the Vatican
hill or containing Vatican wines[3230]; elsewhere he speaks of
taking yellow honey from the ruddy jar (implying an earthenware
vessel), and of the red jar which pours out home-made
wine.[3231] We also learn from him that the <lang=la><em>cadus</em></lang> was hung
in the chimney to give the wine a mellow flavour.[3232] From
other passages we learn that the <lang=la><em>cadus</em></lang> was used for
.bn 513.png
.pn +1
oil,[3233] fruit,[3234] and money,[3235] and also as a measure equivalent to
one-and-a-half amphorae or three urnae.[3236] The <lang=la><em>orca</em></lang> is described
by Isidorus as a kind of amphora, of which the <lang=la><em>urceus</em></lang> (see
below) was a diminutive.[3237]

The Romans were presumably, like the Greeks, in the habit
of mixing their wine with water, but we only find the <lang=la><em>crater</em></lang>
mentioned rarely, and that in a poetical manner.[3238] Moreover
it was probably made in metal as a rule, and the rare
instances of the <lang=la><em>crater</em></lang> which occur in the Arretine ware
are obvious imitations of metal prototypes; there is a fine
example in the British Museum from Capua (see Fig. #219:fig219#).
Ovid, however, speaks of the <lang=la><em>rubens crater</em></lang>,[3239] implying terracotta,
as in the case of the <lang=la><em>rubens cadus</em></lang> of Martial mentioned above.
The <lang=la><em>vinarium</em></lang>,[3240] the <lang=la><em>acratophorum</em></lang> (for holding unmixed wine),[3241]
and the <lang=la><em>oenophorum</em></lang> were probably of the same character, but
the latter was portable, as we know from Horace’s jeer at the
man who took his cooking-stove and wine-jar (<lang=la><em>oenophorum</em></lang>)
with him everywhere.[3242]

The <lang=la><em>urna</em></lang>, the equivalent of the Greek <em>hydria</em>, was similarly
used for carrying water, and also for casting lots, or as a voting-urn[3243];
in the latter sense Cicero actually uses the word <em>hydria</em>.[3244]
Its size was half that of the amphora. Both the <lang=la><em>urna</em></lang> and
the hydria are found in connection with funerary usages, and
appear to have held the ashes of the dead.[3245] The <lang=la><em>situla</em></lang>, or
bucket, with its diminutive <lang=la><em>sitella</em></lang>, was also used for water and
for lots,[3246] but was principally of metal. Isidorus says it is
.bn 514.png
.pn +1
the Greek <lang=grc>κάδος</lang> (Vol. I. p. #165:vol1_165#).[3247] The <lang=la><em>cupa</em></lang> and the <lang=la><em>cumera</em></lang>   // Tr: kados
seem to have been of wood rather than earthenware[3248]; the
former was a kind of tub, the latter was used for keeping grain,
and also by brides for conveying their effects to their new
home.[3249] Another large vessel for holding liquids was the <lang=la><em>sinus</em></lang>,
or <lang=la><em>sinum</em></lang>, used both for water and milk.[3250] The <lang=la><em>nasiterna</em></lang>, so
called from its long spout or <lang=la><em>nasus</em></lang>, had three handles, and
was used as a watering-pot.[3251] The <lang=la><em>fidelia</em></lang> appears to have
been a kind of large pail or bucket; Cicero in one of his
letters[3252] cites the proverb, <lang=la><em>de eadem fidelia duos parietes dealbare</em></lang>,
which answers to our “killing two birds with one stone.” It
implies that it would be used for holding paint or whitewash.

Of smaller vases for holding liquids, such as jugs, bottles,
and flasks, the principal were the <lang=la><em>urceus</em></lang> (with its diminutive
<lang=la><em>urceolus</em></lang>), the <lang=la><em>ampulla</em></lang>, and the <lang=la><em>lagena</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>lagona</em></lang>. The <lang=la><em>hirnea</em></lang>
is also mentioned as a jug which was filled from the jar or
cadus.[3253] The <lang=la><em>urceus</em></lang> seems to be a small jug, the equivalent
of the Greek <lang=grc>οἰνοχόη</lang>, having one handle; it was also used                     // Tr: oinochoê
as a measure.[3254] The <lang=la><em>ampulla</em></lang> was used both as a wine-flask
and an oil-flask, corresponding thus to the Greek <lang=grc>λήκυθος</lang>,                    // Tr: lêkythos
as is seen in its metaphorical use.[3255] It was used for bringing
the wine to table, like a decanter,[3256] and is described by Apuleius[3257]
as lenticular in form, being therefore like a flat round-bodied
flask with two handles.

.il id=fig216 fn=fig216_515.jpg align=l w=250px ew=50%
.ca FIG. 216. AMPULLA (BRITISH MUSEUM).

An interesting example of an <lang=la><em>ampulla</em></lang> of this kind, of red
ware with a coarse reddish-brown glaze was found some years
.bn 515.png
.pn +1
ago near the Hôtel Dieu, Paris.[3258] It bore two inscriptions
round the body, one on either side, with letters in relief; on
one side was <sc>OSPITA REPLE LAGONA CERVESA</sc>, “Mine host,
fill the flask with beer”; on the other, <sc>COPO CNODI TV ABES
EST REPLETA</sc>, “Innkeeper, (?), be off, it is full.” Similar vases
have been found in Hainault and at Trier, and are said to be
still made in Spain. Another
of the same kind, but with only
one handle, recently acquired
by the British Museum from
the Morel collection, has on it
the word <sc>AMPULLA</sc> painted in
white (Fig. #216:fig216#). The <lang=la><em>lagena</em></lang>
(Greek, <lang=grc>λάγυνος</lang>) was a jug or                      // Tr: lagynos
bottle with narrow neck, wide
mouth, and handle, and was
used as a sign by wine-sellers.[3259]
It was sealed up until required
for use,[3260] and being proverbially
brittle, was protected, like a
modern Italian wine-flask, by
wicker-work.[3261] It was also used
as a travelling-flask, and carried
by hunters and fishermen[3262]; the
younger Pliny exhorts Tacitus,
when he goes hunting, to take
not only a “sandwich-box and
brandy-flask” (<lang=la><em>panarium ac
lagunculam</em></lang>), but also a notebook
to jot down ideas.[3263] The
Roman barmaid carried a <lang=la><em>lagena</em></lang> at her side when serving in
the tavern,[3264] and it was used as a wine-jug at the table.[3265] A
jar found at Saintes in France has engraved on it <sc>MARTIALI
SOL</sc>(<i>i</i>)<sc>DAM LAGONAM</sc>, “A whole flask to Martialis,”[3266] and
.bn 516.png
.pn +1
gives a clue to the form associated with this word (see
Fig. #217:fig217#).

.il id=fig217 fn=fig217_516.jpg align=r w=175px ew=25%
.ca FIG. 217. LAGENA FROM FRANCE, INSCRIBED.

The words in use for a ladle are <lang=la><em>cyathus</em></lang>, corresponding to
the Greek <lang=grc>κύαθος</lang> (Vol. I. p. #179:vol1_179#),[3267] in measure equivalent to    // Tr: kyathos
one-twelfth of the sextarius or pint, and <lang=la><em>simpulum</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>simpuvium</em></lang>.
The latter were chiefly associated with sacrifices, and will be
dealt with later (p. #471#); the <lang=la><em>cyathus</em></lang> was
regularly used at the table for measuring out
the wine into the drinking-cups. We learn
from Martial that in drinking a toast it was
customary to use the number of cyathi that
corresponded to the letters in the name of
the recipient, as in the epigram

.pm onpoem
Laevia sex cyathis, septem Justina bibatur,
  Quinque Lycas, Lyde quattuor, Ida tribus.[3268]
.pm offpoem

Of drinking-cups the Romans had almost
as large a variety as the Greeks, the
majority of the ornamented vases preserved
to this day being apparently for this purpose; the number
of names recorded in literature is, however, much less, as many
of those given in the long list on pp. #181-183:vol1_181# of Vol. I.
are mere nick-names for ordinary forms. The generic name
for a drinking-cup was <lang=la><em>poculum</em></lang>,[3269] the Greek <lang=grc>ποτήριον</lang>, just as      // Tr: potêrion
<lang=la><em>vas</em></lang> was the generic name for a larger vessel; it occurs constantly
in the poets, who, indeed, use it somewhat loosely, and
has already been met with in the series of small bowls with
Latin inscriptions described in Chapter XI. (p. #490#). Many
forms of drinking-cups used by the Romans were only made
in metal, such as the <lang=la><em>cantharus</em></lang>,[3270] <lang=la><em>carchesium</em></lang>,[3271] and <lang=la><em>scyphus</em></lang>[3272] (see
Vol. I. pp. #184:vol1_184#, #187:vol1_187#). All these were forms borrowed from the
Greeks, as were the <lang=la><em>calix</em></lang> (<lang=la><em>kylix</em></lang>), the <lang=la><em>cotula</em></lang> (chiefly used as
.bn 517.png
.pn +1
a measure = half-a-pint), and the <lang=la><em>scaphium</em></lang>[3273] and <lang=la><em>cymbium</em></lang>,[3274]
which were boat-shaped vessels. The <lang=la><em>ciborium</em></lang> (a rare word,
but used by Horace[3275]) was supposed to be made in the form
of the leaves or pods of the <lang=la><em>colocasia</em></lang>, or Egyptian bean.[3276]
Its later ecclesiastical use is well known. Other names of which
we hear are the <lang=la><em>batioca</em></lang>,[3277] the <lang=la><em>gaulus</em></lang>,[3278] the <lang=la><em>scutella</em></lang> (see below),[3279]
and the <lang=la><em>amystis</em></lang>, or cup drained at one draught (see Vol. I. p. #181:vol1_181#).[3280]
Like the Greek <em>kylix</em>, the <lang=la><em>calix</em></lang> appears to have been of all
these the one most commonly in use, and is constantly referred
to by poets and prose writers. Those of terracotta could often
be purchased at a very low price, and formed, it is evident,
the ordinary drinking-cups of the Roman citizen; they were
also frequently of glass. Juvenal speaks of “plebeian cups
purchased for a few <em>asses</em>”[3281]; and Martial describes a man
buying two <lang=la><em>calices</em></lang> for an <em>as</em> and taking them home with him.[3282]
We have no exact information as to its form, but it must
have been something like the Greek <em>kylix</em>, only probably
without handles; it was also used for solid food such as
herbs.[3283] Seneca speaks of <lang=la><em>calices Tiburtinae</em></lang>, which seem from
the context to have been of earthenware.[3284] Varieties of the
<em>calix</em> are probably represented by the typical Gaulish forms
illustrated in Chapter XXIII., Figs. #221:fig221#-223.

Of dishes and other utensils employed for food at the table,
the largest were the <lang=la><em>lanx</em></lang> and the <lang=la><em>patina</em></lang>. The former is
described by Horace and Juvenal as large enough to hold a
whole boar,[3285] and was probably of metal; the <lang=la><em>patina</em></lang> is described
as a dish for holding fish, crabs, or lobsters,[3286] but that it was
not necessarily limited in size is shown by the stories already
alluded to of Domitian and Vitellius (p. #456#). The latter, when
dragged to his death, was insulted by the epithet of <lang=la><em>patinarius</em></lang>,
.bn 518.png
.pn +1
or dish-maker.[3287] The patina was flat, and made of clay, and
is also described as a wide and shallow vessel for cooking.[3288]
It is contrasted with the <lang=la><em>lagena</em></lang> in the well-known fable of the
fox and the stork.[3289] Smaller dishes for sweetmeats and other
dainties were the <lang=la><em>catinum</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>catillum</em></lang>, and the <lang=la><em>patella</em></lang>.[3290] The
<lang=la><em>discus</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>paropsis</em></lang>[3291] appear to have been, like the <lang=la><em>lanx</em></lang>, principally
of metal; the former was like a shield (whence <lang=la><em>scutula</em></lang> and
<lang=la><em>scutella</em></lang>); the latter is mentioned by Isidorus, who describes
it as quadrangular, and by Martial, together with some
obscurely-named dishes[3292]:

.pm onpoem
Sic implet gabatas paropsidesque
Et leves scutulas cavasque lances.
.pm offpoem

Martial speaks of the <lang=la><em>patella</em></lang> as a dish for a turbot, and also
as a vessel of black ware which was used to hold vegetables[3293];
the <lang=la><em>catinus</em></lang> (a fictile dish) was large enough to hold a good-sized
fish, such as a tunny,[3294] and the <lang=la><em>catillus</em></lang> appears to have
been a sort of porringer. Sauces were placed in small dishes
or cups, known as <lang=la><em>acetabula</em></lang> (the Greek <lang=grc>ὀξύβαφον</lang>), which were                // Tr: oxybaphon
evidently of earthenware[3295]; the <lang=la><em>catellus</em></lang> held pepper,[3296] and the
<lang=la><em>concha</em></lang> or shell was used for a salt-cellar, also for unguents.[3297]
The latter was probably a real shell, not of earthenware.
Another kind of dish which is only once mentioned, in Horace’s
account of Nasidienus’ banquet, was the <lang=la><em>mazonomum</em></lang>, probably
a kind of <lang=la><em>lanx</em></lang>, in metal, which held on that occasion a sort
of <lang=fr><em>ragoût</em></lang> of game.[3298] His own table, however, he boasts, was
adorned only by a <lang=la><em>cyathus</em></lang> and two cups, an <lang=la><em>echinus</em></lang> or rinsing-bowl,
a <lang=la><em>guttus</em></lang>, and a <lang=la><em>patera</em></lang> or libation bowl.[3299] The <lang=la><em>guttus</em></lang> seems
to have corresponded to the Greek <em>lekythos</em> or <em>askos</em>, and is the
.bn 519.png
.pn +1
general name for an oil-flask or cruet.[3300] It was either a small,
long-necked bottle or a squat flask with a narrow spout, which
allowed the oil to pour slowly. Roach-Smith published a
relief dedicated by Egnatius, a physician, to the Deae Matres,
on which small vases of the first-named form appear, indicating
that he consecrated his medicine bottles to these divinities.[3301]

Of vessels for cooking, washing, and other common domestic
purposes, the <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang> was that in most general use[3302]; the word is,
in fact, a generic name for a jar or pot (Gk. <lang=grc>χύτρα</lang>), as in the          // Tr: chytra
play of Plautus, the <lang=la><em>Aulularia</em></lang>, the name of which embodies an
archaic form of the word, <lang=la><em>aula</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>aulula</em></lang>. Here it was used for
hiding a hoard of gold. It was also, as has been noted, used
as a funerary urn, and some inscribed examples of marble <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang>
have been found in tombs. The <lang=la><em>pelvis</em></lang> was more particularly
a washing basin, but Juvenal speaks of it as scented with
Falernian wine.[3303] It is usually identified with the <lang=la><em>mortarium</em></lang>,
a large, shallow, open bowl with a spout, frequently found in
Britain and Central Europe (see below, p. #550#); it is of coarse
light-red clay, and often has the potter’s name stamped upon
it. That it was used for pounding substances is shown by the
fact that it often has small pebbles embedded in the surface
of the interior. The <lang=la><em>scutra</em></lang> is mentioned by Cato and Plautus,[3304]
and appears to have been used only in Republican times; its
Imperial successor was the <lang=la><em>cacabus</em></lang>.[3305] The <lang=la><em>trua</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>trulla</em></lang>[3306] was
a saucepan with a flat handle; numerous examples in bronze,
silver, and earthenware have been preserved, and some have
elaborate designs in relief on the handle.[3307]

A number of obscure and archaic names of vases are recorded
by the etymologists and other writers, especially in regard to
those used for sacrificial purposes and libations. The <lang=la><em>capis</em></lang>
.bn 520.png
.pn +1
or <lang=la><em>capedo</em></lang> was probably a kind of jug (from <lang=la><em>capere</em></lang>, to contain)[3308];
Cicero refers to the <lang=la><em>capedunculae</em></lang> which were a legacy from
Numa.[3309] The <lang=la><em>praefericulum</em></lang>[3310] was not, as usually supposed in
popular archaeology, a jug, but a shallow basin of bronze
without handles, like a <lang=la><em>patera</em></lang>. The <lang=la><em>lepasta</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>lepesta</em></lang> (cf. Greek
<lang=grc>λεπάστη</lang>) is recorded as used in Sabine temples,[3311] and the <lang=la><em>futile</em></lang>             // Tr: lepastê
was used in the cult of Vesta for holding water[3473]; the <lang=la><em>cuturnium</em></lang>[3313]
is also mentioned. The <lang=la><em>simpulum</em></lang>[3314] and <lang=la><em>simpuvium</em></lang>[3315] represent
similar utensils, though the words are distinct; they were small-sized
ladles used almost exclusively in religious rites, and sometimes
regarded as old-fashioned. With reference to the size,
<lang=la><em>fluctus in simpulo excitare</em></lang>[3316] became a proverbial expression for
“a storm in a teacup.” They seem to have been usually of
metal, but Pliny speaks of fictile <lang=la><em>simpula</em></lang>[3317]; the <lang=la><em>simpuvium</em></lang> is
represented on coins and sacrificial reliefs. The <lang=la><em>lanx</em></lang> appears
to have been used for offerings to Bacchus,[3318] and the <lang=la><em>guttus</em></lang>,
<lang=la><em>cymbium</em></lang>, and other forms also appear in a sacrificial connection[3319];
conversely the <lang=la><em>patera</em></lang>, which is for the most part exclusively
a libation bowl, was sometimes used for secular purposes[3320]; there
is evidence that its use as a drinking vessel is older than its
use for libations. The last-named corresponds to the Greek
<lang=grc>φιάλη</lang> (Vol. I. p. #191:vol1_191#),[3321] and is constantly referred to or represented;  // Tr: phialê
its essential feature was the hollow knob or <lang=la><em>omphalos</em></lang>
in the centre, and it was either made of metal or earthenware.
The <lang=la><em>patella</em></lang> was also used for libations or for offering first-fruits
to the household gods.[3322]

Other obscure words referring to vases of secular use are the
.bn 521.png
.pn +1
<lang=la><em>pollubrum</em></lang> (Greek, <lang=grc>ποδανιπτήρ</lang>)[3323] and <lang=la><em>malluvium</em></lang> (Greek, <lang=grc>χέρνιψ</lang>),[3324]  // Tr: podaniptêr: chernips
meaning respectively basins for washing the feet and hands;
the <lang=la><em>aquiminarium</em></lang> for washing vessels[3325]; the <lang=la><em>galeola</em></lang>, a variety
of the <lang=la><em>sinus</em></lang>[3326]; the <lang=la><em>pultarius</em></lang>, a vessel used for warm drinks,
for must, for preserving grapes, for coals, for fumigating, and
as a cupping-glass[3327]; and the <lang=la><em>obba</em></lang>, which Persius describes
as <lang=la><em>sessilis</em></lang>, <i>i.e.</i> squat and flat-bottomed.[3328] The <lang=la><em>culeus</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>congius</em></lang>,
<lang=la><em>hemina</em></lang>, and <lang=la><em>sextarius</em></lang> appear to have been measures only, not
vases in general use; the <lang=la><em>congius</em></lang> was one-eighth of an
amphora, or six <lang=la><em>sextarii</em></lang>, about six English pints.[3329]

In the case of the majority of the names discussed in the
foregoing pages, any attempt at identification with existing
forms is hopeless; we have very few clues in the literature
to the shapes of the vases described, and little evidence from
themselves, as is often the case with Greek shapes; nor is
any Roman writer except Isidorus, whose date is too late to
be trustworthy, so explicit as Athenaeus. At present little
has been done in the way of collecting the different forms of
existing vases, but a valuable treatise on the subject was
recently issued by the late O. Hölder, a Würtemberg
professor, who collected all the forms found in Germany and
Italy,[3330] and although he did not attempt to identify them by
Latin names, he has done much service in grouping them
together, classified as urns, jars, jugs, and so on, in a series
of twenty-three plates of outline drawings.

There is, in fact, in Roman pottery no clear line of distinction
to be drawn between the various forms of drinking-cups or of
jugs or dishes, as is the case with Greek vases; different
.bn 522.png
.pn +1
forms again are found in different fabrics, and those typical
of ornamented wares are not found in plain pottery, and so
on. Nor must it be forgotten that in Roman pottery the
ornamented wares are the exception rather than the rule.
Where the Greeks used painted vases, the Romans used metal;
and apart from the plain pottery, the forms are almost limited
to a few varieties of cups, bowls, and dishes. Comparisons
with the Greek equivalents illustrated in Chapter #IV:vol1_ch04#. may
give a probable idea of what the Roman meant when he
spoke of an <lang=la><em>urceus</em></lang> or an <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang>, but for the rest the modern
investigator can do little beyond attempting to point out what
types of vases were peculiar to different periods or fabrics,
and in most cases any attempt to give specific names can
only be regarded as arbitrary.

.fm

.fn 3080
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiii. 154 ff.: see below, p. #489#.
.fn-

.fn 3081
<lang=fr><cite>Vases ornés de la Gaule Romaine</cite></lang>, i. p. 190 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3082
The term is applied to clay suited to
receive stamps (<lang=la><em>sigilla</em></lang>) or impressions.
.fn-

.fn 3083
Déchelette, <lang=fr><cite>Vases ornés de la Gaule
Romaine</cite></lang>, ii. p. 335.
.fn-

.fn 3084
<i>Ibid.</i> i. p. 41 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3085
<lang=de><cite>Der Stil</cite></lang>, ii. p. 148.
.fn-

.fn 3086
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, xcvi. p. 20.
.fn-

.fn 3087
In the case of fragment No. 3 the
clay and lime could not be differentiated.
.fn-

.fn 3088
In the case of fragments 2 and 5 no
definite general result was obtained.
.fn-

.fn 3089
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 421;
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, ii. p. 91. See
also <cite>Handbook to Collection of Pottery in
the Museum of Practical Geology</cite>, 1893,
p. 65, for an analysis made on a fragment
of glazed red ware by Dr. Percy:

.ta l:20 r:10
Silica       |      54·45
Alumina      |      22·08
Peroxide of iron |   7·31
Lime             |   9·76
Magnesia         |   1·67
Potash           |   3·22
Soda             |   1·76
                 |    ———
                 | 100·25
                 | ======
.ta-
.fn-

.fn 3090
<lang=it><cite>Storia degli ant. vast aretini</cite></lang>, p. 65.
.fn-

.fn 3091
<lang=de><cite>Ueber die rothe Topferwaare</cite></lang>, p. 16.
.fn-

.fn 3092
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i.  p. 423;
Déchelette, ii. p. 339.
.fn-

.fn 3093
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 91.
.fn-

.fn 3094
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 381: cf. Blümner, ii.
p. 64.
.fn-

.fn 3095
<cite>Roman Art in Cirencester</cite>, p. 77.
.fn-

.fn 3096
Plaut. <cite>Epid.</cite> iii. 2, 35; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite>
vii. 198.
.fn-

.fn 3097
<cite>Art. Poet.</cite> 21.
.fn-

.fn 3098
<cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 7, 86.
.fn-

.fn 3099
ii. 3, 48.
.fn-

.fn 3100
<cite>Capt.</cite> ii. 3, 9; Persius, iii. 23;
Avianus, <cite>Fab.</cite> 41, 9.
.fn-

.fn 3101
Shakespeare, 1 <cite>Henry VI.</cite>, Act 1,
scene 5, line 19.
.fn-

.fn 3102
Smith, <cite>Dict. of Antiqs.</cite>[3312] i. p. 844:
see below, p. #480#; also Vol. I. p. #207:vol1_207#.
.fn-

.fn 3103
<lang=fr><cite>Vases ornés</cite></lang>, ii. p. 338.
.fn-

.fn 3104
See Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 423 ff.;
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 106; Von Hefner,
in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch.</cite></lang>
xxii. (1863), pp. 23, 35; and <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang>
1897, p. 286.
.fn-

.fn 3105
See Fabroni, <lang=it><cite>Storia degli vasi aretini</cite></lang>,
pl. 5, fig. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3106
<cite>Handbook to Mus.</cite> (1891), p. 111.
.fn-

.fn 3107
Brongniart and Riocreux, <lang=fr><cite>Mus. de
Sèvres</cite></lang>, pp. 16, 128. For Cerialis see
p. #536# and <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10010, 544; for
Cobnertus, <i>ibid.</i> 592, and Déchelette, i.
p. 179.
.fn-

.fn 3108
<lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch.</cite></lang>
xxii. (1863), pp. 23, 24.
.fn-

.fn 3109
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technologie</cite></lang>, ii. p. 104,
fig. 21; <cite>Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ.</cite> iv.
p. 19. Déchelette states that about fifty
in all are known (<i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 337).
.fn-

.fn 3110
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 424, pl. 30;
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. de Sèvres</cite></lang>, p. 128, and pl. 9, fig. 8.
.fn-

.fn 3111
<lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv</cite></lang>, 1863, p. 24.
.fn-

.fn 3112
Examples of this technique often
occur in Gaul and Britain: see Déchelette,
ii. p. 169 ff., and cf. Roach-Smith,
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 91, and a fine vase
from Felixstowe in the British Museum.
See also Plate LXIX. fig. 2, and p. 529.
.fn-

.fn 3113
See below, p. 530, and Déchelette, ii.
p. 235 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3114
Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 112.
.fn-

.fn 3115
<i>E.g.</i> Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. pp. 106,
107, figs. 22, 23.
.fn-

.fn 3116
<lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1881-82, p. 17; Brongniart,
<lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, pl. 30, figs. 2-4: see also
Déchelette, i. p. 141 ff., and below,
p. 525 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3117
Cf. Déchelette in <lang=fr><cite>Revue des Études
Anciens</cite></lang>, v. (1903), p. 42.
.fn-

.fn 3118
Blümner, ii. p. 110, fig. 25: cf. Von
Hefner in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv</cite></lang>, 1863, p. 56;
Fabroni, <lang=it><cite>Storia degli antichi vasi aretini</cite></lang>,
pls. 3, 5, p. 63.
.fn-

.fn 3119
Blümner, ii. p. 111; Daremberg and
Saglio, ii. <i>art.</i> Figlinum, p. 1130.
.fn-

.fn 3120
Cf. von Hefner in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv
für vaterl. Gesch.</cite></lang> xxii. (1863), p. 55.
.fn-

.fn 3121
<lang=fr><cite>Vases ornés</cite></lang>, ii. p. 312.
.fn-

.fn 3122
Mau-Kelsey, <cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 386; <lang=it><cite>Bull.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1875. p. 192; <lang=it><cite>Mon. Antichi</cite></lang>,
i. pl. 8, 7, p. 282.
.fn-

.fn 3123
<lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl. Gesch.</cite></lang>
xxii. (1863), p. 56 ff.: see also Blümner,
ii. p. 23 ff., and Daremberg and Saglio,
ii. <i>art.</i> Figlinum.
.fn-

.fn 3124
<lang=fr><cite>Bullet. Arch.</cite></lang> 1898, p. 18 ff., and
<lang=fr><cite>Mélanges Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>, ii. (1902),
p. 93 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3125
Brongniart, i. p. 439.
.fn-

.fn 3126
<lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xviii. (1868), pl. 23,
p. 297.
.fn-

.fn 3127
See for a full account of the last-named
Von Hefner in <i>op. cit.</i> p. 8 ff.,
p. 56, pl. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3128
See <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1882, pl. U,
to which the letters in the cut refer.
Other kilns found at Heddernheim are
described in <lang=de><cite>Westdeutsche Zeitschrift</cite></lang>,
xviii. (1899), p. 215 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3129
See Haverfield in <cite>Victoria County
Hist. of Northants</cite>, i. pp. 167, 207 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3130
<cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> i. p. 1 ff.,
ii. p. 164: see also Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman,
and Saxon</cite>^{1}, p. 264 ff.; Roach-Smith,
<cite>Coll. Antiq.</cite> iv. p. 81, vi. p. 181 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3131
No. 958, fol. 105; reproduced by
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi. pl. 37,
fig. 4, and <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 79; <cite>Proc.
Soc. Antiqs.</cite> 2nd Ser. xvi. p. 42.
.fn-

.fn 3132
<cite>Proc. Soc. Antiqs.</cite> xvii. 1898, p.
262.
.fn-

.fn 3133
<i>Ibid.</i> xvi. (1895), p. 40.
.fn-

.fn 3134
<cite>Vict. County Hist. of Norfolk</cite>, i.
p. 291, fig. 7: see below, p. 449.
.fn-

.fn 3135
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 314.
.fn-

.fn 3136
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 322.
.fn-

.fn 3137
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xxxv. p. 91; <cite>Vict.
County Hist. of Hants</cite>, i. p. 326.
.fn-

.fn 3138
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi.
p. 191 ff.; <cite>Vict. County Hist. of Hants</cite>,
i. p. 306.
.fn-

.fn 3139
Roach-Smith, <i>op. cit.</i> ii. p. 38; vii.
p. 1 ff., pls. 1-3.
.fn-

.fn 3140
Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^{1},
p. 264 ff., and Haverfield in <cite>Vict. County
Hist. of Northants</cite>, give the most satisfactory
epitomes of Artis’ descriptions.
.fn-

.fn 3141
Cato, <cite>Agricult.</cite> 38.
.fn-

.fn 3142
Cf. Von Hefner, <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 4, 28-31:
see also <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> vii. p. 176, and an
example from Switzerland in the British
Museum (Romano-British Collection).
.fn-

.fn 3143
See also Déchelette, ii. p. 341.
.fn-

.fn 3144
See Haverfield in <cite>Vict. County Hist.
of Northants</cite>, i. p. 207.
.fn-

.fn 3145
<lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 426.
.fn-

.fn 3146
<cite>Vict. County Hist. of Northants</cite>, i. p. 209.
.fn-

.fn 3147
See Haverfield, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 210, fig. 31.
.fn-

.fn 3148
Haverfield, <i>ibid.</i>; <cite>Handbook of
Pottery in Mus. of Pract. Geol.</cite> 1893,
p. 71.
.fn-

.fn 3149
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xxii. pl. 36, p. 413;
<cite>Vict. County Hist.</cite> i. p. 291.
.fn-

.fn 3150
See Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 428,
pl. 1; Artis, <cite>Durobrivae</cite>, pl. 27, figs.
3 and 6; Daremberg and Saglio <i>s.v.</i>
Fornax, figs. 3201-02.
.fn-

.fn 3151
Brongniart, i. p. 429.
.fn-

.fn 3152
Von Hefner in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv</cite></lang>
(1863), p. 58.
.fn-

.fn 3153
Cf. Tibull. i. 1, 38:

.pm onpoem
<lang=la>“Nec e puris spernere fictilibus.</lang>
<lang=la>Fictilia antiquus primum sibi fecit agrestis</lang>
<lang=la>Pocula de facili composuitque luto.”</lang>
.pm offpoem

.fn-

.fn 3154
<cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 60.
.fn-

.fn 3155
<cite>Sat.</cite> vi. 342.
.fn-

.fn 3156
<cite>Sat.</cite> iii. 168.
.fn-

.fn 3157
Florus, i. 18, 22.
.fn-

.fn 3158
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiii. 142.
.fn-

.fn 3159
<cite>Ep.</cite> 95, 72.
.fn-

.fn 3160
<i>Apud</i> Athen. vi. 229 D. He uses
the curious expression, <lang=grc>κέραμος ἀργυροῦς</lang>,             // Tr: keramos argyrous
which, as in the use of the word <lang=grc>κέραμος</lang>              // Tr: keramos
for marble tiles (Vol. I. p. #100:vol1_100#), implies
the antiquity of the use of fictile ware.
See the next note.
.fn-

.fn 3161
vi. 229 C, where the use of <lang=grc>κέραμος</lang>              // Tr: keramos
or dinner-service is discussed.
.fn-

.fn 3162
iv. 72, 131: cf. Mart. xiii. 81.
.fn-

.fn 3163
Suet. <cite>Vit. Vitell.</cite> 13 (<lang=la><em>clypeum Minervae</em></lang>,
<lang=grc>αἰγίδα πολιούχου</lang>).                                    // Tr: aigida poliouchou
.fn-

.fn 3164
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 164.
.fn-

.fn 3165
<i>Ibid.</i> 163.
.fn-

.fn 3166
iv. 88.
.fn-

.fn 3167
<cite>Capt.</cite> ii. 2, 41.
.fn-

.fn 3168
Virg. <cite>Georg.</cite> ii. 351.
.fn-

.fn 3169
Orelli, <lang=it><cite>Inser.</cite></lang> 4544; Gruter 607, 1;
and see <cite>C.I.L.</cite> i. p 209.
.fn-

.fn 3170
See above, p. #351#; and cf. <cite>Archaeologia</cite>,
xxv. p. 1 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3171
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1335, 1. The vase is now
at Clare College, Cambridge.
.fn-

.fn 3172
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 160 (<lang=la><em>fictilibus soliis</em></lang>).
.fn-

.fn 3173
<cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> x. (1853), p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 3174
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xiv. pl. 6, p. 37 (in
B.M.).
.fn-

.fn 3175
<cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3176
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 88, and see p. 550.
.fn-

.fn 3177
v. 5, 8.
.fn-

.fn 3178
<cite>Quaest. Nat.</cite> vi. 19: cf. Arist. <cite>Probl.</cite>
xi. 8, and Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xi. 270, <lang=la><em>doliis
inanibus</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3179
Krause, <lang=de><cite>Angeiologie</cite></lang>, pp. 126, 463.
.fn-

.fn 3180
See Middleton, <cite>Remains of Ancient
Rome</cite>, ii. p. 56.
.fn-

.fn 3181
Middleton, <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3182
Nissen, <lang=de><cite>Pompeian. Studien</cite></lang>, p. 64.
.fn-

.fn 3183
Nissen, <i>ibid.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3184
See <cite>Yorks. Arch. Journ.</cite> iii. p. 1 ff.,
xv. p. 303; <cite>Trans. Roy. Inst. of Brit.
Architects</cite>, 1881-2, p. 65 ff.; <cite>Journ.
Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xxxv. p. 95, xxxviii.
p. 218.
.fn-

.fn 3185
xii. 18.
.fn-

.fn 3186
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 407 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3187
ix. 58.
.fn-

.fn 3188
<lang=it><cite>Bull. Arch. Nap.</cite></lang> N.S. vii. 1859,
p. 84; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8047, 10, 18.
.fn-

.fn 3189
Capitolinus, <cite>Vit. Anton. Pii</cite>, 3.
.fn-

.fn 3190
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. p. 26; Paul, <i>ex</i>
Fest. p. 46 (Müller).
.fn-

.fn 3191
Columella, xii. 28, 1; Plaut. <cite>Capt.</cite>
iv. 4, 9 (“preserve-jar”).
.fn-

.fn 3192
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6.
.fn-

.fn 3193
<cite>Agricult.</cite> 39.
.fn-

.fn 3194
<cite>H.N.</cite> xviii. 236.
.fn-

.fn 3195
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1846, p. 34.
.fn-

.fn 3196
Marini, <lang=it><cite>Inscr. Ant. Doliari</cite></lang>, p. 406,
No. 2.
.fn-

.fn 3197
Marini, No. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3198
See Fig. #22:vol1_fig22#, Vol. I. p. #154:vol1_154#.
.fn-

.fn 3199
<lang=de><cite>Formen der röm. Thongef.</cite></lang> p. 16,
pls. 1-8.
.fn-

.fn 3200
Cf. Koenen, <lang=de><cite>Gefässkunde</cite></lang>, pls. 10-12.
.fn-

.fn 3201
<cite>Od.</cite> i. 9, 7.
.fn-

.fn 3202
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xiv. 135.
.fn-

.fn 3203
Cf. Jahn,  <lang=de><cite>Wandgem.  d. Villa
Pamph.</cite></lang> pl. 5, p. 42.
.fn-

.fn 3204
See Hultsch, <lang=de><cite>Metrologie</cite></lang>, p. 113.
.fn-

.fn 3205
<lang=fr><cite>Recueil</cite></lang>, p. 46.
.fn-

.fn 3206
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 87;
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 26.
.fn-

.fn 3207
General reference may be made to
the various volumes of the Latin <lang=la><cite>Corpus</cite></lang>,
under the headings <lang=la><cite>Instrumentum
Domesticum</cite></lang>, sub-heading <lang=la><cite>Vascula</cite></lang>, e.g.
vii. 1331 for those found in Britain; for
examples from Spain see <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>
lvi. p. 299.
.fn-

.fn 3208
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1331, 22, xiii. 10005, 25;
Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Rom. Danubii et
Rheni</cite></lang>, ii. pp. 271, 287; and see generally
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. part 3, No. 10002.
.fn-

.fn 3209
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1331, 6, 13.
.fn-

.fn 3210
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8056, 260.
.fn-

.fn 3211
<i>Ibid.</i> iv. 2555.
.fn-

.fn 3212
<i>Ibid.</i> vii. 1332, 1.
.fn-

.fn 3213
<i>Ibid.</i> viii. 10477, 1.
.fn-

.fn 3214
<i>Ibid.</i> iv. 2552.
.fn-

.fn 3215
See Vol. I. p. #158:vol1_158#.
.fn-

.fn 3216
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8055, 11; iv. 2584, 2616:
cf. Vol. I. p. #158:vol1_158#.
.fn-

.fn 3217
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iv. 2603: cf. Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite>
xiv. 75.
.fn-

.fn 3218
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iv. 2555.
.fn-

.fn 3219
<i>Ibid.</i> 2625.
.fn-

.fn 3220
<i>Ibid.</i> 2589-94, 2575 ff. On inscribed
amphorae from Pompeii see also Mau-Kelsey,
<cite>Pompeii</cite>, p. 505.
.fn-

.fn 3221
Doni, p. lxxxvi. Found on the
Aventine, now in the Museo Kircheriano.
.fn-

.fn 3222
<lang=de><cite>Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.</cite></lang> 1857, p.
199.
.fn-

.fn 3223
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. pt. 2, No. 4719.
.fn-

.fn 3224
<i>Ibid.</i> iv. 2584.
.fn-

.fn 3225
<cite>Poen.</cite> iv. 2, 14: <lang=la><em>literatas fictiles
epistolas</em></lang>; the double play on the words
cannot be expressed in English.
.fn-

.fn 3226
<cite>Rud.</cite> ii. 5, 21.
.fn-

.fn 3227
v. 33.
.fn-

.fn 3228
Cf. also Plaut. <cite>Amph.</cite> i. 1, 273;
Virg. <cite>Aen.</cite> i. 195 (for the wine of
Acestes).
.fn-

.fn 3229
<cite>Od.</cite> iv. 11, 2; 12, 17.
.fn-

.fn 3230
i. 19, 2: cf. Juv. vi. 344, and p. #477#.
.fn-

.fn 3231
i. 56; iv. 66.
.fn-

.fn 3232
x. 36.
.fn-

.fn 3233
Mart. i. 44, 8; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xviii.
307.
.fn-

.fn 3234
<cite>H.N.</cite> xv. 82.
.fn-

.fn 3235
Mart. vi. 27, 6.
.fn-

.fn 3236
<cite>H.N.</cite> xiv. 96; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xvi. 26, 13.
.fn-

.fn 3237
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 4, 66; Varro, <cite>R.R.</cite> i.
13, 6; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6.
.fn-

.fn 3238
As often by Virgil and Ovid, usually
in the form <lang=la><em>cratera</em></lang>: cf. Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite>
xx. 5.
.fn-

.fn 3239
<cite>Fasti</cite>, v. 522.
.fn-

.fn 3240
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 8, 39; Cic. <cite>in Verr.</cite>
iv. 27, 62.
.fn-

.fn 3241
Cic. <cite>de Fin.</cite> iii. 4, 15; Varro,
<cite>R.R.</cite> i. 8, 5.
.fn-

.fn 3242
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> i. 6, 109: see also Juv.
<cite>Sat.</cite> vi. 426; Persius, v. 140; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite>
xx. 6.
.fn-

.fn 3243
Cic. <cite>in Vatin.</cite> 14, 34; Lucan, v.
394: cf. Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privataltert.</cite></lang> vii.
p. 629, note 3.
.fn-

.fn 3244
<cite>In Verr.</cite> ii. 51, 127: cf. Plutarch,
<cite>Vit. T. Gracch.</cite> 11; also Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx.
6: <lang=la><em>Vasis genus aquatilis</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3245
See Orelli, 4546, and for <lang=la><em>urna</em></lang>,
Suet. <cite>Calig.</cite> 15; Lucan, vii. 819; Ovid,
<i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 3246
Plaut. <cite>Cas.</cite> ii. 6, 11; Livy, xxv. 3.
16.
.fn-

.fn 3247
<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6.
.fn-

.fn 3248
Cf. Caes. <cite>Bell. Civ.</cite> ii. 11; Lucan,
iv. 420.
.fn-

.fn 3249
Paul, <i>ex</i> Fest. <i>ed.</i> Müller, p. 63, 12.
.fn-

.fn 3250
Plaut. <cite>Curc.</cite> i. 1, 75; <cite>Rud.</cite> v. 2, 32;
and see Virg. <cite>Ecl.</cite> vii. 33; Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite>
v. 123.
.fn-

.fn 3251
Plaut. <cite>Stich.</cite> ii. 2, 28; Cato, <cite>Agricult.</cite>
11; Varro, <cite>Re Rust.</cite> i. 22: cf. Juv. v. 47
for <lang=la><em>nasus</em></lang>, applied to a cup.
.fn-

.fn 3252
<cite>Ad Fam.</cite> vii. 29: cf. also Plaut.
<cite>Aulul.</cite> iv. 2, 15; Pers. iii. 22.
.fn-

.fn 3253
Plaut. <cite>Amph.</cite> i. 1, 273; Cato,
<cite>Agricult.</cite> 81; Varro, <i>ap.</i> Non. 546, 23.
.fn-

.fn 3254
Martial, xiv. 106; Juv. iii. 203
(<lang=la><em>urceoli sex</em></lang>); Varro, <cite>R.R.</cite> i. 22; Treb.
Poll. <cite>Vit. Claud.</cite> 17; Plaut. <cite>Merc.</cite>
v. 2, 86; <i>id.</i> <cite>Pers.</cite> i. 3, 43; Cic. <cite>Fin.</cite>
iv. 12, 30.
.fn-

.fn 3255
Hor. <cite>A.P.</cite> 97: cf. the <lang=grc>ληκύθιον</lang>                        // Tr: lêkythion
episode in the <cite>Frogs</cite> (Vol. I. p. #196:vol1_196#);
also the word <lang=la><em>ampullari</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3256
Plin. <cite>Ep.</cite> iv. 30, 6; Mart. xiv. 110.
.fn-

.fn 3257
<cite>Florida</cite>, ii. 9, 2: cf. the terracotta
vessels with reliefs in the British
Museum, D 204-5; also <lang=it><cite>Mus. Greg.</cite></lang>
i. pl. 10; Micali, <lang=it><cite>Mon. Ined.</cite></lang> pl. 52.
Isidorus derives the word from <lang=la><em>ampla
bulla</em></lang>, in reference to its rotund form
(<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 5).
.fn-

.fn 3258
<cite>Rev. Arch.</cite> xviii. (1868), pl. 22,
p. 225.
.fn-

.fn 3259
Mart. vii. 61, 5.
.fn-

.fn 3260
Hor. <cite>Ep.</cite> ii. 2, 134.
.fn-

.fn 3261
Cf. the episode in Petronius, <cite>Sat.</cite> 22.
.fn-

.fn 3262
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xvi. 128.
.fn-

.fn 3263
Pliny, <cite>Ep.</cite> i. 6: cf. Juv. xii. 60.
.fn-

.fn 3264
Juv. viii. 161.
.fn-

.fn 3265
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 8, 41.
.fn-

.fn 3266
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10008, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3267
Hor. <cite>Od.</cite> iii. 8, 13; 19, 12.
.fn-

.fn 3268
i. 71: cf. viii. 51, 21; ix. 95; xi.
37; Hor. <cite>Od.</cite> iii. 19, 11 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3269
See Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> v. 122; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite>
xx. 5, where the derivation from <lang=la><em>potare</em></lang>
is given.
.fn-

.fn 3270
Virg. <cite>Ecl.</cite> vi. 17; Plaut. <cite>Asin.</cite> v. 2,
56; Hor. <cite>Od.</cite> i. 20, 2; and see Daremberg
and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3271
See Macrob. v. 21.
.fn-

.fn 3272
Hor. <cite>Od.</cite> i. 27, 1; <cite>Epod.</cite> ix. 33;
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6, describes it as a
wash-hand basin.
.fn-

.fn 3273
Plaut. <cite>Stich.</cite> v. 4, 11; Cic. <cite>in Verr.</cite>
iv. 17, 37 and 24, 54.
.fn-

.fn 3274
Mart. viii. 6, 2; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 5.
.fn-

.fn 3275
<cite>Od.</cite> ii. 7, 22.
.fn-

.fn 3276
Porphyrion <i>ad</i> Hor. <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3277
Plaut. <cite>Stich.</cite> v. 4, 12.
.fn-

.fn 3278
<cite>Id. Rud.</cite> v. 2, 32.
.fn-

.fn 3279
Cic. <cite>Tusc.</cite> iii. 19, 46.
.fn-

.fn 3280
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 5.
.fn-

.fn 3281
xi. 145.
.fn-

.fn 3282
ix. 60, 22.
.fn-

.fn 3283
Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> v. 127; Ovid, <cite>Fast.</cite> v.
509.
.fn-

.fn 3284
<cite>Ep.</cite> 119, 3.
.fn-

.fn 3285
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 4, 41; Juv. v. 80.
.fn-

.fn 3286
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> i. 3, 80; ii. 2, 95; ii. 8,
43, 55.
.fn-

.fn 3287
Suet. <cite>Vitell.</cite> 17: cf. 13.
.fn-

.fn 3288
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 4: <lang=la><em>dispansis patentibusque
oris</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3289
Phaedr. i. 26.
.fn-

.fn 3290
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> i. 3, 90; ii. 4, 75; i. 6,
115; <cite>Ep.</cite> i. 5, 2.
.fn-

.fn 3291
Juv. iii. 142; Mart. xi. 28; Alciphr.
<cite>Ep.</cite> iii. 20; Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3292
xi. 32, 18: cf. vii. 47, 3. Isidorus,
<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 4, says <lang=la><em>gabata</em></lang> = <lang=la><em>cavata</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3293
xiii. 81; v. 79, 7: see Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite>
xx. 8.
.fn-

.fn 3294
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 4, 77; Pers. v. 182;
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6. For other uses see
Juv. xi. 108; Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiii. 69.
Isidorus says <lang=la><em>catinum</em></lang> is a better form.
.fn-

.fn 3295
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3296
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 4, 75.
.fn-

.fn 3297
Hor. <cite>Od.</cite> ii. 7, 23; <cite>Sat.</cite> i. 3, 14.
.fn-

.fn 3298
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 8, 86.
.fn-

.fn 3299
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 6, 118.
.fn-

.fn 3300
Juv. iii. 263; xi. 158: cf. Vol. I.
pp. 200, 211, 503.
.fn-

.fn 3301
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> v. p. 8.
.fn-

.fn 3302
Catull. 94, 2; Juv. xiv. 171. For
examples of <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang>, see Overbeck, <cite>Pompeii</cite>,
p. 414, Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i>, and
Pl. #LXIX:pl69#. fig. 2; see also pp. #389#, #456#,
#550#. Isidorus expressly states that it
was used for boiling water (<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 8).
.fn-

.fn 3303
vi. 430. Isidorus (<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 6) derives
it from <lang=la><em>pedes</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3304
Cato, R.R. 157; Plant. <cite>Pers.</cite> i. 3, 8.
.fn-

.fn 3305
Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 8.
.fn-

.fn 3306
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. p. 19, 14.
.fn-

.fn 3307
Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, Nos. 2461-2465;
also Déchelette, <lang=fr><cite>Vases de la Gaule
Romaine</cite></lang>, ii. p. 316.
.fn-

.fn 3308
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. 547, 12; Pliny,
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxvii. 18; Livy, x. 7, 10; Cic.
<cite>Rep.</cite> vi. 2, 11; <i>id.</i> <cite>Parad.</cite> i. 2, 11.
.fn-

.fn 3309
<lang=la><cite>De Nat. Deor.</cite></lang> iii. 17, 43.
.fn-

.fn 3310
The word is only given by Festus
(p. 248, Müller).
.fn-

.fn 3311
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. 547, 19.
.fn-

.fn 3312
Paul, <i>ex</i> Fest. p. 89, 4, with Müller’s
note.
.fn-

.fn 3313
Paul, <i>ex</i> Fest. p. 51, 1.
.fn-

.fn 3314
Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> v. 124; Paul, <i>ex</i> Fest.
p. 337, 10 (non dissimile cyatho).
.fn-

.fn 3315
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. 544, 23; Cic. <cite>Rep.</cite>
vi. 2, 11; Juv. vi. 343.
.fn-

.fn 3316
Cic. <cite>Legg.</cite> iii. 16, 36.
.fn-

.fn 3317
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 158. An example of a
bronze <lang=la><em>simpulum</em></lang> may be seen in the
Bronze Room of the British Museum
(Case E).
.fn-

.fn 3318
Virg. <cite>Georg.</cite> ii. 394.
.fn-

.fn 3319
<i>Id.</i> <cite>Aen.</cite> iii. 66; Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> v. 124.
.fn-

.fn 3320
Varro, <cite>L.L.</cite> v. 122; Virg. <cite>Aen.</cite> i.
729.
.fn-

.fn 3321
See Isid. <cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 5, who suggests
a derivation from <lang=la><em>patere</em></lang>, <lang=la>“quod patentes
sunt dispansisque labris.”</lang>
.fn-

.fn 3322
Ov. <cite>Fast.</cite> ii. 634; Juv. v. 85: cf.
Plaut. <cite>Cist.</cite> ii. 1, 46.
.fn-

.fn 3323
Paul, <cite>ex</cite> Fest. p. 247, Müll.; Varro,
544, 19 (<i>ap.</i> Non.).
.fn-

.fn 3324
Paul, <i>ex</i> Fest. p. 160.
.fn-

.fn 3325
Digest, xxxiv. 2, 19, § 12.
.fn-

.fn 3326
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. 547, 14.
.fn-

.fn 3327
<cite>H.N.</cite> vii. 185; Petron. 42; Colum.
xii. 43, 7; Pallad. <cite>Agric.</cite> vii. 7; Cels.
2, 11.
.fn-

.fn 3328
V. 148: see also Tert. <cite>Apol.</cite> 13;
Varro <i>ap.</i> Non. 146, 8; 545, 2.
.fn-

.fn 3329
Cato, <cite>R.R.</cite> 57; Livy, xxv. 2, 8;
Pliny, <cite>H.N.</cite> xiv. 85, 144. For a bronze
<lang=la><em>congius</em></lang> representing the standard measure
see Hultsch, <lang=de><cite>Metrologie</cite></lang>, p. 123; also
Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> On Roman
metrology generally see Krause, <lang=de><cite>Angeiol.</cite></lang>
p. 454, and Hultsch, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 112 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3330
<lang=de><cite>Die Formen der röm. Thongefässe,
diesseits und jenseits der Alpen</cite></lang> (Stuttgart,
1897). For the forms peculiar to the
ornamented wares, reference should be
made to Dragendorff’s article in <lang=de><cite>Bonner
Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. pls. 1-3, and Déchelette,
<lang=fr><cite>Vases de la Gaule Romaine</cite></lang>, <i>passim.</i>
.fn-
.bn 523.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h3 id=ch22
CHAPTER XXII | <i>ROMAN POTTERY, HISTORICALLY TREATED; ARRETINE WARE</i>

.pm start_summary
Roman pottery mentioned by ancient writers—“Samian” ware—Centres
of fabric—The pottery of Arretium—Characteristics—Potters’ stamps—Shapes
of Arretine vases—Sources of inspiration for decoration—“Italian
Megarian bowls”—Subjects—Distribution of Arretine wares.
.pm stop_summary

.sp 2
In the present chapter we propose to discuss the origin and
character of the finer Roman pottery, or red glazed ware with
designs in relief, which is usually known to modern writers
under the convenient designation of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>, a phrase
which has already been explained (p. #434#). Not only in clay
and glaze but in decoration these wares are characteristically
Roman; but the question as to the actual centre or centres of
their manufacture still admits of some discussion.

Relying principally upon the testimony of Pliny, Martial, and
other ancient writers, archaeologists have been accustomed to
classify the red ware with reliefs, on a rough system of distinction
according to artistic merit, as Arretine, Samian, and “false
Samian.” The latter term “Samian” has indeed acquired such
popularity that it has passed into the language as a conventional
term of almost every-day use; but to the scientific investigator
it has long been apparent that in point of accuracy it almost
stands on a level with that of “Etruscan vase.” That of “false
Samian” has usually been applied to a certain class of provincial
wares, technically inferior to the “Samian.” But though both
terms may still retain currency in popular language for the sake
of convenience, it must not be supposed that they are impressed
with the hall-mark of scientific terminology.

Before however we attempt to distinguish the different fabrics
.bn 524.png
.pn +1
on the basis of recent researches, it may be as well to investigate
the statements of the classical writers and weigh the evidence
which they afford on the various kinds of pottery in use in Italy
under the Roman Empire.

The most valuable information is found in the pages of Pliny,
supplemented by Isidorus of Seville, who, writing in the seventh
century, probably gives merely second-hand information. The
former[3331] says: “The majority of mankind use earthenware
vessels. Samian ware is commended even at the present day for
dinner services; this reputation is also kept up by Arretium
in Italy, and for drinking-cups by Surrentum, Hasta, Pollentia,
Saguntum in Spain, and Pergamum in Asia. Tralles is also a
centre for pottery, and Mutina in Italy ... and exportation
from the celebrated potteries goes on all over the world.”
Isidorus, who largely quotes from Pliny, gives the tradition that
Samos was the seat of the original invention of pottery, “whence
too came Samian vases.”[3332] He goes on to say that “Arretine
vases are so called from Arretium, a town in Italy where they
are made, for they are red.” But in regard to “Samian ware”
he admits that there is another explanation of the term, namely
that it is a corruption of Samnia. Herein he is possibly not far
from the truth, for we have already seen that the adjacent region
of Campania was in the last few centuries of the Republic
famous as a centre for relief-wares, and it is possible that the
manufacture of such pottery was carried on in the district, as for
instance at Puteoli, long afterwards. We also know that Allifae
in Samnium was a seat of this industry,[3333] and that a special
class of pottery was made at Ocriculum and at Mevania in
Umbria about 200 <sc>B.C.</sc> (see below, p. #490#).

On the other hand there is no doubt that Samos had a reputation
for its pottery for many centuries, as is implied by the
tradition which Isidorus quotes and by the words of Pliny:
“even at the present day it is commended.” In a previous
chapter it has been suggested that the so-called Megarian bowls,
which undoubtedly are a prototype of the Roman wares, represent
the Samian pottery of the Hellenistic period; but whether
.bn 525.png
.pn +1
this is so or not, the most probable conclusion is that the
term “Samian” connotes in the first instance a Greek, not a
Roman, fabric; that this Greek ware was imported into Italy;
and that it became so popular that the term really came into use
for native products, just as now-a-days we are able to speak
of “China” which has travelled no further than from Worcester,
Sèvres, or Dresden. It may thus have become a generic name
for table-ware. Plautus mentions Samian ware more than once
(see above, p. 456), usually with reference to its brittleness, as
in the <cite>Menaechmi</cite>,[3334] where Menaechmus says, “Knock gently!”
to which the parasite Peniculus replies: “I suppose you are
afraid the doors are Samian.” Again in the <cite>Bacchides</cite>,[3335] with
a jesting allusion to Samos as the home of one of the two
heroines: “Take care, please, that no one handles her carelessly;
you know how easily a Samian vase gets broken.” In another
passage he speaks of a <lang=la><em>Samiolum poterium</em></lang>.[3336] And Tertullian,
speaking of Numa’s times, says that only Samian vases were
as yet in use.[3337]

Pliny also mentions Pergamum and Tralles as centres of
fabrics, and speaks of the <lang=la><em>firmitas</em></lang> or toughness of that of Kos,
but of these we know nothing further. It has been pointed out
by Dragendorff that there was some manufacture of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>
in Asia Minor under the Empire,[3338] probably an imitation of the
Italian ware, as the examples known present the same characteristics
as the provincial wares of Central Europe, and the forms
are also those of the Arretine vases. The same writer has
shown that there were also manufactures of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> in
Greece itself, in Egypt, and in Southern Russia, which were of
similar character.

To return to Italy and its local fabrics. It is not to be supposed
that there was any one principal centre, for different towns
excelled in their respective wares, and these were imported from
one to the other, and especially into Rome. This city was of
.bn 526.png
.pn +1
course originally supplied with earthenware by the Etruscans,
whose mantle fell on the town of Arretium, but it cannot be
doubted that the manufacture of pottery must have been carried
on to some extent in Rome itself after the absorption of the
Etruscan people. We read that even in Numa’s time there was
a Guild of Potters (see p. #372#), but it never appears to have
excelled in any of the finer wares, and is ignored by Pliny,
though we have evidence from other sources. Thus Martial
speaks of <lang=la><em>cadi Vaticani</em></lang>,[3339] and Juvenal of fragile dishes from the
Vatican hill.[3340] Cato says <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> are best bought in Rome, tiles
at Venafrum.[3341] And the evidence of a pottery in the third and
second centuries <sc>B.C.</sc> on the Esquiline which is given by the
find of lamps described in Chapter XX. is supported by Festus.[3342]

Pliny, as we have seen, mentions Arretium, Hasta and Pollentia,
Mutina and Surrentum with commendation; he also couples the
pottery of Hadria with that of Kos for <lang=la><em>firmitas</em></lang>.[3343] He further
implies that Arretium kept up the old pre-eminence of the
Samian ware, and this is borne out, not only by what we
gather from Martial and other writers, but still more by modern
discoveries, of which we shall shortly speak in detail. Of the
other potteries less is known, but remains have been found at
Hasta and Pollentia (Asti and Pollenza in Piedmont)[3344] and the
<lang=la><em>figlinae</em></lang> of Velleia in the same region were also well known
in antiquity.[3345] At Mutina (Modena) remains of a pottery were
found (see Vol. I. p. #71:vol1_71#), together with vases of Arretine type,
and the potter Fortis, whose name so often occurs on lamps
(p. #426#), appears to have had his workshop here.[3346] His stamps
are also found on tiles and on pottery of all kinds, even
Arretine. Here, too, were found vases of black ware, of
“Graeco-Campanian” style, sometimes with stamps impressed
from gems, and unglazed red plates stamped with small palmettes
like the Greek black-glazed wares (Vol. I. p. #212:vol1_212#). Livy
.bn 527.png
.pn +1
mentions that in 176 <sc>B.C.</sc> a great destruction took place here
of “all kinds of vases, made more for use than for ornament.”[3347]
In their general results the pottery-finds are instructive as
showing the transition from black to red wares, which may also
be observed in the vases of Popilius and the early Arretine
fabrics (see below).[3348]

Campania in general seems to have maintained the traditions
of the Calene and Etrusco-Campanian fabrics of the third
century (Chapter #XI:vol1_ch11#.), and there is evidence of manufacture and
export in the first century B.C. Horace’s table was supplied
with <lang=la><em>Campana supellex</em></lang>.[3349] Surrentum ware is mentioned by
Martial[3350] as well as Pliny, and, as indicated in the preceding
chapter (p. #462#), supplied amphorae of local wine to Pompeii.[3351]
The pottery of Cumae, which place was at an earlier date an
important centre for painted vases (Vol. I. p. #80:vol1_80#), is mentioned
by Martial[3352] It would also seem to have supplied clay for the
vases made at the neighbouring Puteoli, which had no local clay
suitable for the purpose, and is not mentioned by ancient writers.
The latter has however yielded large numbers of vases of a type
closely resembling the Arretine, and a pottery was discovered
in 1874, with moulds.[3353] Some of the vases have Arretine
stamps,[3354] which imply importations during the first century <sc>B.C.</sc>,
but names of local potters are also known, chief of whom is
Numerius Naevius Hilarus, who employed eleven slaves.
Q. Pomponius Serenus and L. Valerius Titus are also found
here and elsewhere in Southern Italy and at Nismes.[3355] Some
fragments of this Puteoli ware from various sources are in the
British Museum.[3356]

Horace speaks of pottery from Allifae in Samnium,[3357] and
Pliny mentions the popularity of that made at Rhegium and Cumac[3358];
this exhausts the list of sites known to us from ancient
.bn 528.png
.pn +1
writers. In the provinces the only place which had any fame
was Saguntum, alluded to by Pliny and more than once by
Martial, who speaks of cups (<lang=la><em>pocula</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>cymbia</em></lang>) fashioned from
Saguntine clay[3359]; also of a <lang=la><em>synthesis septenaria</em></lang> or nest of seven
cups, “polished by the potter’s coarse tool, of clay turned on
the Spanish wheel.”[3360] But modern researches on the site have
not thrown any light on the character of the local fabric (p. #540#)[3361];
it is only at Tarragona that <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> has been found.

The pottery of Arretium is more than once referred to by
Martial, who notes that it compared unfavourably with the
splendour of crystal vessels, but at the same time begs his
hearer not to regard it altogether with contempt, for Porsena
was well served with his Tuscan earthenware[3362]:

.pm onpoem
Arretina nimis ne spernas vasa monemus;
  Lautus erat Tuscis Porsena fictilibus.
.pm offpoem

An epigram in the Latin Anthology (259) says:

.pm onpoem
Arretine calix, mensis decor ante paternis,
  Ante manus medici quam bene sanus eras.[3363]
.pm offpoem

Other allusions are less direct.[3364] Coming down to more modern
times, we actually find mention of the pottery in a manuscript
written by Sig. Ristori of Arezzo in 1282, and by C. Villani
in his <cite>History of the World</cite>, written in the fourteenth century.
Subsequently Alessi, who lived in the time of Leo X., described
the discovery of red ware about a mile from the city, and
Vasari tells us that in 1484 his grandfather found in the
neighbourhood three vaults of an ancient furnace. Further
allusions are found in the writings of Gori (1734) and Rossi
(1796); and in 1841 Fabroni published a history of Arretine
ware,[3365] in which the above facts are recorded. He tells us
.bn 529.png
.pn +1
that in 1779 potteries were unearthed at Cincelli or Centum
Cellae, which contained, besides various implements, part of
a potter’s wheel, resembling those in vogue at the present
day. It was composed of two circular slabs placed round
one pivot at an interval from one another, their diameter
not being the same. The wheel actually found was of terracotta,
about 11 inches in diameter by 3 inches in thickness, with
a groove round the edge. It was bound with a leaden tyre,
held in place by six cylinders of the same metal, and appears
to have been the upper of the two slabs, the “table” on
which the clay was placed.[3366]

The Arretine ware must be regarded as <em>the</em> Roman pottery
<lang=fr><em>par excellence</em></lang>. The term was used anciently in an extended
sense for all vases of a certain technique without regard to
the place of manufacture, as a piece of evidence from Spain
tends to show. Pottery has been found at Tarragona with
the inscription, <sc>A TITII FIGVL ARRE</sc>, <lang=la><em>A. Titii figul(i) Arre(tini</em></lang>),[3367]
which has generally been taken to mean a maker of Arretine
ware living on the spot, just as now-a-days Wilton or Brussels
carpets may be made at Kidderminster.

The general characteristics of the Arretine ware are: (1) the
fine local red clay, carefully worked up and baked very hard
to a rich coral-colour, or like sealing-wax; (2) the fine red glaze,
composed chiefly of silica, iron oxide, and an alkaline substance,
which, as we have seen (p. #437#), was perhaps borax; (3)
the great variety of forms employed, which show in a marked
degree the influence of metal-work; (4) the stamps with potter’s
names, which are almost invariably found. The duration of
this pottery seems to have been from about 150 <sc>B.C.</sc> to the
end of the first century of the Empire, at which time pottery
in Italy had reached a very degenerate stage, and the height
of its success and popularity was during the first century <sc>B.C.</sc>
Analyses of the vases show that practically the same results
as to their composition are obtained from different periods.

During the last century these vases have been found in large
numbers at Arezzo, and there is now a considerable quantity
of them collected in the public museum of that city, as well
.bn 530.png
.pn +1
as in private collections and the museums of other countries.
The official record of Italian excavations contains an account of
finds made in 1883, 1884, 1890, 1894, and 1896 on various sites
in the city and immediate neighbourhood,[3368] and gives the locality
of the different potteries,[3369] as well as the names of their owners.
The first potter’s name recorded was that of Calidius Strigo
by Alessi; it was found in 1492 in the presence of Giovanni
de’ Medici, afterwards Leo X. Others were given by Gori,
and fuller lists (up to date) by Fabroni in 1841, Gamurrini
in 1859, and Marini in 1884.[3370] At the present day the most
complete information on this head may be found in the recently
published volume of the <lang=la><cite>Corpus</cite></lang> of Latin inscriptions dealing
with Etruria,[3371] in which the results of the most recent excavations
are incorporated. A large number have also been found
at Rome, the names being identical with those found at Arezzo,
and the ware consequently imported.[3372] It must be distinguished
from the inferior relief wares either of local fabric (see p. 492)
or imported from Gaul, Northern Italy, and elsewhere. Names
of Arretine potters are also found in large numbers at Modena,
Rimini, and other places in Northern Italy, in France, Spain,
and elsewhere.

The stamps range in date from the second century B.C.
down to the Christian era, but not beyond the first century
of the Empire. The oldest of all, it is interesting to note,
are found on black-glazed wares similar in character to those
from the Esquiline.[3373] The red-glazed ware probably came
in about 100 <sc>B.C.</sc>, and the two methods appear to have been
for a time contemporaneous. The initials <sc>Q A · F</sc> and <sc>C · V</sc>
which occur on early red Arretine wares[3374] are also found
on the Esquiline lamps. Next comes the red ware with
quadrangular stamps repeated four or five times on the
bottom, followed by single quadrangular stamps and those
.bn 531.png
.pn +1
of varying form, especially some in the shape of a foot, which
are not found in the best period at Arretium, and seem to
belong only to the time of the Empire. This form of stamp
is very common on lamps and plain pottery, and there are
many examples of bronze stamps in this shape extant.[3375] Those
vases which have stamps on the exterior in the midst of the
design represent the middle or Augustan period. The older
stamps are more deeply impressed in the surface of the vase
than the later. On the whole, the palaeographical evidence
of the stamps is very slight, and we can only roughly date
them between 100 <sc>B.C.</sc> and 100 <sc>A.D.</sc>[3376] Dragendorff has, however,
noted that the slaves’ names are mostly Greek, a detail
which helps to establish a <lang=la><em>terminus post quem</em></lang>, placing them
later than 146 <sc>B.C.</sc>

The Calidius Strigo of whom we have already spoken was a
potter of some importance, employing twenty slaves, of whom
the names of Protus and Synistor occur most frequently.
But he only seems to have made plain table wares without
reliefs, examples of which are found in Rome and elsewhere.
A potter named Domitius had a workshop on the same spot,
but only employed a few slaves. A more important name
is that of Publius Cornelius, first found by Ferdinando Rossi
in the eighteenth century at Cincelli, together with remains
of his workshop; many additional examples were found in
1883 and 1892. He employed no less than forty slaves, of
whom the best known are Antioc(h)us, Faustus, Heraclides,
Primus, and Rodo. One vase by the last-named has medallions
with the head of Augustus and the inscription, <sc>AVGVSTVS</sc>,
which gives the date of the fabric.[3377] Previous to the discovery
of this in 1893 Gamurrini had supposed that Cornelius was
one of the colonists placed at Arezzo by Sulla. Many of his
vases are found at Rome, and also in Spain and Southern
Italy. The vases with <sc>CORNELI</sc> in a foot-shaped stamp are
probably not his. He appears to have acquired the business
of two other potters—C. Tellius and C. Cispius.
.bn 532.png
.pn +1

Among all the potters’ stamps few are commoner than that
of M. Perennius, and his wares certainly take the highest rank
for their artistic merit. All his relief designs are copied from
the best Greek models, as will be seen later. Few of his vases
seem to have been exported to Rome, but they are found in
Spain and Southern Gaul. The form of the name on the
stamps varies greatly,[3378] the commonest being <sc>M. PERENNI</sc>;
<sc>M. PEREN.</sc>, <sc>M. PERE.</sc>, and <sc>M. PER.</sc> are also found, and even
<sc>M. PE.</sc> with the letters joined in a monogram. He employed
seventeen slaves, of whom the best known is Tigranes.
His name appears as <sc>TIGRAN</sc>, <sc>TIGRA</sc>, or <sc>TIGR</sc>, and
always in conjunction with that of Perennius. These two
are found on a vase with Achilles and Diomede fighting
against Hector,[3379] and on three Arretine moulds in the British
Museum, the subjects of which are a dance of Maenads, masks
of Maenads and Satyrs, and a banquet scene (Plate #LXVI:pl66#.
figs. 4, 6). The name of Tigranes appears alone on a fine vase
in the Louvre with the apotheosis of Herakles.[3380] Another
slave, Cerdo, made a vase with the nine Muses, their names
being inscribed over them in Greek.[3381] A third slave who
produced vases of more than average merit was Bargates,
whose name is found on a fine vase in the Boston Museum
(Fig. #218:fig218#),[3382] the subject of which is the fall of Phaëthon, who
lies shattered in pieces on the ground, with Tethys coming to
his rescue. Zeus with his thunderbolt and Artemis with her
bow have brought about his downfall. Helios is seen collecting
his terrified steeds; and the rest of the design is occupied with
the transformation of the Heliades into poplars.

.il id=fig218 fn=fig218_533.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Philologus</cite>.</s>
FIG. 218. ARRETINE BOWL WITH DEATH OF PHAËTHON (BOSTON MUSEUM).
.ca-

The site of Perennius’ principal workshop appears to have
been in the city itself, close to the church of Sta. Maria in
Gradi; but he may also have had a branch manufactory at
Cincelli or Centum Cellae. Signor Pasqui[3383] notes that his name
occurs alone on the interior of plain bowls and dishes. Next
.bn 533.png
.pn +1
.bn 534.png
.pn +1
to these come the copies of Greek models by Cerdo, Pilades,
Pilemo, and Nicephorus, followed by Tigranes, and then by
Bargates, who also worked for Tigranes when he became a
freedman (the stamps being in the form
.if h
<span class="center multiline"><sc>BARGATE</sc><br /><sc>M · TIGR</sc></span>);
.if-
.if t
<sc>BARGATE / M · TIGR</sc>);
.if-
lastly occur the names of Crescens and Saturninus.

Three Annii had a pottery near the church of San Francesco,
and employed over twenty slaves, with both Greek and Roman
names; the most important of the three is C. Annius, who
made vases with reliefs, as did Lucius, but Sextus only made
plain wares. There are also vases stamped <sc>ANNI</sc> only; they
probably belong to the first century <sc>B.C.</sc> Aulus Titius is found
frequently at Arezzo and Rimini, at Lillebonne in France,
and, as we have seen, in Spain; his wares also penetrated to
Africa and all parts of Italy. He has no names of slaves
coupled with his, and his signature appears in the various
forms, <lang=la><em>A. Titi</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>A. Titi figul.</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>A. Titi figul. Arret</em></lang>. He was
succeeded by C. Titius Nepos, who had fifteen slaves, and there
is also a L. Titius. C. and L. Tettius occur at Rome, but only
the latter at Arezzo[3384]; the word <sc>SAMIA</sc>, which occurs on his
stamps, is more likely to be a proper name than to have any
reference to Samian ware. The name of Rasinius, which is
associated with more names of slaves than any except P.
Cornelius, is found more often at Rome than at Arezzo[3385]; it
also occurs at Pompeii,[3386] and at Neuss in Germany, which facts
point to the time of Augustus and <sc>A.D.</sc> 79 as the limits of
date. Of the numerous slaves, some were afterwards employed
by C. Memmius. There appear to have been at least two representatives
of the name, C. Rasinius in the Augustan period,
and L. Rasinius Pisanus in the Flavian. The latter Déchelette
has shown to be a degenerate Arretine, making imitations of
Gaulish ware.[3387] L. and C. Petronius are found at Arezzo,
together with remains of their potteries, and C. Gavius, who
.bn 535.png
.pn +1
belongs to the Republican period, at Cincelli. Numerous other
potters who are probably Arretine may be found in Ihm’s
lists[3388]; on the other hand, there are stamps found at Rome
and in Etruria which cannot have originated from Arretium.
Such are <lang=la><em>Atenio circitor refi(ciendum) curavit</em></lang>,[3389] and <lang=la><em>Faustus
Salinator Seriae</em></lang>[3390]; those with <lang=la><sc>OF</sc>(<i>ficina</i></lang>), such as <sc>OF · FELICIS</sc>,
which are found at Rome, but are probably Gaulish[3391]; those
with <lang=la><em>fecit</em></lang> or <em>epoei</em> (<lang=grc>ἐποίει</lang>),[3392] with the exception of <lang=la><em>Venicius          // Tr: epoiei
fecit hec</em></lang>, from Arezzo[3393]; and <lang=la><em>Atrane</em></lang>, a name found at Vulci,
Chiusi, and many other sites in Etruria, but not at Arezzo.[3394]

The name usually given in the signatures on the stamps is
that of the maker only; sometimes a slave’s name is added,
either above or below the maker’s, or on a separate stamp.
The maker’s name usually gives the <lang=la><em>nomen</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>praenomen</em></lang>,
implying a freedman, and when given in full is seen to be in
the genitive; the slave’s name is usually in the nominative.
Four typical varieties are given by the following stamps from
the pottery of P. Cornelius, with the name of the slave Potus:
.pm onpoem
<sc>POTVS</sc>\ \ \ \ \     <sc>P·CORN</sc>\ \ \ \    <sc>POTI</sc>\ \ \ \     <sc>P·CORN</sc>
<sc>P·COR</sc>\ \ \ \ \     <sc>POTVS</sc>\ \ \ \     <sc>P·CORN</sc>\ \ \ \     <sc>POTI</sc>
.pm offpoem
A difficulty sometimes arises in regard to these two-line stamps
when the slave’s name occurs <em>below</em> that of the master, on
account of the frequent abbreviations; for instance, it is not
easy to say whether such stamps as
.if h
<span class="multiline"><sc>A·VIBI</sc><br /><sc>DIOM</sc></span>
or
<span class="multiline"><sc>P·CORNELI</sc><br /><sc>ANTHVS</sc></span>
.if-
.if t
.nf
      <sc>A·VIBI</sc>  or   <sc>P·CORNELI</sc>
      <sc>DIOM</sc>         <sc>ANTHVS</sc>
.nf-
.if-
denote one name or two, for there are certain instances where
the master has three names.[3395] It is always possible that the
name denotes a slave become a freedman, as A. Vibius Diomedes
or P. Cornelius Anthus, and in Dr. Dressel’s opinion[3396]
this is the most probable explanation; but the alternative has
much in its favour. There are, moreover, stamps such as
.bn 536.png
.pn +1
.if h
<lang=la><span class="multiline">\ \ \ \ <sc>P·MESEINI</sc><br /><sc>AMPLIO S</sc>(<i>ervus</i>)</span></lang>
or
<lang=la><span class="multiline"><sc>P·CORNELI</sc><br /><sc>FIRMVS F</sc>(<i>ecit</i>)</span></lang>
.if-
.if t
.nf
     <sc>P·MESEINI</sc>       or   <sc>P·CORNELI</sc>
     <sc>AMPLIO S</sc>(<i>ervus</i>)      <sc>FIRMVS F</sc>(<i>ecit</i>)
.nf-
.if-
which, of course, leave no room for doubt. In later examples the <lang=la><em>praenomen</em></lang> is often
omitted, and occasionally the <lang=la><em>praenomen</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang> are found
without the gentile name[3397]; there are also a few instances of
female names.[3398] An exceptional form of signature is given by
<lang=la><sc>CINNA C·L·TITI</sc>(<i>orum</i>) <sc>S</sc>(<i>ervus</i></lang>); occasionally also, as in the
example from Spain already quoted, <lang=la><sc>FIGVL</sc>(<i>us</i>) <sc>ARRE</sc>(<i>tinus</i></lang>),
or simply <lang=la><sc>ARRETI</sc>(<i>nus</i></lang>), are found. Sometimes, again, two
potters seem to have been in partnership, as Sura and Philologus,
L. Gellius and L. Sempronius (<lang=la><sc>L·GELLI L SEMP</sc></lang>),[3399] or
two firms, as the Umbricii and Vibieni.

The simple quadrangular form of stamp is by far the
commonest, and, next to this, an outline of a foot; less frequent
forms, and of later date, are the circular, oval, or lunate, and
other varieties of marks, such as wreaths, stars, or branches.
Dr. Dressel gives no less than eighty-seven types from Rome,[3400]
of which thirty-three are rectangular with ornamental edges.
The forms of the letters are not always an indication of date,
but such forms as
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic1rev.jpg 14 15 'Attic alpha' '' ','
.pm ii glyph_alpha_487.jpg 15 15 alpha '' ''
for A,
.pm ii glyph_e_487.jpg 12 15 'E' '' ''
for E, and
.pm ii glyph_f_487.jpg 12 15 'F' '' ''
for F betoken
an early date. Ligatured letters abound. The names are often
written from right to left, or left to right with separate
letters reversed or inverted; or the words are broken up as
.if h
<span class="multiline"><sc>MVS</sc><br /><sc>DOCI</sc></span>
for Docimus,
<span class="multiline"><sc>ANV</sc><br /><sc>ROM</sc></span>
for Romanu(s),
.if-
.if t
.nf
      <sc>MVS</sc> for Docimus,  <sc>MVS</sc> for Romanu(s),
      <sc>DOCI</sc>              <sc>ROM</sc>
.nf-
.if-
and so on.[3401] The
stamps were probably of wood, but some are taken from
seal-rings.

.tb

The forms of Arretine vases are all, without exception,
borrowed from metal originals, and in their contours display
the same tendency. But, as compared with the Hellenistic
forms they show great simplicity, and almost, as it were, a
return to archaism. The vases are for the most part of small
size, and indeed the dimensions of the furnaces at Arezzo seem
.bn 537.png
.pn +1
to indicate that larger vases could not have been baked in
them. They are principally cups, bowls, and dishes, the former
of hemispherical or cylindrical form and devoid of handles—a
characteristic which usually distinguishes Roman from Greek
pottery. Some of the moulds for Arretine ware in the British
Museum collection appear to have been used for a deep cup
with flat base and spreading lip (Plate #LXVI:pl66#. fig. 5), of
a type which finds no parallel in Greek shapes, but the
hemispherical bowl on a low foot is the prevailing form.
Other shapes are extremely rare, a notable exception being
the beautiful krater in the British Museum with figures of
the Seasons (Fig. #219:fig219#), which, although found at Capua, is
certainly Arretine in style and technique. The technical methods
employed we have already described in the preceding
chapter,[3402] and there do not appear to have been any variations
peculiar to this fabric. Fabroni (p. 37) states that cinerary
urns, tiles, lamps, and reliefs were also made in the potteries at
Arretium.

.il id=fig219 fn=fig219_537.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 219. ARRETINE KRATER WITH THE FOUR SEASONS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
.bn 538.png
.pn +1

The prototypes of the forms we have seen to be the Hellenistic
vases of chased metal, for which Alexandria was the principal
centre. But, apart from form, it is doubtful whether the
Alexandrine toreutic work exercised much influence on the
potters of Arretium. For the decoration and subjects they
undoubtedly drew their inspiration chiefly from the New-Attic
reliefs[3403] and the art of Asia Minor, as has been pointed out by
more than one recent writer,[3404] who have urged that the influence
of Alexandria on Roman art has been greatly over-estimated.[3405]
Dragendorff points out that all the famous chasers known to
us were natives of Asia Minor,[3406] and thinks that Rhodes was
probably the centre of this art. It must also be borne in mind
that the second century was the era of collecting works of art
in Greece and Asia Minor and conveying them to Rome, so
that the examples which were most prominently before the
eyes of Italian artists under the later Republic were just these
products of Greece and Asia Minor in the Hellenistic Age.
Moreover, the Rhodian and Pergamene schools of art were still
living when that of Alexandria was dying out under the later
Ptolemies. The mixed style of art of the first century B.C. is
essentially Roman, produced under the influence of the Greek
works then collected in Rome, and does not extend beyond
Italy.

But it is also conceivable that its predecessors in the line
of ceramic development contributed to produce the ware of
Arretium. It recalls in some respects the different Greek
relief-wares discussed in Chapter #XI:vol1_ch11#., the Calene phialae of
the third century, and the so-called Megarian or Homeric
bowls, in which some have seen the real “Samian” ware of
the Roman writers, dating from the same period. To these
succeeded in Hellenic lands the fabrics of Athens, Southern
Russia, and Asia Minor, to which allusion has already been
made, and which often present similar characteristics to the
.bn 539.png
.pn +1
Arretine fabrics. Nor must it be forgotten that the earliest
Arretine pottery was covered with a black glaze, which may
indeed represent a desire to reproduce the effect of metal, but
is much more likely to be a direct heritage from the late
Greek pottery, which in this respect carried on the tradition
of the painted wares. At all events, two main characteristics
of Hellenistic pottery have plainly left their mark on Roman
fabrics: the disappearance of painting under the influence of
relief decoration imitated from metal, and the cessation of the
exclusive use of a black varnish.

The transition seems to be partially effected by a small
group of vases which have been styled “Italian Megarian
bowls” or “Vases of Popilius,” after the potter C. Popilius,
whose name occurs on many of them.[3407] They form a distinct
class, dating apparently from the third century <sc>B.C.</sc>, on the
testimony of the inscriptions; the form is that of a hemispherical
bowl without handle or foot, with very thin walls, and covered
with a slip of varying colour—yellow, brown, or black. These
bowls, too, are a close imitation of metal-work, especially in
the arrangement of the reliefs. The ornament usually consists
of long leaves and scrolls radiating from a rosette on the foot
and bordered above by bands of wave- or tongue-pattern,
scrolls, or garlands; the ground is filled in with stars, shields,
and other devices. In the finer examples a frieze of figures is
added, with such motives as Erotes, masks, dolphins, and ox-skulls
repeated. The bowl of Popilius published by Hartwig
is the only one with a definite subject: a fight between Greeks
and Barbarians, which is an undoubted reminiscence of the
famous mosaic at Pompeii with Alexander at the Issus. Eleven
bowls by Popilius are known, two by L. Appius (see Fig. #220:fig220#),
and one each by L. Atinius and L. Quintius. The first-named
potter seems to have lived partly at Ocriculum, partly
at Mevania in Umbria; both he and Appius also made
“Calene” ware. These potters were freedmen, as the use of
the two names indicates. Their work does not show the fine
glaze of the Calene and Arretine fabrics, but is decorative
.bn 540.png
.pn +1
in its effect; each ornamental motive is produced from a
separate stamp, and the potter’s marks are put on <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang>
(see p. #442#).

.il id=fig220 fn=fig220_540.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 220. “ITALIAN MEGARIAN” BOWL BY L. APPIUS (BRITISH MUSEUM).

To sum up with Dragendorff,[3408] it is clear that a careful
study of Hellenistic pottery is necessary for a correct estimate
of the Italian and Roman. As in the case of other arts, it
proves that the Romans were merely receptive, at best only
developing what they received. This development began with
the importation of Greek relief-wares with black varnish,
especially from Asia Minor, and their imitation at Cales.
Then, as in Greece, so in Italy, the search for new forms,
colouring, and decoration began and brought about a degeneration
.bn 541.png
.pn +1
of technique. What the Calene vases are to those of
Asia Minor, so are the vases of Popilius to the “Megarian”
bowls. Finally, the finds in Southern Russia show that even
the technique of the red-glazed ware is not an Arretine invention,
but was already known to the Greeks, although first
brought to perfection in Italy.

.tb

We must now return to the Arretine vases and turn our
attention to their subjects and decoration, and their place in
artistic development. Dragendorff[3409] divides them into two
classes, including with them the vases of Puteoli, which bear
Arretine stamps, and probably only represent a mere off-shoot
of the latter potteries, merely differing in the quality of the
design and in the absence of many of the best types. These
were mostly discovered in 1874, and it is possible that the
krater from Capua (p. #488#) may also be reckoned as originating
from this source.

His first class includes the vases of M. Perennius, which
form such a large proportion of the signed Arretine wares.
They are characterised by friezes of figures repeated, or of
groups of figures all of the same size, sometimes divided by
pillars or terminal figures. Ground-ornaments are rare, and the
ground under the figures is not indicated as elsewhere. The
subjects include Dionysiac scenes, such as dancing Maenads,
sacrifices, drinking-scenes, the vintage, or Dionysos in a chariot;
Cupids, Muses, and Seasons; Victory sacrificing a bull; Nereids
with the weapons of Achilles; Hieroduli or priestesses dancing,
with wicker head-dresses; banqueting, erotic, and hunting-scenes.
Examples of the latter classes are given on Plate LXVI. The
types of the figures, as in the case of the dancing Maenads,
are largely derived from the New-Attic reliefs (see above).

In the second class, to which belong the vases of P. Cornelius
and those found at Puteoli, a large use of ornament is the
most conspicuous feature. The figures are little more than
decorative, or form motives of a sculpturesque character, and
are not, as in the first class, isocephalous. Naturalistic motives,
such as wreaths, are very frequent. Among the types we have
.bn 542.png
.bn 543.png
.bn 544.png
.pn +1
figures like those in the Nile-scenes on the terracotta mural
reliefs (p. #371#) and Centaurs derived from Hellenic prototypes.

.pm onplate LXVI
.il id=pl66 fn=plate66_542.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Moulds and Stamp of Arretine Ware, with Casts from the Former</sc>
(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

Throughout there is a remarkable variety, not only of subjects,
but of ornaments and methods of composition, features in which
the Greek vase-painters at all periods allowed themselves little
freedom. The ornamentation, which usually borders the figures
above and below, or still oftener occupies the whole surface
available for decoration, includes such motives as conventional
wreaths and festoons, scrolls of foliage, and egg-and-tongue
pattern; a favourite device is the use of columns with spiral
shafts, often surmounted by masks, between the figures. But
it is often naturalistic as well as conventional, at least in detail,
and only in the general effect is it purely ornamental rather
than a reproduction of nature.

In the figures derived from the New-Attic reliefs and similar
sources, such as metal reliefs on bases, candelabra, etc., the
copyist usually shows a strong tendency to archaism; the
attitudes of the figures are graceful, but somewhat affected.
They seldom represent any particular action or story, but even
human figures are merely decorative. Groups of dancing figures
are especially favoured, such as Satyrs and Maenads, or the
Hieroduli or dancing priestesses, who wear a curious headdress
of wicker-work (<lang=la><em>calathus</em></lang>)[3410]; or we see Genii and Cupids
crowning altars and lamp-stands, or playing on musical instruments.
Throughout the parallelism with the Roman mural
reliefs (p. #367# ff.) is most remarkable, whether in the archaising
style, the decorative treatment of human figures, or in the
choice of themes: the dancing Maenads and Satyrs, the Hieroduli,
Victory sacrificing a bull, or the figures of Seasons.
Of the last-named a fine instance is the beautiful krater
from Capua, now in the British Museum (Fig. #219:fig219#), the figures
on which are most delicately modelled. A stamp in the same
collection from Arezzo has a figure of Spring, which repeats
the type of the Capua vase (Plate #LXVI:pl66#. fig. 2: see p. #439#).

A somewhat later development, corresponding to the second
class described above, seems to draw its inspiration rather from
.bn 545.png
.pn +1
the Hellenistic reliefs of naturalistic style, such as Schreiber
has published, dating from the third century <sc>B.C.</sc>[3411] The figures
are no longer stiff, but free and vigorous, and elaborate compositions
are attempted, some being perhaps excerpts from large
Hellenistic compositions. Realistic landscapes in the Hellenistic
style, with rocks and trees, are largely favoured, and the
repertory of subjects includes Dionysiac sacrifices and processions,
combats of Centaurs and Lapiths, and hunting-scenes.
A fragmentary mould in the British Museum is a good example
of the latter, only that here the scene is definitely characterised
as Alexander the Great at a lion-hunt (Plate #LXVI:pl66#. figs. 1, 3).
The king is just slaying a lion, which stands over a man
whom it has felled, and Krateros advances to his assistance
with an axe. A wreath which adorns the beast’s neck seems
to indicate that it was an animal specially kept in the royal
park for hunting.[3412] The mould bears the name of M. Perennius.

Dragendorff, in a valuable and illuminating estimate of the
Arretine wares,[3413] points out that they are an example of the
tendency, so constantly occurring in classic art, to imitate
one substance in another. He is further of opinion that they
largely reproduce contemporary originals which illustrate the
eclectic art of the Augustan period, instituting a reaction
against Hellenistic art and forming in their simple shapes a
contrast to the <lang=fr><em>baroque</em></lang> forms of later Hellenistic pottery.
The art of the Augustan Age was followed, as Wickhoff has
pointed out,[3414] by a period of impressionism or illusionist style
derived from painting, which is, however, completely absent
from Arretine and all other pottery of the Roman period. It
may, therefore, be fairly assumed that when the impressionist
style came into vogue, the art of the Arretine potter had had
its day. All subsequent wares with reliefs are essentially
provincial, and the origin of their style is uncertain, but it
is at all events not derived from any of the contemporary
phases of Roman art.
.bn 546.png
.pn +1

The vases of the types which we have been describing are
not, as has been hinted already, found exclusively at Arezzo.
In Italy they are found in all parts,[3415] and the stamps of known
Arretine potters occur in large numbers in Rome, as also at
Cervetri, Chiusi, Vulci, and elsewhere in Etruria,[3416] and at
Mutina (Modena).[3417] They are also found all over Campania,
at Capua, Cumae, Pompeii, and Pozzuoli. North of the Alps
they occur but rarely, and almost exclusively in Gallia Narbonensis,[3418]
but we have seen that they are found in Spain, and
instances are also recorded from Sardinia, Africa, Greece,[3419] Asia
Minor, and Cyprus.[3420] From these details two conclusions may
be drawn, either that there were various centres scattered over
the Empire for the manufacture of what was currently known
as “Arretine ware,” or that an extensive system of exportation
went on from one centre, which would naturally be Arretium.
Certainly there is no difference either technically or artistically
between the Arezzo vases and some of those found in other
places, such as Modena or Capua. Either view has something
in its favour, and it is doubtful whether the question is yet
ripe for solution.

.tb

The Arretine ware, as we have seen, steadily degenerated
during the first century of the Empire, and at the close of that
period had practically come to an end. The question then
arises, What took its place in Italy? For it will be seen in the
following pages that in discussing the remaining examples of
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> which Roman potters have left us, we have to
deal almost entirely with provincial wares, made in Gaul and
Germany, and exported largely even into Central and Southern
Italy. Not the least striking feature in the history of Roman
pottery is the rapid rise of these provincial fabrics, and the
reputation which they so speedily acquired even in the more
central and more civilised parts of the empire. Yet the
manufacture of pottery in Italy cannot have died out entirely
.bn 547.png
.pn +1
by the end of the first century. The plain and unglazed
wares for domestic or other ordinary uses, such as the <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang>
and wine amphorae, of course continued to be made in Italy
as elsewhere, and the list of centres given by Pliny, which
we have already discussed, clearly shows that in the Flavian
epoch several places still preserved a reputation for the manufacture
of pottery. On the other hand, we have no evidence
that the pottery made in these centres had any other than
utilitarian merit, or that it represents what we know as <lang=la><em>terra
sigillata</em></lang>, and it is certainly remarkable that all the ornamental
wares found in Italy are either of the Arretine type or else
importations from Gaul, with very few exceptions. Lamps
and tiles, as we have seen in previous chapters, continued to
be made throughout the second and third centuries, but both
were essentially utilitarian in their purposes, and the latter, at
any rate, lay no claim to artistic distinction. The growing
use of metal vases by all but the poorer classes, was also not
without its effect on the disappearance of moulded wares in
Italy, and a reference thereto may perhaps be traced in
Martial’s plea for the Arretine pottery (p. #479#).

It therefore seems safest to assume that as in the fourth
century <sc>B.C.</sc> the manufacture of painted vases ceased at Athens,
but entered on a new era of development in Southern Italy
with the migration of Athenian artists to the Hellenic centres
of that region, so in the first century after Christ the manufacture
of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> in Italy—as distinguished from plain
pottery and other objects such as lamps—gradually died out,
owing to the migration of artists and transference of artistic
traditions to the rising centres of a new civilisation in the
country bordering on the Rhone and the Rhine. It will be
our object in the succeeding pages to collect the evidence for
the existence and importance of the potteries in these regions,
and to show, in short, that they for some time supplied to
the whole Roman world all that its representatives were then
capable of in the way of artistic and decorative work in
pottery. In the following chapter will also be more conveniently
discussed the vases of Ateius, Aco, and other potters which
represent the transition from the Arretine to the Gaulish fabrics.

.fm

.fn 3331
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 160 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3332
<cite>Etym.</cite> xx. 4, 3.
.fn-

.fn 3333
Hor. <cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 8, 39.
.fn-

.fn 3334
i. 2, 65.
.fn-

.fn 3335
ii. 2, 22.
.fn-

.fn 3336
<cite>Stich.</cite> v. 4, 12: cf. Mart. iii. 81, 3;
Lucil. <i>ap.</i> Non. p. 398; Tibull. ii. 3, 47;
Cic. <cite>pro Murcna</cite>, 36, 75; Cornif. Rhet.
<cite>ad Herenn.</cite> iv. 51.
.fn-

.fn 3337
<cite>Apol.</cite> 25.
.fn-

.fn 3338
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, ci. (1897), p.
140: cf. <i>ibid.</i> xcvi. p. 25, and Blümner,
<lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 103.
.fn-

.fn 3339
i. 19; see above, p. 463.
.fn-

.fn 3340
vi. 344.
.fn-

.fn 3341
<cite>Agric.</cite> 135.
.fn-

.fn 3342
Paul. <i>ex</i> Fest. <i>ed.</i> Müller, 344<i>b</i>; <lang=la>“in
Esquilina regione figulo cum fornax plena
vasorum coqueretur.”</lang>
.fn-

.fn 3343
xxxv. 161.
.fn-

.fn 3344
Cf. Mart. xiv. 157; <lang=la>“solet calices
haec dare terra”</lang> (of Pollentia).
.fn-

.fn 3345
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 1147; for recent finds,
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1837, p. 10 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3346
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1837, <i>loc. cit.</i>; 1875,
p. 192.
.fn-

.fn 3347
xli. 18.
.fn-

.fn 3348
See generally <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi.
p. 53.
.fn-

.fn 3349
<cite>Sat.</cite> i. 6, 118: cf. <i>ibid.</i> ii. 3, 144.
.fn-

.fn 3350
xiv. 102: <lang=la>“Surrentinae leve toreuma
rotae.”</lang>
.fn-

.fn 3351
Cf. <i>id.</i> xiii. 110: “Surrentine cups
are good enough for Surrentine wine.”
.fn-

.fn 3352
xiv. 114: cf. Tibull. ii. 3, 48; <lang=it><cite>Bull.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1875, p. 66; Marquardt,
<lang=de><cite>Privatalterthümer</cite></lang>, p. 640, note 2.
.fn-

.fn 3353
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 54; <lang=it><cite>Bull.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1875, p. 242.
.fn-

.fn 3354
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8056, 229.
.fn-

.fn 3355
<i>Ibid.</i> xii. 5686, 696.
.fn-

.fn 3356
See also <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8056.
.fn-

.fn 3357
<cite>Sat.</cite> ii. 8, 39.
.fn-

.fn 3358
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxv. 164.
.fn-

.fn 3359
xiv. 108; viii. 6: cf. Juv. v. 29:
“Saguntina Iagena.”
.fn-

.fn 3360
iv. 46, 15.
.fn-

.fn 3361
See also <cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. p. 512 and Suppl.
p. 1008; Déchelette, i. pp. 16, 111; also
<lang=it><cite>Bull. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1875, p. 250, and <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
xv. 2632 for an amphora found on the
Monte Testaccio at Rome with the stamp
<sc>BCM</sc>(<i>a</i>)<sc>TERNI SAGYNTO</sc>.
.fn-

.fn 3362
xiv. 98.
.fn-

.fn 3363
“O Arretine cup, which decorated
my father’s table, how sound you were
before the doctor’s hand” (referring to
its use for taking medicine).
.fn-

.fn 3364
Pers. i. 130: see also <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi.
p. 1081.
.fn-

.fn 3365
<lang=it><cite>Storia degli ant. Vasi fitt. aretini</cite></lang>,
Arezzo, 1841.
.fn-

.fn 3366
See above, p. #438#.
.fn-

.fn 3367
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4970, 519.
.fn-

.fn 3368
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1883, p. 265;
Nov. 1884, p. 369, pls. 8, 9; 1890,
p. 63 ff.; 1894, p. 117 ff.; 1896, p. 453 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3369
See the map in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. pt. 2,
p. 1082.
.fn-

.fn 3370
<lang=it><cite>Iscriz. ant. doliari</cite></lang>, p. 421 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3371
<cite>C.I.L.</cite>, <i>loc. cit.</i>, and No. 6700.
.fn-

.fn 3372
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 702, Nos. 4925 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3373
<lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 265 ff.: cf.
<i>ibid.</i> 1872, p. 284 ff. for the Arretine
examples; also <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1890,
pp. 64, 68.
.fn-

.fn 3374
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700, 12, 739.
.fn-

.fn 3375
Cf. <cite>B.M. Cat. of Bronzes</cite>, Nos. 3043,
3068, 3100, etc.
.fn-

.fn 3376
Some may be referred to Sulla’s
time: see <lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>, 1883, p. 269 ff.; 1890,
p. 71 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3377
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1894, p. 49.
.fn-

.fn 3378
Fifty varieties, with the different
slaves’ names, are given in <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi.
6700, 435.
.fn-

.fn 3379
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 70, note 2.
.fn-

.fn 3380
Rayet and Collignon, p. 357.
.fn-

.fn 3381
<lang=la><cite>Inscr. Graec.</cite></lang> xiv. 2406, 28-46;
<lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>, 1884, pl. 8; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi.
p. 70.
.fn-

.fn 3382
<cite>Philologus</cite>, lviii. (N.F. xii.), pl. 4,
p. 482; Roscher, iii. p. 2195: see for
this potter, <lang=it><cite>Notizie</cite></lang>, 1896, p. 457.
.fn-

.fn 3383
<lang=it><cite>Notizie degli Scavi</cite></lang>, 1896, p. 464.
.fn-

.fn 3384
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> cii. p. 119; also found
in Spain (<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4970, 515).
.fn-

.fn 3385
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5496.
.fn-

.fn 3386
<i>Ibid.</i> x. 8055, 36.
.fn-

.fn 3387
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> cii. p. 119;
Déchelette, <lang=fr><cite>Vases de la Gaule Romaine</cite></lang>,
i. p. 116. A potter of the same
date and character is <sc>SEX · M · F</sc>, found
in Etruria.
.fn-

.fn 3388
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> cii.
p. 125.
.fn-

.fn 3389
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5016.
.fn-

.fn 3390
<i>Ibid.</i> 5572.
.fn-

.fn 3391
Cf. Déchelette, i. pp. 81, 272.
.fn-

.fn 3392
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5211, 5398.
.fn-

.fn 3393
<i>Op. cit.</i> xi. 6700, 752.
.fn-

.fn 3394
See on this <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700, 2; <lang=de><cite>Bonner
Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 40; cii. p. 126.
.fn-

.fn 3395
<i>E.g.</i> <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5323. No. 5374 <i>ibid.</i>
has <lang=la><em>cognomen</em></lang> only.
.fn-

.fn 3396
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 702.
.fn-

.fn 3397
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 4996, 5094.
.fn-

.fn 3398
<i>Ibid.</i> 5515, 5555, 5603.
.fn-

.fn 3399
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700, 311.
.fn-

.fn 3400
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 703: see also <lang=it><cite>Ann.
dell’ Inst.</cite></lang> 1880, p. 318; <lang=it><cite>Notizie degli
Scavi</cite></lang>, 1890, p. 69.
.fn-

.fn 3401
<i>E.g.</i> <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5179, 5524.
.fn-

.fn 3402
See also <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 286.
.fn-

.fn 3403
See Hauser’s work on the subject,
<lang=de><cite>Neuattische Reliefs</cite></lang>, <i>passim</i>.
.fn-

.fn 3404
Rizzo in <lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 291 ff.;
Dragendorff in <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, ciii.
(1898), p. 104.
.fn-

.fn 3405
<i>E.g.</i> by Schreiber, <lang=de><cite>Alexandr. Toreutik</cite></lang>,
p. 401 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3406
Cf. <lang=de><cite>Anzeiger</cite></lang>, 1897, p. 127 ff.; Pliny,
<cite>H.N.</cite> xxxiii. 154 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3407
<lang=de><cite>Röm. Mitth.</cite></lang> 1897, p. 40 (Siebourg);
1898, p. 399 (Hartwig); <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>,
xcvi. p. 37; <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges d’Arch.</cite></lang>
1889, pl. 7, p. 288.
.fn-

.fn 3408
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 38.
.fn-

.fn 3409
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 55.
.fn-

.fn 3410
Cf. <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 58: also
a mould in the B.M. (Plate LXVI.
fig. 5), and <cite>Brit. Mus. Cat. of Terracottas</cite>,
D 646.
.fn-

.fn 3411
<lang=de><cite>Hellen. Reliefbilder</cite></lang>, pls. 1, 9, 10, 21,
etc.
.fn-

.fn 3412
See on the subject, <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang>
xcvi. p. 73.
.fn-

.fn 3413
<i>Ibid.</i> ciii. p. 103. On the same
article the preceding paragraphs are also
largely based.
.fn-

.fn 3414
<cite>Roman Art</cite>, Eng. Trans., p. 18 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3415
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 702.
.fn-

.fn 3416
<i>E.g</i>. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700, 2, 308, 688, 762.
.fn-

.fn 3417
<i>Ibid.</i> 6700, 29, 306, 786.
.fn-

.fn 3418
A fine example has been found at
Neuss on the Rhine (<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> ciii.
p. 88).
.fn-

.fn 3419
See Dumont, <lang=fr><cite>Inscrs. Céramiques</cite></lang>,
p. 390.
.fn-

.fn 3420
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 94, No. 2116,
<sc>PRINCEPS TITI</sc>, from Salamis.
.fn-
.bn 548.png
.pn +1



.sp 4
.h3 id=ch23
CHAPTER XXIII | <i>ROMAN POTTERY (continued); PROVINCIAL FABRICS</i>

.pm start_summary
Distribution of Roman pottery in Europe—Transition from Arretine to
provincial wares—<lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang>—Shapes and centres of fabric—Subjects—Potters’
stamps—Vases with <lang=fr><em>barbotine</em></lang> decoration—The
fabrics of Gaul—St. Rémy—Graufesenque—“Marbled” vases—Vases
with inscriptions (Banassac)—Lezoux—Vases with medallions (Southern
Gaul)—Fabrics of Germany—<lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang> in Britain—Castor ware—Upchurch
and New Forest wares—Plain pottery—<lang=la><em>Mortaria</em></lang>—Conclusion.
.pm stop_summary
.sp 2

.h4
1. <sc>General Characteristics</sc>

The pottery with which we have now to deal is that which was
known to an older generation as “Samian ware,”[3421] but may now
be more appropriately termed <lang=la><em>Provincial terra sigillata</em></lang>. In
regard to its general characteristics, it is distinguished by a fine
close-grained red clay, harder than the Arretine, and presenting
when broken an edge of light red. The surface is smooth and
lustrous, of a brighter yet darker red colour (<i>i.e.</i> less like coral)
than that of Arretine ware, but the tone of the red varies with
the degree of heat used. The most important feature is the fine
red glaze with which it is coated, similar in composition to—though
not identical with—that of the Arretine (see the analysis
given on p. #436#); it is exceedingly thin and transparent, and
laid equally over the whole surface, only slightly augmenting
the colour of the clay, which resembles that of coral or sealing-wax.
The glaze varies in lustre and quality as well as in
colour, but as the analyses show, it is produced on the same
.bn 549.png
.pn +1
principle at all periods and in all fabrics, Italian and provincial.
The ornamentation is invariably of a coarser nature than that
of Arretine ware, and though it draws its inspiration therefrom,
is divided from it by a considerable interval of artistic degeneration;
nor is the missing link always easy to trace. This ware
is found all over Central Europe, from the Balkan to the Spanish
Peninsula, in the forests of Germany, and on the distant shores
of Britain, but in greatest abundance and effectiveness in the
valleys of the Loire and Rhine, a fact which in itself directs
us to look to these districts for the centres of its manufacture.
Wherever found, it is in its main characteristics identical, and
readily to be distinguished from the local wares with their simple,
or entire absence of, ornamentation. The vases are usually of
small dimensions, consisting of various types of bowls, cups, and
dishes, of which two or three forms are preferred almost to the
exclusion of the rest, and they usually bear the stamp of the
potter impressed on the inside or outside. The angular and
sharp profiles of the various shapes indicate that in nearly all
cases they are derived from metal prototypes.

Although this ware is found all over the Roman world, yet by
far the greater proportion of the material at hand comes from
the Roman sites of Gaul, Germany, and Britain, and evidence
points to two—and only two—districts as the principal centres of
its manufacture: the valleys of the Loire and the Rhine and
their immediate neighbourhood. Even in Italy the material is
exceedingly scanty, and much of the pottery found in Rome or
Campania can be proved by the potters’ stamps to have been
imported from Gaul. In Greece the finds of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>,
though covering a wide area, are few and far between, and
we are hardly in a position to state whether these are local
fabrics or importations. Dragendorff notes[3422] that in the museum
at Bonn there are fragments from Athens, Eleusis, Rhamnus,
Oropos, Epidauros, Eretria, Argos, Delos, and Troy, and others
in private possession at the same place from Alexandria. In
the museum at Dimitzana in Arcadia there is a vase with Latin
stamps, and another without stamp is preserved at Chanak
Kalessi on the Dardanelles. Furtwaengler records a few fragments
.bn 550.png
.pn +1
from Olympia,[3423] one with <sc>OCT · SALVE</sc>, and fragments have
also been found at Pergamon. There are a few cups from
Cyprus in the Museum at St. Germain-en-Laye, and others at
Nicosia.[3424] But it must not be forgotten that, as has already
been noted (p. #476#), there is evidence of manufacture of red
relief wares in Greek lands under the Empire, and much
of the above-mentioned material may not be able to lay any
claim to a Western origin.

For the potteries of Central and Western Europe there is
indeed no literary evidence, for, as we have seen (p. #479#), Saguntum
is the only provincial place of any reputation in antiquity,
although modern excavations have not upheld its claim. All
the evidence is necessarily derived from excavations, and from
finds of moulds and potteries; but by the careful and scientific
researches of Von Hefner, Dragendorff, Déchelette, and other
investigators on Gaulish and German sites results have been
obtained of incalculable value for establishing the provincial
centres which during the first century of the Empire inherited
the traditions of Arretium. In the succeeding enquiry, therefore,
we shall devote our attention almost entirely to the <lang=la><em>terra
sigillata</em></lang>, of which Gaul, Germany, and Britain have yielded
such abundant quantities, and after a general consideration of
its history and characteristics, shall discuss in detail the peculiarities
of separate fabrics.[3425]

.tb

In his invaluable treatise on <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>[3426]—the first comprehensive
attempt at a general scientific discussion of the
subject which has been contributed—Dragendorff collected a
series of over fifty varieties of forms (almost exclusively cups,
.bn 551.png
.pn +1
bowls, and dishes), which embrace all the examples of Arretine
and provincial wares with relief-ornamentation. Of these he
considers the first fourteen peculiar to the Arretine ware, but
there are other vases found both in Italy and the provinces
which in form and colour are not distinguishable from the
Arretine, and seem to be undoubted examples of early importations.
Such vases are found at Andernach, Neuss, and Xanten
on the Lower Rhine,[3427] bearing the stamps of Ateius, Bassus,
Primus, and Xanthus, who are also frequently found in Southern
Italy.[3428] With regard to the first-named, however, there is evidence
to show that he may have worked in Southern Gaul, and
the Italian origin of this pottery is not absolutely certain.[3429] At
all events, the finds in Germany to which a date in the first
century can be given seem to show the adoption of a new form
of dish differing from that characteristic of Arezzo[3430]; this new
form is also common at Pompeii (probably as an importation),
and is found on the Limes at Saalburg with the stamp <sc>BOLLVS
FIC</sc>. It is usually quite plain, and seems to have lasted down
to the end of the third century. Another variety (No. 18) was
found at Andernach with a coin of Antonia Augusta, and at
Este in Italy with a stamp <sc>SERRAE</sc>, which belongs to the time
of Augustus. From it a later form (No. 31) was developed.

.il id=fig221 fn=fig221_551.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.ca
FIG. 221. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 29); FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.
.ca-

.il id=fig222 fn=fig222_552.jpg align=r w=300px ew=60%
.ca
FIG. 222. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 30);
FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.
.ca-

As a general rule these early provincial forms were unornamented,
but the two types of bowl or cup which Dragendorff
.bn 552.png
.pn +1
numbers 29 and 30, and which are reproduced in Figs. #221:fig221#,
#222:fig222#, become the normal form for the provincial relief-wares of
the first century. These are not found in the Arretine ware,
but occur all through that century, not only in Gaul, but
also, for instance, in the <lang=la><em>castra</em></lang> on the frontier of Germany.[3431]
The only Arretine form which seems to have prevailed to any
extent in the provinces is the krater (Dragendorff’s No. 11
= Fig. #219:fig219#).[3432] Other kinds of deep cups with expanding sides
(Dragendorff’s Nos. 22-27) are found occasionally in Italy and
on various sites in Germany, and can be traced from their
first appearance in the first century for about a hundred years.[3433]
Nos. 24 and 25 are found
at Xanten (Castra Vetera)
with coins of Julius Caesar
and Nero, others in the
cemetery of Bibracte near
Autun, which is known not
to be later than the time
of Augustus.[3434] The general
conclusion seems to be
that these wares represent
a sort of transitional stage
between those of Arretium
and the indubitably provincial
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>.
Towards the end of the
first century they are supplanted, notably at Lezoux and in
Germany, by the hemispherical bowl (Dragendorff’s No. 37 =
Fig. #223:fig223#), which subsequently becomes the only form employed
for the moulded wares.

.il id=fig223 fn=fig223_553.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.ca FIG. 223. GAULISH BOWL (FORM NO. 37); A.D. 70-260.

In pursuing his investigation of the provincial fabrics of the
first century,[3435] Dragendorff begins by discussing various groups
of vases found in Germany which seem to represent a period
of transition between the Italian Roman (and the local native)
.bn 553.png
.pn +1
pottery and the provincial <lang=la><lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang></lang> proper, which is not
usually found before the middle of the century. First we
have a kind of light-red ware, formerly known as “false
Samian,” which lacks the strong lustrous sheen of the genuine
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>; the tone Hettner considered to be the result of
mere polishing, without any glaze or slip.[3436] The forms are
heavier and coarser, and are not confined, as in the genuine
fabric, to deep cups or shallow bowls, but include a sort of
beaker or tumbler-shaped cup,[3437] and a slim jar with characteristic
incised ornament. They are found in the oldest Roman tombs
at Andernach, about <sc>A.D.</sc> 60.[3438] Contemporary with this (from
Augustus to Vespasian) was a kind of black ware with incised
linear ornament, resembling that described under a subsequent
heading (p. #515#); it bears the same potters’ stamps as the
light-red ware, and is interesting for its close relation to the
older La Tène pottery, showing its origin to be Celtic or
Gaulish, not Roman. The centre of fabric for these wares,
which are limited in their distribution to the Rhenish provinces,
Normandy and Southern Gaul, seems to have been Trier,
which place is as nearly as possible the centre of all the sites
on which they have been found; it is further evident that
both the red and the black were made in the same pottery.
Dragendorff styles these fabrics “Belgic,” on the ground that
.bn 554.png
.pn +1
they are mostly found in the province of Gallia Belgica. It
is conceivable that, as that province became organised in the
first century, potters from Southern Gaul settled at Trier. A
pottery of that epoch has been found there, with remains of
black, grey, and light-red ware, and a piece found at Andernach
with the stamp
.if h
<span class="multiline">DVRO<br />CVAVO</span>
.if-
.if t
DVRO/CVAVO
.if-
shows evidence of having been made
at the former place.[3439] The potters’ stamps include both Roman
and non-Roman names. These wares are very rarely found in
Britain.[3440]

We now come to the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> fabrics proper, which
extend from about <sc>A.D.</sc> 30 or even earlier to 250, and exhibit
a great difference from the earlier fabrics.[3441] There is no
longer any question of Italian manufacture or of unsuccessful
provincial imitations of Italian ware, but of a provincial fabric
of excellent technique and real artistic individuality. The
material for our purpose is supplied by the Gaulish cemeteries
and pottery-sites of the Rhone and Allier valleys, the Cevennes,
Normandy, and Belgium, by those of the Rhine valley and
Southern Germany, and those of Britain. In Northern Gaul
this pottery is found with coins ranging from Caligula to
Commodus, and in the forts on the German Limes, such as
those on the Taunus range and along the Main, the coins
extend from Vespasian to Gallienus (<sc>A.D.</sc> 260), in whose time
occupation ceased on the right bank of the Rhine.

In considering the probable centres of fabric we find a
remarkable correspondence in the potters’ stamps in the most
widely-separated localities, indicating a limited number of centres
which had a great reputation. Thus, for instance, in comparing
lists of stamps found in London with those from Douai in
France Roach-Smith noted that no less than three-fourths of the
names occurred in both places.[3442] The same investigator, now
many years ago, was acute enough to deduce the conclusion
.bn 555.png
.pn +1
from this and other similar evidence that in Britain there was
no local manufacture of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>[3443]; and he has been
justified by more recent researches, based on a much more extensive
command of material. The two chief authorities on this
subject at the present day, Dr. Dragendorff and M. Déchelette,
are agreed in their main conclusions that the centre of this fabric
must be sought in Gaul, and since the appearance of the latter’s
treatise on the Gaulish potteries, there seems little doubt that
it was in the first century at Graufesenque near Rodez in the
Cevennes (Condatomagus), in the succeeding period at Lezoux in
Auvergne, where extensive remains of potteries have come to light.
Dr. Dragendorff based his arguments on the following facts:

.in 6

.ti -4
(1) The potters’ names are largely Gaulish.

.ti -4
(2) Names are found in other parts which are known to be
from a Gaulish centre such as Lezoux.

.ti -4
(3) Gallic epigraphical peculiarities, such as
.pm ii glyph_theta_dotted.jpg 'dotted circle' '' ''
for O,
.pm ii glyph_d_cursive.jpg 'cursive D' '' ''
for
D, and OV for U, are found in the inscriptions.

.ti -4
(4) Even names of an undoubted Latin type, such as Julios
and Priscos, end in the Gallic termination -<i>os</i>.

.ti -4
(5) Cursive forms such as
.pm ii glyph_alpha_rfattic1rev.jpg 14 15 'Attic alpha reversed' '' ''
for A,
.pm ii glyph_e_487.jpg 12 15 'cursive E' '' ''
for E,
.pm ii glyph_f_487.jpg 12 15 'cursive F' '' ''
for F, and
.pm ii glyph_lambda_cursive.jpg 'cursive L' '' ''
for L, are frequently found, as also in Gaulish
inscriptions of the second century.
.in

That he was working on the right lines has been now shown
by M. Déchelette, who has employed as the basis of his researches
the more conclusive evidence of discoveries, especially
of finds of moulds and remains of potteries. But of this more
will be said subsequently.

On the other hand there were two large potteries in Germany,
at Rheinzabern, near Speier, and at Westerndorf, in Southern
Bavaria, where ornamented vases were undoubtedly made. They
were apparently not largely exported, but many of the stamps
also occur on the plain wares from these potteries, implying
that the ornamental vases must also have been made by
the local men.[3444] The pottery of Westerndorf begins about
the middle of the second century. Dragendorff notes that of
.bn 556.png
.pn +1
all the Gaulish potters’ stamps only forty-one have been found
in Italy, and many of these only in Cisalpine Gaul, while others
are very rare.

In regard to the forms, the chief fact to be noted is that new
shapes and methods of decoration now appear with the growth
of the provincial potteries, unknown in Italy, and the earlier
bowls and dishes are not found (for instance) at Rheinzabern.[3445]
One form of dish (No. 32) is new, but another (No. 31) is clearly
developed from the Italian type (No. 18). An essentially Gaulish
form of deep bowl or cup is No. 33; another with handles (No.
34) is only found at Banassac. The <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang> with spout and
pebbles inserted for grinding (see below, p. #551#) now first
make their appearance, especially in the Limes forts and in
Britain. Many of the forms clearly indicate an imitation of
metal. Déchelette notes that of the forms given by Dragendorff
(Nos. 15-55) about twenty in all are found in Gaul, including
the three used for moulded wares (see below, and p. #501#).[3446] To
these he adds sixteen new forms, which he numbers 56 to 71,
and for the vases with <lang=fr><em>barbotine</em></lang> or <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> decoration six
more (72-77) must be included in the list.[3447]

The next feature to be considered in these vases is the
decoration, which is not confined, as in the Italian wares, to
reliefs obtained from moulds, but is also produced by ornaments
applied to the surface of the vase, either in the form of separate
figures or medallions modelled by hand or made from moulds
and then attached, or by the method known as <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang>
(see below, pp. #512#, #529#). Sometimes the decoration takes the
form of impressed or incised patterns (p. #515#), but these are
more characteristic of the commoner wares. For the present
we may limit the discussion to vases in which the decoration
is produced at the same time in the mould.[3448]

Vases of this type exhibit a remarkable monotony of form,
being, as already noted, practically confined to two varieties of
the bowl or deep cup, one with curved, the other with straight,
sides (Forms 29 and 30 = Figs. 221, 222), at least up to the middle
.bn 557.png
.pn +1
of the first century. In the latter half of that century these
are supplemented by a third variety (Form 37 = Fig. #223:fig223#), and
at the same time a gradual diminution in the sharpness of the
outlines, as in the reliefs themselves, becomes apparent. No
direct connection with the Arretine ware can be traced, either
in the forms or in the decoration. The potters’ stamps are
found at first in the interior, as on the plain wares, but subsequently
on the exterior, in the middle of the design.

At first there is a general absence of figure subjects, and
the designs are purely ornamental, or else animals, such as
birds or hares, are introduced as mere decorative elements.
An important distinction from the Italian wares should be
noted, viz. that in the latter the wreaths or scrolls which play
such an important part in the decoration are composed of
single detached leaves or flowers, whereas in the provincial
wares the whole wreath is modelled in one continuous system,
either formed of undulating motives, as at Graufesenque, or of a
straight wreath or band of ornaments, as at Lezoux.[3449] On the
other hand the figure compositions are never continuous until
the ”free” style comes in at Lezoux with the second century,
but are broken up by ornaments into metope-like groups.
The typical arrangement is that of a wreath between rows of
beads or raised dots, with a triple band of hatched lines or
“machine-turned” ornament above, and rays or pear-shaped
ornaments below, pointing downwards. Sometimes the wreath
is duplicated; or the frieze is broken up into metope-like
groups of animals bordered by ornament, as in the first-century
bowls found in France and Italy, which Déchelette attributes
to the potteries of Condatomagus (Graufesenque in the
Cevennes).[3450] With the introduction of the hemispherical bowls
(form 37) comes a new system, in which the upper edge is
left plain, followed by a band of egg-and-tongue ornament;
then comes the main frieze, and below this a simple wreath.
This form and method first appear at Lezoux about <sc>A.D.</sc> 70,
and at Rheinzabern with the beginning of the next century.
The final stage is reached when the decoration consists of
.bn 558.png
.pn +1
figures either arranged in medallions and arcades, or freely
in friezes, a system which obtains exclusively at Westerndorf,
and on the bulk of the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> found in Britain.
Along with these changes in arrangement goes a steady
artistic degeneration.

As regards the subjects, it may be generally observed that
the conceptions are good, but the execution is poor. In many
cases they are obviously imitations of well-known works, and
it is curious that no Gaulish subjects occur. The types include
representations of gods and heroes, warriors and gladiators,
hunters and animals. In general they are of Hellenistic origin,
and include all such subjects as are characteristic of the art of
the period.[3451] At first, however, purely decorative motives hold the
field, in imitation of the Arretine ware, and it is not until after the
disappearance of the latter that figure decoration is found. We
have imitations of sculpture, as in the types of Venus bathing
or the Diana <lang=fr><em>à la biche</em></lang>, and of the Hellenistic reliefs with genre
and idyllic subjects, as in the scenes with fowlers or fishermen.[3452]
The “new-Attic” reliefs furnish models for types, as in other
branches of Roman art (see pp. #368#, #489#), and Eros, Herakles,
and Dionysiac subjects are universally popular.

Among the mythological types Dragendorff has collected
the following[3453]: Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Hephaistos, Hermes,
Aphrodite, Artemis, and Athena; Dionysos, Herakles, Victory,
Fortune, and Cupids; Amazons, Giants, sea-monsters, Gryphons
and Sphinxes, Pygmies and cranes; Bellerophon, Aktaeon, the
rape of the Leukippidae, and Romulus and Remus suckled by
the wolf. The gladiatorial subjects closely follow the types of
Roman art, and the favourite theme, a combat of two in which
one is worsted, resembles a common type on the lamps (p. #416#).[3454]
Thus, though the style of art is essentially provincial, the subjects
draw their inspiration exclusively from classical sources.[3455]
.bn 559.png
.pn +1

A series of examples from Britain may be noted as covering
in their subjects the ground indicated; they are mostly from
Roach-Smith’s extensive collection, now in the British Museum.[3456]
They include a vase with figures in separate compartments:
Diana, Minerva, Hercules, Bacchus, a man with a cup, and
Satyrs and Nymphs; another with Hercules in the Garden
of the Hesperides killing the serpent, Diana, warriors, and
panels of ornament; a third with Bacchus and a tiger, Luna,
and Genii with torches. Others have Apollo with Diana or
pursuing Daphne; Diana and Actaeon; copies of statues of
Venus (of the Cnidian or Medici type); the labours of Hercules,
Bacchanalian orgies and processions, and such deities as
Victory, Fortune, Cupids, and Anubis, as well as Satyrs and
Fauns, Gryphons, Sphinxes, and Tritons. On the vase of
Divixtus illustrated in Plate #LXVIII:pl68#. fig. 2, the subjects
are Venus at her toilet, Diana with a stag, and a Silenus
carrying a basket of fruit. The subjects from daily life include
hunting scenes of various kinds; dogs pursuing stags, boars,
or hares; combats of <lang=la><em>bestiarii</em></lang> with various animals; musicians,
and gladiators. Ornamentation of a purely decorative character
includes animals and trees, and representations of fruit, flowers,
and foliage, either in scrolls or interspersed with other objects.
Roach-Smith also gives a curious example from Hartlip in Kent[3457]
with two separate friezes of figures and the potter’s stamp
<sc>SABINI·M</sc>[3458]; on the upper band are Leda and the swan and
a seated goddess with cornucopia; on the lower, Diana with a
deer, under a canopy, and Victory crowning a warrior, the
various groups being several times repeated. The style is
very rude, and though the subjects are classical, the figures and
designs are very barbaric, almost mediaeval in appearance.[3459]

The <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> fabrics appear to have lasted on down
to the end of the fourth century in the provinces, but are by
.bn 560.png
.pn +1
that time not only rare, but exceedingly degenerate. Some
found at Andernach can be attributed to the reign of Magnus
Maximus (<sc>A.D.</sc> 388), and in others, apart from the style, the
costume of the figures resembles that of the fourth century[3460];
the potters’ stamps by this time have entirely ceased.

.tb

The names of potters which, as we have seen, so frequently
occur on the provincial wares are nearly all Gaulish in form
or origin, and this, it has been noted, is one of the strongest
arguments for the Gaulish origin of the pottery. The stamps
are usually quadrangular in form, but sometimes circular or
oval, or in the form of a human foot; they are depressed in
the surface of the vase, but the letters are in relief. There
is considerable variation in the form of the letters, which are
often cursive (see p. #504#), often ligatured, and frequently single
letters or whole words are impressed backwards. The names
are either in the nominative, with or without <sc>F</sc>, <sc>FEC</sc>, <sc>FECIT</sc>,
or in the genitive with <sc>OF</sc>, <sc>OFFIC</sc>, etc., <sc>M</sc>, or <sc>MANV</sc>; the Gaulish
word <sc>AVOT</sc> for <sc>FECIT</sc> is also found.[3461] It is rare to find a potter
with more than one name, and probably few of the Gaulish
potters were Roman citizens[3462]; on the other hand, there are
few undoubted examples of slaves’ names. Some groups of
names seem to indicate partnerships, such as <lang=la><sc>VRSVS FELIX</sc>,
<sc>PRIMI PATER</sc>(<i>ni</i>), <sc>SECVND</sc>(<i>i</i>) <sc>RVFIN</sc>(<i>i</i>)</lang>; in other cases the
name of the father is also given, as <lang=la><sc>TORNOS VOCARI F</sc>(<i>ilius</i>),
<sc>VACASATVS BRARIATI F</sc></lang>,[3463] but it is not impossible that the formula
may mean, “Tornos the slave of Vocarius,” or, “Vacasatus
the slave of Brariatus made (<lang=la><em>fecit</em></lang>).” In Aquitania stamps occur
with <lang=la><sc>FAM</sc>(<i>uli</i>)</lang> or <lang=la><sc>NEPOTIS</sc></lang> added after the name. Some groups
of names are peculiar to certain localities, Amabilis, Belsus,
Domitianus, Placidus, etc., being found only in Germany;
other potters give a hint of their origin, adding to their names
ARVE or AR for Arvernus, the district of the Arverni, corresponding
.bn 561.png
.pn +1
to the modern Auvergne. Vases are found at Lezoux
with the stamp <sc>RVTENVS FECIT</sc>[3464]; here the name may be a
deliberate intention of the Rutenian potter, to show that the
vase was not made locally. The name Disetus, which is found
on the Rhine, occurs in Gallia Belgica in the form Diseto,
the variety being due either to differences in date or in the
place of fabric. Among peculiarities in the stamps may
be mentioned an instance, given among those from Britain,
where the potter from ignorance or caprice has impressed the
stamp of an oculist, intended for a quack ointment, on the
bottom of a cup (found in London, and now in the British
Museum).[3465] It reads: <sc>Q · IVL · SENIS · CR | OCOD · AD · ASPR</sc> (<lang=la><em>crocodes</em></lang>,
an ointment made from saffron). In 1902 some interesting
<lang=la><em>graffiti</em></lang> were found on pottery at Graufesenque (cf. those
given on p. #239#), being apparently notes made by the potters,
such as <lang=la><sc>VINAR</sc>(<i>ia</i>), <sc>ACET</sc>(<i>abula</i>), <sc>TAR</sc>(<i>ichos</i></lang>), and so on, as well
as the names of the potters and the quantity of the contents
in each case.[3466] But it is not possible to ascertain the forms
corresponding to the names given in <lang=la><em>graffito</em></lang>.

Some peculiarities of the potters’ stamps may be noted
among those from Westerndorf and Rheinzabern, in which
certain combinations occur on the same vase.[3467] Thus at
Westerndorf we find:

.if h
.li
<table summary="potter stamps">
<tr><td><sc>COMITIALIS · FE</sc></td><td>—</td><td></td><td><sc>CSS · EROT</sc></td></tr>
<tr><td style="vertical-align:top"><sc>COMITIALIS · F</sc></td><td style="vertical-align:top">—</td>
    <td style="vertical-align:middle"><img src="images/leftbracket2.jpg" height="26" width="7" alt="" /></td>
    <td style="vertical-align:middle"><sc>CSS · ER</sc><br /><sc>CSS · MAIANVS·F</sc></td></tr>
<tr><td><sc>SEDATVS · F</sc></td><td>—</td><td></td><td><sc>CSS · ER</sc></td></tr>
<tr><td><sc>CSS · MAIANVS</sc></td><td>—</td><td></td><td><sc>CSS · ER</sc></td></tr>
</table>
.li-
.if-
.if t
.in 10
.ta l:15 c:3 c:3 l:20
<sc>COMITIALIS · FE</sc>| — | |  <sc>CSS · EROT</sc>
<sc>COMITIALIS · F</sc> | — |{| <sc>CSS · ER</sc>
                        |   |{| <sc>CSS · MAIANVS·F</sc>
<sc>SEDATVS · F</sc>    | — | | <sc>CSS · ER</sc>
<sc>CSS · MAIANVS</sc>  | — | |  <sc>CSS · ER</sc>
.ta-
.in
.if-

at Rheinzabern:

.if h
.li
<table summary="potter stamps">
<tr><td><sc>CERIAL · FE</sc></td><td>—</td><td></td><td><sc>CONSTANT</sc></td></tr>
<tr><td style="vertical-align:top"><sc>COMITIALIS · FE</sc></td><td style="vertical-align:top">—</td>
   <td style="vertical-align:middle"><img src="images/leftbracket3.jpg" height="40" width="11" alt="" /></td>
   <td style="vertical-align:middle"><sc>IOVENTI</sc><br /><sc>LATINNI</sc><br /><sc>SECVNDAIANI</sc><a class="c015" id="r3468" href="#f3468"><sup>[3468]</sup></a></td></tr>
</table>
.li-
.if-
.if t
.in 10
.ta l:15 c:3 c:3 l:20
<sc>CERIAL · FE</sc>    | — | | <sc>CONSTANT</sc>
<sc>COMITIALIS · FE</sc>| — |{| <sc>IOVENTI</sc>
                        |   |{| <sc>LATINNI</sc>
                        |   |{| <sc>SECVNDAIANI</sc>[3468]
.ta-
.in
.if-
.bn 562.png
.pn +1
The names Comitialis and Cerialis are found on stamps interspersed
among the designs, and therefore made with the vase
in the mould, but those with CSS occur on the rim, and were
therefore added subsequently. It will be noted from the above
examples that the names like Comitialis—Primitivos is another
instance—are common to more than one fabric, but those in
the second series are peculiar to one; the latter, therefore, refer
to the actual potter (<lang=la><em>figulus</em></lang>), the former to the designer of
the decoration (<lang=la><em>sigillarius</em></lang>), whose moulds were employed in
more than one place. It is an interesting parallel to the
<lang=grc>ἔγραψεν</lang> and <lang=grc>ἐποἰησεν</lang> of the Greek vases. This conclusion       // Tr: egrapsen: epoiêsen
receives additional confirmation from the discovery of certain
types of decoration both at Rheinzabern and Westerndorf,
showing that there was a system of exchange between the
two potteries.[3469] The name CSS is only found at Westerndorf,
and it has been supposed that it denotes C. Septimius Secundianus,
a name which occurs in the neighbourhood. The name
of Comitialis is found on a vase from London in the British
Museum, presumably imported from Germany.[3470]

Representations of potters are not unknown in Gaulish art;
and there are also allusions to them in inscriptions. Some
are depicted wearing the tunic only, and thereby proclaiming
their servile condition; others wear the cloak also, as for
instance one Casatus Caratius, <lang=la><em>fictiliarius</em></lang>, who is represented
on a <em>stele</em> at Metz holding a fluted vase like those made in
black ware.[3471] On another, L. Aurelius Sabinus is represented,
with an <lang=la><em>amphora</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang>, and <lang=la><em>lagena</em></lang> in the background, and
an inscription which runs, <lang=la><em>L. Aurelius Sabinus doliarius fecit
sibi et suis</em></lang>.[3472] Several inscriptions found in Germany speak of
<lang=la><em>negotiatores artis cretariae</em></lang>, and may be assumed to refer to
what we should call “commercial travellers“ or “agents”
for the sale of the finer wares. In an inscription found at
Wiesbaden Secundus Agricola is mentioned in this capacity,
.bn 563.png
.pn +1
and in another from Dornburg, Secundinus Silvanus, a native
of Britain.[3474] M. Messius Fortunatus, whose name actually
occurs on pottery, is described in inscriptions as being also
<lang=la><em>pavimentarius</em></lang> (road-maker) and <lang=la><em>paenalarius</em></lang> (cloak-maker).[3475]

Apart from the potters’ stamps, some interesting inscriptions
have been found on the vases from Rottenburg in Germany.
There are examples with the names of the consuls for <sc>A.D.</sc> 237,
Didius Caelius Balbinus and M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus
(the first year of their reign).[3476] Others have the names of the
legions stationed in the <lang=la><em>colonia</em></lang> of Sumlocene or Solicinium,
which this site represents, with the dates <sc>A.D.</sc> 169 (<sc>LOCEN ·A ·
V · C · MLVI</sc>), 248 (<sc>C · STI · A · V· C · CDI</sc>), and 303, and the names
of the twenty-first and twenty-second legions.[3477] Incised inscriptions
on Roman pottery are common throughout the provinces,
as the pages of the <cite>Corpus</cite> indicate, but are more usually found
on the plain wares than on the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>. Among the
more interesting examples is a vase in the Louvre, of the
first century after Christ, on the neck of which is incised
<sc>GENIO TVRNACENSIVM</sc>, “To the Genius of Turnacum”
(Tournay)[3478]; another found at Ickleton in Cambridgeshire[3479]
had (<lang=la><i>ex ho</i>)<sc>C AMICI BIBVNT</sc></lang>, “Friends are they who drink
from this”; a third from Leicester, <lang=la><sc>VERECVNDA LVDIA
LVCIVS GLADIATOR</sc></lang>, supposed to refer to a love-token or
present from a gladiator to his mistress.[3480] A vase of black
ware from Taplow, Bucks, in the British Museum has a Greek
inscription.

.tb

We next come to the discussion of the vases decorated in
the method known as <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang>.[3481] This is exceedingly rare
in Italy, and it is probable that the vases there found are importations;
.bn 564.png
.pn +1
the process seems to have been invented in Gaul
or Germany, and the only parallel thereto in earlier ceramic
art is in the method employed for the gilded vases of the
fifth and fourth centuries (see Vol. I. p. #210:vol1_210#). At its first
appearance it occurs on vases of common grey or black
unglazed ware, found at Andernach with coins of Claudius and
Nero,[3482] but by the end of the first century it is also employed
on glazed wares, red or black, and even on the enamelled
glazed vases of Gallic or German origin. The ornamentation
is at first exceedingly simple, consisting of plain leaves, chains
of rings, or raised knobs, as on the examples found in Italy;
but it developed rapidly, and the patterns become very varied.
Its chief merit is that it is essentially a free, not a mechanical
method, and some of the specimens from the Rhine and Britain
have really effective compositions of animals and interwoven
scrolls. Even human figures find a place; but towards the
end of its popularity the ornamentation encroaches upon and
finally ousts the figure subjects, and degeneration is manifested
in artificiality and crowding of detail. In the earlier examples
there is a marked preference for a slip presenting a contrast
of colour to the clay, and we find white used on red and black
ware, brown on buff ware (early German vases in the form of
human heads), and so on.[3483]

In Gaul, barbotine is limited to subsidiary decorative patterns,
and is never used for figures as in Germany and Britain (see
below and p. #544#); it is very common in the North of France.
At Lezoux it was employed in the earlier period of that pottery
(<sc>A.D.</sc> 50-100) for simple leaf-patterns, in the later (<sc>A.D.</sc> 100-260)
to complete the decoration of vases with <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> reliefs (p. #529#).[3484]

The black glazed wares decorated <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang> are characteristic
of the second century, and extend down to the fourth.[3485]
The clay is actually red, with thin walls, but is covered with
a black or dark-brown varnish, often with a metallic lustre,
.bn 565.png
.pn +1
which when too much baked turns to red, and thus presents
the appearance of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>. The barbotine is either of
the same colour as the clay, the varnish being subsequently
added <em>over it</em>, or composed of white or yellow slip and applied
after the varnish. The decoration usually takes the form of
leaves or scrolls, or of simple raised knobs; but figures of dogs,
hares, and deer are found, and occasionally men.

On the red or <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> wares the barbotine process is not
found earlier than the middle of the first century; there is none,
for instance, at Andernach. It is practically unknown in Italy,
and a few fragments from that country in the Louvre and
Dresden Museums are probably importations. Moreover, it is
confined to forms which only appear with the development
of the provincial potteries. The earliest specimens are found
with coins of the Flavian epoch at Trier and Xanten; it occurs
also in Germany and Britain, and there are examples at Speier
from Rheinzabern, but it does not seem to have been made at
Westerndorf. The ornamentation is very limited in its scope,
and from a strictly artistic point of view it was not really suited
for any but simple patterns of leaves (especially those of the ivy
or of lanceolate form) or for running animals. Figures of
hunters, gladiators, or <lang=la><em>bestiarii</em></lang> are occasionally found. From
the very nature of the process no fine details were possible,
and all must be executed in long, thin, and soft lines. Sometimes,
however, scrolls in barbotine were combined with figures
of men and animals made from moulds, as on the Lezoux ware
described below (p. #529#). Potters’ stamps are rare, but Dragendorff
gives examples from Cologne, Bonn, and Speier.[3486] It has
been pointed out by the same authority that the influence of
glass technique is strongly marked, not only in the method,
which suggests the imitation of threads and lumps of spun
glass, but also in the forms, which frequently occur in the provincial
glass ware of the period, then rising into prominence.[3487]
Examples of British barbotine ware are given on Plate #LXIX:pl69#.

The other method of decoration to which we have alluded,
that of indented ornamentation, is undoubtedly an imitation of
glass technique, and the forms (flasks and small cups or bowls
.bn 566.png
.pn +1
without feet or handles, of ovoid or spherical form) are equally
characteristic of that material.[3488] The decoration consists of
linear patterns and sharply-cut ornaments in the shape of an
olive or barley-corn, often combined with naturalistic foliage.
This ware may be dated by coins between <sc>A.D.</sc> 100 and 250;
there are no examples with potters’ stamps, but it seems to
have been made at Lezoux, Trier, and Westerndorf, and
exported to Britain and elsewhere.

What may be described as a variety of this technique, but
occurring in the red glazed wares, is a method of decoration
in rows of linear incised patterns, usually in small rectangular
panels of hatched lines. These belong to the time of the
decadence of the ceramic industry, <i>i.e.</i> to the fourth century,
and are found chiefly in North and East France and Germany,
not in Central or Southern Gaul. There are examples from
the Department of Marne in the British Museum (Morel Collection).
The patterns are made with wooden stamps, not
with the usual running wheel. Déchelette thinks the method
originated in Germany with the vases of the La Tène period.[3489]

In order to elucidate further the development and characteristics
of the provincial Roman pottery, it may be found serviceable
to turn our attention to the various sites which are known
to have been centres of manufacture, or which have yielded
pottery in large quantities, and at the same time to indicate
the main points of difference between the fabrics of Gaul,
Germany, and Britain.

.h4
2. <sc>The Fabrics of Gaul</sc>

The pottery of Gaul presenting the closest relationship, both
artistically and chronologically, with that of Italy, it will be
most convenient to accord it precedence. Hitherto a general
survey of the Gaulish fabrics has hardly been possible, as the
materials had not been collected and studied as a whole; and
such a task was obviously beyond the capacity of any one
.bn 567.png
.pn +1
who had not the advantage of a personal acquaintance with
the mass of material now available in all parts of France.
But since the indispensable and exhaustive work of M. Déchelette
has appeared, it has rendered superfluous all the previous
literature on this particular subject. This scholar has earned
the gratitude of students by his careful study of the pottery
excavated on certain sites in Southern France, by means of
which much light has been thrown on the Gaulish fabrics of
the first century, at the time when the <lang=la><em>sigillata</em></lang> industry was
just taking root in Gaul, and had hardly freed itself from
Italian influences. In one section of his work he deals with
the finds made in 1895-1900 at Saint-Rémy on the Allier,
about four miles from Vichy,[3490] in another with those of
1901-02 at Graufesenque, near Rodez, in the Cevennes region,[3491]
and thirdly with the important fabrics of Lezoux.[3492] With
these and others of more or less importance we shall deal
successively in the following pages.

.tb

At <b>Saint-Rémy</b> no traces of actual furnaces were found,
but fragments of moulds, etc., showed clearly that it was an
important centre, not only for pottery, but also for terracotta
figures. As a rule little chronological evidence is to be obtained
from finds in France owing to the confused and unstratified
condition of the remains, or from absence of scientific records;
but in the present case we are fortunate in possessing a series
of homogeneous types belonging to the earliest period of <lang=la><em>sigillata</em></lang>
ware in Gaul; an entire uniformity of clay, technique, form, and
decoration shows that they must all belong to one circumscribed
epoch, in spite of the absence of coins or other definite evidence.
At the same time it has been possible not only to connect them
with finds at Mont Beuvray (Bibracte), near Autun, which can
be dated not later than 5 <sc>B.C.</sc>, at Ornavasso, on Lago Maggiore
(coins of Augustan epoch), and at Andernach (also Augustan,
see pp. #502#, #533#), but also to obtain a clue to their originals
and prototypes.

.il id=fig224 fn=fig224_568.jpg align=r w=225px ew=40%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Déchelette.</cite></s>
FIG. 224. VASE OF ST.-RÉMY FABRIC.
.ca-

The forms of the vases fall under five clearly-defined heads:
.bn 568.png
.pn +1
a <lang=la><em>poculum</em></lang>, or tumbler-shaped vessel, a <lang=la><em>scyphus</em></lang> with flat-topped
handles, a straight-sided open bowl, flasks with or without
handles, and of conical form or pear-shaped (see Fig. #224:fig224#).
All the vases are of white clay, with reliefs, but there are no
potters’ stamps, and the execution is often imperfect; the secret
of the red ware seems as yet unknown, but there is evidence
that it was gradually substituted for the white, and the typical
bowl with sloping sides and continuous scrolls of foliage
(Dragendorff’s No. 29 = Fig. #221:fig221#)
introduced here as elsewhere. In
the Saint-Rémy fabrics this bowl
only has a single row of ornament,
a tongue-pattern, scrolls, or
arcading round the lower part.
The general conclusion reached by
M. Déchelette is that down to the
end of the first century <sc>B.C.</sc> two
kinds of pottery were introduced
into Gaul: the Arretine ware,
which occurs at Bibracte with the
stamps of Annius, Memmius, and
Tettius, and a class of small
goblets and flasks of yellowish clay
which in many respects resemble
the Saint-Rémy type. The latter
sometimes bear the name of <sc>ACO
ACASTVS</sc>,[3493] a potter who appears
to have worked in the region of
Savoy or Piedmont, and who was
inspired by the Arretine technique and style of signature.
His ware also occurs in Lombardy at Ornavasso, and at
Klagenfurt in Pannonia, where a fragment was found (Fig. #225:fig225#)
with his name and an inscription which runs: “Life is short,
hope is frail; come, (the lights) are kindled; let us drink,
comrades, while it is light.”[3494] He certainly belongs to the
Augustan epoch, and may be regarded as the immediate inspirer
.bn 569.png
.pn +1
of the Saint-Rémy fabrics. Hence about the beginning of the
first century of our era it may be inferred that the potters of
Saint-Rémy and district began to “exploit” the Italian technique,
but following the Gallo-Italic method of Aco rather than the
Arretine. The typical decorative motive by which this pottery
may be recognised is a kind of arcading, which from having
floriated points gradually tends to assume a purely vegetable
form. Some of the vases are only ornamented with rows of
raised points, and this feature occurs on others with the potters’
names L. Sarius Surus and Buccio Norbanus. Figure decoration
is found only on the pear-shaped flasks, in the form of
animals (Fig. #224:fig224#) and bearded heads. To the same period
belongs a series of vases manufactured at Vichy and Gannat
in the same district.[3495]

.il id=fig225 fn=fig225_569.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <cite>Déchelette.</cite></s>
FIG. 225. VASE OF ACO (FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST), WITH INSCRIPTION.
.ca-

.tb

The results obtained from <b>Graufesenque</b>, in the Department
of Aveyron, have been even more remarkable. This place
represents the ancient Condatomagus, in the country occupied
by the Ruteni, and appears to have been a great centre of
the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> industry. Although it is not mentioned
by Pliny, yet there must have been in his time large exports
.bn 570.png
.pn +1
southwards from this part of Gaul, even as far as Campania.
M. Déchelette has shown that it supplied not only Gaul and
Italy, but even Africa, Spain, and Britain, to a greater extent
than any other centre—that, in fact, from <sc>A.D.</sc> 50 to 100 it was
the seat of the most important pottery in the whole empire.[3496]

Remains of pottery were first discovered in 1882 by the
Abbé Cérès, including a series of moulds, which made it certain
that this was a centre of fabric. These discoveries were largely
supplemented by further excavations in 1901–02. Among the
moulds are those of certain potters which are only found here,
and consequently afford satisfactory evidence that such potters
can be localised in this region. The potters were not itinerant,
nor were the moulds transferred from one pottery to another;
but the important central pottery seems to have attracted a
group of smaller ones to collect round it, just as we find Cincelli
linked to Arezzo (p. #483#), and the moulds could be exchanged
from one to another within this limited area.

The local pottery of Gaul, which in the first century B.C.
had reached a high level,[3497] was interrupted about the time of
Augustus by the invasion of Italian methods, by which it was
very rapidly Romanised, and Gaul became a mere tributary
of Roman industry. At first two kinds of technique were
practised—one with a white or yellow clay, as at Saint-Rémy
and Bibracte; the other in the ordinary red ware, which appears
to have been employed exclusively at Condatomagus and
Lezoux, at first following on the lines of the Arretine ware,
but subsequently attempting new developments. Artistically
it is inferior to the Arretine, but it is much more varied.
Besides the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> proper, or moulded ware with reliefs,
which is by far the most numerous, we find in Gaul several
other varieties of technique: <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> medallions, separately
moulded and attached with barbotine, in imitation of the
Greek metal <lang=grc>ἐμβλήματα</lang>; barbotine decoration; a class of so-called    // Tr: emblêmata
“marbled” vases; and incised decoration of simple
.bn 571.png
.pn +1
linear patterns made with a tool in the moist clay, but with
bold and skilful execution. But practically the wares found at
Graufesenque are limited to the moulded class, and the others,
which will be described subsequently, only became general in
the second century, when the Lezoux potteries came to the
front and those of Graufesenque were exhausted.

In the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> wares three forms assume marked
prominence, those illustrated in Figs. 221–223; they are found
in fairly equal proportions, but the earliest form, which we may
call for convenience No. 29, has a slight preponderance. We
shall see later that similarly the latest form (No. 37) prevails at
Lezoux; this form was introduced about <sc>A.D.</sc> 70. The intermediate
No. 30 is found at both, but more frequently at
Graufesenque. The only other found in the moulded wares is
a bowl on a high stem, which closely follows the type of the
Arretine krater seen in Fig. #219:fig219#; it is therefore either common
to Arretium and Condatomagus, or represents a transition
from one fabric to the other.[3498] Déchelette quotes an instance
with the stamp <sc>VOLVS</sc>, which recalls the Arretine potter
Volusenus.[3499]

About three-fourths of the vases are ornamented, the decoration
falling into two categories: (1) an earlier class with ornament
only, occurring on the forms 29 and 30 (see Plate #LXVII:pl67#.); (2)
a later with figures, such as animals or gladiators, the forms being
Nos. 30 and 37. Of the ornamental motives on form 29, there
are five principal types[3500]: (<i>a</i>) simple winding scrolls; (<i>b</i>) scrolls
combined with figures in medallions; (<i>c</i>) scrolls combined with
panels of “arrow-head” pattern; (<i>d</i>) bands of semicircles
enclosing volutes which terminate in rosettes; (<i>e</i>) figures in
metopes. In this form the decoration is almost always in two
friezes, a natural consequence of the shape of the vase; the
metopes or geometrical compartments only come in with form 37.
In the latter form seven successive types of decoration may be
distinguished: (α) a transitional system with metopes, derived
from the older form[3501]; (β) metopes with wavy borders, a
.bn 572.png

.pm onplate LXVII
.il id=pl67 fn=plate67_572.jpg w=304px ew=80%
.ca
<sc>Gaulish Pottery of First Century after Christ (Graufesenque Fabric)</sc>

(<sc>British Museum</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate
.bn 573.png
.bn 574.png
.pn +1
diagonal or cruciform pattern often occupying alternate panels
(cf. Plate LXVII. fig. 2)[3502]; (γ) large medallions, often
combined with inverted semicircles (<em>chiefly found at Lezoux</em>: cf.
Plate LXVIII. fig. 3); (δ) arcading (<em>rare at Graufesenque</em>);
(ε) arcading and semicircles combined; (ζ) large foliage-patterns
or vine-leaves, often interspersed with animals; (η) friezes
of “free” figures (<em>not found at Graufesenque</em>: cf. Plate#LXVIII:pl68#.
fig. 1).

In regard to the figure subjects, mythological types are rare,
and generally there is not so much variety as at Lezoux.
Déchelette reckons 177 different types in all, of which 112 are
peculiar to the fabric, whereas no less than 793 are peculiar to
Lezoux.[3503] Hence, he points out, the origin of any Gaulish vase
may be determined from the nature of the types alone. In
artistic execution they are unequal, some being copies of
popular themes, others of a naïve and unsophisticated character.
Gaulish elements are conspicuously absent. Although
the difference from the Arretine style is strongly marked, there
is yet the same tendency to display the influence of toreutic
prototypes, and even of the “new Attic” reliefs and the <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang>
types of the Hellenistic period.[3504] But others are original and
non-classical in style, and there is no homogeneity. Each
pottery doubtless had its favourite subjects—a point which
may prove of use in determining the separate fabrics. In
any case, figure-subjects only prevailed for a short period at
Condatomagus, whereas at Lezoux and in Germany they
extend over a considerable period. For Gaul did not become
Romanised before the reign of Titus; hence the previous
absence of mythological themes. The potter Libertus (see
below, p. 527), who worked at Lezoux about <sc>A.D.</sc> 100, stands
out as the foremost potter and modeller in Gaul, who, brought
up on classical traditions, influenced the whole pottery of the
country.

The question of the chronology of these Rutenian fabrics
.bn 575.png
.pn +1
depends more upon the results of comparison with other sites
than on the internal evidence of the finds. None of this pottery,
for instance, is found at Bibracte, which was deserted about the
beginning of our era; but at Andernach vases with Rutenian
potters’ stamps are found with coins ranging from Augustus to
Nero. They are also abundant at Xanten, Neuss, and Vechten
in Holland. Evidence may also be obtained from the German
Limes, where form 29 disappears about <sc>A.D.</sc> 30. The exportation
of Rutenian wares, therefore, began about the reign of
Tiberius. Their wide distribution may be traced by a study of
the inscriptions in the thirteenth and other volumes of the
Latin <lang=la><cite>Corpus</cite></lang>.[3505] In Britain they are found in London[3506] and at
Silchester. Out of thirty-four ornamented vases from the latter
site in the Reading Museum, M. Déchelette attributes exactly
half to Condatomagus, representing the first century, and the
other half to Lezoux, representing the second.[3507] In Italy
this ware is found at Rome and Pompeii, and of the typical
Rutenian subjects some twenty have been noted among the
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> in Roman museums. The potters Bassus,
Jucundus, Mommo, and others of Rutenian origin are found
at Rome, whereas the only one from the Auvergne district
there is Albucius[3508]; and the same names occur at Pompeii,
especially that of Mommo, whose stamps are characteristic.[3509]
The latter group of vases, moreover, supply, as in other cases,
important evidence for dating the Rutenian vases; they show,
not only that Mommo and the others were in full activity
before <sc>A.D.</sc> 79, but that mythological subjects—not found on
the Pompeian examples—were only introduced towards the
end of the pottery’s activity.

Another well-known potter who appears to have worked at
Condatomagus is Vitalis, whose signature in full or in the
form <sc>OF · VITA</sc> is well known there. He is also found as far
.bn 576.png
.pn +1
afield as Carthage and on the east coast of Spain.[3510] This is
additional testimony to the extent and quantity of exportations
from this centre, and to its position as the most flourishing
manufacture in the Roman empire at the time. This popularity
it could never have acquired if the fabrics of Arretium,
Mutina, and Puteoli had not now reached their decadence; nor,
if those of Auvergne, such as Lezoux, or of the Rhenish
provinces had been already in full activity, would the Rutenian
wares have penetrated into Central Gaul and Germany.
M. Déchelette notes as an interesting fact that in some collections
of Roman pottery debased wares with Arretine stamps
are to be seen, apparently not later than <sc>A.D.</sc> 80, and evidently
imitations of Rutenian ware[3511]; these bear the names of L.
Rasinius Pisanus and Sex. M. F., of whom mention was made
in the last chapter (p. #485#). There is no evidence that this
pottery was in existence after <sc>A.D.</sc> 100, and its rapid disappearance
is certainly due to the rise of Lezoux, where, as
noted below, Rutenian potters’ stamps are not uncommon
in the first century.

Déchelette has collected forty-three names of Rutenian
potters, which are distributed over two hundred and thirty-two
vases or fragments known to him.[3512] On form 29 the stamps
are only found in the interior of the vases, and hence are not
found on the moulds, but both were probably made by the
same potters. Vases of the other two forms are often unsigned.
Of individuals Mommo occurs sixty-three times, Germanus
thirty-eight. The same writer points out that the evidence
from Graufesenque would overthrow any theory of itinerant
potters, if on no other grounds, from the fact that the moulds
of a particular potter are only found on the one spot.

A group of vases which must be mentioned here, though a very
small one and not strictly belonging to the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>, is that
of the yellow ware with red marbling.[3513] It consists of a small
group of bowls and dishes with a dull yellow slip covered
.bn 577.png
.pn +1
with veins of a red colour, producing a variegated effect.
Eight of these were found at Trier, one with the stamp of
Primus, and there are a few others in German museums. In
Southern Gaul, as at Arles, they are more common, and others
have been found at Lyons and Vichy. The British Museum
possesses one from Bordighera and three from Arles, and they
are also known in Sardinia and Southern Italy; there are two
at Naples from Pompeii with the stamp of Primus.[3514] The latter
fact gives a <lang=la><em>terminus ante quem</em></lang> for their date, and it is probable
that some place in Southern Gaul was the centre of the fabric.
Dragendorff suggested Arles, where stamped examples have
been found; but Déchelette points out that all the potters’
names are Rutenian, and this is conclusive evidence in favour
of Graufesenque; in any case we have here an instance of
exportation from Gaul into Italy. It is not certain in what
manner the marbling has been produced; it is probably an
imitation of glass.

.tb

Yet another example of a fabric which was imported from
Gaul into Italy is to be seen in the pottery of <b>Banassac</b>, a class
of vases with inscriptions of a convivial character, with letters
in relief encircling the body.[3515] The form is that of the hemispherical
bowl No. 37, the appearance of which at Pompeii
shows that it was developed before <sc>A.D.</sc> 79. They are found
in large numbers in the south of France, especially at Nismes,
Orange, Vienne, Montans (Tarn), as well as Banassac; at the
latter place fragments have been found on the site of a pottery,
showing that they were made there. The most notable
example (Fig. #226:fig226#) was found at Pompeii, and is now in the
Naples Museum[3516]; it is inscribed <sc>BIBE AMICE DE MEO</sc>, “Drink,
friend, from my (cup),” the letters being separated by leaves,
and is of ordinary red <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> ware. Here, again, it is
possible to date the fabric in the first century, not later than
the reign of Vespasian. On the local specimens are found such
sentiments as <lang=la><em>Gabalibus felicit(er</em>), <em>Remis</em> (<em>felici)ter</em>, <em>Sequanis</em>
.bn 578.png
.pn +1
<em>feliciter</em>[3517]; <em>veni ad me amica</em>; <em>bonus puer</em>; <em>bona puella</em></lang>; the two
last-named recalling the seaside mugs of the nineteenth century.
The convivial inscriptions we shall meet with again in a later
fabric from the region of the Rhine (p. #538#). <lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang>
was also made here and at Montans in the Department of
Tarn; the decoration is in the form of metopes, denoting the
transitional period (about <sc>A.D.</sc> 70). No potters’ names are
found on the inscribed vases.

.il id=fig226 fn=fig226_578.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=it><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang></s>
FIG. 226. VASE OF BANASSAC FABRIC, FOUND AT POMPEII.
.ca-

.tb

The pottery of <b>Lezoux</b>, in Auvergne, was first carefully
studied by the late M. Plicque,[3518] who excavated there on a
large scale in 1879 and succeeding years, and obtained as a
result of his researches no less than three thousand different
potters’ names, as well as the substructures of about a hundred
and sixty furnaces, forty of which were in good preservation,
comprising sixty-six distinct manufactories. About twenty-three
more manufactories were traced along the principal roads
and the banks of the Dore and Allier. He also found numerous
.bn 579.png
.pn +1
remains of tools, potters’ wheels, and other apparatus. In
addition, he excavated some two hundred tombs containing
quantities of pottery, which seemed to imply a general use of
it in funeral ceremonies. The potteries here seem to have
been already in full working order in the time of Vespasian,
and lasted down to about <sc>A.D.</sc> 260. The earliest date to be
obtained from the evidence of coins is about <sc>A.D.</sc> 70, but the
earliest fabrics seem to go back to the time of Claudius; the
date of destruction of the site is indicated by coins of Gallienus
and Saloninus found among the burnt ruins.

A large proportion of the vases have potters’ stamps, but
there is no rule about the signatures.[3519] In the vases of form 29
the names are in the interior, denoting the masters of the
potteries; in the later forms they are on the exterior, having
been placed on the inside of the mould before baking, usually
among the ornament. The ordinary formula is <sc>OF</sc>, <sc>M</sc>, or <sc>F</sc>, with
the name in the genitive. As to the distribution of Lezoux
vases, there was, as noted below, little exportation before
<sc>A.D.</sc> 100, but after that time they prevail over Britain and
Germany. Déchelette gives ninety-two examples with potters’
stamps in Britain, including twenty-one names. A few specimens
have been found in North Italy; Paternus occurs at
Turin, Albucius at Rome.

.pm onplate LXVIII
.il id=pl68 fn=plate68_580.jpg w=267px ew=60%
.ca
<sc>Gaulish Pottery found in Britain; Lezoux
Fabric</sc>; <sc>A.D.</sc> 70-250 (<sc>Brit. Mus.</sc>).
.ca-
.pm offplate

Of the moulded or <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> wares twelve different forms
are found, of which as elsewhere three prevail to the exclusion
of the others.[3520] The krater type (Dragendorff’s No. 11) is only
found in the earliest period, about <sc>A.D.</sc> 40-50, and as already
noted (p. #520#) forms 29 and 30 are not so common as at
Graufesenque, while form 37, which practically took the place
of 29, occurs in great quantities. Déchelette distinguishes three
chronological epochs of development, covering respectively the
periods <sc>A.D.</sc> 40-75, 75-100, and 110-260.[3521] In the first period
the decoration of form 29 develops in the same manner as at
Graufesenque, but with this important variation, that the running
scroll is replaced by a <em>straight</em> pattern of vine or oak
.bn 580.png
.bn 581.png
.bn 582.png
.pn +1
leaves, or bands of rosettes or circles. The colour of the glaze
is lighter than at Graufesenque, the reliefs more delicately
modelled. The potters of this period, all of whom use form 29,
are Atepomarus, Cobnertus, Danomarus, Iliomarus, and Petrecus.
It will be noted that these are all Gaulish names, whereas those
at Graufesenque are all Latin.

To the second period (<sc>A.D.</sc> 75-110) belong the bowls of
form 37 with transitional or metope decoration, or in the
“free” style, which is employed by Libertus, an important
potter of Trajan’s reign. Exportations now first begin, and
examples are found on the Limes, but generally speaking they
are few in number, and while the Rutenian potteries existed the
output must have been limited. After the reign of Trajan,
however, large numbers were exported to Britain and Germany.
The cruciform ornamentation (p. #521#) is found on the forms 30
and 37, and a peculiar type of egg- or astragalus-pattern (borrowed
from Arretium) is used by Butrio and Libertus. Figure
subjects, introduced by Libertus, now become general, especially
animals and hunting-scenes (see for an example Plate #LXVIII:pl68#.
fig. 1). The typical potters of the period are Butrio, Libertus,
Carantinus, Divixtus (Plate #LXVIII:pl68#. fig. 2), Juliccus, Laxtucissa,
and Putrius.

The third period (110-260) is represented almost exclusively
by the form 37 with decoration in “free” style or large
medallions and wreaths; a few examples of form 30 and
the <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang> (Déchelette’s No. 68: cf. p. 529) are found. The
chief potters’ names are Advocatus, Banuus, Catussa, Cinnamus
(Plate LXVIII. fig. 3), Doeccus, Lastuca, Paternus, and
Servus. Of these, Paternus belongs to the period of the
Antonines, and he and Cinnamus, says M. Déchelette, represent
the apogee of the prosperity of Lezoux, and of its export
commerce. The period of degeneration is marked by the
appearance of barbotine decoration and imitations of metal
(see below). It is difficult to say exactly when the potteries
came to an end, but there is no evidence that <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>
was manufactured after the third century, and Plicque is probably
right in attributing their destruction to the German
invaders in the reign of Gallienus.
.bn 583.png
.pn +1

The wares characteristic of the earlier period include <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> of
coarse clay and other plain fabrics, as well as the various types
of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>. Among the latter are examples of importations
from the Graufesenque and Banassac potteries and other
places in the Aveyron district, but the majority are of local
manufacture. These include, besides the moulded red wares
with figured decoration and potters’ stamps, orange-red wares,
yellow polished wares (often micaceous), and black ware with
barbotine ornamentation, on which potters’ stamps are not
found. Lezoux was also a centre for the enamelled glazed
wares which have been described in Chapter III. In the later
period the red wares are ornamented with figures from moulds,
or with barbotine, or have lion’s-head spouts (see below). The
marbled vases (p. #523#) are also found, and in the third century
the vases with <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> reliefs, with incised or hollowed-out
ornamentation, or bronzed in imitation of metal, are the prevailing
types.[3522]

The salient points of difference between the earlier and later
fabrics, says Plicque, are these. The clay of the earlier is only
baked to a small degree of heat and is not vitreous, but is
exceedingly porous. It is also frequently full of micaceous
particles. Subsequently it becomes more vitreous but less
porous; it is more compact and sonorous, free from mica, and
more brilliant and lustrous. In the earlier, the forms are artistic
and symmetrical, the ornament sober and elegant, remarkable
for its taste and simplicity. The figures are enclosed in medallions,
and the ornaments consist of rays or rounded leaves, rows
of beads, and guilloche-patterns. In the later, the art degenerates,
the ornamentation becoming heavy and overcrowded,
and the figures are broken up and badly arranged; the forms
of the vases, too, become heavier. The principal decorative
pattern is the egg-and-tongue round the rim. In the potters’
stamps of the two first periods the letters have frequent
ligatures and abbreviations; the names are often in the
nominative or with <sc>OFFICINA</sc> <em>preceding</em> the name. Later, the
letters are coarser and ligatures are rare; the names are
usually in the genitive, <em>followed</em> by <sc>M</sc> (<lang=la><em>manu</em></lang>) or <lang=la><sc>OF</sc>(<i>ficina</i></lang>).
.bn 584.png
.pn +1
The characteristic
.pm ii glyph_v_529.jpg 12 15 U '' ''
for <sc>V</sc> found in the middle of the second
century should be noted.

Among the subsidiary fabrics of Lezoux the most remarkable
is that of the vases with <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang> reliefs.[3523] They are formed
entirely on the wheel, and the decoration is made separately
from moulds (p. #440#), and attached with barbotine, either in the
form of a medallion or with an irregular outline, varying with
the figure. Barbotine in many cases is also employed for
foliage patterns filling in the background. The usual form is
that of a spherical or ovoid vase (Plate #LXIX:pl49#. fig. 2), which
may perhaps be termed an <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang>,[3524] with short neck and no
handles. It may be noted in passing that such shapes could not
conveniently be moulded, hence the variation of form when we
pass from <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> to other methods of decoration. In
the third century this combined process largely supplanted the
moulded wares at Lezoux. The paste and glaze, however, are
identical with the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>. No potters’ signatures have
been found on these vases, but they occur all over Gaul,
including Belgium and Switzerland, and also in Britain. In the
British Museum (Romano-British Room) there are two very
fine specimens found at Felixstowe in Suffolk, one of which is
that given on Plate #LXIX:pl49#. Roach-Smith mentions others from
London, York, and Richborough,[3525] and they are also known at
Évreux in France. A good but imperfect example from Gaul
is in the Morel Collection, now in the British Museum, and
has figures of Herakles and Maenads. The modelling in some
cases is admirable, especially in the Felixstowe vases, and in the
London specimens published by Roach-Smith, with masks and
figures of Cupid. These vases represent the latest stage of the
ceramic industry of Lezoux.

Another class of vases made at this centre which may be
mentioned here includes a series of <lang=la><em>paterae</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>oinochoae</em></lang>, and
<lang=la><em>trullae</em></lang> (p. #470#) with ornamented handles, all obviously made in
imitation of metal.[3526] Of the <lang=la><em>paterae</em></lang> there is a good example
.bn 585.png
.pn +1
in the British Museum from the Towneley Collection, ornamented
with athletic contests and cock-fights round the edge.
M. Déchelette (ii. p. 319) thinks some of the oinochoae made at
Vichy may be imitations of the bronze jugs which are found
at Pompeii, but many seem to be of a later date.

During the period <sc>A.D.</sc> 100-400, and especially in the third
century, a class of red wares appears at Lezoux in the form of
large bowls with spouts in the shape of lions’ heads.[3527] These were
wrongly identified by Plicque with the <lang=la><em>acratophorus</em></lang> (p. #464#), but
they are clearly mortars (<lang=la><em>pelves</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang>), in which food was
ground or cooked, the spout serving the purpose of straining off
liquid. The lions’ heads are made from moulds and attached
with barbotine. Some of these have potters’ names. As a class
they must be distinguished from the plain <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang> of grey or
yellow ware described below (p. #551#).

.tb

With the South of France it is necessary to connect a series
of medallions with reliefs, intended for attachment to vases
of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> ware.[3528] In one or two cases the vases themselves
have been preserved, but usually the medallions alone remain;
there are also examples of the moulds in which they were made.[3529]
Nearly all of these have been found in the valley of the Rhone,
at Orange or Vienne,[3530] the rest in other parts of France, such as
Lezoux, along the Rhine, or at Rome (two examples). They
were probably made at Vienne; but there was also a fabric in
Germany, examples of which occur at Cologne, Trier, and Xanten.
The subjects of the reliefs are very varied, ranging from
figures of deities to gladiators or even animals; they frequently
bear inscriptions, and their date is the third century after Christ.

.il id=fig227 fn=fig227_586.jpg w=436px ew=90%
.ca FIG. 227. MEDALLION FROM VASE OF SOUTHERN GAUL: SCENE FROM THE <cite>CYCNUS</cite> (BRITISH MUSEUM).

As long ago as 1873 Froehner published a series from Orange,[3531]
with such subjects as Apollo, Venus Victrix, Mars and Ilia,
a figure of Lugdunum personified, the freeing of Prometheus
and the death of Herakles, Dionysos and Ariadne, a bust of
.bn 586.png
.pn +1
Hermes, a gladiator, a cock and hens, and a bust of the
Emperor Geta, the last-named serving as an indication of date
for the whole series. Several were inscribed, that with Venus
Victrix having <lang=la><sc>CERA FELICIS</sc></lang>, which probably refers to the
wax in which the figures were first modelled, though some
have thought that it represents the Greek <lang=grc>κερα(μέως)</lang>. Another          // Tr: kera(meôs)
trio from Orange[3532] represent respectively:—(1) a chariot race in
the circus, with the inscriptions <lang=la><sc>FELICITER, LOGISMUS</sc></lang> (a horse’s
name), and <lang=la><sc>PRASIN</sc>(<i>a</i>) <sc>F</sc>(<i>actio</i>)</lang>, “the green party”; (2) Fig. #227:fig227#,
a scene from a play, probably the <cite>Cycnus</cite>, in which Herakles is
saying to Ares, the would-be avenger of his son, “<lang=la>(Invicta) virtus
nusquam terreri potest</lang>,” the god proclaiming “<lang=la>Adesse ultorem
nati me credas mei</lang>”; in the background, on a raised stage or
<lang=grc>θεολογεῖον</lang>, are deities; (3) an actor in female costume. There           // Tr: theologeion
.bn 587.png
.pn +1
are also three in the Hermitage Museum at Petersburg, of
which two represent Poseidon, the third Hermes.[3533] Caylus also
gives a representation of a vase with three such medallions,
with busts of Pluto and Persephone, Mars and Ilia, and two
gladiators.[3534] Where gladiators with names appear it may be
assumed that they are portraits of real people, and Déchelette
argues from this that the vases were made specially in connection
with gladiatorial (or theatrical) performances.

.il id=fig228 fn=fig228_587.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<s>From <lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang></s>
FIG. 228. MEDALLION FROM VASE OF SOUTHERN GAUL: ATALANTA AND
HIPPOMEDON.
.ca-

An interesting group found at Vienne and Vichy[3535] have
subjects taken from the Thirteenth Iliad, such as Deiphobos and
the Locrian Ajax, or Hector fighting the Achaeans. Among
the remaining examples known the most interesting are three
from Orange, one of which represents a festival in honour
.bn 588.png
.pn +1
of Isis, the other two, the victory of Hippomedon over Atalanta
(Fig. #228:fig228#), with an inscription of three lines:

.nf b
<lang=la>Respicit ad malum pernicibus ignea plantis,</lang>
<lang=la>Quae pro dote parat mortem quicumque fugaci</lang>
<lang=la>Velox in cursu cessasset virgine visa.</lang>[3536]
.nf-

Reference has already been made to a paper by M. Blanchet,
in which he gives a list of the sites in Gaul on which pottery
appears to have been made (see p. #443#). But in the majority
of these cases plain wares must have been the only output.
Moulded wares, as Déchelette points out, required skill and
resource to produce.[3537] In any case, very few types are found
on moulded wares which cannot be also associated with
Graufesenque or Lezoux, and any made on other sites must
have followed the same methods of decoration.[3538] The places
given in Blanchet’s list cover practically the whole extent of
France, though the principal centres of activity were always
the Aveyron and Allier districts and the Rhone valley.
In the neighbourhood of Lezoux, for instance, vases were
made at Clermont-Ferrand, Lubié, St.-Bonnet, and Thiers. At
Nouâtre, Indre-et-Loire, was an important pottery, not yet fully
investigated; and others were at Rozier (Lozère), Auch (Gers),
Montauban, Luxueil (Haute-Saône), St.-Nicholas near Nancy,
and Aoste (Isère), where vases of characteristic originality were
made.[3539] But it is not likely that any future investigations will
displace Graufesenque and Lezoux as the chief centres for
Gaulish <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>.

.h4
3. <sc>The Fabrics of Germany</sc>

In Germany the oldest and one of the most important
sites for pottery is Andernach,[3540] between Bonn and Coblenz,
where however, it must be borne in mind, there was no local
.bn 589.png
.pn +1
manufacture; its importance is mainly as a site yielding
valuable chronological evidence. The finds extend from the
beginning of the first century down to about <sc>A.D.</sc> 250, the
earlier objects finding parallels in cemeteries at Trier and
Regensburg which can be similarly dated. Generally speaking,
it has been observed that Roman remains begin on the left bank
of the Rhine a century earlier than those in the border forts
on the Limes, which cover the period from <sc>A.D.</sc> 100 to 250.

<lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang> with reliefs is comparatively rare, though,
as we have seen, it was at an early period exported from
Gaul, and the pottery consists chiefly of ordinary wares, red,
grey, and black, usually of good and careful execution, with
thin walls. Much of this common pottery may be assumed
to be of local manufacture. The characteristic types of the
first century are simple jugs of plain ware without slip for
funerary or domestic use; vases with white slip (also found
at Regensburg); black ware bowls and dishes, sometimes with
potters’ stamps; black and grey cinerary urns. These forms
include small urns and the usual cups and bowls with straight
or sloping sides, replaced after <sc>A.D.</sc> 100 by spherical-bodied jars
with narrow necks. The decoration comprises all the varieties
we have included in the foregoing survey: barbotine, incised
linear patterns, impressed patterns made with the thumb, and
raised ornaments such as plain knobs or leaves worked with
the hand. In the third century painted decoration is introduced,
as in the black ware drinking-vessels with inscriptions
described below (p. #537#).

At Xanten (Castra Vetera), lower down the Rhine, large
quantities of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> have been found, which can be dated
by means of coin-finds from the beginning of the first century
down to the third. During this period a steady degeneration
in the pottery may be observed, although glass fabrics correspondingly
improve; in the time of the Antonines the clay
is coarse and often artificially coloured with red lead or other
ingredients, producing what was formerly known as “false
Samian” ware.[3541]
.bn 590.png
.pn +1

An exceptionally interesting centre, and in some respects
the most important in Germany, is that at <b>Westerndorf</b> on
the Inn, between Augsburg and Salzburg, where the coins
range from about <sc>A.D.</sc> 160 to 330. It was first explored in 1807
and as long ago as 1862 the results were carefully investigated
and summarised by Von Hefner in a still valuable treatise.[3542]
The pottery includes <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> of the later types, and
plain red, yellow, and grey wares, sometimes covered with
a non-lustrous grey or reddish slip, or with black varnish,
the latter have very thin walls and are baked very hard.
The decoration of the <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> comprises all the usual
types,[3543] the forms being also those prevalent elsewhere, with
the addition of a covered jar or <em>pyxis</em>, but the figures are
confined to the cylindrical or hemispherical bowls (Nos. 30 and
37).[3544] The plain wares include cinerary urns, deep bowls or jars,
with simple ornament, open bowls with impressed patterns, and
<lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang>.

Of some peculiarities of the potters’ stamps we have already
spoken (p. #510#); they are found in the form of oblongs or human
feet, and more rarely in circles, half-moons, or spirals, the letters
being both in relief and incised. Trade marks were sometimes
used, the potter Sentis, for instance, using a thorn-twig by
way of a play on his name. Names are both in the nominative
and genitive, with some abbreviated form in the one case of
<sc>FECIT</sc>, in the other of <sc>MANVS</sc> or <sc>OFFICINA</sc>.[3545] Local names are
clearly to be seen in those of Belatullus, Iassus, and Vologesus.

Another important centre of fabric in Germany is <b>Rheinzabern</b>
(Tabernae Rhenanae) near Speier, which probably shared
with Westerndorf a monopoly of the moulded wares.[3546] The
pottery found here is mostly in the Speier Museum; it is
almost all of form 37, with its typical decoration, and the
fabric does not seem to have been established before the second
century. The chief potters’ names are Belsus, Cerialis, Cobnertus,
Comitialis, Julius, Juvenis, Mammillianus, Primitivus,
.bn 591.png
.pn +1
and Reginus. The British Museum possesses moulds for large
bowls with free friezes of animals, one with the stamp of
Cerialis[3547]; there was little export to Gaul, but a considerable
amount to Britain. M. Déchelette notes the similarity of the
types to those of Lezoux, and suggests that Rheinzabern is an
offshoot from the latter pottery. This site has also produced
barbotine wares,[3548] which bear a remarkable superficial resemblance
to that of Castor (see below, p. #544#), and have been
wrongly identified therewith[3549]; but they are not found at Castor,
and in point of fact differ widely in artistic merit, being far
superior to the British fabric, as has been pointed out by Mr.
Haverfield.[3550] The ornamentation is a formal and conventional
imitation of classical models, whereas the Castor ware is
only classical in its elements, and is otherwise barbaric yet
unconventional.

It is possible that Trier, and in fact all places mentioned in a
preceding chapter (p. #453#) as sites of kilns may be regarded as
centres of manufacture, though in only a few cases was anything
made beyond the ordinary plain wares. Of the latter a useful
summary has been made by Koenen,[3551] chiefly from the technical
point of view, which it may be worth while to recapitulate.
He divides the pottery of the Rhine district (which may be
taken as typical) into three main classes: the first transitional
from the La Tène period[3552] to Roman times; the second, native
half-baked cinerary urns; the third, Roman pottery, ousting
the other two. The first two classes cover the local hand-made
wares of grey, brown, or black clay, which are clearly
of native make, and like the similar wares of Britain and Gaul
hardly come under the heading of Roman pottery, though subsequently
they felt its influence. The Roman pottery proper
(which can be well studied in the museums of Bonn, Trier, and
elsewhere on the Rhine) is divided by Koenen into three periods:
Early, Middle, and Late Empire. Roman wares first appear
.bn 592.png
.pn +1
with coins of Augustus, and at this period exercise much
influence on the La Tène types, producing a sort of mixed
style, usually of greyish or black clay with impressed or incised
ornament, subsequently replaced by barbotine. The <lang=la><em>terra
sigillata</em></lang> is either of the superior deep red variety with sharp
outlines and details, which we have seen to emanate from
Gaul, or else plain ware of a light red hue (“false Samian”),
without ornament.[3553] But as Hölder has pointed out,[3554] the settlement
of the chronology of German pottery (apart from the
<lang=la><em>sigillata</em></lang>) is particularly
difficult, because we are
dealing with a purely
utilitarian fabric, which
consequently preserved
its forms unaltered
through a considerable
period; moreover, there
must have been many
local fabrics and little
exportation, which
makes comparison
difficult.

.il id=fig229 fn=fig229_592.jpg align=r w=250px ew=60%
.ca FIG. 229. GERMAN JAR WITH CONVIVIAL INSCRIPTION (BRITISH MUSEUM).

To the German
fabrics belong a group
of vases with painted
inscriptions found on
the Lower Rhine, and
less frequently in North and East France.[3555] They occur in the
second century at the Saalburg, and last down to the fourth;
large numbers have also been found at Trier, and other examples
at Mesnil and Étaples (Gessoriacum) in France.[3556] The usual form
is that of a round-bellied cup or jar (Fig. #229:fig229#), with a more or
less high stem and plain moulded mouth. Their ornamentation
.bn 593.png
.pn +1
is confined to berries, vine-tendrils, and scrolls, at first naturalistic,
afterwards becoming conventionalised; but their chief interest
lies in the inscriptions, which, like those of the Banassac type
described above (p. #524#), are of a convivial character. They
are painted in bold well-formed capitals, in the same white
pigment which is used for the ornamentation; the following
examples will serve as specimens:

.in 10
.nf
<lang=la><sc>AMAS ME, AMO, AMO TE CONDITE.</sc></lang>[3557]
<lang=la><sc>AVE, AVE COPO, AVETE.</sc></lang>[3558]
<lang=la><sc>BELLVS SVA</sc>(<i>deo?</i>).</lang>[3559]
<lang=la><sc>BIBE, BIBATIS, BIBAMVS PIE, BIBE VIVAS, BIBE VIVAS</lang>
  <lang=la>MVLTIS ANNIS.</sc></lang>[3560]
<lang=la><sc>DA BIBERE, DA MERVM, DA MI, DA VINVM.</sc></lang>[3561]
<lang=la><sc>DE ET DO, DOS</sc></lang> (= <lang=grc>δός</lang>).[3562]                      // Tr: dos
<lang=la><sc>EME.</sc></lang>[3563]
<lang=la><sc>FAVENTIBVS.</sc></lang>[3564]
<lang=la><sc>FELIX.</sc></lang>[3565]
<lang=la><sc>FE</sc>(r)<sc>O VINVM TIBI DVLCIS.</sc></lang>[3566]
<lang=la><sc>GAVDIO.</sc></lang>[3567]
<lang=la><sc>IMPLE.</sc></lang>[3568]
<lang=la><sc>LVDE.</sc></lang>[3569]
<lang=la><sc>MISCE, MISCE MI, MISCE VIVAS.</sc></lang>[3570]
<lang=la><sc>MITTE MERVM.</sc></lang>[3571]
<lang=la><sc>PETE.</sc></lang>[3572]
<lang=la><sc>REPLE, REPLE ME COPO MERI.</sc></lang>[3573]
.bn 594.png
.pn +1
<lang=la><sc>SESES</sc> = <sc>ZESES</sc></lang> = <lang=grc>ζήσαις</lang>.[3574]              // Tr: zêsais
<lang=la><sc>SITIO, SITIS.</sc></lang>[3575]
<lang=la><sc>VALE, VALIAMVS.</sc></lang>[3576]
<lang=la><sc>VINVM, VINVM TIBI DVLCIS.</sc></lang>[3577]
<lang=la><sc>VITA.</sc></lang>[3578]
<lang=la><sc>VIVE, VIVAS, VIVAMVS, VIVAS FELIX, VIVE BIBE MVLTIS.</sc></lang>[3579]
.nf-
.in

To this list must be added a remarkable vase of the same
class found at Mainz in 1888,[3580] with the inscription <lang=la><sc>ACCIPE M</sc>(<i>esi</i>)<sc>TIE</sc>(<i>n</i>)<sc>S
ET TRADE SODALI</sc></lang>, “Take me when you are thirsty
and pass me on to your comrade.” Above the inscription are
seven busts of deities, Sol, Luna, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus,
and Saturn, representing the seven days of the week; both the
design and the inscription, however, are incised, not painted.

.h4
4. <sc>Roman Pottery in the Netherlands, Spain, and Britain</sc>

In <b>Holland and Belgium</b> finds of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> and potters’
stamps are recorded from various sites, such as Arentsburg,
Rossem, Rousse, near Oudenarde, Voorburg, between Utrecht
and Leyden, and Wyk-by-Durstede, and also at Utrecht.[3581] At
Vechten near Utrecht, the ancient Fictio on the road from
Lugdunum (Leiden) to Noviomagus (Nimeguen) finds were
made in 1868 which confirm the activity of the Rutenian
potters in the first century.[3582] These discoveries included coins
extending from the Republican period down to Trajan, and
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> of the Graufesenque type, with many names of
potters belonging to that region.
.bn 595.png
.pn +1

In <b>Spain</b> finds have been made on various sites, and there are
numerous examples in the museum at Tarragona[3583]; at Murviedro,
the site of the ancient Saguntum, which, as we have seen, is
mentioned by Pliny and Martial as an important centre,
various kinds of Roman ware have come to light, some with
potters’ stamps, but no evidence remains of potteries or of any
local manufacture.

.tb

In <b>Britain</b>—at least in England—finds of Roman pottery
have been so plentiful and so universal that it is difficult to
select typical centres for discussion. It must also be borne
in mind that, with the exception of the plain wares and a few
other fabrics, such as the Castor ware, we have not to deal with
local manufactures. A certain quantity of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> may
have been imported from Germany (<i>e.g.</i> from Westerndorf),[3584]
but by far the greater proportion is from Gaul, as is shown by
the potters’ names.

We propose in the first place to review briefly the types of
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> which occur in Britain.[3585] The bowls of forms 29
and 30, which are found in Germany in the first century, do not
occur on the Roman Wall, and we have already seen that they
are not later than Hadrian’s time; but they are common in the
South of Britain, as at London and Colchester. Roach-Smith[3586]
and other earlier writers have published specimens of these
older forms decorated with figures which have been found in
London, Bath, York, Caerleon,[3587] and elsewhere. The earliest
dateable examples of form 37 have been found with coins of
Nerva at Churchover in Warwickshire[3588]; this type is indeed
common all over Britain, and is one of the few varieties of
<lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> occurring in the North. It is found at South
Shields, along the Roman Wall, and in Scotland at Birrens in
Dumfriesshire.[3589] Pottery of the second century is represented
.bn 596.png
.pn +1
by a variety of the same form, with a moulded ridge breaking
the outline in the middle[3590]; this would seem to be a type which
also occurs in Germany during the second and third centuries.
Mr. Haverfield states that this form is found at South Shields
and in Yorkshire, and is imitated at Silchester. Of the principal
subjects on these we have already given some description
(p. #508#). Finally, there is the wide shallow type, approximating
to the mortar or <lang=la><em>pelvis</em></lang>, the upper part of which forms externally
a flat, vertical band, projecting beyond and forming a tangent
with the general curve of the bowl; this is usually ornamented
with lions’ heads in relief. This variety is not earlier than the
second century, and is also found in the third; we have already
seen that it was made at Lezoux.[3591]

It is important to note that all the places mentioned as
yielding bowls of forms 29 and 30 were occupied at least as
early as <sc>A.D.</sc> 85, perhaps as early as <sc>A.D.</sc> 50. But the style of
these bowls may have lasted longer; at all events, the varieties
are so numerous as to show a development for which some time
is required. There is also a distinct development in the plain
band round the upper edge of the bowl, which, at first a mere
beading, becomes broader and more vertical by degrees. It
may, however, be assumed that, as none are found north of
York, it disappeared from Britain, as from Gaul and Germany,
before <sc>A.D.</sc> 100.

The ware formerly known as “false Samian” (Dragendorff’s
<em>hellroth</em>)[3592] appears in several varieties. The light red or orange
colour is produced by a kind of slip of pounded pottery
laid over the surface. Vases of this type, glazed within and
without with a thin reddish-brown and somewhat lustrous
glaze, occur in London, and a good specimen was found
many years ago at Oundle in Northants, but has since disappeared.[3593]
It was a fine vase, of light-red clay with red-brown
glaze, resembling the Gaulish <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>, and had some
claim to artistic merit. The subject was Pan holding up a
.bn 597.png
.pn +1
mask, and three draped figures, and it bore the stamp of
the Gaulish potter Libertus (<sc>OF · LIBERTI</sc>), who, as we have
seen, worked at Lezoux.[3594] This ware is often coarse, and ornamented
externally with rude white scrolls painted in opaque
colour,[3595] and there is a variety found at Castor, of red glazed
ware with a metalloid lustre, the clay itself varying from white
to yellowish-brown or orange.[3596] Both shapes and ornaments
resemble those of the Castor black ware (see below), and it
seems likely that this is actually a local fabric, the difference
in colouring being due to the degree of heat employed in
the firing.

The number of potters’ names found on these wares in Britain
is very large, those in the seventh volume of the Latin <lang=la><em>Corpus</em></lang>
amounting to about 1,500.[3597] This list, published in 1873, of
course superseded all those previously drawn up by the Hon.
R. C. Neville, by Roach-Smith, and by Thomas Wright.[3598]
Roach-Smith, however, performed a useful service in tabulating
the list of names found in London along with those from Douai
and other sites in France,[3599] which went far to prove the Gaulish
origin of the British <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>. It is not, therefore,
necessary to discuss the potters’ names found in Britain in
further detail.[3600] Besides the potters’ stamps, incised inscriptions
sometimes occur on the pottery, giving the owner’s name or
other items of information (see above, p. #512#).

To give a detailed account of all the sites in Britain on
which Roman pottery has been found would be a task entailing
more labour and occupying more space than the results would
justify. Not only do the sites cover almost the whole of the
country from the Roman Wall to the Isle of Wight, and from
Exeter to Norfolk, but the disinterring of the material from
miscellaneous and often unscientific records, or from scattered
.bn 598.png
.pn +1
and uncatalogued collections, would be a truly gigantic achievement.
It should, however, be achieved; but this will only be
by co-operation, each county performing its share of the work,
as has been done in a few cases. The Society of Antiquaries
has issued archaeological surveys of certain counties,[3601] which
without entering into details tabulate the sites of Roman
remains; and it is to be hoped that forthcoming volumes of
the <cite>Victoria County History</cite> will do for other counties what
those already published have done for Hampshire, Norfolk,
Northants, etc. The most representative collections are those
of the British Museum and the Guildhall in London, and of
the provincial museums at Colchester, Reading, York, and
elsewhere.

We now turn to the consideration of the local products of
Romano-British potters. Exclusive of the plain unornamented
wares which were made in many places, as the numerous remains
of kilns show (cf. p. 454), there are only three distinct
fabrics to be mentioned. In all of these the ware is black, with
or without a glaze, but the style of ornamentation varies.

By far the most important centre, not only for the quantity
of pottery it has yielded and the extent of its furnaces, but
also for the artistic merit of its products, is that of <b>Castor</b>, in
Northamptonshire. Of the numerous traces of furnaces and
workshops discovered here, in the neighbouring villages of
Wansford, Sibson, Chesterton, and in the Bedford Purlieus, we
have already spoken in a previous chapter (p. #444# ff.); it now
only remains to discuss the technical and artistic aspects of
the pottery.

Artis has recorded that the pieces of pottery found in or
near the kilns show great variety of form and style, including
the red imitations of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang>, pieces ornamented with
“machine-turned” patterns,[3602] and dark-coloured ware with reliefs
or ornament in white paint. But the characteristic and commonest
Castor ware has a white paste coloured by means of a
slip with a dark slate-coloured surface; the usual form is that
.bn 599.png
.pn +1
of a small jar on a stem with plain cylindrical mouth. Some
are merely marked with indentations made by the potter’s
thumb,[3603] or with rude patterns laid on the intervening ridges;
but others have designs laid on <lang=fr><em>en barbotine</em></lang> in a slip of the
same colour as the vase, and others of rarer occurrence are
decorated in white paint with conventional foliated patterns,[3604]
somewhat resembling the Rhenish wares described on p. 537.
Haverfield reproduces a fragment of a vase on which are painted
in white and yellow a man’s head in peaked cap, and an arm
holding an axe.[3605] The barbotine variety is the most typical, and
is by no means confined to this site. It is often found in Central
and Eastern England, and even in the Netherlands. One of
the finest specimens was found at Colchester in 1853,[3606] containing
calcined bones, and ornamented with figures over which
inscriptions are incised. The subjects, arranged in friezes,
include two stags, a hare, and a dog, interspersed with foliations;
two men training a dancing-bear, one of whom holds a whip
and is protected by armour; and a combat of two gladiators
(<lang=la><em>murmillo</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>Thrax</em></lang>) of a type familiar to us from Roman
lamps (see p. #416#). Over the heads of the men with the bear
is inscribed, <sc>SECVNDVS MARIO</sc>; over the gladiators, <sc>MEMN</sc>(<i>o</i>)<sc>N</sc>
<sc>SAC · VIIII</sc> and <sc>VALENTINV · LEGIONIS · XXX</sc>, respectively. The
meaning of the inscriptions is not quite clear, but the last one
certainly seems to allude to games taking place at the post
of the thirtieth legion—<i>i.e.</i> the Lower Rhine. For this and
other reasons Mr. Haverfield is of opinion that the vase may
have been made in that district and not at Castor, and it is
not, of course, impossible that such ware was not confined to
Britain.[3607] This would, at any rate, explain its presence in the
Netherlands. Mr. Arthur Evans has noted the presence of an
unfinished piece of Castor ware in a kiln at Littlemore, near
Oxford.[3608]

.pm onplate LXIX
.il id=pl69 fn=plate69_600.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca
<sc>Types of Romano-British Pottery: Castor Ware, etc.</sc>

<s><sc>The Vase with Incised Patterns is from Gaul (British Museum).</sc></s>
.ca-
.pm offplate

Hunting-scenes are also very popular, especially a huntsman
.bn 600.png
.bn 601.png
.bn 602.png
.pn +1
spearing a boar, or a hare or deer chased by stags, as on a
fine vase found at Water Newton, Hunts, in 1827.[3609] A specimen
in the British Museum with a race of four-horse chariots is
illustrated on Plate #LXIX:pl69#. Roach-Smith gives a remarkable
specimen with a mythological subject, that of Herakles and
Hesione[3610]; the subject is curiously treated, Hesione being
chained down with heavy weights. Another interesting but
fragmentary vase from Chesterford in Essex has figures of
Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, and Venus, and it may be assumed
that the complete subject was that of the seven deities represented
by the days of the week.[3611] Otherwise the potter is
content with animals, such as dolphins or fishes, or mere
foliations, ivy-wreaths, engrailed lines, and other ornamental
patterns.[3612]

In regard to the technique of these wares, Artis notes that
the indented patterns were made while the vase was “as pliable
as it could be taken from the lathe”; for the barbotine the
thumb or a rounded instrument was employed. Figures of
animals were executed with a kind of skewer on which the
slip was placed, a thicker variety being used for certain parts
to heighten the relief, and a more delicate instrument for
features and other details. No subsequent retouching was
possible. The vases were glazed subsequently to the application
of the barbotine; on the other hand, the decoration in white
paint was made after glazing. The glaze was, as we have
seen in Chapter XXI., p. #448#, produced by a deposit of carbon,
by the process known as “smothering”; it varies in quality,
being either dark without any metallic lustre, or with a metalloid
polish resembling that produced with black-lead.

The date of the Castor ware is difficult to ascertain, but it
must begin fairly early in the Roman period, on account of its
affinities with late Celtic pottery. Déchelette (ii. p. 310)
would date the ware towards the end of the third century. As
has already been pointed out (p. #536#), it is only the elements
.bn 603.png
.pn +1
of the decoration that are classical; they are treated in a
rude, debased manner, with the free unconventional handling
characteristic of barbaric art. “They are not an imitation,
but a recasting” according to the traditions of late Celtic or
Gaulish art,[3613] such as is displayed, for instance, in the ancient
British and Gallic coinage. The fantastic animals, the treatment
of the scrolls, and the dividing ornaments of beading, etc.,
between the subjects are essentially unclassical. Potters’ stamps
on this ware are exceedingly rare, an almost isolated instance
being <sc>CAMARO · F</sc> on a vase found at Lincoln.[3614]

Two other local varieties of black ware peculiar to Britain
are those known respectively as Upchurch and New Forest
ware. Although no remains of kilns have been found in the
former district, the pottery is obviously local, and its manufacture
appears to have extended along the banks of the
Medway from Rainham to Iwade, over what are now marshes,
but was then firm ground. The remains consist of a thin
finely-moulded bluish-black fabric, with graceful and varied
forms, ornamented with groups of small knobs in bands, squares,
circles, wavy, intersecting, or zigzag lines, or a characteristic
pattern of concentric semi-circles resting on bands of parallel
vertical lines (Plate LXIX. fig. 6). This ware has also been
found on the Continent, and may either have been exported or
else made in other places besides Upchurch; it is probably of
quite late date.[3615]

The clay is soft and easily scratched, and is covered with a
polish or lustre produced by friction; the composition is fine,
and the walls thin and well turned. It varies in tone from
greyish, like that of London clay, to a dull black. The vases
are mostly small (cups, bottles, jugs, small jars, and occasional
<lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang>), and some have ribbed sides; the ornamentation is
always either in the form of impressed lines or raised patterns
made by applying pieces of clay before the vase was baked.
.bn 604.png
.pn +1
No potters’ stamps have come to light, nor is this ware found
with coins or other Roman remains. Rough earthenware was
also made in the Medway district, of a red, yellow, or stone
colour.

The New Forest ware is found in the north-west part of the
Forest, between Fordingbridge and Bramshaw.[3616] It is sometimes
spoken of as “Crockhill ware,” from the local name of
the site of the furnaces, of which traces were found in 1852.
The pottery consists of two varieties, one of thin, hard, slate-coloured
ware, with patterns of leaves or grass painted in white
(Plate LXIX. fig. 5); these are small jars, averaging six
inches in height, sometimes moulded by the potter’s thumb into
an undulating circumference. There are points of resemblance
with the Castor ware. The other variety consists of a thicker
ware, with a dull white-yellowish ground and coarse foliated
patterns painted in red or brown, usually platters or dishes.
It is a rude and inartistic fabric, of obviously native origin and
resembling Celtic rather than any Roman or Italian pottery.
It is found on other sites in Hampshire, such as Bitterne
(Clausentum), and even as far north as Oxford.[3617] The date is
probably the third century of our era. With the kilns there
were found heaps of potsherds which had been spoiled in the
baking and rejected; they were vitrified so as to resemble
stoneware, and when again submitted to the action of fire,
cracked and split. The glaze with which the local blue clay
had been covered was of a dark-red colour and alkaline nature,
but had probably been affected by imperfect firing.

.h4
5. <sc>Plain Roman Wares</sc>

The plain unornamented and unglazed Roman pottery which
answered to the modern earthenware has usually been considered
by writers on the subject in a different category from
the glazed and ornamented wares. Although from the very
simplicity of its character it defies scientific classification, yet
.bn 605.png
.pn +1
it must be remembered that this common ware was not likely to
have been exported very far from the place of its origin, and
therefore where any differences can be observed in the nature
or appearance of the clay, in peculiarities of form or of technique,
it is not impossible to establish the existence of a local fabric.
But up to the present little has been done except in isolated
instances. Certain local wares have been recognised in Britain,
as will be noted below, besides the Castor, Upchurch, and New
Forest wares, some of which almost come under this heading;
and others, again, in Gaul. Similarly in Germany, attempts have
been made by Koenen and other writers to classify the plain
pottery whether according to form or on other principles (see
above, p. #536#).

Many years ago a rough but in some respects convenient
classification was made by Brongniart[3618] on the basis of the
colour of the clay employed, which he distinguished under four
heads: (1) pale yellow or white wares; (2) red wares, varying
to reddish-brown; (3) grey or ash-coloured wares; (4) black
wares. In the first division he included the large, often coarse,
vases, such as the <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>amphorae</em></lang>; under the second head
Roman ware of the first century, and under the third that of
subsequent date; while the fourth class comprised Gallo-Roman
and other provincial wares. A somewhat similar system, in
some respects even less chronological, was attempted by
Buckman,[3619] who distinguished brown ware as a separate fabric.
The obvious defect of these systems is that they are neither
chronological nor according to fabrics, and that their basis is
in many respects a purely accidental one; but at the same
time they have proved convenient for discussing plain ware
which does not admit of much consideration apart from its
forms and the general appearance of its composition. And at
all events they enable us to discuss examples of certain shapes
under one head, inasmuch as the <lang=la><em>amphorae</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> are nearly
all of the first class, the <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang> or <lang=la><em>pelves</em></lang> of the third, cups,
dishes, and flasks of the second and fourth, and so on.

The yellow ware[3620] is distinguished by its coarse clay, of a
.bn 606.png
.pn +1
greyish-white or yellow colour, varying to dirty white, grey, or
red. It is to this division that all the larger vases belong, such
as those used for storing wine and other commodities or for
funerary purposes, and the innumerable fragments of <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> and
<lang=la><em>amphorae</em></lang> which compose the Monte Testaccio at Rome.[3621]
Some of these vases were made on the wheel, but others were
modelled by hand and turned from within. Those used in
burial were usually of a globular form, or even <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> with the
necks and handles broken off, and contained cinerary urns and
glass vessels. We also find <lang=la><em>lagenae</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>trullae</em></lang> (saucepans), and
<lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang> made in this ware. Another remarkable variety may
be described as a kind of <lang=la><em>olla</em></lang>; its peculiarity is that it is
modelled in the form of a human head, much in the same style
as the primitive vases of Troy (Vol. I. p. #258:vol1_258#). A vase of this
type found at Bootham, near Lincoln, had painted on the foot
<sc>D</sc>(<i>e</i>)<sc>O MIIRCVRIO</sc>, “To the god Mercury,“ in brown letters.[3622]
The clay is light yellow, with a slip of the same colour.

A finer variety of this clay, often of a rosy tint, or white and
micaceous, was used for making the smaller vases, which are
thin and light, and all turned on the wheel.[3623] They are sometimes
ornamented with bands, lines, hatching, or leaves, slightly
indicated in dull ochre, laid on and fired with the vase. Some
specimens are covered with a flat white slip, of a more
uniform character than that employed on the Athenian vases.
In others the clay is largely mixed with grains of quartz. In
Britain little jars of a very white clay have sometimes been
found, as well as small bottles and dishes, painted inside
with patterns in a dull red or brown. They seem to have
formed a kind of finer ware for ornamental purposes, as well as
for the table.

The second class, that of the red wares, forms by far the
largest division of Roman plain pottery, and comprises most
of the kinds used for domestic purposes; it is found in all
forms and sizes, all over Europe, often covered with a coating
or slip, white, black, or red. This class may be considered
.bn 607.png
.pn +1
to include all varieties of red and reddish-brown ware, but
as a rule the clay varies in colour from pale rose to deep
coral, and in quality from a coarse gritty composition to a
fine compact and homogeneous paste. It is usually without
a glaze, and sometimes the clay is largely micaceous. To
enumerate all the shapes which illustrate this ware is unnecessary,
but the Romano-British and Morel Collections in the
British Museum—and in fact any representative collection of
Roman pottery—exhibit all the principal varieties, from the
cinerary urn to the so-called “tear-bottle” or unguent vase.
The principal shapes are also illustrated in the treatises of
Hölder and Koenen.

Among sepulchral vases of this ware were the <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang> in which
the ashes of slaves were placed in the <lang=la><em>columbaria</em></lang> at Rome,
tall jars with moulded rims and flat saucer-shaped covers.[3624] In
Roman tombs in Gaul and Britain these <lang=la><em>ollae</em></lang> are usually
placed inside large <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang> or amphorae, to protect them from
the weight of the superincumbent earth.[3625] In Britain they
have been found at Lincoln, on the sites of Roman settlements
along the Dover Road, at Colchester, and in other
places, and as many as twenty thousand are recorded as
having been found at Bordeaux.[3626] After the introduction of
Christianity this practice seems to have been abandoned, but
vases of smaller size continued to be placed round the bones
of the dead.

The grey wares were usually made of fine clay, of which
there were two varieties: a sandy loam like that of which
bricks are made on the borders of the chalk formations in
England, and a heavy stone-coloured paste, sonorous when
struck, which has been compared to the clay of modern
Staffordshire ware. The colour of the first-named is light
and its texture brittle, and it was chiefly used for <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang>,
or for cooking-vessels which were exposed to the heat of
the fire. The <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang> resemble modern milk-pans, being
flat, with overlapping edges and a grooved spout opening
.bn 608.png
.pn +1
in front. They appear to have been used both for cooking,
many bearing traces of the action of fire, and for grinding
food or other commodities, the latter purpose probably
explaining the presence, in the interior of many examples,
of small pebbles, or a hard coating of pounded tile, to
counteract the effects of trituration. They are usually of a
hard coarse texture, but compact and heavy, and their colour
varies from pale red to bright yellow or creamy white.

.il id=fig230 fn=fig230_608.jpg align=r w=350px ew=75%
.ca FIG. 230. ROMAN MORTARIUM FROM RIBCHESTER (BRITISH MUSEUM).

They are frequently stamped with the name of the potter,
placed in a square or rectangular panel on the rim and often
arranged in two lines. The names are either single, denoting
the work of slaves, as Albinus, Brixsa, Catulus, Sollus, and
Marinus, or double and occasionally even triple, for the work
of freedmen, as Q.
Valerius, Sex. Valerius,
Q. Averus Veranius,
and so on.[3627] The example
given in Fig. #230:fig230#
is from Ribchester in
Lancashire, and bears
the stamp <sc>BORIED</sc>(<i>us</i>)
<sc>F</sc>(<i>ecit</i>). A <i>mortarium</i>
recently dug up in
Bow Lane, London, now in the Guildhall Museum, has the
name of Averus Veranius with <sc>O · GARR · FAC</sc> in smaller type
between the words, apparently referring to the place of manufacture.[3628]
One of the commonest names is that of Ripanus
Tiberinus, who gives the name of the place where he worked:
<lang=la><sc>RIPANVS · TIBER · F · | LVGVDV FACT</sc>, <em>Ripanus Tiber(inus) f(ecit);
Lugudu(ni) fact(um)</em></lang>.[3629] The potters’ names are usually accompanied
by the letters <sc>OF</sc> or <sc>F</sc>. The mortaria vary from seven
to twenty-three inches in diameter, and are found in England,
France, Germany, and Switzerland. Of the second or heavier
variety a curious vase in the form of a human head was found
.bn 609.png
.pn +1
at Castor[3630]; much of the New Forest ware also comes under
the same heading,[3631] including the small cups with pinched-in
sides, some being covered with a slip of micaceous consistency.

Of black ware many varieties have been found in Gaul and
Britain, besides the special local wares which have already been
described. Some were employed as funerary urns, but the
majority are of small size, and in quality they vary from the
extremest coarseness to a fine polished clay, producing an effect
almost equal to the Greek or Etruscan black wares. The finest
specimens of plain black ware are to be seen in the vases with
a highly polished surface, presenting a metallic appearance and
an olive hue which almost approximates to that of bronze.
Examples of this ware are found in Gaul at Lezoux, in Britain
at Castor, and elsewhere.[3632]

In the first century after Christ a superior kind of black ware
seems to have been made in Northern Gaul and Germany,
described by Dragendorff as “Belgic black ware.”[3633] The clay
is bluish-grey, with black polished surface produced like that of
the bucchero ware by smoke, not like the black glaze of later
Roman ware. A similar variety of grey ware exists, but without
glaze or polish. The forms of the vases vary very much from
the Roman, including a typical high, slim urn and other more
squat forms, closely imitating metal; they bear some relation
to those of the La Tène period, and are Celtic or Gaulish rather
than German.[3634] Such ornamentation as they bear is exclusively
linear, and never in relief. There is, however, a Roman form of
plate which often occurs, and, generally speaking, the fabric
may be described as a continuation of pre-Roman pottery
influenced by Italy. It is well represented at Xanten and
Andernach, but is not found on the Limes, and is rare in
Britain; it does not seem to have been made after the beginning
of the Flavian epoch, when it was largely superseded by the
ordinary Roman black glazed wares.

A special kind of black ware seems to have been made in the
.bn 610.png
.pn +1
valley of the Rhone, consisting of pots of a coarse, gritty paste
with micaceous particles, breaking with a coarse fracture of a
dark red colour. They have been mostly found at Vienne,
where they seem to have been made. The bottom of the vase
is usually impressed with a circular stamp with the potter’s
name in late letters, as <lang=la><sc>L · CASSI · O</sc>, <sc>F</sc>(<i>ir</i>)<sc>MINVS · F</sc>, <sc>SEVVO · F</sc>,
<sc>SIMILIS · F</sc></lang> (from Aix).[3635] The well-known name of Fortis has
also been found on black ware from Aix.

In Britain black ware is, as elsewhere, exceedingly common,
and a typical group of the smaller varieties is afforded by a
series of five found in a sarcophagus at Binsted in Hampshire,
now in the British Museum,[3636] consisting of two <em>calices</em>, a jar (<lang=la><em>olla</em></lang>),
an <lang=la><em>acetabulum</em></lang>, and a kind of candlestick. The Upchurch ware
largely belongs to this category, and much of the same kind has
been found at Weymouth.

Brown ware of a very coarse style is often found with other
Roman remains, consisting of amphorae and other vessels for
domestic use. Examples of amphorae and jugs with female
heads modelled on the necks have been found at Richborough
and elsewhere.[3637]

At Wroxeter the excavations yielded two new classes of
pottery, one consisting of narrow-necked jugs and <lang=la><em>mortaria</em></lang>,[3638]
very beautifully made from a white local clay, which has been
identified with that found at Broseley in the neighbourhood,
nowadays supplying material for the manufacture of tobacco-pipes.
The surface is decorated with red and yellow stripes.
The other kind is a variety of red ware which has been styled
“Romano-Salopian,” made from clay obtained in the Severn
valley, and differing from the common Roman ware.[3639] It is,
however, exceedingly doubtful whether these types should be
classed under the heading Roman.

In conclusion, it may be noted that although all provincial
.bn 611.png
.pn +1
museums contain more or less complete collections of the ordinary
plain fabrics, they are for the most part of strictly local
origin, and not in themselves sufficient for general study. But
since the acquisition of the Morel Collection by the British
Museum the student has ample facilities for investigating there
not only the fabrics of Britain, but also those of Gaul, of which
an exhaustive series is now incorporated in our national
collection.

.tb

With this review of the ceramic industries of the Roman
Empire, we conclude our survey of the pottery of the classical
world. We have followed its rise from the rough, almost
shapeless products of the Neolithic and earliest Bronze Age,
when the potter’s wheel was as yet unknown (on classical soil),
and decoration was not attempted, or was confined to the rudest
kinds of incised patterns. We have traced the development
of painted decoration from monochrome to polychrome, from
simple patterns to elaborate pictorial compositions, and so
to its gradual decay and disappearance under the luxurious
and artificial tendencies of the Hellenistic Age, when men
were ever seeking for new artistic departures, and a new system
of technique arose which finally substituted various forms of
decoration in relief for painting. And lastly, we have seen
how this new system established itself firmly in the domain
of Roman art, until with the gradual decay of artistic taste
and under the encroachments of barbarism, it sank into neglect
and oblivion. We observe, too, with a melancholy interest, that
while other arts, such as architecture, painting, and metal-work,
have left some sort of heritage to the later European civilisations,
and like the runners in the Greek torch-race
.nf b
vitai lampada tradunt,
.nf-
this is not so in the case of pottery. This art had, it would
seem, completely worn itself out, and had, in fact, returned
to the level of its earliest beginnings. The decorative element
disappears, and pottery becomes, as in its earliest days, a mere
utilitarian industry, the secrets of its former technical achievements
irrevocably lost, its ornamentation reduced to the simplest
.bn 612.png
.pn +1
and roughest kinds of decoration, and its status among the
products of human industry once more limited to the mere
supplying of one of the humblest of men’s needs.

But this was inevitable, and we must perforce be content;
for have we not seen, in the course of its rise and fall, a
reflection of the whole history of Greek art, from the humble
beginnings in which Pausanias descried the touch of something
divine which presaged its future greatness? It is unnecessary
to recapitulate the manner in which the successive
stages of Greek art are mirrored in the pottery, from the
first efforts of the Athenian potter down to the eclecticism
of the Arretine ware. Let it suffice to say that the object
of this work has been twofold: firstly, to show the many-sided
interests of the historical study of ancient pottery;
secondly, to point out its value to the student of ancient
art and mythology: and that it is the modest hope of the
writer that this object has been in some measure fulfilled.

.fm

.fn 3421
See a correspondence in the <cite>Gentleman’s
Magazine</cite>, 1844-45, reprinted in
the <cite>Gentleman’s Magazine Library,
Romano-British Remains</cite>, ii. p. 547 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3422
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>, xcvi. p. 82.
.fn-

.fn 3423
<lang=de><cite>Ergebnisse von Olympia</cite></lang>, iv. p. 206:
cf. <i>ibid.</i> v. p. 783.
.fn-

.fn 3424
<cite>Cyprus Mus. Cat.</cite> p. 93, and index,
<i>s.v.</i> Samian.
.fn-

.fn 3425
M. Déchelette’s epoch-making work
on Roman pottery in Gaul only appeared
after this chapter was in type. To make
proper use of it would have necessitated
practically re-writing the chapter; but
I have remodelled it where absolutely
essential, and given frequent references
to his work in foot-notes, which it is
hoped may suffice in some measure.
Moreover for some of the fabrics I have
had the advantage of his articles previously
published in the <lang=fr><cite>Revue Archéol.</cite></lang>
xxxviii. (1901) and the <lang=fr><cite>Revue des Études
Anciens</cite></lang>, v. (1903), which he has since
incorporated in his book.
.fn-

.fn 3426
<lang=la><em>Terra Sigillata</em></lang>, in <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrbücher</cite></lang>,
xcvi. (1895), p. 18 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3427
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvi. p. 152 ff.;
Koenen, <lang=de><cite>Gefässkunde</cite></lang>, p. 88.
.fn-

.fn 3428
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8055, 4-9; 8056, 5, 46-52,
280 ff.; <i>ibid.</i> v. 8115, 97.
.fn-

.fn 3429
See Déchelette, i. p. 16; <lang=de><cite>Bonner
Jahrb.</cite></lang> ci. p. 22.
.fn-

.fn 3430
Cf. Dragendorff’s Nos. 15-17 (plates
1-2) with Nos. 1-3 (plate 1).
.fn-

.fn 3431
For examples from Andernach, see
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvi. pl. 6, 16, pl. 7, 18.
.fn-

.fn 3432
See Déchelette, i. p. 66, and below,
p. 520.
.fn-

.fn 3433
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 86.
.fn-

.fn 3434
It was deserted about 5 <sc>B.C.</sc> See
Déchelette, i. p. 93.
.fn-

.fn 3435
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 87 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3436
<lang=de><cite>Festschr. für Joh. Overbeck</cite></lang>, p. 168;
cf. <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvi. p. 155.
.fn-

.fn 3437
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvi. pl. 5, 21, pl.
6, 4, 9-10: cf. Dragendorff’s Nos. 19-20.
.fn-

.fn 3438
<i>Op. cit.</i> xcvi. p. 87.
.fn-

.fn 3439
For other typical stamps see Dragendorff
in <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 95; <i>ibid.</i>
lxxxvi. p. 164 ff., lxxxix. p. 51 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3440
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1336, 790 is an isolated
example of the black ware found in
London.
.fn-

.fn 3441
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 103 ff.; Déchelette,
i. p. 64 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3442
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 98.
.fn-

.fn 3443
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> vi. p. 70; <cite>Ill. Rom.
Lond.</cite> <i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3444
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 105.
.fn-

.fn 3445
See <i>ibid.</i> p. 110, pls. 2-3, figs. 31-55,
for later provincial forms.
.fn-

.fn 3446
See his vol. i. p. 29, with plates 2-5.
.fn-

.fn 3447
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. pls. 1, 2.
.fn-

.fn 3448
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 126 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3449
Cf. the vases given in Plate LXVII.
figs. 1, 2, and Déchelette, i. pp. 70,
180, pl. 6.
.fn-

.fn 3450
See below, p. #520#
.fn-

.fn 3451
See generally Déchelette, i. p. 219.
.fn-

.fn 3452
<i>Ibid.</i> ii. p. 91 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3453
An exhaustive list of types, figures,
and ornaments of all kinds, as found in
the Graufesenque and Lezoux fabrics, is
given by Déchelette in his second
volume, p. 5 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3454
See Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite>
p. 95.
.fn-

.fn 3455
See also the useful list given by Von
Hefner in <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv</cite></lang>, xxii. (1863),
p. 28 ff., giving the chief types on German
wares from Westerndorf and elsewhere.
.fn-

.fn 3456
See <cite>Cat. of London Antiqs.</cite> Nos. 158 ff.
pl. 8; <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 89 ff.; <cite>Collect.
Antiq.</cite> <i>passim</i>; also Plate #LXVIII:pl68#.
.fn-

.fn 3457
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 13.
.fn-

.fn 3458
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10010, 1682.
.fn-

.fn 3459
Hence Roach-Smith was inclined to
date the vase as late as the fifth century;
but recent researches show that this is
impossible. Even in the first century
vases of this debased style are found.
There were two potters of the name
of Sabinus in the first century in Gaul
(Déchelette, i. p. 297).
.fn-

.fn 3460
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 139: cf.
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii. p. 15.
.fn-

.fn 3461
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. part 3, p. 121.
.fn-

.fn 3462
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 120. An example from
Britain is L. Cosconius Virilis (<cite>C.I.L.</cite>
vii. 1336, 346: cf. Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect.
Antiq.</cite> i. p. 155).
.fn-

.fn 3463
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10006, 95, on a <lang=la><em>mortarium</em></lang>.
.fn-

.fn 3464
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10010, 1670.
.fn-

.fn 3465
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1314: cf. <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang>
xxiv. (1894), p. 57.
.fn-

.fn 3466
Déchelette, i. p. 86, pl. 13; <lang=fre><cite>Rev.
Arch.</cite></lang> iii. (1904), p. 75 ff. The names
of vessels include the interesting word
<lang=la><em>pannae</em></lang>, whence our “pan.”
.fn-

.fn 3467
See <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterl.
Gesch.</cite></lang> xxii. (1863), p. 38, pl. 4, fig. 1;
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. 6010, 68; Déchelette, i.
p. 210.
.fn-

.fn 3468
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 136.
.fn-

.fn 3469
<lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv</cite></lang>, xxii. (1863), p. 43.
.fn-

.fn 3470
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1337, 22.
.fn-

.fn 3471
Orelli, 4189; Blanchet in <lang=fr><cite>Bullet.
Archéol.</cite></lang> 1898, p. 29, and <i>id.</i>, <lang=fr><cite>Mélanges
Gallo-romaines</cite></lang>, ii. (1902), p. 109.
.fn-

.fn 3472
See Marquardt, <lang=de><cite>Privatleben der
Römer</cite></lang>, p. 648, note 7.
.fn-

.fn 3473
Henzen, 7258; Blanchet, <i>loc. cit.</i>:
cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. 5833.
.fn-

.fn 3474
Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Danub. et Rheni</cite></lang>,
ii. p. 305; Orelli, 2029.
.fn-

.fn 3475
Orelli, 4302; Henzen, 7259; Blanchet,
<i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3476
Steiner, <i>op. cit.</i> i. p. 58, No. 130.
Other names of consuls from 199 to 228
are given in <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xv. p. 61
(these are in <lang=la><em>graffito</em></lang>).
.fn-

.fn 3477
Steiner, ii. p. 349 ff., Nos. 1649-51,
1653, 1661; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xv. p. 53 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3478
<lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang> 1877, p. 180; Roach-Smith,
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iii. pl. 31, p. 193.
.fn-

.fn 3479
<cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc</cite>, iv. p. 364.
.fn-

.fn 3480
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1335, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3481
For the technique of this process see
above, p. #442#, and Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i.
p. 425.
.fn-

.fn 3482
There is an example of this ware
from Cologne in the British Museum
(Greek and Roman Department), and
others at Turin and Trier. Déchelette
(ii. p. 309) states that it is found in the
first century <sc>B.C.</sc>
.fn-

.fn 3483
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 111 ff.;
Hölder, <lang=de><cite>Formen der röm. Thongef.</cite></lang> p. 8.
.fn-

.fn 3484
Déchelette, ii. p. 309.
.fn-

.fn 3485
Koenen, <lang=de><cite>Gefässkunde</cite></lang>, p. 101.
.fn-

.fn 3486
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 120.
.fn-

.fn 3487
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 121: cf. <lang=fr><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang> v. 13.
.fn-

.fn 3488
See for examples Déchelette, ii. pl. 5;
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb</cite></lang>. lxxxiv. pl. 2, figs. 2-5,
p. 109; Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite>
p. 93; <lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv.</cite></lang>, 1863, pl. 4,
fig. 11; and Plate #LXIX:pl69#. fig. 4.
.fn-

.fn 3489
Vol. ii. p. #325#.
.fn-

.fn 3490
i. p. #41:vol1_41# ff.
.fn-

.fn 3491
i. p. #64:vol1_64# ff.
.fn-

.fn 3492
i. p. 138 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3493
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xiii. 10009, 3; Déchelette, i.
p. 31 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3494
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> iii. Suppl. 12013, 3; Déchelette,
i. p. 34.
.fn-

.fn 3495
Déchelette, i. p. 60.
.fn-

.fn 3496
See also Jullian in <lang=fr><cite>Revue des Études
Anciens</cite></lang>, i. (1899), p. 152.
.fn-

.fn 3497
Painted vases with Geometrical decoration
were widely exported, even to
Bohemia: see <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxvi. (1895),
pls. 5, 6, p. 196 ff.; <lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1881-2,
pls. 3-4, p. 17.
.fn-

.fn 3498
See Déchelette, i. p. 66; it is the
form numbered 11 by Dragendorff.
.fn-

.fn 3499
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 68: cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xi. 6700,
821.
.fn-

.fn 3500
See Déchelette, i. pls. 6, 7, p. 69.
.fn-

.fn 3501
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. pl. 8, p. 74.
.fn-

.fn 3502
See also <i>op. cit.</i> pl. 9, p. 73.
.fn-

.fn 3503
See his vol. i. p. 75 for further details.
.fn-

.fn 3504
A figure of Artemis is derived from
the type given by Hauser, <lang=de><cite>Neuattische
Reliefs</cite></lang>, pl. 1, fig. 9: for a <lang=fr><em>genre</em></lang> type, cf.
the fishermen figured by Déchelette, <lang=fr><cite>Rev.
des Études Anciens</cite></lang>, v. p. 55 (= <lang=fr><cite>Vases de
la Gaule</cite></lang>, ii. p. 91, type No. 556).
.fn-

.fn 3505
The list of names given by Déchelette,
i. p. 81, will render it possible to trace
Rutenian potters on these sites in <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
xiii. part 3, fasc. 1: see also vols. vii.
(Britain), x. (Campania), xv. (Rome),
etc., and Déchelette, i. p. 105 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3506
Examples in British and Guildhall
Museums.
.fn-

.fn 3507
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 112.
.fn-

.fn 3508
Cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. 5059, 5273, 5355;
4945.
.fn-

.fn 3509
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8055, 27: cf. Déchelette, i.
p. 96 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3510
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4970, 559 from Tarraco,
and the vase published in <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang>
xxxiii. (1898), p. 100, fig. 11, from
Carthage.
.fn-

.fn 3511
Vol. i. p. 113.
.fn-

.fn 3512
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 79.
.fn-

.fn 3513
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 97 (“Marmorirung”):
see also Déchelette, i. p. 67.
.fn-

.fn 3514
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> x. 8056, 283.
.fn-

.fn 3515
See <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 101; <cite>Gaz.
Arch.</cite> 1877, pl. 28, p. 172 ff.; Déchelette,
i. p. 120 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3516
<lang=fr><cite>Mus. Borb.</cite></lang> vii. pl. 29; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> x.
8056, 4; Déchelette, i. p. 121.
.fn-

.fn 3517
Déchelette (i. p. 125) notes in these
names a direct proof of exportation; they
were carried about by the <lang=la><em>negotiatores</em></lang> or
agents (p. #511#) to the different regions
named.
.fn-

.fn 3518
<lang=fr><cite>Étude de la Céramique Arverno-romaine</cite></lang>
(1887). M. Déchelette has
embodied most of Plicque’s researches
in his own account of the potteries
(i. p. 138 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 3519
See Déchelette, i. pp. 155, 194 ff. for
lists of names, with types used by each
and places where found.
.fn-

.fn 3520
See Déchelette, i. pls. 4, 5, Nos. 63-71,
and p. 149.
.fn-

.fn 3521
<i>Op. cit.</i> p. 178 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3522
See Plicque’s summary in his <lang=fr><cite>Étude de la Céramique Arverno-rom</cite></lang>. p. 10 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3523
See generally Déchelette, ii. p. 167 ff.;
also <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> ii. (1903), pl. 17, p. 387.
.fn-

.fn 3524
Cf. the Greek <em>stamnos</em> (Vol. I.
p. 164).
.fn-

.fn 3525
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> pp. 86, 97, pl. 29;
<cite>Cat. of London Antiqs.</cite> pl. 7, fig. 2;
<cite>Richborough</cite>, p. 74.
.fn-

.fn 3526
Déchelette, ii. p. 316.
.fn-

.fn 3527
Déchelette, ii. p. 321.
.fn-

.fn 3528
On the technical aspect of these, see
above, p. #441#; for all other information
reference should be made to Déchelette,
ii. p. 235 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3529
Froehner, <lang=fr><cite>Coll. Gréau</cite></lang>, No. 1353.
.fn-

.fn 3530
Déchelette states that seventy-nine
have been found at Vienne, thirty-three
at Lyons, and twenty-nine at Orange.
.fn-

.fn 3531
<lang=fr><cite>Musées de France</cite></lang>, pls. 14-16, p. 52 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3532
<lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1877, pl. 12, p. 66. The
second of these has passed into the
British Museum (in the Morel Collection).
See Fig. #227:fig227#, and Déchelette, ii. p. 290.
.fn-

.fn 3533
Stephani, <lang=de><cite>Vasens.</cite></lang> 1353; <i>id.</i>, <lang=fr><cite>Compte-Rendu</cite></lang>,
1873, p. 67.
.fn-

.fn 3534
<lang=fr><cite>Recueil</cite></lang>, vi. 107: see Déchelette, ii.
pp. 236, 250, 253, 294.
.fn-

.fn 3535
<lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1889, p. 50, pl. 15.
.fn-

.fn 3536
See also <lang=fr><lang=fr><cite>Gaz. Arch.</cite></lang></lang> 1880, pl. 30, p.
178 for examples from Nismes; Froehner,
<lang=fr><cite>Coll. Gréau</cite></lang>, 1351, 1352; <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang>
xix. (1892), pl. 11, p. 313; Daremberg
and Saglio, iii. <i>art.</i> Forma, figs. 3184,
3185; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> xii. 5687. All previous
literature is now superseded by Déchelette’s
work (vol. ii. p. 235 ff.).
.fn-

.fn 3537
<i>Op. cit.</i> i. p. 27.
.fn-

.fn 3538
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 204.
.fn-

.fn 3539
<i>Ibid.</i> The form employed is his
No. 69.
.fn-

.fn 3540
See Hettner in <lang=de><cite>Festschrift für J.
Overbeck</cite></lang>, p. 165 ff.; Koenen in <lang=de><cite>Bonner
Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvi. p. 152 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3541
See Fiedler, <cite>Castra Vetera</cite>, p. 40;
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> v. p. 422, pls. 13-4; and
for stamps, Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Danub.
et Rheni</cite></lang>, ii. p. 225, No. 1317.
.fn-

.fn 3542
<lang=de><cite>Oberbayr. Archiv für vaterländische
Geschichte</cite></lang>, xxii. (1863), p. 1 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3543
A useful summary is given by Von
Hefner, p. 28.
.fn-

.fn 3544
Cf. <i>ibid.</i> pl. 4, figs. 1-7.
.fn-

.fn 3545
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 42.
.fn-

.fn 3546
See Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite>
p. 99; Déchelette, i. p. 210.
.fn-

.fn 3547
In the Greek and Roman Department,
found at Mainz.
.fn-

.fn 3548
Déchelette, ii. p. 319.
.fn-

.fn 3549
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, lvii. p. 104.
.fn-

.fn 3550
<cite>Victoria County Hist. of Northants</cite>,
p. 211.
.fn-

.fn 3551
<lang=de><cite>Gefässkunde in den Rheinlanden</cite></lang>,
p. 65 ff. For various finds of pottery
in Germany see also <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxiv.
p. 147; lxxxiv. p. 108 ff.; lxxxix. p. 1 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3552
See <lang=fr><cite>Rev. Arch.</cite></lang> xxxix. (1901),
p. 51 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3553
See also generally Von Hefner, <i>op.
cit.</i>; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 87 ff., and
index to vols. 1-60; Wolff in <lang=de><cite>Westdeutsche
Zeitschr. für Gesch. u. Kunst</cite></lang>,
xviii. (1899), p. 213.
.fn-

.fn 3554
<lang=de><cite>Formen der röm. Thongefässe</cite></lang>, p. 11.
.fn-

.fn 3555
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xiii. p. 106 ff., xxxv.
p. 46, lxxxvii. p. 61 ff., xcvi. p. 101;
Déchelette, ii. p. 311, p. 312, note 3.
.fn-

.fn 3556
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> i. pl. 4,
p. 3.
.fn-

.fn 3557
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xiii. p. 112; lxxxvii.
p. 62; Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Danub. et
Rhen.</cite></lang> ii. p. 195, No. 1252 (from Neuss):
cf. Virg. <cite>Ecl.</cite> iii. 47.
.fn-

.fn 3558
Steiner, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 100; Gerhard,
<lang=de><cite>Berlins ant. Bildw.</cite></lang> No. 1687; Roach-Smith,
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> i. pl. 4, p. 3;
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvii. p. 63.
.fn-

.fn 3559
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xiii. p. 113.
.fn-

.fn 3560
<i>Ibid.</i> xiii. pp. 109, 113, lxxxvii. p.
64; Steiner, <i>op. cit.</i> p. 155; and in
B.M. (<sc>BIBE</sc>).
.fn-

.fn 3561
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xiii. pp. 107, 108, xxxv.
p. 47, lxxxvii. p. 65; B.M. (Fig. #229:fig229#).
.fn-

.fn 3562
<i>Op. cit.</i> xxxv. p. 49.
.fn-

.fn 3563
<i>Op. cit.</i> xxxv. p. 48, lxxxvii. p. 66.
.fn-

.fn 3564
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 113.
.fn-

.fn 3565
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 111, lxxxvii. p. 66;
B.M.
.fn-

.fn 3566
<i>Op. cit.</i> xxxv. p. 49.
.fn-

.fn 3567
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 111, lxxxvii. p. 67.
.fn-

.fn 3568
<i>Op. cit.</i> lxxxvii. p. 67; <cite>Collect.
Antiq.</cite> i. p. 3.
.fn-

.fn 3569
Levezow, <lang=de><cite>Berliner Verzeichniss,</cite></lang>
p. 366, No. 1470; <lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> lxxxvii.
p. 68
.fn-

.fn 3570
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xiii. p. 107, lxxxvii.
p. 69.
.fn-

.fn 3571
<i>Ibid.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3572
<i>Op. cit.</i> xxxv. p. 49, lxxxvii. p. 70.
.fn-

.fn 3573
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 106, xxxv. p. 48,
lxxxvii. p. 78: cf. B.M. (<sc>REPLE COPO DA</sc>).
.fn-

.fn 3574
<i>Op. cit.</i> xxxv. p. 48, lxxxvii. p. 77.
.fn-

.fn 3575
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 106, xxxv. p. 47,
lxxxvii. p. 71; Levezow, <i>op. cit.</i> No.
1469.
.fn-

.fn 3576
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 110; Levezow, No.
1471.
.fn-

.fn 3577
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 107, xxxv. p. 49,
lxxxvii. p. 72.
.fn-

.fn 3578
<i>Op. cit.</i> lxxxvii. p. 72; B.M.
.fn-

.fn 3579
<i>Op. cit.</i> xiii. p. 110, xxxv. p. 48,
lxxxvii. p. 73; B.M. (<sc>VIVAS</sc>).
.fn-

.fn 3580
<lang=de><cite>Zeitschr. des Vereins zur Erforsch.
d. rhein. Gesch. u. Altert.</cite></lang> iv. (1900),
p. 266.
.fn-

.fn 3581
For stamps found here and at Voorburg,
see Steiner, <lang=la><cite>Cod. Inscr. Danub. et
Rhen.</cite></lang> ii. p. 276, No. 1449, p. 293, No.
1484.
.fn-

.fn 3582
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xlvi. p. 115; Déchelette,
i. p. 103. They are now in the
Leiden Museum.
.fn-

.fn 3583
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> ii. 4970, and p. 512;
Brongniart, <lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 453; Déchelette,
i. p. 16; and above, pp. #479#, #499#.
.fn-

.fn 3584
See above, p. #536#.
.fn-

.fn 3585
See Haverfield in <cite>Cumberland and
Westm. Arch. Soc. Trans.</cite> xv. p. 191.
.fn-

.fn 3586
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> pls. 24-8, p. 89 ff.;
<cite>Richborough</cite>, pl. 3.
.fn-

.fn 3587
Wellbeloved, <cite>Eburacum</cite>, pl. 16;
Scarth, <lang=la><cite>Aquae Solis</cite></lang>, pl. 43; Lee, <lang=la><cite>Isca
Silurum</cite></lang>, pls. II, 12.
.fn-

.fn 3588
<cite>Vict. County Hist. of Warwickshire</cite>,
i. p. 230.
.fn-

.fn 3589
<cite>Arch. Aeliana</cite>, x. p. 268; <cite>Proc. Soc.
Ant. Scot.</cite> xxx. (1896), p. 179 ff.; Haverfield,
<i>loc. cit.</i>
.fn-

.fn 3590
Haverfield’s fig. 8 (<i>loc. cit.</i>).
.fn-

.fn 3591
Haverfield, <i>op. cit.</i>, pl. 7, fig. 7,
p. 193; and see p. #528# above.
.fn-

.fn 3592
Cf. Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> ii.
p. 35, and see above, p. #502#.
.fn-

.fn 3593
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iv.
pl. 17, p. 63; <cite>Victoria County Hist. of
Northants</cite>, p. 219.
.fn-

.fn 3594
See Déchelette, i. p. 282, ii. p. 71,
No. 425.
.fn-

.fn 3595
Artis, <cite>Durobrivae</cite>, pl. 30, figs. 1, 4.
.fn-

.fn 3596
<cite>Handbook to British Pottery in Mus.
of Pract. Geol.</cite> 1893, p. 72.
.fn-

.fn 3597
vii. 1334-36. Supplementary lists
are given in <cite>Arch. Journal</cite>, xxxv. p. 289.
.fn-

.fn 3598
See <cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. p. 238 for bibliography.
.fn-

.fn 3599
<cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> pp. 102, 107.
.fn-

.fn 3600
General reference may also be made
to the archaeological journals of the
London and provincial societies, and to
the volume of the <cite>Gentleman’s Magazine
Library</cite> on <cite>Romano-British Remains</cite>;
also for Norfolk, Northants, Hampshire,
and other counties, to the respective
volumes of the <cite>Victoria County History</cite>.
.fn-

.fn 3601
Cumberland and Westmoreland,
Hereford, Hertford, Kent, and Lancashire.
.fn-

.fn 3602
See Haverfield, in <cite>Vict. County Hist.
of Northants</cite>, p. 208, fig. 29.
.fn-

.fn 3603
Cf. Haverfield, figs. 32, 33.
.fn-

.fn 3604
<i>Ibid.</i> fig. 33.
.fn-

.fn 3605
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 209.
.fn-

.fn 3606
Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iv. pl. 21,
p. 82; <cite>Vict. County Hist. of Northants</cite>,
p. 211; <cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1335, 3.
.fn-

.fn 3607
But see above, p. #536#, and Déchelette,
ii. p. 311.
.fn-

.fn 3608
<cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> liv. p. 349.
.fn-

.fn 3609
Artis, <cite>Durobrivae</cite>, pl. 28; <cite>Vict.
County Hist. of Northants</cite>, p. 211, fig.
34: cf. <i>ibid.</i> p. 190 = fig. 18, p. 192
(from Bedford Purlieus).
.fn-

.fn 3610
<cite>Collect. Antiq.</cite> iv. pl. 24.
.fn-

.fn 3611
<i>Ibid.</i> iv. p. 91: cf. the vase mentioned
on p. 539.
.fn-

.fn 3612
<cite>Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ.</cite> i. p. 5 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3613
Haverfield, in <cite>Vict. County Hist.
of Northants</cite>, p. 212.
.fn-

.fn 3614
<cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, xiii. p. 173: cf. <cite>C.I.L.</cite>
vii. 1336, 220.
.fn-

.fn 3615
See on this ware Roach-Smith, <cite>Collect.
Antiq.</cite> vi. p. 178, pl. 36, and <cite>Ill. Rom.
Lond.</cite> p. 82; Wright, <cite>Uriconium</cite>, p.
247 ff., and <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^4,
p. 260.
.fn-

.fn 3616
Haverfield, in <cite>Vict. County Hist. of
Hants</cite>, i. p. 326.
.fn-

.fn 3617
<cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xxxv. p. 91; <cite>Arch.
Journ.</cite> liv. p. 348; x. p. 8; xxx. p. 319;
<cite>Proc. Soc. Antiq.</cite> 1st Ser. ii. p. 285, iv.
p. 167.
.fn-

.fn 3618
<lang=fr><cite>Traité</cite></lang>, i. p. 381.
.fn-

.fn 3619
<cite>Roman Art in Cirencester</cite>, p. 77.
.fn-

.fn 3620
See Blümner, <lang=de><cite>Technol.</cite></lang> ii. p. 65.
.fn-

.fn 3621
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xv. p. 560; <lang=it><cite>Ann. dell’ Inst.</cite></lang>
1878, p. 119 ff.
.fn-

.fn 3622
<cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite> 2nd Ser. iii. (1867),
p. 440 (now in B.M.): cf. Artis, <cite>Durobrivae</cite>,
pl. 49.
.fn-

.fn 3623
Brongniart, i. p. 435.
.fn-

.fn 3624
See Daremberg and Saglio, <i>s.v.</i> Olla.
.fn-

.fn 3625
Cf. Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon</cite>^4,
p. 359 ff.; <cite>Archaeologia</cite>, xii. pl. 14, p. 108;
<cite>Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ.</cite> i. p. 239; and
see above, p. #457#.
.fn-

.fn 3626
Brongniart, i. p. 437.
.fn-

.fn 3627
See generally <cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1334.
.fn-

.fn 3628
<cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.</cite> xlvi. (1890),
p. 156; other examples at Colchester
and Exeter and Guildhall (<cite>Cat.</cite> p. 104,
No. 641, <sc>Q · ERIV · GERMANVS</sc>): see also
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1334, 63.
.fn-

.fn 3629
Roach-Smith, <cite>Ill. Rom. Lond.</cite> p. 89;
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> vii. 1334, 43.
.fn-

.fn 3630
Artis, <cite>Durobrivae</cite>, pl. 49, fig. 1.
.fn-

.fn 3631
See <cite>Vict. Hist. of Hants</cite>, i. p. 326.
.fn-

.fn 3632
Cf. Plicque, <lang=fr><cite>Céramique Arverno-romaine</cite></lang>,
pp. 16, 30.
.fn-

.fn 3633
<lang=de><cite>Bonner Jahrb.</cite></lang> xcvi. p. 88.
.fn-

.fn 3634
<i>Ibid.</i> p. 89; Hettner in <lang=de><cite>Festschr.
für Joh. Overbeck</cite></lang>, p. 170.
.fn-

.fn 3635
<cite>C.I.L.</cite> xii. 5685, 195, 362, 831, 845;
<cite>B. M. Cat. of Terracottas</cite>, E 145-47
(wrongly included in that volume among
tile-stamps).
.fn-

.fn 3636
<cite>Arch. Journ.</cite> ix. p. 12.
.fn-

.fn 3637
Roach-Smith, <cite>Richborough</cite>, p. 74;
Wright, <cite>Celt, Roman, and Saxon^4</cite>, p. 281;
others in B.M.
.fn-

.fn 3638
Wright, <cite>Uriconium</cite>, p. 251. Examples
may be seen in the Shrewsbury
Museum.
.fn-

.fn 3639
Wright, <i>ibid.</i> p. 252, and <cite>Celt,
Roman, and Saxon^4</cite>, p. 278.
.fn-

.bn 613.png
.bn 614.png
.pn +2

.sp 4
.h2 id=index
INDEX

.sp 2
.ce 2
<sc>Note.</sc>—<i>Names of artists and <lang=grc>καλός</lang>-names not included in this list will
be found in those given in Vol. II. p. #273# ff.</i>
.nf
.sp 2
Abaskantos, lamp-maker, i. #108:vol1_108#

<em>Abecedaria</em>, ii. #311#, and see #Alphabet:Alphabet#

Abella, vases from, i. #81:vol1_81#;
  fabric of, i. #484:vol1_484#

Acanthus-patterns, ii. #223#

<lang=la><em>Acetabulum</em></lang>, ii. #469#

Achaeans in Cyprus, i. #245:vol1_245#, and see #275:vol1_275#

<target id=acheloos>Acheloös, ii. #83#, #101#

Achilles on vases, ii. #120# ff.;
  fight over body of, i. #323:vol1_323#

Acids used for cleaning vases, i. #40:vol1_40#, #41:vol1_41#

Aco Acastus, potter, ii. #517#

<lang=la><em>Acratophorum</em></lang>, ii. #464#

Acrobats, ii. #165#, #182#

Actors on vases, i. #473:vol1_473#, ii. #160# ff., #197#

<lang=la><em>Adjuvate, sodales</em></lang>, inscription on lamp, ii. #411#, #422#

<target id=admetos>Admetos and Alkestis, ii. #102#, #140#, #310#, #312#

Adonis, ii. #42#

Adrastos, ii. #119#

<lang=la><em>Aecetiae pocolom</em></lang>, i. #490:vol1_490#

Aegean pottery, i. #262:vol1_262# ff., #275:vol1_275#

—— Islands, vase-finds in the, i. #54:vol1_54# ff.

Aegina, personified, ii. #19#, #82#;
  vases from, i. #54:vol1_54#, #308:vol1_308#, #492:vol1_492#

Aegisthos, death of, ii. #138#

Aeneas on vases, ii. #129#, #135#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#, #421#

Aeolis, finds in, i. #62:vol1_62#;
  pottery of, i. #339:vol1_339#, #347:vol1_347#, #356:vol1_356#

Aeolus, ii. #14#

Aeson, vase-painter, i. #444:vol1_444#

Aesop on vase, ii. #151#;
  on lamp, ii. #415#;
  fables of, on lamps, ii. #416#

“Affected” amphorae, i. #387:vol1_387#

Africa, types of tombs in, i. #36:vol1_36#;
  vases from, i. #67:vol1_67#;
  Ionic pottery of, i. #340:vol1_340# ff.;
  relations with Ionia, i. #355:vol1_355#;
  lamps from, ii. #399#, #406#, #427#;
  bust of, on lamp, ii. #412#

<lang=grc>ἄγαλμα</lang>, i. #98:vol1_98#                                  // Tr: agalma

Agamedes and Trophonios, ii. #140#

Agamemnon on vases, ii. #126#, #137#

Agia Paraskevi (Cyprus), i. #35:vol1_35#, #66:vol1_66#, #246:vol1_246#

Agon, ii. #89#, #194#

Agra, mysteries of, ii. #27#, #104#

Agriculture on vases, ii. #171#

Agrigentum, see #Girgenti:girgenti#

Agrios, myth of, ii. #141#

Agrippa, painter on terracotta, i. #119:vol1_119#, ii. #366#

Aigeus, ii. #108#

Aithra, ii. #24#

Ajax, son of Oïleus, ii. #134#, #135#

—— son of Telamon, ii. #124#, #128#, #129#;
  death of, ii. #133#, #310#

Akamas and Demophon, ii. #135#

<lang=grc>ἄκατος</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                              // Tr: akatos

<lang=grc>ἀκρατοφόρος</lang>, i. #173:vol1_173#                                   // Tr: akratophoros

Akratos, i. #88:vol1_88#, ii. #64#

<lang=grc>ἀκρωτήρια</lang>, i. #97:vol1_97# ff.                                  // Tr: akrôtêria

Aktaeon on vases, ii. #35#, #310#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #508#

Aktor and Astyoche, ii. #143#

<lang=grc>ἀλαβαστοθήκη</lang>, i. #133:vol1_133#                                 // Tr: alabastothêkê

Alabastron, i. #196:vol1_196#, #308:vol1_308#, #312:vol1_312#, #492:vol1_492#

Alba Longa, i. #79:vol1_79#;
  hut-urns from, ii. #288#

Alcaeus quoted, i. #133:vol1_133#;
  on vases, ii. #151#

Alexander the Great on Arretine vase, ii. #494#

.bn 615.png
.pn +1

Alexandria, vases from, i. #67:vol1_67#, #146:vol1_146#;
  porcelain ware of, i. #129:vol1_129#;
  wine-amphorae from, i. #154:vol1_154# ff.

Alexandrine subjects on vases, i. #502:vol1_502#;
  in Gaulish terracottas, ii. #386#;
  on Roman lamps, ii. #418#;
  on Arretine vases, ii. #489#

Alkestis, see #Admetos:admetos#

Alkmena, i. #480:vol1_480#, ii. #19#

Alkyoneus, ii. #100#

Allegory on vases, i. #21:vol1_21#

Allier, valley of, as centre for Gaulish terracottas, ii. #380# ff.;
  for pottery, ii. #533#;
  clay of, ii. #434#

Allifae, pottery of, ii. #475#, #478#

<lang=grc>ἀλωπεκῆ</lang>, ii. #179#, #200#                               // Tr: alôpekê

<target id=Alphabet>Alphabet, introduction into Greece and early varieties, ii. #245# ff.;
  scheme of early varieties, ii. #248#;
  Attic, i. #12:vol1_12#, ii. #246#, #268#;
  early Etruscan, ii. #296#, #311#

Altemura, vases from, i. #85:vol1_85#

Alyzia, inscribed tile from, i. #102:vol1_102#

Amasis, king of Egypt, i. #345:vol1_345#

—— potter, i. #381:vol1_381# ff., #387:vol1_387#

—— vase-painter, i. #439:vol1_439#

Amathus, pottery from, i. #36:vol1_36#, #66:vol1_66#, #147:vol1_147#, #250:vol1_250#, #253:vol1_253#

Amazons on vases, ii. #99#, #111#, #132#, #144#, #195#;
  on lamps, ii. #415#

America, museums of, i. #26:vol1_26#, #30:vol1_30#

Amorgos, pottery from, i. #56:vol1_56#, #262:vol1_262#

Amphiaraos, i. #76:vol1_76#, #318:vol1_318#, ii. #118#

Amphion, ii. #117#

Amphitrite, ii. #23#, #189#

<lang=la><em>Amphitruo</em></lang> of Rhinthon, see i. #473:vol1_473#

Amphorae, forms of Greek, i. #153:vol1_153# ff.;
  Apulian, i. #162:vol1_162#, #469:vol1_469#;
  Attic, i. #295:vol1_295#, #368:vol1_368#, #372:vol1_372#, #411:vol1_411#;
  Chalcidian, i. #322:vol1_322#;
  Melian, i. #57:vol1_57#, #301:vol1_301#;
  Nicosthenic, i. #385:vol1_385#;
  Panathenaic, i. #46:vol1_46#, #69:vol1_69#, #84:vol1_84#, #132:vol1_132#, #145:vol1_145#, #388:vol1_388# ff.;
  “Tyrrhenian,” i. #160:vol1_160#, #324:vol1_324#;
  “affected,” i. #387:vol1_387#;
  “false-necked,” i. #246:vol1_246#, #271:vol1_271#;
  ornamentation of, i. #375:vol1_375#, ii. #234#;
  prices paid for, i. #44:vol1_44# ff.;
  ancient examples at Erythrae, i. #205:vol1_205#;
  used as wine-jars, i. #154:vol1_154# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #460# ff.

<lang=grc>ἄμφωτις</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                                    // Tr: amphôtis

<lang=la><em>Ampulla</em></lang>, ii. #465#

Amyklae, pottery from, i. #52:vol1_52#

Amykos, ii. #115#

Amymone, ii. #24#

Anakles, potter, i. #384:vol1_384#

Anakreon on vases, ii. #152#

Analyses of pottery, i. #203:vol1_203#, ii. #301#, #435#

Ananke, ii. #69#, #90#

<lang=grc>ἀναξυρίδες</lang>, ii. #178#                                  // Tr: anaxyrides

Andernach, Roman pottery from, ii. #500#, #502#, #509#, #522#, #533#

Andokides, potter, i. #386:vol1_386#, #401:vol1_401#, ii. #258#

Andromache and Astyanax, ii. #131#

Andromeda, ii. #113#

<lang=grc>Ἀνεσίδωρα</lang>, ii. #75#                                    // Tr: Anesidôra

Animals on early vases, see Chapters VI.–VIII. <i>passim</i>;
  as subjects on vases, ii. #184# ff.;
  on lamps, ii. #418#;
  as pets, ii. #168#, #173#

Annia Arescusana, potter, ii. #367#

<lang=la><em>Annum novum faustum felicem</em></lang>, inscription on lamps, ii. #398#, #420#

<lang=la><em>Ansae lunulatae</em></lang>, ii. #287#

Antaios, i. #431:vol1_431#, ii. #100#

Antefixal ornaments, Greek, i. #97:vol1_97# ff.;
  Etruscan, ii. #317#;
  Roman, ii. #343# ff., and see #365#, #371#

<em>Ante-Homerica</em>, subjects from, ii. #4#, #119# ff.

<lang=la><em>Antepagmentum</em></lang>, ii. #315#, #365#

Anthedon, vases from, i. #53:vol1_53#

Antonius Epaphras, M., potter, ii. #367#

Anzi, vases found at, i. #83:vol1_83#, #481:vol1_481#

Apate, ii. #90#

Apes on vases, i. #355:vol1_355#, ii. #185#

Aphidna, early pottery from, i. #49:vol1_49#, #278:vol1_278#

<target id=aphrodite>Aphrodite, in terracottas, i. #123:vol1_123# ff.;
  dedications to, at Naukratis, i. #345:vol1_345#;
  representations of, on vases, ii. #42# ff., #191#;
  on cup in B. M., i. #434:vol1_434#, #457:vol1_457#;
  with Persephone, ii. #28#, #42#;
  at Judgment of Paris, ii. #122#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #368#;
  in Gaulish terracottas, ii. #385#;
  on lamps, ii. #410#;
  and see #Venus:venus#

<target id=apollo>Apollo, dedications to, i. #139:vol1_139#, #345:vol1_345#;
  representations of, on vases, ii. #29# ff., #189#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #13#, #15#;
  with Herakles, ii. #33#, #97#, #103#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #368#;
  on lamps, ii. #409#;
  and see #Helios:helios#

Apollodoros, vase-painter, i. #439:vol1_439#

Apollonia, vases from, i. #60:vol1_60#

Appius, L., potter, ii. #490#
.bn 616.png
.pn +1

<target id=applique><lang=fr><em>Appliqué</em></lang> reliefs, i. #119:vol1_119#, #497:vol1_497#;
  at Lezoux, ii. #529#;
  and see #ἐμβλήματα:emblemata#                                    // Tr: emblêmata

Apuleius quoted, ii. #403#

<target id=apulia>Apulia, vases from, i. #83:vol1_83# ff.;
  local pottery of, ii. #323# ff.;
  painted pottery of, i. #468:vol1_468# ff., #485:vol1_485#, #486:vol1_486#;
  shapes, i. #144:vol1_144#, #171:vol1_171#, #178:vol1_178#, #179:vol1_179#, #469:vol1_469#;
  ornamentation, i. #468:vol1_468#, ii. #235#;
  arrangement of subjects on, ii. #209#;
  inscriptions on, ii. #271# ff.;
  sepulchral subjects on, i. #144:vol1_144#, #476:vol1_476#, ii. #157#;
  scenes from Under-world on, ii. #67# ff.

Aqueducts, use of brick in, ii. #336#

Archemoros, ii. #118#

<lang=grc>Ἀρχεναύτης</lang>, ii. #92#                               // Tr: Archenautês

Archers, ii. #177#, #178#, #199#

Archikles, potter, i. #374:vol1_374#, #384:vol1_384#

Architecture, terracotta used in, i. #91:vol1_91# ff.;
  in Etruria, ii. #314# ff.;
  at Rome and Pompeii, ii. #330# ff.;
  use of bricks and tiles in, i. #91:vol1_91# ff., ii. #336# ff., #343#;
  use of vases in, ii. #457#;
  treatment of, in vase-paintings, ii. #205# ff.;
  imitations of, in arrangement of designs, i. #378:vol1_378#, ii. #207#;
  in patterns, ii. #211#

Archons, names of, on vases, i. #69:vol1_69#, #390:vol1_390#

<lang=grc>ἀρδάνιον</lang>, i. #167:vol1_167#                                 // Tr: ardanion

Ares on vases, ii. #41#, #190#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #13#, #15#;
  on lamps, ii. #409#

<target id=arezzo>Arezzo, pottery found at, i. #29:vol1_29#, #72:vol1_72#, ii. #479#, #481#;
  potters’ tools and stamps from, i. #207:vol1_207#, ii. #438#, #439#, #493#;
  and see #Arretium:arretium#

Argolis, pottery from, i. #51:vol1_51#;
  as centre of fabric, i. #274:vol1_274#, #298:vol1_298#, #307:vol1_307#, #336:vol1_336#;
  inscriptions in alphabet of, i. #308:vol1_308#, #335:vol1_335#, #357:vol1_357#, ii. #249#

Argonauts on vases, i. #442:vol1_442#, ii. #115#, and see ii. #104#

Argos, vases from, i. #52:vol1_52#

—— guardian of Io, ii. #20#

Ariadne on vases, ii. #57#, #110#, #298#

Aridikes and Telephanes, painters, i. #312:vol1_312#, #320:vol1_320#, #395:vol1_395#

Arimaspi, ii. #148#

Aristonoös, vase of, i. #168:vol1_168#, #297:vol1_297#, ii. #249#

Aristophanes quoted or referred to, i. #132:vol1_132#, #143:vol1_143#, ii. #266#

—— vase painter, i. #444:vol1_444#

Arkesilaos of Kyrene, i. #341:vol1_341# ff., ii. #149#;
  cup with subject of, i. #44:vol1_44#, #341:vol1_341# ff., ii. #149#, #250#

—— sculptor and modeller, ii. #372#

Arles, pottery from, ii. #524#

Armed foot-race, ii. #164#

Armento, vases from, i. #83:vol1_83#

Arming of warriors, ii. #175#

Armour, how represented, ii. #198#

Arrangement of subjects on vases, ii. #206# ff.

<target id=arretine>Arretine vases, ii. #479# ff.;
  connection of, with Gaulish ware, ii. #500#, #517# ff.

<target id=arretium>Arretium as centre of fabric, ii. #432#, #475#, #477#;
  and see #Arezzo:arezzo#

<target id=artemis>Artemis, on lamps, i. #107:vol1_107#, ii. #409#;
  on vases, ii. #30# ff., #35#, #190#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #13#, #15#;
  as Aidos, ii. #90#;
  Asiatic, i. #56:vol1_56#, #289:vol1_289#, #301:vol1_301#, ii. #35#;
  Diktynna, i. #497:vol1_497#, ii. #35#

Artis on kilns at Castor, ii. #435#, #447# ff.

Artistic aspects of study of vases, i. #13:vol1_13#, and see i. #20:vol1_20#

Artists’ signatures, ii. #244#, #257# ff., #272#;
  list of, ii. #273# ff.;
  Athenian, i. #379:vol1_379# ff., #420:vol1_420# ff., ii. #257# ff.

<lang=grc>ἀρυστύρ</lang>, <lang=grc>ἀρύστιχος</lang>, i. #179:vol1_179#                       // Tr: arystêr, arystichos

<lang=grc>ἀρύταινα</lang>, i. #179:vol1_179#                                 // Tr: arytaina

Aryballos, i. #127:vol1_127#, #197:vol1_197#, #300:vol1_300#;
  Corinthian, i. #312:vol1_312#;
  later type, i. #412:vol1_412#, #492:vol1_492#

Ashmolean Museum, see #Oxford:oxford#

Asia personified, ii. #81#

Asia Minor, vase-collections in, i. #30:vol1_30#;
  tombs of, i. #34:vol1_34#;
  vase-finds in, i. #61:vol1_61#, #330:vol1_330#, #356:vol1_356#;
  lamps from, i. #108:vol1_108#;
  porcelain ware from, i. #129:vol1_129#

Asiatic art, influence of, on Arretine ware, ii. #489#;
  and see #Ionic:ionic#

Asine, pottery from, i. #52:vol1_52#

Asklepios, ii. #76#;
  on lamp (?), ii. #416#

Askos, i. #119:vol1_119#, #129:vol1_129#, #199:vol1_199#;
  local Apulian, ii. #325#, #326#

Assariik, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#, #280:vol1_280#, #340:vol1_340#

Assos, pottery from, i. #62:vol1_62#

Assteas, vase-painter, i. #81:vol1_81#, #83:vol1_83#, #472:vol1_472#, #474:vol1_474#, #478:vol1_478# ff., ii. #104#, #271#

<target id=assyrian>Assyrian bricks and cylinders, i. #6:vol1_6#, #7:vol1_7#;
  enamels, i. #8:vol1_8#;
  textile fabrics, i. #312:vol1_312#, #333:vol1_333#, #334:vol1_334#;
  influence on Greek pottery, i. #295:vol1_295#, #333:vol1_333#;
  and see #Oriental:oriental#

Asti, see #Hasta:hasta#
.bn 617.png
.pn +1


<lang=grc>Ἀστυνόμοι</lang> on tiles, i. #101:vol1_101#            // Tr: Astynomoi

Astyanax, ii. #131#, #134#

Atalante, ii. #141#, #142#;
  on Gaulish vase, ii. #532#

—— in Lokris, vases found at, i. #53:vol1_53#

Ate, ii. #90#

Ateius, Cn., potter, ii. #500#

Athamas (?), see #Salmoneus:salmoneus#

Athena, on vases, i. #323:vol1_323#, ii. #37# ff.;
  types of, ii. #190#;
  statues of, ii. #40#, #134#, and see #Palladion:palladion#;
  Parthenos on vases, i. #449:vol1_449#, #451:vol1_451#;
  Promachos, i. #389:vol1_389#;
  with Poseidon on vase, i. #464:vol1_464#, #497:vol1_497#, ii. #24#;
  on lamp, ii. #409#;
  birth of, i. #370:vol1_370#, #396:vol1_396#, ii. #15#, #294#;
  birth-type used for other scenes, i. #388:vol1_388#;
  with Herakles, ii. #38#, #105#;
  in Trojan scenes, ii. #39#, #133#;
  at Judgment of Paris, ii. #122#

Athenaeus on shapes of vases, i. #148:vol1_148# ff.;
  on drinking-cups, i. #180:vol1_180# ff.

<lang=grc>Ἀθηναῖος</lang> on tile from Marathon, i. #99:vol1_99#                       // Tr: Athênaios

Athenian artists or potters, i. #379:vol1_379# ff., #421:vol1_421# ff., ii. #255# ff.;
  migration of, to other parts, i. #464:vol1_464#, #465:vol1_465#;
  festivals, ii. #156#;
  horsemen or knights, ii. #166#, #177#, #179#;
  sepulchral reliefs, i. #477:vol1_477#, ii. #158#;
  tribal heroes, ii. #140#;
  vases made for Cyprus, i. #255:vol1_255#;
  exported to other parts, i. #11:vol1_11#, #405:vol1_405#, #458:vol1_458#, #464:vol1_464#;
  influenced by Ionian, i. #294:vol1_294#, #295:vol1_295#, #388:vol1_388#;
  contrasted with Ionian, i. #332:vol1_332#, #356:vol1_356#;
  chronology of, i. #401:vol1_401# ff., #463:vol1_463#, ii. #270#;
  and see generally #Dipylon:dipylon#, #Proto-Attic:protoattic#, #Black-figured:blackfigured#, #Red-figured:redfigured#;
  white lekythi, i. #48:vol1_48#, #54:vol1_54#, #86:vol1_86#, #132:vol1_132#, #142:vol1_142#, #196:vol1_196#, #454:vol1_454# ff., ii. #157#

<target id=athens>Athens, history of, in connection with vases, i. #11:vol1_11#, #369:vol1_369#, #418:vol1_418#, #463:vol1_463#;
  finds of vases at, i. #12:vol1_12#, #33:vol1_33#, #46:vol1_46# ff.;
  of lamps, i. #108:vol1_108#;
  museum of, i. #26:vol1_26#, #30:vol1_30#, #48:vol1_48#;
  Acropolis, finds on, i. #33:vol1_33#, #48:vol1_48#, #138:vol1_138#, #402:vol1_402#;
  tombs at, i. #33:vol1_33#, #47:vol1_47#, #142:vol1_142#, #147:vol1_147#;
  modern forgers at, i. #43:vol1_43#;
  potters’ quarter at, i. #89:vol1_89#, #231:vol1_231#;
  public measure at, i. #135:vol1_135#;
  early artistic position of, i. #235:vol1_235#, #292:vol1_292#, #369:vol1_369#;
  art of painting at, i. #396:vol1_396# ff., #409:vol1_409#, #441:vol1_441# ff., #454:vol1_454#;
  pottery of, see Chapters VI., VII., IX.-XI. <i>passim</i>;
  its native origin, i. #20:vol1_20#, #278:vol1_278#;
  inscriptions on vases, ii. #255# ff., and see #Attic:attic#;
  termination of vase-painting at, i. #463:vol1_463# ff.

Athletes on vases, i. #417:vol1_417#, #476:vol1_476#, ii. #162# ff.;
  attire of, ii. #197#

Atilius, K., potter, i. #502:vol1_502#

Atlantes of terracotta at Pompeii, ii. #374#

Atlas, ii. #75#

Atreus and Thyestes, ii. #141#

<lang=la><em>Attegia tegulicia</em></lang>, ii. #342#

<target id=attic>Attic alphabet, i. #12:vol1_12#, ii. #246#, #268#;
  dialect, ii. #237#, #255#;
  inscriptions, i. #291:vol1_291#, #296:vol1_296#, #325:vol1_325#, #370:vol1_370#, #379:vol1_379#, ii. #255# ff.;
  palaeography of, ii. #268# ff.;
  comedy reflected on vases, i. #473:vol1_473#, #483:vol1_483#, #484:vol1_484#;
  legends on vases, ii. #138# ff.

Attica, finds of pottery in, i. #49:vol1_49#, #278:vol1_278# ff.;
  and see #Athens:athens#

Auge, i. #474:vol1_474#, ii. #104#

Aulis, scenes at, ii. #124#

Aurae, ii. #81#, #193#

Auster, stamp of, ii. #440#

<lang=la><em>Australis</em></lang> on Roman tile, ii. #359#

Austria, vase-collections of, i. #28:vol1_28#

Auvergne, potteries in, ii. #504#;
  and see #Lezoux:lezoux#

<lang=la><em>Avot</em></lang> for <lang=la><em>fecit</em></lang>, ii. #382#, #509#


Babylonia, bricks of, i. #6:vol1_6#, #8:vol1_8#, #91:vol1_91#, #94:vol1_94#;
  cylinders and tablets, i. #7:vol1_7#;
  enamels, i. #8:vol1_8#

Bacchic scenes, see #Dionysiac:dionysiac#

Bacchylides and vase-paintings, ii. #6#

Baking, of terracottas, i. #116:vol1_116#;
  of vases, i. #214:vol1_214# ff.;
  ovens for, i. #105:vol1_105#;
  and see #Kilns:kilns#

Ball-games, ii. #167#

Banassac, fabric of, ii. #524#

Banquet-scenes, ii. #180# ff.;
  use of kylix in, i. #188:vol1_188#

Barbarians on vases, i. #420:vol1_420#, ii. #178# ff.

Barbotine decoration, i. #130:vol1_130#, #210:vol1_210#, ii. #438#, #442#, #505#, #512#;
  in Germany, ii. #513#, #536#;
  at Lezoux, ii. #528#, #529#;
  at Castor, ii. #544#

Bargates, potter, ii. #483#

Bari, vases from, i. #84:vol1_84#, #86:vol1_86#;
  local pottery of, ii. #326#

“Base-ring” ware (Cypriote), i. #242:vol1_242#

<target id=basile>Basile and Echelos, ii. #27#, #140#
.bn 618.png
.pn +1

Bathing-scenes, ii. #165#, #173#

Baths, use of tiles in, i. #103:vol1_103#, ii. #342#, #346#;
  use of bricks in, ii. #331#, #335#, #339#;
  vessels used for, i. #176:vol1_176#

—— of Caracalla, arrangements of, ii. #347#

Bears on lamps, ii. #398#

“Belgic” black ware, ii. #552#

Bellerophon on vases, ii. #114#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#

Benghazi, vases from, i. #68:vol1_68#;
  porcelain ware from, i. #129:vol1_129#;
  and see #Cyrenaica:cyrenaica#

Berlin Museum, i. #25:vol1_25#, #28:vol1_28#

<lang=la><em>Bibe, amice, de meo</em></lang> on Gaulish vase, ii. #524#

<lang=grc>βῖκος</lang>, i. #164:vol1_164#                                         // Tr: bikos

“Bilingual” vases, i. #387:vol1_387#

Biremes on Geometrica vases, i. #291:vol1_291#, ii. #178#

Blacas krater, i. #409:vol1_409#, #443:vol1_443#, ii. #78#, #79#

Black punctured ware (Cypriote), i. #242:vol1_242#

—— slip ware (Cypriote), i. #241:vol1_241#

—— varnish, i. #210:vol1_210#, #219:vol1_219# ff., #371:vol1_371#, #405:vol1_405#

—— wares (Etruscan), ii. #291#;
  mentioned in Latin literature, ii. #304#;
  plain Roman, ii. #552#;
  and see #Etruria:etruria#, #Naukratis:naukratis#, etc.

Black-bodied amphorae, i. #151:vol1_151#;
  other vases, i. #221:vol1_221#

<target id=blackfigured>Black-figured vases, i. #219:vol1_219#, #368:vol1_368#;
  from Cyprus, i. #255:vol1_255#;
  from Ionia, i. #330:vol1_330#, #356:vol1_356# ff.;
  technique of, i. #219:vol1_219#, #370:vol1_370#;
  shapes, i. #372:vol1_372# ff.;
  ornamentation, i. #375:vol1_375# ff., ii. #234#;
  subjects, i. #376:vol1_376# ff.;
  artists of, i. #379:vol1_379# ff., ii. #274#;
  arrangement of subjects on, ii. #207#;
  <lang=grc>καλός</lang>-names on, ii. #277#;                               // Tr: kalos
  transition to R.F., i. #386:vol1_386#, #393:vol1_393#, #400:vol1_400#;
  treatment of eye on, compared with R.F., i. #408:vol1_408#;
  subjects compared with R.F., i. #416:vol1_416# ff.;
  varieties of amphora in, i. #159:vol1_159#

Blanchet on Gaulish terracottas, ii. #380# ff.;
  on kilns in France, ii. #443#, #451#;
  on Gaulish pottery-centres, ii. #533#

Boar-hunts on vases, i. #315:vol1_315#, ii. #166#;
  and see #Calydonian:calydonian#

Boat-shaped vases, i. #186:vol1_186#;
  lamps, ii. #403#

Böhlau on Geometrical pottery, i. #286:vol1_286# ff.;
  on Proto-Attic, i. #292:vol1_292#;
  on Phaleron ware, i. #298:vol1_298#;
  on Ionic pottery, i. #336:vol1_336# ff.

Boeotia, pottery from, i. #52:vol1_52#;
  tiles from, i. #102:vol1_102#;
  terracottas from, i. #118:vol1_118#, #123:vol1_123#, #290:vol1_290#;
  Mycenaean pottery from, i. #274:vol1_274#;
  Geometrical, i. #52:vol1_52#, #159:vol1_159#, #286:vol1_286#;
  bronze fibulae of, i. #290:vol1_290#;
  Proto-Corinthian vases, i. #307:vol1_307#;
  later local fabrics, i. #300:vol1_300#, #391:vol1_391#, #451:vol1_451#;
  vases with reliefs, i. #497:vol1_497#;
  alphabet of, ii. #252#;
  artists’ signatures, ii. #252#, #273#

Boiae, foundation of (?), ii. #143#

Bologna, vases from, i. #72:vol1_72#;
  Villanuova civilisation at, ii. #285#

Bolsena, vases from, i. #73:vol1_73#, #501:vol1_501#

Bomarzo, vases from, i. #74:vol1_74#

<lang=grc>βομβύλιος</lang>, i. #198:vol1_198#                                   // Tr: bombylios

Borax, use of, for red glaze, ii. #437#

<target id=boreades>Boreades, ii. #81#, #115#, #116#

Boreas, ii. #80#, #115#, #194#

Boriedus, potter, ii. #551#

Boston Museum, i. #26:vol1_26#, #30:vol1_30#;
  vase in, ii. #483#

<target id=bowl>Bowls, Megarian or Homeric, i. #50:vol1_50#, #53:vol1_53#, #134:vol1_134#, #185:vol1_185#, #499:vol1_499#;
  for libations, i. #140:vol1_140#, #192:vol1_192#, ii. #471#;
  “Italian Megarian,” ii. #490#;
  forms of Gaulish, ii. #501#, #520# ff.;
  and see <em>#Calix:calix#</em>, <em>#Patera:patera#</em>, #Phiale:phiale#

Boxers, ii. #163#

Braziers, i. #105:vol1_105#

Bricks, use of, in Babylonia, i. #6:vol1_6#, #91:vol1_91#;
  in Greece, i. #89:vol1_89# ff.;
  in Etruria, ii. #314#;
  at Rome, ii. #331#, #336#, #340#, #352#;
  at Pompeii, ii. #337#;
  sun-dried, i. #91:vol1_91# ff., ii. #331#, #335#;
  baked, i. #95:vol1_95#, ii. #334# ff.;
  sizes of Roman, ii. #332#;
  methods of construction in, ii. #337# ff.;
  stamps and inscriptions on, ii. #352# ff.;
  and see #Tiles:tiles#

Bridal scenes, see #Marriage:marriage#

<target id=britain>Britain, vase-collections in, i. #27:vol1_27#;
  use of brick in, ii. #332#, #337#, and see #335#;
  tiles from, ii. #346#, #348#, #358#, #359#, #363#;
  terracotta statuettes from, ii. #379#, #384#;
  kilns found in, ii. #444#, #445#, #454#;
  wine-amphorae, ii. #461#;
  Roman pottery found in, ii. #540# ff.;
  imported wares, ii. #504#, #540#;
  subjects, #508#;
  types and chronological sequence, ii. #540#;
  barbotine wares in, ii. #513#, #544#;
  Rutenian, ii. #522#;
  Lezoux ware, ii. #529#;
  “false Samian” ware, ii. #541#;
  potters’ names from, ii. #542#;
  local fabrics, ii. #543# ff.;
  plain wares, ii. #549# ff.;
  and see #Castor:castor#, #New Forest:newforest#, #Upchurch:upchurch#
.bn 619.png
.pn +1

<target id=BM>British Museum, i. #17:vol1_17#, #24:vol1_24#, #27:vol1_27#;
  prices paid by, for vases, i. #43:vol1_43# ff.

—— School at Athens, excavations of, i. #57:vol1_57#, #262:vol1_262#, #265:vol1_265#

<lang=grc>Βρομίας</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                                     // Tr: Bromias

Brongniart on Greek vases, i. #203:vol1_203#;
  on <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang>, ii. #301#;
  on plain Roman wares, ii. #437#, #548#

Bronze, workers in, ii. #171#;
  imitations of, in <lang=it><em>bucchero</em></lang> ware, ii. #303#;
  in Roman pottery, ii. #528#, #552#

—— Age in Cyprus, i. #35:vol1_35#, #66:vol1_66#, #206:vol1_206#, #237:vol1_237# ff.;
  in Italy, ii. #283# ff.;
  porcelain ware of, i. #127:vol1_127#

Brunn on Melian reliefs, i. #120:vol1_120#

Brushes used for painting vases, i. #227:vol1_227#

Brygos, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #437:vol1_437#, ii. #256#

<target id=bucchero><lang=it><em>Bucchero</em></lang> ware in Cyprus, i. #242:vol1_242#;
  in Etruria, ii. #289#, #295#, #301# ff.

Bucket, see #κάδος:kados#, #Situla:situla#                     // Tr: kados

Bularchos, painter, i. #361:vol1_361#, #363:vol1_363#

<target id=burgon>Burgon vases, i. #45:vol1_45#, #47:vol1_47#, #57:vol1_57#, #145:vol1_145#, #285:vol1_285#, #295:vol1_295#

Burial scenes, and use of vases in, see #Funeral:funeral#

Burlesques, ii. #159#;
  and see #Caricatures:caricatures#, #Comedy:comedy#

Busiris, ii. #102#

Busts of terracotta (funereal), i. #123:vol1_123#

Butades, i. #98:vol1_98#, #110:vol1_110#

Butrio, potter, ii. #527#

.sp 2
Cacus, ii. #100#

<target id=cadus><em>Cadus</em>, ii. #463#;
  and see #κάδος:kados#                           // Tr: kados

Caecilius Saevus, L., lamp-maker, ii. #406#, #423#, #425#, #428#

Caere, see #Cervetri:cervetri#

Caeretan hydriae, i. #166:vol1_166#, #353:vol1_353# ff., ii. #308#;
  allied fabrics, i. #356:vol1_356# ff.

Caesar, C. Julius, his finds of vases at Corinth, i. #134:vol1_134#

Caistor-by-Norwich, kiln at, ii. #445#, #449#

Calene phialae, i. #502:vol1_502#, and see ii. #490#

Calidius Strigo, potter, ii. #482#

<target id=calix><em>Calix</em>, ii. #468#;
  and see #Bowl:bowl#, #Kylix:kylix#

Calvi (Cales), vases from, i. #81:vol1_81#, #119:vol1_119#, #146:vol1_146#, #191:vol1_191#, #502:vol1_502#

<target id=calydonian>Calydonian boar-hunt, ii. #114#, #294#

Calyx-patterns, ii. #221#

Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, i. #27:vol1_27#

Cambridgeshire, Roman tombs in, ii. #351#, #456#

<target id=campania>Campania, vases found in, i. #80:vol1_80#, #146:vol1_146#;
  amphorae of, i. #162:vol1_162#, #469:vol1_469#, #484:vol1_484#;
  fabrics of, i. #467:vol1_467# ff., #482:vol1_482# ff.;
  local, i. #227:vol1_227#, #484:vol1_484#;
  Roman pottery in, ii. #475#, #478#

Candelabrum-amphorae, i. #162:vol1_162#

Canino, i. #44:vol1_44#, #76:vol1_76#;
  and see #Vulci:vulci#

Canoleius, L., potter, i. #502:vol1_502#

Canopic jars (Etruscan), ii. #304#

Canosa, vases from, i. #84:vol1_84#, #118:vol1_118#, #146:vol1_146#, #487:vol1_487#

<lang=la><em>Capedo, capis</em></lang>, ii. #471#

Capitoline Jupiter, temple of, ii. #314#, #371#, and see i. #116:vol1_116#;
  statue of, ii. #314#, #372#

Capua, vases from, i. #81:vol1_81#, ii. #488#, #493#;
  tiles from, i. #98:vol1_98#, #103:vol1_103#;
  vases with gilding from, i. #210:vol1_210#, #231:vol1_231#, #498:vol1_498#;
  forgeries made at, i. #42:vol1_42#

Caria, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#, #330:vol1_330#, #340:vol1_340#

<target id=caricatures>Caricatures on vases, i. #392:vol1_392#

Carthage, lamps from, ii. #397#, #399#, #405#, #422#;
  Gaulish vase at, ii. #523#

Casks, see #Dolium:dolium#, #Pithos:pithos#

<target id=castor>Castor, kilns of, ii. #435#, #437#, #444#, #446# ff.;
   ware of, ii. #543#, and see #442#, #536#

<lang=la><em>Catagrapha</em></lang>, i. #397:vol1_397#, #455:vol1_455#

Catalogues of vases, i. #26:vol1_26# ff.;
  and see #Bibliography:vol1_biblio# in Vol. I.

<lang=la><em>Catinus</em></lang> and <lang=la><em>catillus</em></lang>, ii. #469#

Cato on terracotta sculpture at Rome, ii. #373#

Caudebec, terracotta figure from, ii. #384#

Cave-dwellings, pottery from, i. #4:vol1_4#

Ceglie, vases from, i. #84:vol1_84#

Centaurs, ii. #102#, #111#, #145#, #195#

Centorbi, vases from, i. #87:vol1_87#

Cerialis, potter, ii. #439#, #511#, #536#

Cerigo, see #Kythera:kythera#

<target id=cervetri>Cervetri (Caere), vases from, i. #75:vol1_75#, ii. #292# ff., #297#, #307#, #308#;
  architectural terracottas from, i. #98:vol1_98#, ii. #315#, #317#;
  vases with reliefs from, i. #496:vol1_496#, ii. #292#;
  painted slabs from, ii. #299#, #319#;
  Regulini-Galassi tomb at, ii. #300#;
  <em>abecedaria</em> from, ii. #311#;
  sarcophagi from, ii. #317#, #321#

Cesnola, i. #65:vol1_65#

Chachrylion, potter, i. #420:vol1_420#, #424:vol1_424#, #427:vol1_427#, #430:vol1_430#

chaῖre kaὶ pίei eὖ, i. #373:vol1_373#, ii. #265#                  // Tr: chaire kai piei eu
.bn 620.png
.pn +1

Chalcidian vases, i. #321:vol1_321# ff.;
  alphabet and inscriptions, ii. #253#

Chalcosthenes or Caicosthenes, i. #92:vol1_92#

<target id=chalkis>Chalkis as pottery centre, i. #55:vol1_55#, #307:vol1_307#, #321:vol1_321# ff., #495:vol1_495#

Chamber-tombs (Etruscan), ii. #294# ff.

Chares, vase-painter, i. #315:vol1_315#

Charinos, potter, i. #411:vol1_411#, #492:vol1_492#

Chariot-scenes on vases, ii. #164#, #166#, #176#;
  on lamps, ii. #417#, #422#

Charioteer, dress of, ii. #198#

Charon, i. #459:vol1_459#, ii. #69#, #193#

Charun, ii. #69#, #193#, #310#

Cheiron, ii. #95#, #120#, #145#

Chelis, potter, i. #420:vol1_420#, #424:vol1_424#, #427:vol1_427#

Chequer-patterns, ii. #215#

Chest of Kypselos, see #Kypselos:kypselos#

<target id=chevrons>Chevron-patterns, ii. #214#

Chigi vase, i. #309:vol1_309#

Children, vases used by, i. #137:vol1_137#;
  subjects relating to, ii. #167#, #174#

Chimaera, ii. #114#, #148#

Chiton, treatment of, on vases, i. #372:vol1_372#, ii. #200#

Chiusi, vases from, i. #73:vol1_73#;
  as centre for Etruscan pottery, ii. #302#, #304#

Christian lamps, ii. #404#, #420#

Chronology of Cypriote pottery, i. #245:vol1_245# ff.;
  of Cretan, i. #265:vol1_265#;
  of R.F. vases, i. #401:vol1_401# ff., #463:vol1_463#, ii. #271#;
  of Gaulish terracottas, ii. #385#;
  of Roman lamps, ii. #399# ff.;
  of Gaulish pottery, ii. #501# ff., #516# ff.

Chrysaor, ii. #112#

Chryse, ii. #105#, #115#, #124#

Chrysos, ii. #85#, #88#

Chthonian deities, in terracottas, i. #123:vol1_123# ff.;
  on vases, ii. #67# ff.

<lang=grc>χύτρα</lang>, i. #174:vol1_174#                              // Tr: chytra

<lang=grc>χυτρεύς</lang>, <lang=grc>χυτροπλάθος</lang>, i. #232:vol1_232#               // Tr: chytreus: chytroplathos

<target id=ciborium>Ciborium, i. #186:vol1_186#, ii. #468#

Cicero quoted, ii. #365#, #371#

Cincelli, potteries at, ii. #480#, #483#

<target id=cineraryurn>Cinerary urns, i. #144:vol1_144# ff.;
  Etruscan, ii. #285#, #288#;
  Roman, ii. #456#, and see #550#;
  and see <i>#Ossuaria:ossuaria#</i>

Cinnamus, potter, ii. #527#

Circle-patterns, ii. #216#

Circus, scenes from, on mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  on lamps, ii. #417#, #422#

Cistae, Etruscan, compared with vases, ii. #307#

Cities personified, ii. #81#, #82#, #194#

Civil use of pottery, see #Measures:measures#

Civita Castellana, see #Falerii:falerii#

—— Lavinia, terracottas from, i. #98:vol1_98#, #101:vol1_101#, ii. #316#, #317#

—— Vecchia, vases from, i. #74:vol1_74#

Classical literature, see #Literature:literature#

Clay, earliest working in, i. #5:vol1_5# ff.;
  uses of, i. #89:vol1_89# ff.;
  varieties of, i. #113:vol1_113#, #204:vol1_204#;
  used for bricks and tiles, i. #90:vol1_90# ff., ii. #333# ff.;
  for sarcophagi, i. #104:vol1_104#;
  for models, i. #111:vol1_111#, ii. #375#;
  for porcelain objects, i. #127:vol1_127#;
  in sculpture, i. #109:vol1_109# ff., ii. #314#, #317#, #371# ff.;
  nature of, for terracotta figures, i. #113:vol1_113#, ii. #380#;
  for mural reliefs, ii. #366#;
  for lamps, ii. #404#;
  for Roman pottery, ii. #434# ff., #548#;
  preparation of, for vases, i. #202:vol1_202# ff.;
  representations of digging for, ii. #170#

Clazomenae, vases from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #64:vol1_64#, #330:vol1_330#, #354:vol1_354#, #356:vol1_356#;
  as centre of Ionic fabric, i. #350:vol1_350#, #354:vol1_354#;
  sarcophagi of, i. #62:vol1_62#, #362:vol1_362# ff.;
  compared with vases, i. #350:vol1_350# ff.

Cobnertus, potter, ii. #440#

Coins, terracotta moulds for, i. #106:vol1_106#, ii. #390# ff.;
  compared with R.F. vases, i. #426:vol1_426#;
  evidence of, for Greek alphabets, ii. #246#

Colchester, terracottas from, ii. #384#;
  kilns at, ii. #445#;
  vase from, ii. #544#

Collections of vases, early, i. #16:vol1_16# ff.;
  list of existing, i. #27:vol1_27# ff.

Colours used for terracottas, i. #116:vol1_116#;
  for vases, i. #230:vol1_230#;
  in Etruscan art, ii. #299#, #321# ff.;
  for mural reliefs, ii. #366#

Combats, ii. #175# ff.;
  and see #Gladiators:gladiators#

<target id=comedy>Comedy, scenes from, on vases, i. #473:vol1_473#, ii. #160#

Comitialis, potter, ii. #511#

“Complementary” method of representation, ii. #10#

Concentric circles, Cypriote, i. #251:vol1_251#, ii. #216#

<lang=la><em>Conclamatio</em></lang>, ii. #157#

Concrete, use of, in Roman buildings, ii. #335# ff.

Condatomagus, see #Graufesenque:graufesenque#

<lang=la><em>Congius</em></lang>, ii. #472#
.bn 621.png
.pn +1

Consuls, names of, on tiles, ii. #360#;
  on vases, ii. #462#, #512#

“Continuous” method of representation, ii. #10#

Convivial inscriptions, ii. #265#, #524#, #538#

Cooking-vessels, i. #174:vol1_174#, ii. #470#

<target id=corfu>Corfu, vases from, i. #54:vol1_54#; tiles from, i. #101:vol1_101#

Corinth, its early commercial and artistic importance, i. #11:vol1_11#, #303:vol1_303#;
  finds of pottery at, i. #50:vol1_50#, #139:vol1_139#, #304:vol1_304#, #305:vol1_305#, #307:vol1_307#;
  amphora-handles from, i. #158:vol1_158#;
  clay of, i. #304:vol1_304#, #305:vol1_305#;
  industries of, represented on vases, i. #207:vol1_207#, #216:vol1_216#, #305:vol1_305#, #317:vol1_317#, ii. #170#

Corinthian krater, i. #168:vol1_168#;
  kylix, i. #190:vol1_190#;
  painters, i. #312:vol1_312#, #320:vol1_320#, #395:vol1_395#;
  pinakes, i. #51:vol1_51#, #139:vol1_139#, #207:vol1_207#, #216:vol1_216#, #224:vol1_224#, #305:vol1_305#, #316:vol1_316#, ii. #23#, #170#, #249#, #251#;
  vases generally, i. #304:vol1_304# ff.;
  sites where found, i. #304:vol1_304#;
  classification, i. #305:vol1_305# ff.;
  shapes, i. #311:vol1_311# ff., #317:vol1_317#;
  ornamentation, i. #311:vol1_311# ff., #320:vol1_320#, ii. #233#;
  subjects, i. #314:vol1_314#, #318:vol1_318#;
  inscriptions, i. #315:vol1_315#, #326:vol1_326#, ii. #249# ff.;
  potters’ names, i. #315:vol1_315#, ii. #250#, #273#;
  imitations of, i. #321:vol1_321#;
  types from, on “Tyrrhenian” amphorae, i. #326:vol1_326#;
  points of contact with Ionia, i. #329:vol1_329# ff.;
  found in Etruria, i. #77:vol1_77#, #318:vol1_318#, ii. #294# ff., #307#

Corintho-Attic vases, see #Tyrrhenian:tyrrhenian#

Cornelius, P., potter, ii. #482#

Corneto, vases from, i. #74:vol1_74#, ii. #284#

Cornices of terracotta, i. #97:vol1_97#, ii. #344#

Cosmogonic deities, ii. #73# ff.

<target id=costume>Costume on Greek vases, ii. #200# ff.

Countries personified, ii. #81#, #82#, #194#

“Courting”-scenes, i. #475:vol1_475#, ii. #183#

<em>Crater</em>, see #Krater:krater#

Crescent patterns, ii. #218#

Cretan bull, ii. #96#

<target id=crete>Crete, finds in, i. #59:vol1_59#, #152:vol1_152#, #263:vol1_263# ff.;
  <lang=la><em>ossuaria</em></lang> in, i. #145:vol1_145#, #272:vol1_272#;
  ethnography of, i. #264:vol1_264#;
  early pottery of, i. #265:vol1_265# ff.;
  as Mycenaean centre, i. #269:vol1_269#, #274:vol1_274#;
  influence on later pottery, i. #276:vol1_276#;
  the island personified, ii. #82#

Crimea, vases from, i. #60:vol1_60#, #330:vol1_330#, #340:vol1_340#, #447:vol1_447#, #448:vol1_448#, #464:vol1_464#;
  wine-amphorae from, i. #158:vol1_158#

Croesus, see #Kroisos:kroisos#

<lang=la><em>Crudus</em></lang>, used of bricks, i. #90:vol1_90#, #92:vol1_92#;
  of vases, i. #214:vol1_214#

“Cult of Tomb” on lekythi, i. #143:vol1_143#, #459:vol1_459#, #460:vol1_460#, ii. #158#;
  on Apulian vases, i. #144:vol1_144#, #476:vol1_476#, ii. #158#

Cumae, vases from, i. #80:vol1_80#, #210:vol1_210#;
  fabrics of, i. #483:vol1_483#, ii. #478#

Cupid, see #Eros:eros#

Cups, see #Drinking-cup:drinkingcup#, #Kylix:kylix#, etc.

Curetes and infant Zeus, ii. #368#

Curium, tombs at, i. #36:vol1_36#, #255:vol1_255#, and see #66:vol1_66#, #67:vol1_67#;
  vases from, i. #128:vol1_128#, #243:vol1_243# ff., #488:vol1_488#

Cyathus, ii. #467#;
  and see #Kyathos:kyathos#

Cyclades, finds in, i. #56:vol1_56#;
  early pottery of, i. #9:vol1_9#, #56:vol1_56#, #260:vol1_260# ff., #303:vol1_303#

Cyclic poets and vase-subjects, ii. #4#, #119# ff.

<cite>Cycnus</cite>, scene from drama of, ii. #531#

Cylinders, Assyrian, i. #7:vol1_7#

Cyprus, vase-collections in, i. #30:vol1_30#;
  tombs in, i. #34:vol1_34# ff.;
  finds of pottery, i. #65:vol1_65#, #237:vol1_237#, #240:vol1_240#, #250:vol1_250#, #273:vol1_273#, #280:vol1_280#;
  terracottas, i. #112:vol1_112#, #123:vol1_123# ff.;
  general character of pottery, i. #236:vol1_236#;
  shapes of vases,. i. #238:vol1_238#, #252:vol1_252#;
  Bronze-Age pottery, i. #66:vol1_66#, #206:vol1_206#, #237:vol1_237# ff.;
  Mycenaean pottery, i. #239:vol1_239#, #244:vol1_244#;
  Graeco-Phoenician, i. #247:vol1_247# ff.;
  Hellenic, i. #255:vol1_255#;
  Roman, ii. #495#, #499#;
  ethnology of inhabitants, i. #240:vol1_240#, #248:vol1_248#;
  chronology of pottery, i. #250:vol1_250#

<target id=cyrenaica>Cyrenaica, tombs in, i. #36:vol1_36#;
  vases from, i. #69:vol1_69#, #465:vol1_465#;
  terracottas, i. #125:vol1_125#, #126:vol1_126#;
  and see #Kyrene:kyrene#

Cyrene, see #Kyrene:kyrene#


Daidalos, see #Ikaros:ikaros#

Daily life, scenes from, on vases, i. #417:vol1_417#, #449:vol1_449#, #475:vol1_475#, ii. #154# ff.;
  on lamps, ii. #416# ff.;
  of women and children, ii. #172# ff.

Dali, pottery of, i. #250:vol1_250#, #273:vol1_273#

Danaë, ii. #19#, #112#

Danaids, ii. #68#

Danaos (?), ii. #140#

Dancing scenes on Greek vases, ii. #168#, #182#;
  on Arretine vases, see #Hieroduli:hieroduli#

Daphnae, pottery from, i. #68:vol1_68#, #349:vol1_349# ff.;
  Fikellura style at, i. #338:vol1_338#, #352:vol1_352#;
  scale-pattern used at, i. #311:vol1_311#, #337:vol1_337#, #352:vol1_352#, ii. #218#

Dardanus, see #Troad:troad#

Dareios in council, ii. #151#
.bn 622.png
.pn +1

Daulis, vases from, i. #53:vol1_53#

Dawn, see #Eos:eos#

<target id=deathdeities>Death-deities, ii. #72#;
  and see #Thanatos:thanatos#

Déchelette on Gaulish pottery, ii. #432#, #504# ff., #516# ff.

Decoration of vases, artistic value of, i. #14:vol1_14#;
  see #Ornamentation:ornamentation#, #Subjects:subjects#

Decorative patterns, see #Ornamental:ornamental#

Dedicatory inscriptions on Greek vases, i. #139:vol1_139#, ii. #242#;
  on lamps, ii. #421#

Deepdene, collection of vases at, i. #17:vol1_17#, #27:vol1_27#, #323:vol1_323#

Deianeira, ii. #102#, #104#

Deinos (vase-shape), i. #173:vol1_173#

Deities, terracotta statuettes of, i. #122:vol1_122#;
  Gaulish, ii. #384# ff.;
  representations of, on vases, see Chaps. #XII:ch12#., #XIII:ch13#.;
  on lamps, ii. #408# ff.;
  Etruscan, ii. #310#

Delos as centre of vase-fabric (?), i. #57:vol1_57#, #302:vol1_302#;
  braziers made at, i. #105:vol1_105#

Delphi, pottery from, i. #53:vol1_53#

Delphic scenes on vases, ii. #29# ff., #103#, #138#

Delphiniform lamps, ii. #399#

<target id=demeter>Demeter, ii. #26# ff., #189#;
  bust of, in terracotta, i. #123:vol1_123#

Demons, on braziers, i. #105:vol1_105#;
  and see #Death-deities:deathdeities#

<lang=grc>Δημόσια</lang> on tiles, i. #102:vol1_102#;                          // Tr: Dêmosia
  on a washing-basin, ii. #260#

<lang=grc>Δημόσιον</lang> on a measure, i. #135:vol1_135#                     // Tr: Dêmosion

Demosthenes, allusions to vases in, i. #133:vol1_133#, #142:vol1_142#

Dennis, explorations of, in the Cyrenaica, i. #36:vol1_36#;
  in Etruria, i. #38:vol1_38#;
  in Sicily, i. #87:vol1_87#

Departure-scenes on vases, ii. #176#

<lang=grc>δέπας</lang>, i. #148:vol1_148#, #181:vol1_181#                                  // Tr: depas

<lang=la><em>Depositio</em></lang>-scenes, i. #459:vol1_459#, ii. #157#

Descriptive names, ii. #91#, #260#

Devices on shields, ii. #198#

Diadumenos, terracotta figure of, i. #126:vol1_126#

Diana on Gaulish pottery, ii. #507#, #508#;
  and see #Artemis:artemis#

Diitrephes (?), ii. #151#

Dike, ii. #69#, #89#

Dimini, pottery from, i. #54:vol1_54#

<lang=grc>δίμυξος</lang> (of lamps), i. #107:vol1_107#                         // Tr: dimyxos

Diocletian, tile-stamps in reign of, ii. #353#, #362#

Diogenes on lamp, ii. #415#, #421#;
  tub of, i. #151:vol1_151#

Diomedes, horses of, ii. #98#

—— in Trojan scenes, ii. #127#, #128#, #133#

Diomos (tribal hero) ?, ii. #140#

<target id=dionysiac>Dionysiac personifications, ii. #64# ff., #91#;
  scenes on vases, ii. #32#, #54#, #57# ff.;
  on R.F. vases, i. #416:vol1_416#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #369#;
  on lamps, ii. #411#;
  on Arretine vases, ii. #492#, #493#

Dionysos on vases, ii. #55# ff., #191#;
  in ship, i. #381:vol1_381#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #14#, #56#;
  birth of, ii. #19#, #55#;
  in Attica, ii. #139#;
  sacrifices to, i. #140:vol1_140#, ii. #60#

<target id=dioskuri>Dioskuri on vases, ii. #93#, #115#, #194#;
  on lamps, ii. #413#

Diota, i. #154:vol1_154#, #163:vol1_163#, ii. #460#

<target id=dipylon>Dipylon, cemetery of, i. #9:vol1_9#, #48:vol1_48#, #280:vol1_280#;
  vases from, i. #48:vol1_48#, #247:vol1_247#, #253:vol1_253#, #255:vol1_255#, #280:vol1_280# ff.;
  ornamentation, i. #282:vol1_282#, ii. #232#;
  subjects, i. #285:vol1_285#, ii. #157#, #178#;
  chronology, i. #291:vol1_291#;
  influence on later vases, i. #293:vol1_293#, #298:vol1_298#;
  early inscribed vase from, ii. #243#

Discovery of vases, circumstances of, i. #33:vol1_33# ff.

Discs of terracotta of unknown use, i. #105:vol1_105#, #106:vol1_106#

<lang=la><em>Discus</em></lang> (<lang=grc>δίσκος</lang>), name of vase, i. #194:vol1_194#, ii. #469#;    // Tr: diskos
  part of lamp, ii. #395#

Dishes, Greek, i. #194:vol1_194#;
  Roman, ii. #468#

Diskos, throwing of, ii. #163#

Divixtus, potter, ii. #527#

<target id=dodwell>Dodwell pyxis, i. #50:vol1_50#, #315:vol1_315#, ii. #250#

Dörpfeld, discoveries of, at Troy, i. #61:vol1_61#, #153:vol1_153#, #257:vol1_257#, #259:vol1_259#

<lang=grc>Δοκιμασία</lang> of Athenian knights, ii. #177#                    // Tr: Dokimasia

<lang=la><em>Doliarius</em></lang>, ii. #457#, #511#

<target id=dolium><lang=la><em>Dolium</em></lang>, ii. #438#, #457# ff.;
  and see #Pithos:pithos#

Dolls of terracotta, i. #113:vol1_113#, #114:vol1_114#, #120:vol1_120#

Dolon, story of, i. #363:vol1_363#, ii. #128#

Domestic use of vases, i. #136:vol1_136#, #138:vol1_138#, and see #252:vol1_252#;
  Roman, ii. #431#, #455# ff., #549# ff.

<lang=la><em>Domitia gens</em></lang>, tiles of, ii. #357#, #358#

Dorian invasion, i. #245:vol1_245#, #277:vol1_277#

Doric architecture, use of tiles in, i. #94:vol1_94#;
  dialect used at Athens, ii. #256#

Douai, potters’ stamps from, ii. #503#

Dragendorff on Roman pottery in Greece, ii. #476#, #498#;
  on Arretine ware, ii. #482#,
.bn 623.png
.pn +1
489 ff.;
  on provincial ware, ii. #499# ff.;
  on Roman red glaze, ii. #435#

Drain-pipes, see #Pipes:pipes#

<target id=drama>Drama, subjects from, on late vases, i. #471:vol1_471# ff., ii. #7#, #159# ff.

<target id=drapery>Drapery, treatment of, on B.F. vases, i. #372:vol1_372#;
  on R.F., i. #408:vol1_408#;
  and see ii. #201#

Drawing on Greek vases, technique of, i. #222:vol1_222# ff.;
  on B.F. vases, i. #371:vol1_371#;
  on R.F., i. #406:vol1_406# ff.;
  on white-ground vases, i. #457:vol1_457#;
  on South Italian, i. #470:vol1_470#;
  and see i. #396:vol1_396#

Dress on vases, see #Costume:costume#, #Drapery:drapery#

Dressel on tile-stamps, ii. #352# ff.;
  on Arretine stamps, ii. #486#, #487#

<target id=drinkingcup>Drinking-cups, i. #148:vol1_148# ff., #180:vol1_180# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #467#, and see #475#

Dümmler on Cypriote pottery, i. #240:vol1_240#;
  on Rhodian, i. #336:vol1_336#;
  on Daphnae pottery, i. #350:vol1_350#;
  on Caeretan vases, i. #354:vol1_354#;
  on “Pontic,” i. #359:vol1_359#;
  on Etruscan imitations of Caeretan, ii. #308#

Duris, vase-painter, i. #21:vol1_21#, #421:vol1_421#, #434:vol1_434# ff., #440:vol1_440#, ii. #263#, #268#


Earth-Mother, see #Gaia:gaia#, #Κουροτρόφος:Kourotrophos#                 // Tr: Kourotrophos

<em>Echea</em>, ii. #457#

Echelos, see #Basile:basile#

Echo, ii. #81#;
  and see #Pan:pan#

Egg-pattern, ii. #220#

<lang=grc>ἐγκοτύλη</lang>, ii. #167#                                                  // Tr: egkotulê

Egnazia, see #Gnatia:gnatia#

<lang=grc>ἔγραψε</lang>, form of signature, i. #379:vol1_379#, #422:vol1_422#, ii. #257# ff., #273# ff.       // Tr: egrapse

Egypt, pre-dynastic pottery of, i. #4:vol1_4#;
  brick used in, i. #6:vol1_6#, #94:vol1_94#;
  use of wheel in, i. #7:vol1_7#;
  enamels of, i. #8:vol1_8#;
  pottery found in, i. #67:vol1_67#;
  lamps in, i. #107:vol1_107#;
  porcelain ware, i. #126:vol1_126# ff.;
  influence of, on Cypriote pottery, i. #239:vol1_239#, #247:vol1_247# ff.;
  Cypriote pottery in, i. #239:vol1_239#, #242:vol1_242#, #243:vol1_243#;
  evidence from, for Cretan and Mycenaean pottery, i. #266:vol1_266#, #267:vol1_267#, #271:vol1_271#;
  influence of, in Etruria, ii. #299#, #303#, #304#

Egyptian situla at Daphnae, i. #350:vol1_350#;
  subjects on Caeretan vases, i. #355:vol1_355#;
  in Roman mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  in Gaulish terracottas, ii. #386#;
  on lamps, ii. #402#, #403#, #412#

Egyptians on vases, ii. #180#

<lang=grc>εἴδωλα</lang>, i. #460:vol1_460#, ii. #72#, #193#                              // Tr: eidôla

Eileithyia, ii. #15#, #76#

Eirene, ii. #85#

<lang=grc>ἐκεράμευσε</lang>, form of signature, i. #379:vol1_379#, ii. #258#           // Tr: ekerameuse

Ekphantos, painter, i. #312:vol1_312#, #320:vol1_320#, #395:vol1_395#

Elateia, tiles from, i. #102:vol1_102#

Elektra, ii. #137#

<target id=eleusinian>Eleusinian mysteries, supposed references to, i. #21:vol1_21#;
  scenes relating to, ii. #27#;
  and see #Demeter:demeter#, #Persephone:persephone#

Eleusis, finds of vases at, i. #49:vol1_49#;
  personified, ii. #82#

<lang=grc>ἐλλύχνιον</lang>, i. #107:vol1_107#                                        // Tr: ellychnion

<lang=grc>ἐμβάφιον</lang>, i. #124:vol1_124#                                         // Tr: embaphion

<target id=emblemata>ἐμβλήματα, i. #130:vol1_130#;                  // Tr: emblêmata
  and see #<lang=fr><em>Appliqué</em></lang>:applique# reliefs

Emperors’ names on tiles, ii. #354# ff.;
  on pottery, ii. #462#

Enamelling, i. #8:vol1_8#, #126:vol1_126# ff.

Endt on Ionic vases, i. #350:vol1_350#, #354:vol1_354# ff.

England, see #Britain:britain#

Enkelados, ii. #13#

Enkomi, vases from, i. #66:vol1_66#, #127:vol1_127#, #242:vol1_242# ff.

<target id=eos>Eos, ii. #79#;
  with Kephalos, i. #98:vol1_98#, ii. #80#;
  with Memnon, ii. #132#

Epexegetic system of interpretation, i. #20:vol1_20#

Ephebi on R.F. vases, i. #417:vol1_417#

<lang=grc>ἔφηβος</lang>, i. #179:vol1_179#                               // Tr: ephêbos

<lang=grc>ἐφεδρισμός</lang>, ii. #167#                          // Tr: ephedrismos

Ephialtes, ii. #13#

Epic poetry and vases, ii. #3# ff.

Epichysis, i. #179:vol1_179#, #469:vol1_469#

Epidromos <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #425:vol1_425#                     // Tr: kalos

Epigenes, potter, i. #445:vol1_445#

Epiktetos, vase-painter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #398:vol1_398#, #420:vol1_420#, #422:vol1_422#, #425:vol1_425#;
  cups from school of, i. #417:vol1_417#, #425:vol1_425# ff.

Epilykos, vase-painter, i. #424:vol1_424#

<lang=grc>ἐπίνητρον</lang>, i. #199:vol1_199#                          // Tr: epinêtron

<lang=grc>ἐποίησε</lang>, form of signature, i. #379:vol1_379#, #422:vol1_422#, ii. #257# ff., #273# ff.  // Tr: epoiêse

Epona, ii. #386#

<target id=eretria>Eretria, vases from, i. #55:vol1_55#, #458:vol1_458#

<lang=grc>ἐρεύς</lang>, i. #194:vol1_194#                             // Tr: ereus

<lang=la><em>Ergasterion</em></lang>, i. #233:vol1_233#

Erginos, potter, i. #444:vol1_444#

—— and heralds, ii. #102#
.bn 624.png
.pn +1

Ergotimos, potter, i. #370:vol1_370#, #379:vol1_379#, #380:vol1_380#, ii. #257#

Erichthonios, birth of, ii. #139#

Erinnyes, see #Furies:furies#

Eriphyle, ii. #118#

Eris, ii. #90#, #194#

<target id=eros>Eros in terracottas, i. #126:vol1_126#;
  on vases, i. #377:vol1_377#, #418:vol1_418#, #475:vol1_475#, #486:vol1_486#, ii. #45# ff., and see ii. #89#;
  types of, i. #486:vol1_486#, ii. #45#, #48#, #191#;
  with Aphrodite, ii. #42# ff.;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #369#;
  on lamps, ii. #410#

Erymanthian boar, ii. #97#

Erythrae, amphorae in temple at, i. #205:vol1_205#

Esquiline, lamps from, ii. #393#, #399#, and see #481#;
  pottery from, ii. #477#

Ethical ideas on vases, ii. #89#

Ethiopians, ii. #180#

<lang=grc>ἦθμος</lang>, i. #175:vol1_175#                                    // Tr: êthmos

Ethnography of Crete, i. #264:vol1_264#;
  of Mycenaeans, i. #275:vol1_275#

Ethnological value of study of vases, i. #10:vol1_10#

<lang=grc>ἐτνήρυσις</lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#                                // Tr: etnêrusis

<target id=etruria>Etruria, discoveries in, i. #19:vol1_19#, #72:vol1_72# ff.;
  tombs of, i. #37:vol1_37#, #78:vol1_78#, #104:vol1_104#, #145:vol1_145#, ii. #284# ff.;
  architecture of, in terracotta, i. #101:vol1_101#, ii. #313# ff.;
  terracotta sarcophagi, i. #104:vol1_104#, ii. #299#, #317#, #320# ff.;
  sculpture in terracotta, i. #109:vol1_109#, ii. #313#, #317#;
  relations with Greece in Geometrical period, i. #292:vol1_292#, ii. #289# ff.;
  vase-painting in, i. #358:vol1_358#, ii. #307# ff.;
  relief wares of, i. #496:vol1_496#, #501:vol1_501#, ii. #292# ff.;
  paintings on terracotta, ii. #299#, #319#;
  earliest civilisation of, ii. #282# ff.;
  earliest pottery, ii. #285#;
  wheel-made, ii. #290#;
  Villanuova period in, ii. #290# ff.;
  early Greek influence in, ii. #291#, #293#, #296# ff., #303#;
  early Oriental influence, ii. #292#, #296# ff.;
  character of art of, ii. #309#, #322#;
  Roman pottery in, ii. #486#, and see #Arretine ware:arretine#

<target id=etruscan>Etruscan alphabet, ii. #311#;
  artists at Rome, ii. #372#;
  inscriptions on vases, ii. #310#;
  pottery, see #<lang=it><em>Bucchero</em></lang>:bucchero#, #Cervetri:cervetri#, #Polledrara:polledrara#

“Etruscan” theory of origin of Greek vases, i. #18:vol1_18#, #79:vol1_79#

Etruscans, origin of, ii. #281#

Euboea personified, ii. #82#;
  vases found in, i. #55:vol1_55#;
  and see #Chalkis:chalkis#, #Eretria:eretria#

Eucheiros, painter, i. #395:vol1_395#

Eucheiros, potter, i. #374:vol1_374#, #379:vol1_379#, #384:vol1_384#

Euergides, potter, i. #424:vol1_424#

Eumaros, painter, i. #317:vol1_317#, #371:vol1_371#, #396:vol1_396#

Euphorbos-plate or pinax, i. #334:vol1_334#, #335:vol1_335#, ii. #129#, #249#

Euphronios, potter and painter, i. #398:vol1_398#, #402:vol1_402#, #403:vol1_403#, #421:vol1_421# ff., #428:vol1_428#, #430:vol1_430# ff., #440:vol1_440#

Euripides, subjects from, on vases, i. #472:vol1_472#, #500:vol1_500#, ii. #162#;
  on lamp, ii. #415#, #421#

Europa, ii. #19#

Eurystheus, i. #151:vol1_151#, ii. #97#

Euthymides, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #427:vol1_427#, ii. #258#

Euxitheos, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #429:vol1_429#

Evans, Dr. A. J., discoveries of, i. #59:vol1_59#, #152:vol1_152#, #265:vol1_265# ff.

<lang=grc>ἐξάλειπτρον</lang>, i. #198:vol1_198#                                         // Tr: exaleiptron

Exarchos (Abae), vase from, i. #217:vol1_217#

Excavations, vases found in, i. #138:vol1_138#;
  and see Chapter #II:vol1_ch02#. <i>passim</i>

Exclamatory inscriptions on vases, ii. #261# ff.;
  on lamps, ii. #422#

Exekias, potter and painter, i. #161:vol1_161#, #374:vol1_374#, #375:vol1_375#, #379:vol1_379#, #380:vol1_380# ff., ii. #218#, #257#

Explanatory inscriptions on vases, ii. #259# ff.

Expression of figures, i. #398:vol1_398#, #408:vol1_408#, ii. #202# ff.

Eye, treatment of, on vases, ii. #203#;
  on Ionic, i. #356:vol1_356#;
  on Attic, i. #408:vol1_408#

Eyes on vases, i. #257:vol1_257#, #357:vol1_357#, #410:vol1_410#, #426:vol1_426#, #427:vol1_427#


Fables on Roman lamps, ii. #416#

Fabricius Masculus, L., lamp-maker, ii. #424#, #425#

Fabroni on Roman pottery, ii. #437#, #479#

<target id=falerii>Falerii (Civita Castellana), vases found or made at, i. #75:vol1_75#, #485:vol1_485#, ii. #301#, #309#;
  early settlements at, ii. #289#

False amphora (Mycenaean), i. #271:vol1_271#

“False Samian” ware, ii. #474#, #502#, #541#

Farces, scenes from, on vases, i. #473:vol1_473#, ii. #159# ff.

Fasano, vases found at, i. #85:vol1_85#;
  and see #Gnatia:gnatia#

Fates on vases, ii. #84#

<lang=la><em>Favissae</em></lang> (rubbish-heaps of temples), i. #345:vol1_345#;
  and see i. #138:vol1_138#
.bn 625.png
.pn +1

Fayûm, pottery from, i. #67:vol1_67#;
  terracotta coin-moulds from, i. #106:vol1_106#, ii. #391#

Feather-brush or pen, use of, in vase-painting, i. #227:vol1_227# ff.

Fecunditas, ii. #384#, #386#

<lang=la><em>Felicitas</em></lang> on lamps, ii. #398#, #413#

Felixstowe, vases from, ii. #440#, #529#

Fibulae, Boeotian, compared with vases, i. #289:vol1_289#

<lang=la><em>Fictiliarius</em></lang>, ii. #511#

<lang=la><em>Fidelia</em></lang>, ii. #465#

<lang=la><em>Figlinae</em></lang> of tile-makers, ii. #356#

Figure-subjects, introduced on Greek vases, i. #281:vol1_281# ff., #314:vol1_314# ff.;
  in Etruria, ii. #291# ff.;
  on Arretine ware, ii. #492#;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #506#, #507#, #514#, #521#, #527#;
  at Castor, #544#

“Fikellura” or Samian ware, i. #336:vol1_336# ff.;
  at Daphnae, i. #338:vol1_338#, #352:vol1_352#

“Fine” style of R.F. vases, i. #421:vol1_421#, #440:vol1_440# ff.

Fink on Roman lamps, ii. #400#, #428#

Fish-plates, i. #194:vol1_194#, #487:vol1_487#, ii. #186#

Flange-tiles, ii. #341#, #342#

Floral patterns on Corinthian vases, i. #312:vol1_312#;
  and see #Lotos:lotos#, #Palmette:palmette#, #Rosette:rosette#

Flue-tiles, ii. #346# ff.

Flute-players on vases, ii. #169#

Foreshortening, i. #398:vol1_398#

Forgeries of vases, i. #40:vol1_40# ff.

Forms of vases, see #Shapes:shapes#

Fortis, potter, ii. #423# ff., #477#

Fortune on money-boxes, ii. #390#;
  on lamps, ii. #413#

<lang=la><em>Fossa</em></lang>-tombs in Etruria, ii. #289# ff.

Fox and Crow, fable of, ii. #416#

<target id=france>France, vase-collections of, i. #27:vol1_27#;
  pottery-finds in, Chapter #XXIII:ch23#. <i>passim</i>;
  terracottas from, ii. #379# ff.;
  coin-moulds from, ii. #390# ff.;
  clay of, ii. #434#;
  kilns in, ii. #443#, #451# ff.;
  potters’ stamps in, ii. #503#;
  and see Gaul

François vase, i. #73:vol1_73#, #149:vol1_149#, #370:vol1_370#, ii. #10#, #11#;
  inscriptions on, ii. #257#, #270#

“Free” style at Lezoux, ii. #506#, #521#, #527#

Friezes of animals on Corinthian vases, i. #313:vol1_313# ff., ii. #207#;
  on Ionian, i. #331:vol1_331#;
  general treatment of, ii. #207# ff.

<target id=funeral>Funeral lekythi, i. #142:vol1_142#, #458:vol1_458# ff., ii. #157#; masks, i. #123:vol1_123#;
  imitated in Etruria, ii. #305#;
  scenes on Apulian vases, i. #476:vol1_476#, ii. #158#;
  on Dipylon, i. #285:vol1_285#, ii. #157#;
  in general, ii. #156# ff.;
  uses of vases, i. #141:vol1_141# ff.;
  of lamps, ii. #397#;
  of Roman pottery, ii. #456#, #550#

<target id=furies>Furies, ii. #69#, #138#, #192#

Furnaces, see #Kilns:kilns#

Furtwaengler on forgeries, i. #43:vol1_43#;
  on Mycenaean vases, i. #270:vol1_270#;
  on Boeotian, i. #286:vol1_286#;
  on the Aristonoös vase, i. #298:vol1_298#

.sp 2
<target id=gaia>Gaia, <lang=grc>Κουροτρόφος</lang>, ii. #30#, #73#;                          // Tr: Kourotrophos
  type of, in terracotta figures, i. #122:vol1_122# ff.;
  rising from earth, ii. #73#, and see #193#;
  see also #Pandora:pandora#

Gamedes, potter, i. #300:vol1_300#

Games on vases, ii. #167#;
  of children, i. #137:vol1_137#, #418:vol1_418#, #449:vol1_449#, ii. #167#

Ganymede, ii. #18#

<target id=gaul>Gaul, enamelled ware from, i. #129:vol1_129#;
  terracottas from, ii. #379# ff.;
  as centre of lamp-fabric, ii. #427#;
  moulds and stamps from, ii. #439# ff.;
  kilns in, ii. #443#, #451# ff.;
  as centre for provincial pottery, ii. #498#, #503#, #515# ff.;
  subjects on pottery of, ii. #507#;
  use of barbotine in, ii. #513#, #529#;
  doubtful pottery-centres in, ii. #533#;
  pottery from, in Britain, ii. #522#, #540#, #542#;
  plain wares of, ii. #548# ff.;
  duration of potteries in, ii. #432#, #503#, #526#;
  and see #France:france#

Gaulish inscriptions on pottery, ii. #504#;
  potters represented in art, ii. #511#;
  potters’ names and stamps, ii. #461#, #504#, #509#, #522#, #527#

<lang=grc>γεῖσον</lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#                                            // Tr: geison

<target id=gela>Gela, tombs at, i. #37:vol1_37#;
  vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#, #196:vol1_196#;
  treasury of, at Olympia, i. #100:vol1_100#

Gems compared with R.F. vases, i. #426:vol1_426#

<lang=fr><em>Genre</em></lang> subjects in terracotta, i. #124:vol1_124#;
  miscellaneous on vases, ii. #184#;
  transformed into mythological, i. #318:vol1_318#, cf. ii. #5#

Geographical distribution of Greek vases, i. #32:vol1_32#;
  of Roman, ii. #432#, #495#, #498#;
  personifications, ii. #81# ff.

Geometrical pottery in Greece, i. #277:vol1_277# ff.;
  description of, i. #281:vol1_281# ff.;
  in Thera, i. #56:vol1_56#;
  in Cyprus, i. #239:vol1_239#, #247:vol1_247#, #253:vol1_253# ff.;
  in Boeotia, i. #286:vol1_286# ff.;
  influence of, at Athens, i. #294:vol1_294#, #298:vol1_298#;
  in Boeotia, i. #300:vol1_300#;
.bn 626.png
.pn +1
  in Melos, i. #302:vol1_302#;
  at Corinth, i. #306:vol1_306#, #308:vol1_308#;
  at Daphnae, i. #351:vol1_351#;
  in Etruria, ii. #289# ff.;
  in Southern Italy, ii. #325#, #327#, #328#;
  ornamentation of, ii. #202# ff., #232#;
  and see #Dipylon:dipylon#

Geras, ii. #84#

Gerhard on chronology of vases, i. #23:vol1_23#;
  on varieties of amphorae, i. #160:vol1_160#

Germany, vase-collections in, i. #28:vol1_28#;
  inscribed tiles from, ii. #357#, #364#;
  terracottas from, ii. #383#;
  duration of Roman pottery in, ii. #432#;
  moulds and stamps from, ii. #439# ff.;
  kilns in, ii. #444#, #453#;
  early Roman pottery in, ii. #501# ff.;
  description of fabrics and pottery-centres, ii. #504#, #533# ff.;
  classification, ii. #536#;
  potters’ names, ii. #509# ff., #535#;
  barbotine decoration, ii. #513#, #514#, #536#;
  inscribed pottery, ii. #537#;
  plain black wares, ii. #552#

Geryon, i. #322:vol1_322#, #432:vol1_432#, ii. #98#, #195#

Giants, types of, ii. #195#

Giganlomachia, ii. #12# ff.

Gilding of terracottas, i. #117:vol1_117#;
  of vases, i. #201:vol1_201#, #210:vol1_210#, #231:vol1_231#, #449:vol1_449#, #498:vol1_498#

<target id=girgenti>Girgenti (Agrigentum), vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#, #87:vol1_87#;
  moulds from. i. #115:vol1_115#

<target id=gladiators>Gladiators on lamps, ii. #416#, #421#;
  on Roman pottery, ii. #507#, #532#, #544#

Glass, enamels, i. #8:vol1_8#, cf. 127 ff.;
  imitations of, in pottery, i. #64:vol1_64#, #130:vol1_130#, ii. #443#, #514#, #524#

Glaukon <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #403:vol1_403#, #432:vol1_432#, ii. #153#, #267#           // Tr: kalos

Glaukos and Polyeidos, ii. #141#

Glaukytes, potter, i. #232:vol1_232#, #374:vol1_374#, #379:vol1_379#, #384:vol1_384#

<target id=glaze>Glaze on terracottas, i. #8:vol1_8#, #118:vol1_118#, #128:vol1_128# ff.;
  on Greek vases, i. #203:vol1_203# ff.;
  on Roman pottery, ii. #435# ff.;
  analyses of, ii. #436#;
  on provincial wares, ii. #497#;
  on Castor ware, ii. #545#

<target id=gnatia>Gnatia or Gnathia (Egnazia, Fasano), vases of, i. #85:vol1_85#, #226:vol1_226#, #487:vol1_487#, #488:vol1_488#

Gordion, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Gorgasos and Damophilos, ii. #372#

Gorgoneion in interior of kylikes, i. #374:vol1_374#, #400:vol1_400#, #427:vol1_427#

<target id=gorgon>Gorgons, ii. #112#, #146#, #196#

Graces (Charites), ii. #84#

Graeco-Phoenician tombs in Cyprus, i. #35:vol1_35#;
  pottery, i. #66:vol1_66#, #247:vol1_247# ff., #251:vol1_251# ff.;
  sites where found, i. #250:vol1_250#

Graeven on Roman money-boxes, ii. #388# ff.

<target id=graffiti><lang=la><em>Graffiti</em></lang> on vases at Graufesenque, ii. #510#;
  and see #Inscriptions:inscriptions#

<target id=graufesenque>Graufesenque potteries, ii. #504#, #515# ff.;
  ornamentation, ii. #506#, #520#;
  <lang=it><em>graffiti</em></lang> on, ii. #510#;
  forms and decoration, ii. #519#;
  potters, ii. #522#

Greece, introduction of potter’s wheel in, i. #7:vol1_7#, #206:vol1_206#;
  earliest pottery of, i. #9:vol1_9#, #10:vol1_10#, #277:vol1_277# ff.;
  collections of vases in, i. #30:vol1_30#;
  tombs in, i. #33:vol1_33#;
  finds of pottery in, i. #46:vol1_46# ff.;
  <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> in, ii. #476#, #498#

Greek colonies, i. #60:vol1_60#, #80:vol1_80#;
  islands, finds in, i. #54:vol1_54# ff.;
  early pottery of, i. #9:vol1_9#, #262:vol1_262# ff.;
  religion, i. #13:vol1_13#, #138:vol1_138# ff., ii. #154# ff.;
  and see #Pottery:pottery#, #Vases:vases#

Greeks and Persians, combats of, ii. #151#, #179#

Grey Roman wares, ii. #550#

Ground-ornaments on Corinthian vases, i. #312:vol1_312#, #320:vol1_320#, ii. #231#, #233#;
  on Ionic, i. #334:vol1_334#, ii. #233#

Gryphons, ii. #148#, #196#;
  heads of, on Etruscan pottery, ii. #300#

Gsell, excavations of, at Vulci, i. #77:vol1_77#, ii. #280#, #291#

Guildhall Museum, ii. #359#, #379#

<lang=fr><em>Guilloche</em></lang> pattern, ii. #219#

<lang=grc>γυναικωνῖτις</lang>, scenes in, ii. #173#                       // Tr: gynaikônitis

Gutter-tiles, i. #97:vol1_97#, ii. #341#;
  at Pompeii, ii. #343# ff.

<lang=la><em>Guttus</em></lang>, i. #200:vol1_200#, #211:vol1_211#, #503:vol1_503#, ii. #469#

Gypsum, figures of, i. #111:vol1_111#


<target id=hades>Hades, ii. #28#, #67#, #190#;
  and see #Underworld:underworld#

Hadria, vases from, i. #71:vol1_71#;
  and see ii. #477#

Hair, treatment of, on vases, i. #407:vol1_407#, ii. #201#

Halikarnassos, finds at, i. #105:vol1_105#, #106:vol1_106#

Hamilton, Sir W., i. #17:vol1_17#, #43:vol1_43#

Hampshire, pottery from, see #New Forest:newforest#

Hancarville (D’), i. #17:vol1_17#, #22:vol1_22#

Handles of vases, i. #208:vol1_208#, ii. #443#;
  of wine-amphorae, stamped, i. #155:vol1_155# ff.

Hare-hunts, ii. #165#

Harmodios and Aristogeiton, ii. #150#

Harpies, ii. #72#, #146#, #196#

Hartlip, use of tiles in villa at, ii. #348#;
  vase from, ii. #508#
.bn 627.png
.pn +1

Hartwig on the feather-pen, i. #227:vol1_227#;
  on R.F. cup-painting, i. #398:vol1_398#, #424:vol1_424# ff.;
  on <lang=grc>καλός</lang>-names, i. #404:vol1_404#                             // Tr: kalos

<target id=hasta>Hasta (Asti) as pottery-centre, i. #71:vol1_71#, ii. #477#

Hathor, i. #254:vol1_254#

Haverfield on Castor kilns, ii. #448#;
  on Roman pottery, ii. #536#, #541#, #544#, #546#

Hebe, ii. #77#, #84#, #193#

Hector, ii. #126# ff.

Heddernheim, kilns at, ii. #444#

Hegesiboulos, potter, i. #445:vol1_445#

Hegias, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #444:vol1_444#

Heiligenberg, kilns at, ii. #444#, #446#, #449#

Hekate, ii. #71#, #190#

<target id=helen>Helen, ii. #119#, #123#, #135#

<target id=helios>Helios on vases, ii. #78#, #103#, #193#, #483#;
  on lamps, ii. #412#;
  as Rhodian amphora-stamp, i. #156:vol1_156#

Helioserapis lamp, ii. #403#;
  and see i. #209:vol1_209#, #216:vol1_216#

Hellas personified, ii. #81#

Hellenic pottery, of Cyprus, i. #237:vol1_237#, #250:vol1_250#, #253:vol1_253#, #255:vol1_255#;
  influence of Mycenaean on, i. #276:vol1_276#

Hellenistic art, influence of, on Arretine ware, ii. #489#, #494#;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #507#;
  on Gaulish terracottas, ii. #386#;
  porcelain vases, i. #128:vol1_128#;
  pottery of Cyprus, i. #256:vol1_256#;
  terracottas, i. #125:vol1_125#

Hemera, ii. #78#, #79#

<lang=grc>ἡμικοτύλιον</lang>, i. #135:vol1_135#, #183:vol1_183#, ii. #241#                  // Tr: hêmikotylion

<lang=grc>ἡμίτομος</lang>, i. #174:vol1_174#                                   // Tr: hêmitomos

Hephaistos on vases, ii. #36#, #190#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #14#, #15#;
  at birth of Athena, ii. #15#;
  return of, to Olympos, ii. #17#;
  smithy of, ii. #37#, #130#, #171#

Hera on vases, ii. #16#, #21#, #188#;
  and see #Juno Lanuvina:juno#

Heraion at Argos, i. #52:vol1_52#, #278:vol1_278#, #298:vol1_298#, #307:vol1_307#;
  at Olympia, i. #92:vol1_92# ff., #97:vol1_97#, #100:vol1_100#

Herakles on vases, generally, ii. #94# ff.;
  how represented, ii. #194#;
  on Corinthian vases, i. #314:vol1_314#, #318:vol1_318#;
  on Chalcidian, i. #322:vol1_322#;
  on Assteas vase, i. #479:vol1_479#;
  with Apollo, ii. #33#;
  with Athena, ii. #38#, #105#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  on lamps, ii. #413#;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #508#, #531#, #545#;
  skyphos of, i. #185:vol1_185#;
  Erotes with club of, ii. #411#

Heraldic groups on vases, i. #318:vol1_318#, ii. #207#

Heralds, ii. #177#, #198#

Hermaios, potter, i. #420:vol1_420#, #424:vol1_424#

Hermes in terracottas, i. #114:vol1_114#, #126:vol1_126#;
  on vases, ii. #50# ff., #190#;
  <lang=grc>Κυλλήνιος</lang>, i. #325:vol1_325#, #326:vol1_326#, ii. #260#;               // Tr: Kyllênios
  on lamps, ii. #409#

Hermione, vases from, i. #52:vol1_52#

Hermogenes, potter, i. #374:vol1_374#, #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Hermonax, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #446:vol1_446#

Herodotos on origin of Etruscans, ii. #281#

Heroic subjects on mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#

Heroön, i. #476:vol1_476#, ii. #158#, #159#

<lang=grc>ἥρως</lang>, worship of, i. #477:vol1_477#                         // Tr: hêrôs

Hesiod and vase-paintings, ii. #6#

Hesperides, ii. #92#;
  garden of, ii. #75#, #99#

Hestia on vases, ii. #53#, #190#

<lang=fr><em>Hiérarchie des genres</em></lang>, law of, i. #245:vol1_245#, #284:vol1_284#, #315:vol1_315#, #332:vol1_332#

<target id=hieroduli>Hieroduli, ii. #492#, #493#

Hieron, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #436:vol1_436#, ii. #238#, #259#

Hilinos, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #429:vol1_429#

Himera, vases from, i. #87:vol1_87#

Himeros, ii. #49#

Hippalektryon, ii. #149#

Hipparchos <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #403:vol1_403#                       // Tr: kalos

Hippolyta, ii. #99#, #111#

Hippolytos, ii. #112#

Hischylos, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #420:vol1_420#, #422:vol1_422#, #424:vol1_424#

Hissarlik, see #Troy:troy#

Historical methods of study, i. #22:vol1_22#, #235:vol1_235#;
  limits of subject, i. #31:vol1_31#, ii. #430# ff.;
  subjects and personages on vases, i. #403:vol1_403#, ii. #149# ff., #266#, #267#;
  on lamps, ii. #415#

History illustrated by vases, i. #11:vol1_11#;
  in connection with R.F. vases, i. #402:vol1_402# ff., #463:vol1_463#

Hölder on Roman pottery, ii. #460#, #472#, #537#

Hogarth on Cretan pottery, i. #267:vol1_267#

<lang=grc>ὁλκεῖον</lang>, i. #175:vol1_175#                                // Tr: holkeion

Holland, collections in, i. #28:vol1_28#;
  pottery from, ii. #522#, #539#;
  inscribed tiles from, ii. #358#, #361#, #365#

<lang=grc>ὅλμος</lang>, i. #176:vol1_176#                                  // Tr: holmos

Homer, references to vases in, i. #89:vol1_89#, #132:vol1_132#, #145:vol1_145#, #148:vol1_148#, #168:vol1_168#, #172:vol1_172#, #174:vol1_174#, #180:vol1_180#, #192:vol1_192#;
  to potter’s wheel in, i. #207:vol1_207#;
  on Cretan ethnography, i. #264:vol1_264#;
  subjects from, on vases, i. #335:vol1_335#, #499:vol1_499#, ii. #3# ff., #126# ff.
.bn 628.png
.pn +1

Homeric bowls, i. #134:vol1_134#, #185:vol1_185#, #499:vol1_499#, ii. #2#

Hopkinson on Melian vases, i. #302:vol1_302#

<lang=grc>ὁπλιτοδρομία</lang>, ii. #164#                         // Tr: hoplitodromia

Hoppin on Euthymides, i. #428:vol1_428#

Horace quoted, ii. #460#, #463#, #464#, #469#

<target id=horae>Horae, ii. #84#;
  and see #Seasons:seasons#

<lang=la><em>Horror vacui</em></lang>, i. #283:vol1_283#, #313:vol1_313#

Horse-race, ii. #164#

—— taming, ii. #166#

Horsemen, ii. #166#

Human figures, introduction of, on Greek vases, i. #281:vol1_281# ff., #314:vol1_314# ff.

Hungary, inscribed tiles from, ii. #359#

Hunters on vases, ii. #165#, #197#;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #507#, #527#;
  on Castor ware, ii. #544#

Hut-urns in Italy, ii. #288#

Hyades, ii. #81#, #193#

Hybla Heraea, vases from, i. #88:vol1_88#

Hydra, ii. #98#

<target id=hydria>Hydria, i. #165:vol1_165# ff., #372:vol1_372# ff., #411:vol1_411#

Hydrophoria, ii. #173#

Hygiainon, painter, i. #396:vol1_396#

Hygieia, ii. #76#, #84#

Hypnos, ii. #71#, #84#, #193#, and see #158#

Hypocausts, i. #103:vol1_103#, ii. #332#, #342#, #346# ff.

Hypsis, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #429:vol1_429#.

.sp 2
Iacchos, ii. #27#

Ialysos, vases from, i. #58:vol1_58#, #152:vol1_152#, #270:vol1_270#

Iapygians, i. #172:vol1_172#, ii. #323#, #325#;
  pottery of, ii. #323# ff.

Iapys, eponymous hero, ii. #327#

Ikarios (?), ii. #139#, and see #369#

<target id=ikaros>Ikaros on lamp, ii. #414#;
  with Daidalos on vase, ii. #141#

<cite>Iliad</cite> and vases, ii. #4#;
  scenes from, ii. #126# ff.

<lang=grc>Ἰλίου Πέρσις</lang>, ii. #5#, #133# ff.                        // Tr: Iliou Persis

Illuminations, use of lamps in, ii. #396#

<lang=la><em>Imbrex</em></lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#, ii. #341# ff.

Imbrications, i. #311:vol1_311#, #331:vol1_331#, ii. #219#

Imitations of vases (modern), i. #40:vol1_40# ff.

<lang=it><em>Impasto Italico</em></lang>, ii. #285#, #290#, #295#, #300#

Incense-burner, i. #140:vol1_140#

Incised lines, i. #311:vol1_311#, #313:vol1_313#, #314:vol1_314#, #331:vol1_331#;
  inscriptions, ii. #237# ff., #271# ff., #359#, and see #Graffiti:graffiti#, #Inscriptions:inscriptions#;
  decoration on provincial wares, ii. #505#, #515#

Indented patterns on provincial wares, ii. #514#, #544#

Individualities personified, ii. #91#

<lang=la><em>Infundibulum</em></lang> of lamp, ii. #394#

Inghirami, i. #18:vol1_18#, #42:vol1_42#

Inhumation, i. #145:vol1_145#, ii. #284#

<target id=inscriptions>Inscriptions on tiles, i. #101:vol1_101#, ii. #348#, #351# ff., #357#, #358#;
  chronology of, ii. #360# ff.;
  on lamps, i. #107:vol1_107#, #108:vol1_108#, ii. #420# ff.;
  on vases, i. #149:vol1_149#, ii. #236# ff.;
  incised, ii. #237# ff.;
  painted, ii. #243# ff.;
  palaeography of, ii. #246# ff., #268# ff.;
  Corinthian, i. #315:vol1_315# ff., ii. #250# ff.;
  “Corintho-Attic,” i. #325:vol1_325#;
  Ionic, i. #336:vol1_336#, #357:vol1_357#, ii. #252#;
  Cyrenaic, i. #344:vol1_344#, ii. #250#;
  Naucratite, i. #345:vol1_345#;
  Attic, i. #378:vol1_378#, #402:vol1_402#, #418:vol1_418#, #422:vol1_422#, ii. #255# ff.;
  Boeotian, ii. #252#;
  Chalcidian, ii. #253#;
  South Italian, ii. #271# ff.;
  <lang=grc>καλός</lang>-names, i. #403:vol1_403#, ii. #265# ff.;                          // Tr: kalos
  artists’ signatures, ii. #257# ff.;
  explanatory on Attic vases, ii. #259# ff.;
  exclamatory, ii. #261# ff.;
  convivial, ii. #265#, #524#, #538#;
  under feet of vases (names and prices), ii. #239# ff.;
  on Etruscan vases, ii. #310# ff.;
  on terracotta moulds, ii. #382#;
  on Arretine vases, ii. #480# ff.;
  on Gaulish pottery, ii. #504#, #512#, #517#, #531#;
  and see #Graffiti:graffiti#, #Signatures:signatures#, #Stamps:stamps#

Interpretation of subjects on vases, i. #21:vol1_21#, ii. #8#

<target id=ionic>Ionia, art of, i. #329:vol1_329#, #332:vol1_332#, #361:vol1_361#;
  pottery of, i. #62:vol1_62#, #224:vol1_224#, #328:vol1_328# ff.;
  various fabrics of, i. #330:vol1_330#;
  influence of Mycenaean civilisation on, i. #277:vol1_277#, #329:vol1_329# ff.;
  of Oriental art, i. #331:vol1_331# ff.;
  influence of, on Attic vases, i. #294:vol1_294#, #295:vol1_295#, #300:vol1_300#, #370:vol1_370#, #374:vol1_374#, #382:vol1_382#, #385:vol1_385#, #388:vol1_388#;
  on Etruria, ii. #296#, #299#, #308#, #317#, #320#;
  use of incised lines in, i. #314:vol1_314#;
  B.F. fabrics in, i. #353:vol1_353# ff.;
  arrangement of subjects on vases, ii. #206#;
  ornamentation, ii. #212# ff., #233#;
  early painting of, i. #361:vol1_361# ff.

Ionian islands, pottery from, i. #54:vol1_54#;
  and see #Corfu:corfu#

Ionic alphabet, ii. #246#, #253#, #271#;
  inscriptions, i. #357:vol1_357#, ii. #252#;
  pottery in Egypt, i. #68:vol1_68#, #345:vol1_345# ff.;
  type of kylix, i. #357:vol1_357#, #374:vol1_374#

Iphigeneia, ii. #35#, #124#, #138#
.bn 629.png
.pn +1

Iris, ii. #76#, #128#, #193#

Ischia, vases from, i. #88:vol1_88#

Isidorus on Roman pottery, ii. #464#, #469#, #475#

Isis on lamps, ii. #412#;
  lamps used in worship of, ii. #403#

Isola Farnese, see Veii

“Isolating” method of representation on vases, ii. #10#.

“Italian Megarian ” bowls, ii. #490#

<target id=italy>Italy, vases found in, i. #22:vol1_22#, #69:vol1_69# ff.;
  collections in, i. #29:vol1_29#;
  tombs, i. #37:vol1_37#, ii. #284# ff.;
  porcelain and enamelled wares from, i. #128:vol1_128#, #129:vol1_129#;
  Corinthian vases in, i. #305:vol1_305# ff., #318:vol1_318#, ii. #294# ff.;
  imitations of Ionic pottery in, i. #358:vol1_358#, ii. #308#;
  modelled vases in, i. #494:vol1_494#;
  relief-wares in, i. #496:vol1_496#, #498:vol1_498#, #501:vol1_501# ff., and see #Etruscan:etruscan#, #Roman:roman#;
  early civilisation of, ii. #280# ff., and see #Etruria:etruria#;
  terracotta architecture in, i. #98:vol1_98#, #101:vol1_101#, ii. #315# ff.;
  sculpture, ii. #313#, #371# ff.;
  centres of lamp-manufacture in, ii. #427#;
  pottery-kilns, ii. #443#, #451#;
  centres for Roman pottery, ii. #475# ff.;
  end of <lang=la><em>terra sigillata</em></lang> in, ii. #495#;
  transition to provincial fabrics in, ii. #500#, #515# ff.;
  Gaulish pottery found in, ii. #498#, #522#, #524#, #526#

—— Southern, tombs in, i. #37:vol1_37#;
  vases found in, i. #79:vol1_79# ff.;
  R.F. vase-painting in, i. #465:vol1_465# ff.;
  fabrics of, i. #479:vol1_479# ff.;
  end of vase-painting in, i. #487:vol1_487# ff.;
  plastic and moulded vases in, i. #494:vol1_494#, #498:vol1_498#, #502:vol1_502#;
  local pottery of, ii. #323# ff.

Italynski, i. #21:vol1_21#

Ivy-leaf patterns, ii. #221#

Ixion, ii. #69#

.sp 2
Jahn on vases, i. #20:vol1_20#, #23:vol1_23#, #150:vol1_150#

Jars used in architecture, ii. #457#

Jason, ii. #115#

Jatta collection, i. #26:vol1_26#, #29:vol1_29#

Javelin-throwing, ii. #163#

Jewellery on vases, ii. #202#

Joubin on Clazomenae sarcophagi, i. #364:vol1_364#

<target id=judgment>Judgment of Paris, ii. #121# ff.

Juggler on lamps, ii. #418#

Jugs, see #Oinochoë:oinochoe#, #Olpe:olpe#

Jumping on vases, ii. #163#

<target id=juno>Juno Lanuvina, ii. #22#, #103#

Jupiter, Capitoline, i. #116:vol1_116#, ii. #314#, #371#, #372#;
  and see #Zeus:zeus#

Juvenal quoted on Roman pottery, ii. #455# ff.

.sp 2
Kabeiri, ii. #74#;
  vases from temple of, i. #52:vol1_52#, #391:vol1_391#, ii. #159#

Kadmos, ii. #117#

<target id=kados>κάδος, i. #165:vol1_165#;                  // Tr: kados
  and see #<lang=la><em>Cadus</em></lang>:cadus#

Kaineus, ii. #145#

Kalais, see #Boreades:boreades#

Kalliades, potter, i. #411:vol1_411#, #434:vol1_434#, #493:vol1_493#

<target id=kalos>καλός-names, i. #379:vol1_379#, #402:vol1_402# ff., ii. #265# ff.;        // Tr: kalos
  list of, ii. #277#

<target id=kalpis><lang=grc>κάλπις</lang>, i. #166:vol1_166#                                // Tr: kalpis

<lang=grc>καλυπτήρ</lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#                               // Tr: kalyptêr

Kalymnos, vases from, i. #58:vol1_58#

Kamaraes, vases from, i. #59:vol1_59#;
  fabric so called, i. #264:vol1_264# ff.

Kamarina, vases from, i. #87:vol1_87#

Kameiros, tombs at, i. #34:vol1_34#.;
  vases from i. #59:vol1_59#, #127:vol1_127#;
  terracottas from, see #Rhodes:rhodes#

<lang=grc>κάναβος</lang> i. #111:vol1_111#, #209:vol1_209#                          // Tr: kanabos

Kanake, ii. #141#

<lang=grc>κάνναβος</lang>, i. #152:vol1_152#                             // Tr: kannabos

Kantharos, i. #187:vol1_187#, #410:vol1_410#

<lang=grc>καρχήσιον</lang>, i. #188:vol1_188#                             // Tr: karchêsion

Karlsruhe, vase-collection at, i. #28:vol1_28#

Karo on “affected” vases, i. #387:vol1_387#

Karpathos, tombs in, i. #34:vol1_34#;
  pottery from, i. #58:vol1_58#

Karystos, vase from, i. #55:vol1_55#

Kassandra, ii. #134#

Kastor, see #Dioskuri:dioskuri#

Keel-hauling, ii. #178#

Kekrops, ii. #139#

<lang=grc>κελέβη</lang>, i. #169:vol1_169#                               // Tr: kelebê

<lang=grc>κέλητες</lang>, ii. #164#                             // Tr: kelêtes

Keos, fabric of, i. #56:vol1_56#, #357:vol1_357#, ii. #253#

Kephalos, ii. #80#, #140#

<lang=grc>κὴρ θανάτοιο</lang>, ii. #72#, #100#                               // Tr: kêr thanatoio

<target id=kerameikos>Kerameikos, i. #46:vol1_46#, #89:vol1_89#, #92:vol1_92#, #231:vol1_231#, #280:vol1_280#

<lang=grc>κεράμιδες λεοντοκεφαλοι</lang>, i. #97:vol1_97#                         // Tr: keramides leontokephaloi

<lang=grc>κεράμιον</lang>, i. #136:vol1_136#                                       // Tr: keramion

<lang=grc>κέραμος</lang>, i. #89:vol1_89#, #100:vol1_100#, ii. #455#                           // Tr: keramos

Kerberos, ii. #70#, #99#

Kerkyon, ii. #109#

<lang=grc>κέρνος</lang> or <lang=grc>κέρχνος</lang>, i. #195:vol1_195#, #201:vol1_201#                         // Tr: kernos: kerchnos
.bn 630.png
.pn +1

<target id=kertch>Kertch, vases from, i. #32:vol1_32#, #60:vol1_60#, #447:vol1_447#, #451:vol1_451#, #464:vol1_464#, #497:vol1_497#;
  tiles from, i. #101:vol1_101#;
  wine-amphorae from, i. #158:vol1_158#

Keryneian stag, ii. #97#

<lang=grc>κιβώριον</lang>, see #Ciborium:ciborium#                                 // Tr: kibôrion

<target id=kilns>Kilns for Roman pottery, existing remains of, ii. #443# ff.;
  detailed list of, ii. #451# ff.;
  representations of, see i. #215:vol1_215# ff.

Kimon, painter, i. #320:vol1_320#, #397:vol1_397#, #398:vol1_398#, #408:vol1_408#, #430:vol1_430#, #455:vol1_455#

—— statesman, i. #418:vol1_418#

Kings, how represented on vases, ii. #97#

Kirke, ii. #136#

<lang=grc>κισσύβιον</lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#                                     // Tr: kissybion

Kitharoidos, see #Apollo:apollo#

Kittos, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #391:vol1_391#

Klagenfurt, vase from, ii. #517#

Kleanthes, painter, i. #320:vol1_320#, #395:vol1_395#, #396:vol1_396#

Klein on R. F. cup-painting, i. #424:vol1_424# ff.;
  on signatures of artists, ii. #257#;
  on <lang=grc>καλός</lang>-names, ii. #266#                       // Tr: kalos

Kleisophos, vase-painter, i. #384:vol1_384#

Kleonae, vases from, i. #52:vol1_52#

<lang=grc>κλίβανος</lang>, i. #105:vol1_105#                                // Tr: klibanos

Klitias, vase-painter, i. #370:vol1_370#, #379:vol1_379#, ii. #257#

Klytaemnestra, ii. #137#, #138#

Knidos, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#, #330:vol1_330#;
  lamps from, i. #108:vol1_108#, ii. #397#, #418#, #423#, #427#;
  amphora-handles from, i. #157:vol1_157#

Knossos, excavations at, i. #60:vol1_60#, #152:vol1_152#, #265:vol1_265# ff.

Knuckle-bone players, i. #125:vol1_125#

Kodros, ii. #140#

Koenen on German pottery, ii. #536#

Kolchos, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#

Kolias, Cape, i. #46:vol1_46#, #49:vol1_49#, #205:vol1_205#, #370:vol1_370#

<lang=grc>κῶμος</lang>, ii. #182#                                    // Tr: kômos

Kopenhagen, vases at, i. #28:vol1_28#, #286:vol1_286#

<lang=grc>κόραι</lang>, i. #112:vol1_112# ff.                                // Tr: korai

<lang=grc>κοράλλια</lang>, i. #139:vol1_139#                                 // Tr: korallia

<lang=grc>κοροπλάθοι</lang> or <lang=grc>κοροπλασταί</lang>, i. #112:vol1_112#                // Tr: koroplathoi: koroplastai

Kos, pottery from, i. #58:vol1_58#, #129:vol1_129#;
  and see ii. #476#

<lang=grc>κώθων</lang>, i. #140:vol1_140#, #187:vol1_187#                               // Tr: kôthôn

Kottabos, i. #188:vol1_188#, ii. #167#, #181#

<lang=grc>κοτύλισκος</lang>, i. #184:vol1_184#, #195:vol1_195#                         // Tr: kotyliskos

<target id=kotyle>Kotyle, i. #135:vol1_135#, #183:vol1_183#, #212:vol1_212#, #217:vol1_217#

<target id=Kourotrophos>Κουροτρόφος types in terracottas, i. #123:vol1_123#, ii. #386#;    // Tr: Kourotrophos
  on vases, ii. #30#, #73#;
  and see #Gaia:gaia#

Kramer’s classification of vases, i. #22:vol1_22#

<target id=krater>Krater, i. #167:vol1_167# ff., #411:vol1_411#, #468:vol1_468#, #482:vol1_482#;
  local South Italian, ii. #326#;
  Arretine, ii. #488#, #501#, #520#;
  and see ii. #464#

Krause on shapes of vases, i. #150:vol1_150#

Kreon, ii. #119#

Kreousa and Ion, ii. #140#

Krete, see #Crete:crete#

Kretschmer on vase-inscriptions, ii. #237# ff.

<target id=kroisos>Kroisos, brick used by, i. #91:vol1_91#, #94:vol1_94#;
  represented on vase, ii. #6#, #150#

Kroker on Geometrical vases, i. #281:vol1_281#

Krommyon, ii. #82#, #109#

Kronos, ii. #73#

<lang=grc>κρωσσός</lang>, i. #167:vol1_167#                                 // Tr: krôssos

<lang=grc>κύμβιον</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                                 // Tr: kymbion

<lang=grc>κυμινοδόκον</lang>, i. #194:vol1_194#                             // Tr: kyminodokon

<lang=grc>κύπελλον</lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#                                // Tr: kypellon

<target id=kyathos>Kyathos, i. #179:vol1_179#

Kybele, ii. #74#

Kyklopes, i. #105:vol1_105#, ii. #37#, #171#;
  and see #Polyphemos:polyphemos#

Kyknos, ii. #101#

<target id=kylix>Kylix, i. #188:vol1_188# ff.;
  early types, i. #272:vol1_272#, #287:vol1_287#, #313:vol1_313#, #341:vol1_341#;
  Athenian, i. #373:vol1_373#, #400:vol1_400#, #409:vol1_409#, #422:vol1_422# ff., #457:vol1_457#;
  compared with <em>calix</em>, ii. #468#

Kymation, i. #97:vol1_97#;
  as pattern on vases, ii. #218#

Kyme, vases from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #356:vol1_356#

<target id=kypselos>Kypselos, chest of, i. #315:vol1_315#, #319:vol1_319#, #320:vol1_320#, #378:vol1_378#, ii. #236#

<target id=kyrene>Kyrene, goddess, i. #124:vol1_124#, #343:vol1_343#, ii. #31#, #81#, #82#;
  and see #Cyrenaica:cyrenaica#

<target id=kythera>Kythera, vases from, i. #54:vol1_54#, #315:vol1_315#

.sp 2
Laconia, vases from, i. #52:vol1_52#

Laertes and Antikleia (?), ii. #137#

Lagena, ii. #466#

<lang=grc>λάγυνος</lang>, i. #165:vol1_165#                           // Tr: lagynos

Lamia, ii. #149#

<lang=grc>λαμπαδηδρομία</lang>, ii. #164#                    // Tr: lampadêdromia

Lamps, Greek, i. #106:vol1_106# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #393# ff.;
  uses, #395# ff.;
  forms, #399# ff.;
  subjects, #406# ff.;
  inscriptions, #420# ff.

Landscape on vases, i. #409:vol1_409#, #470:vol1_470#, ii. #204#, #205#;
  in scenes on lamps, ii. #418#

<lang=la><em>Lanx</em></lang>, ii. #468#

Laokoön, ii. #134#
.bn 631.png
.pn +1

<lang=la><em>Lararia</em></lang>, ii. #375#

Lares on lamps, ii. #413#

Larisa in Asia Minor, pottery from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #339:vol1_339#

Larnaka, vases from, i. #66:vol1_66#

<lang=grc>λάρναξ</lang>, see #<lang=la><em>Ossuaria</em></lang>:ossuaria#                             // Tr: larnax

Lasimos, vase-painter, i. #478:vol1_478#, ii. #272#

“Late fine” style, i. #421:vol1_421#, #448:vol1_448# ff.

<lang=la><em>Laterariae</em></lang>, i. #91:vol1_91#, ii. #331#

<lang=la><em>Lateres</em></lang>, ii. #331#, #335#

Latin inscriptions on vases, i. #485:vol1_485#, #490:vol1_490#;
  literature, references to, see Literature

Latium, vases from, i. #79:vol1_79#

Laurel-wreaths, ii. #223#

Lead used for glaze, i. #130:vol1_130#;
  vases repaired with, i. #147:vol1_147#

Leaf-patterns on vases, ii. #221# ff.

Leagros <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #403:vol1_403#, #425:vol1_425#, #430:vol1_430#, ii. #152#, #267#                       // Tr: kalos

Leather, imitations of, i. #242:vol1_242#, #243:vol1_243#

Lebes, i. #146:vol1_146#, #174:vol1_174#;
  <lang=grc>γαμικός</lang>, i. #199:vol1_199#;                                          // Tr: gamikos
  and see #Burgon:burgon#

Lecce, vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#

Leda, ii. #19#, #120#, #508#

Legions, stamps of, on tiles, ii. #351#, #363#

Lekane, i. #146:vol1_146#, #164:vol1_164#, #176:vol1_176#, #469:vol1_469#

<lang=grc>λεκανομαντεία</lang>, i. #177:vol1_177#                                          // Tr: lekanomanteia

Lekythos, i. #195:vol1_195#;
  B.F., i. #376:vol1_376#;
  R.F., i. #412:vol1_412#;
  white-ground, i. #48:vol1_48#, #132:vol1_132#, #143:vol1_143#, #224:vol1_224#, #456:vol1_456# ff., ii. #157#

Lemnos personified, ii. #82#

Lenormant on Iapygian pottery, ii. #327#

Lentini, vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#

<lang=grc>λεπαστή</lang>, i. #165:vol1_165#, #469:vol1_469#;                                         // Tr: lepastê
  and see ii. #471#

Lesbos, vases from, i. #57:vol1_57#;
  fabrics of, i. #339:vol1_339#, #347:vol1_347#

Leto, ii. #30#, #31#

<target id=leukoma><lang=grc>λεύκωμα</lang>, i. #397:vol1_397#, #454:vol1_454#, ii. #320#                                // Tr: leukôma

<target id=lezoux>Lezoux, potteries of, ii. #504#, #525# ff.;
  kilns at, ii. #525#;
  potter’s wheel from, ii. #438#;
  stamps from, ii. #440#;
  moulds from, ii. #441#;
  forms of vases at, ii. #501#, #526#;
  ornamentation, ii. #506#, #527#;
  enamelled ware from, i. #130:vol1_130#;
  incised vases, ii. #443#, #515#;
  barbotine decoration, ii. #513#;
  other fabrics, ii. #528# ff.;
  termination of potteries, ii. #432#, #526#

Libation-bowls, i. #140:vol1_140#, #192:vol1_192#, ii. #471#;
  see #Patera:patera#, #Phiale:phiale#

Libation-scenes, i. #140:vol1_140#, ii. #18#, #31#, #86# ff., #155#

Libertus, potter, ii. #439#, #521#, #527#, #542#

Lincoln, vases from, ii. #546#, #549#

<lang=la><em>Liniare</em></lang>, i. #396:vol1_396#

Lion’s head spouts, vases with, ii. #530#, #541#

Lipari Islands, vases from, i. #88:vol1_88#

Liquids, vases used for, i. #150:vol1_150# ff.

<target id=literature>Literature, classical, and vases, i. #13:vol1_13#, #132:vol1_132#, ii. #1# ff.;
  Roman pottery in, ii. #455#, #475# ff.;
  names of vases in, i. #148:vol1_148# ff., ii. #458# ff.;
  lamps in, i. #107:vol1_107#, ii. #395# ff.;
  terracottas in, i. #110:vol1_110#, ii. #371# ff.;
  subjects from, on lamps, ii. #415#

Litlington, vases in tombs at, ii. #351#, #456#

Locri, vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#;
  terracotta reliefs from, i. #120:vol1_120#;
  white lekythi from, i. #458:vol1_458#

<lang=la><em>Loculi</em></lang>, ii. #388#

Loeschcke on “Corintho-Attic” vases, i. #324:vol1_324#

Lokris, vases from, i. #53:vol1_53#

London, tiles found in, ii. #348#, #359#, #363#;
  kilns found in, ii. #444#;
  pottery from, ii. #503#, #529#, #540#;
  and see #British Museum:BM#

<target id=lotos>Lotos-ornament in Cyprus, i. #249:vol1_249#, ii. #224#;
  in Boeotia, i. #288:vol1_288#;
  general history of, ii. #223# ff.

<lang=grc>λουτήριον</lang>, i. #176:vol1_176#                               // Tr: loutêrion

<lang=grc>λουτροφόρος</lang>, i. #142:vol1_142#                             // Tr: loutrophoros

<target id=louvre>Louvre Museum, i. #25:vol1_25#, #27:vol1_27#

Love-scenes on vases, ii. #183#

<target id=lucania>Lucania, vases from, i. #83:vol1_83#, #144:vol1_144#, #172:vol1_172#;
  style of, i. #481:vol1_481#;
  local pottery of, ii. #324#, #328#

<lang=grc>λύχνος</lang>, i. #107:vol1_107#                                  // Tr: lychnos

Luckenbach on connection of vases and literature, ii. #5# ff.

Luni, terracotta sculpture from, ii. #318#

Luynes, Duc de, i. #18:vol1_18#, #22:vol1_22#

Lycia, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Lydian origin of Etruscans, ii. #281#

Lykaon, ii. #130#

Lykourgos, ii. #56#, #141#

Lyre-players, ii. #169#

Lyric poetry and vases, ii. #6#

Lyssa, ii. #91#, #194#
.bn 632.png
.pn +1

.sp 2
Mackenzie on Cretan pottery, i. #265:vol1_265# ff.

Macmillan lekythos, i. #309:vol1_309#

Macrobius on the <lang=la><em>Sigillaria</em></lang>, ii. #376#

Maeander-pattern, ii. #212# ff.;
  on R.F. vases, i. #415:vol1_415#

Maenads on vases, ii. #55# ff., #192#;
  names of, ii. #65#;
  on lamps, ii. #411#;
  on Arretine vases, ii. #492#, #493#

Mainz, inscribed vase from, ii. #539#

Makron, vase-painter, i. #436:vol1_436#

Malta, pottery from, i. #88:vol1_88#

Mandrokles, painter, i. #361:vol1_361#

Mania, ii. #91#

Marathon, vases from, i. #49:vol1_49#;
  tile from, i. #99:vol1_99#;
  bull of, ii. #109#

“Marbled” vases, ii. #523#

Marine subjects (Mycenaean), i. #272:vol1_272#, ii. #185#;
  and see #Sea-Deities:seadeities#

Marion, see #Poli:poli#

Marne, Department of, incised pottery from, ii. #515#

<target id=marriage>Marriage-scenes on vases, ii. #16#, #36#, #172#

Marseilles, pottery found at, i. #69:vol1_69#

Marsyas, ii. #32#

Martha on Etruscan art, ii. #322#

Martial quoted, ii. #376#, #395#, #463#, #469#, #478#, #479#

Marzabotto, terracotta pipes from, ii. #350#

Masks of terracotta, i. #104:vol1_104#, #105:vol1_105#, #123:vol1_123#, ii. #377#;
  imitation of, in Canopic jars, ii. #305#;
  use of, for gutter-tiles, ii. #344#

<lang=grc>μαστός</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                                // Tr: mastos

<em>Matt</em> colour, i. #246:vol1_246#

Maurion, potter, i. #445:vol1_445#

Mayer on local Apulian pottery, ii. #323# ff.

<lang=la><em>Mazonomum</em></lang>, ii. #469#

<target id=measures>Measures, vases used as, i. #135:vol1_135#, ii. #460#, #463#, #472#

Medallions on Gaulish vases, ii. #441#, #530# ff.

Medeia, ii. #116#

Medusa, see #Gorgon:gorgon#

Megakles <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #428:vol1_428#                       // Tr: kalos

—— potter, i. #445:vol1_445#

—— statesman, i. #12:vol1_12#, #103:vol1_103#

Megalopolis, pottery from, i. #52:vol1_52#

Megara, vases from, i. #53:vol1_53#;
  statue of Zeus at, i. #92:vol1_92#, #111:vol1_111#;
  temple at, i. #94:vol1_94#

Megarian bowls, i. #53:vol1_53#, #134:vol1_134#, #185:vol1_185#, #499:vol1_499#, ii. #2#;
  as prototypes of Roman pottery, ii. #475#, #489#;
  treasury at Olympia, i. #100:vol1_100#

Meidias, potter, i. #446:vol1_446#

Melampus and Proitos, ii. #141#

Meleager, ii. #114#

<target id=melian>Melian reliefs, i. #120:vol1_120#;
  amphorae, i. #301:vol1_301#;
  their ornamentation, ii. #232#

Melos, vases from, i. #57:vol1_57#, #262:vol1_262#;
  and see #Melian:melian#

Memnon, ii. #132#

—— <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #425:vol1_425#                       // Tr: kalos

Menaidas, potter, i. #52:vol1_52#, #301:vol1_301#

Mending of vases, i. #39:vol1_39#, #147:vol1_147#

Menekrates, tomb of, i. #54:vol1_54#

Menelaos, ii. #129#, #135#

Menidi, pottery from, i. #49:vol1_49#, #273:vol1_273#

Merope, ii. #141#

Messapians on vases, ii. #151#;
  pottery of, ii. #323# ff.

<target id=metal>Metal vases, i. #131:vol1_131# ff., #201:vol1_201#, ii. #2#;
  use of, in Etruria, ii. #307#;
  at Rome, ii. #433#;
  imitations of, in Greece, i. #385:vol1_385#, #495:vol1_495# ff.;
  in Etruria, ii. #303#, #307#;
  in Italy and Gaul, ii. #489#, #528#, #529#, #552#

Metaphysical ideas personified, ii. #90#

Metapontum, vases from, i. #85:vol1_85#;
  tile from, i. #97:vol1_97#

Metope style of decoration, i. #282:vol1_282#, #378:vol1_378#, ii. #208#

Metopes of terracotta painted, i. #92:vol1_92#

Mevania as pottery-centre, ii. #475#, #490#

Midas, ii. #144#

Mikon, painter, i. #442:vol1_442#

Milani on Canopic jars, ii. #304#

Miletos as pottery-centre, i. #329:vol1_329#, #336:vol1_336#, #338:vol1_338#

Military subjects on vases, ii. #175# ff.;
  on lamps, ii. #417#;
  uses of bricks and tiles, ii. #332#, #336#, #363# ff.

Millin, i. #17:vol1_17#

Millingen, i. #22:vol1_22#, ii. #9#

Milonidas, vase-painter, i. #315:vol1_315#, #317:vol1_317#

Miltiades <lang=grc>καλός</lang>, i. #403:vol1_403#, ii. #267#                       // Tr: kalos

<lang=grc>μίλτος</lang>, i. #231:vol1_231#;                                        // Tr: miltos
  and see #<lang=la><em>Minium</em></lang>:minium#, #<lang=la><em>Rubrica</em></lang>:rubrica#

Mining, representations of, ii. #170#

<target id=minium><lang=la><em>Minium</em></lang>, i. #118:vol1_118#, #231:vol1_231#;
  and see ii. #314#

Minoan pottery, see #Crete:crete#

Minor Artists, i. #374:vol1_374#, #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Minos, ii. #144#;
  thalassocracy of, i. #264:vol1_264#

Minotaur, ii. #109#, #148#
.bn 633.png
.pn +1

Mirrors, Etruscan, compared with vases, ii. #307#

“Mixed” technique, Ionic, i. #331:vol1_331#, #334:vol1_334#, #346:vol1_346#;
  B.F. and R.F., i. #379:vol1_379#, #386:vol1_386#, #401:vol1_401#

<target id=modelling>Modelling, of vases, i. #208:vol1_208# ff., #492:vol1_492# ff.;
  in clay, i. #6:vol1_6#, #110:vol1_110#, #114:vol1_114#, ii. #372#, #375#, #378#

Modena, see #Mutina:mutina#

Moirae, ii. #84#

Mommo, potter, ii. #522#

Money-boxes, ii. #388# ff.

Monochrome painting, i. #395:vol1_395#

Montans, pottery of, ii. #525#

<lang=la><em>Moretum</em></lang> quoted, ii. #395#

<lang=la><em>Morra</em></lang>, game of, ii. #167#

<lang=la><em>Mortarium</em></lang>, ii. #470#, #550#;
  and see #530#, #541#

Mother-Goddess, ii. #386#; and see #Κουροτρόφος:Kourotrophos#    // Tr: Kourotrophos

Moulds, i. #105:vol1_105#, #111:vol1_111#, ii. #388#;
  for coins, i. #106:vol1_106#, ii. #390# ff.;
  for terracottas, i. #114:vol1_114#, ii. #381#;
  for bricks, ii. #333#;
  for lamps, ii. #405#;
  Arretine, ii. #488#, #494#;
  use of, in Roman pottery, ii. #438#, #440#

Moulins, manufacture of terracottas at, ii. #379# ff.

Mourners, i. #285:vol1_285#, #460:vol1_460#, #476:vol1_476#, ii. #157#, #158#

Munich, collection at, i. #26:vol1_26#, #28:vol1_28#

Mural reliefs (Roman), ii. #365# ff.;
  compared with Arretine ware, ii. #439#, #493#

Murray on Clazomenae sarcophagus, i. #363:vol1_363#;
  on R.F. painters, i. #423:vol1_423# ff.;
  on white-ground vases, i. #458:vol1_458#, #461:vol1_461#

Muses, ii. #83#

Museums, i. #23:vol1_23# ff.;
  list of, i. #27:vol1_27# ff.

Musicians, ii. #168#, #182#, #197#

<target id=mutina>Mutina (Modena), vases found at, i. #71:vol1_71#, ii. #495#;
  as centre for lamps, ii. #401#, #427#;
  for vases, ii. #477#

<lang=grc>μυξός</lang> (<lang=la><em>myxus</em></lang>), i. #107:vol1_107#, ii. #395#                     // Tr: myxos

Mycenae, tombs at, i. #33:vol1_33#;
  pottery from, i. #51:vol1_51#

Mycenaean pottery, i. #269:vol1_269# ff.;
  shapes, i. #168:vol1_168#, #181:vol1_181#, #190:vol1_190#, #271:vol1_271#;
  subjects and ornamentation, i. #272:vol1_272#, #276:vol1_276#, ii. #185#, #206#, #232#;
  in Rhodes, i. #58:vol1_58#;
  in Crete, i. #59:vol1_59#, #265:vol1_265# ff.;
  in Cyprus, i. #237:vol1_237#, #239:vol1_239#, #244:vol1_244# ff.;
  imitations of, i. #246:vol1_246#, #280:vol1_280#;
  influence of, on later pottery:
    Geometrical, i. #277:vol1_277# ff.;
    Proto-Attic, i. #294:vol1_294#;
    Phaleron ware, i., #299:vol1_299#;
    Melian, i. #302:vol1_302#;
    Ionian, i. #329:vol1_329# ff., #338:vol1_338#, #352:vol1_352#;
    in Southern Italy, ii. #324#, #325#

Mylasa, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#, #340:vol1_340#

Myres on Cypriote pottery, i. #240:vol1_240# ff.

Myrina, pottery from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #339:vol1_339#;
  terracottas, i. #125:vol1_125#, #126:vol1_126#

Myrtle-wreaths, ii. #223#

Mysteries, see #Eleusinian:eleusinian#

Mythological subjects, introduced at Athens, i. #296:vol1_296#;
  at Corinth, i. #314:vol1_314#, #317:vol1_317# ff.;
  on R.F. vases, i. #416:vol1_416#;
  on South Italian, i. #474:vol1_474#;
  types in terracottas, i. #123:vol1_123# ff.;
  on B.F. vases, i. #376:vol1_376# ff.;
  on R.F., i. #419:vol1_419#

Mythology on vases, i. #12:vol1_12#, #13:vol1_13#, ii. #3#

.sp 2
Naples, Museum of, i. #24:vol1_24#, #26:vol1_26#, #29:vol1_29#, #80:vol1_80#, #483:vol1_483#, and see i. #45:vol1_45#;
  vases found at, i. #80:vol1_80#;
  imitations made at, i. #41:vol1_41#, #42:vol1_42#

Narce, early settlement at, ii. #289#

<lang=la><em>Nasiterna</em></lang>, ii. #465#

Natural products personified, ii. #82#

<target id=naukratis>Naukratis, finds at, i. #68:vol1_68#, #138:vol1_138#, #338:vol1_338#;
  local pottery of, i. #224:vol1_224#, #345:vol1_345# ff.;
  other pottery at, i. #338:vol1_338#, #341:vol1_341#;
  connection with Etruria, ii. #298#, #299#

Nauplia, pottery from, i. #51:vol1_51#

Nausikaa, ii. #136#

Nautilus on vases, i. #272:vol1_272#, ii. #185#

Naval subjects, i. #285:vol1_285#, #291:vol1_291#, ii. #178#

Nearchos, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Negroes on vases, ii. #179#

Nemea personified, ii. #82#

Nemean lion, ii. #95#

Nemesis, ii. #91#

<target id=neolithic>Neolithic Age, i. #4:vol1_4#, #5:vol1_5#;
  pottery of, in Crete, i. #265:vol1_265#, #267:vol1_267#;
  remains in Etruria, ii. #283#

Neoptolemos, ii. #133#, #138#

Neptune on Roman roof-tiles, ii. #345#;
  and see #Poseidon:poseidon#

Nereids, ii. #26#, #130#, #133#

Nereus, ii. #25#, #101#, #189#

Nestor, ii. #124#;
  cup of, i. #148:vol1_148#, #172:vol1_172#, ii. #2#

Nether World, see #Under-world:underworld#

Netherlands, Roman pottery from, ii. #539#

Network patterns, ii. #215#

<lang=grc>νευροσπαστά</lang>, i. #121:vol1_121#                              // Tr: neurospasta

“New Attic” reliefs, ii. #368#, #407#, #411#, #439#, #492#, #493#, #507#
.bn 634.png
.pn +1

<target id=newforest>New Forest ware, ii. #547#

—— Year lamps, ii. #398#, #412#, #420#

—— York Museum, i. #26:vol1_26#, #65:vol1_65#

Newton, Sir Charles, i. #57:vol1_57#, #58:vol1_58#, #108:vol1_108#

<target id=nike>Nike (Victory) in terracottas, i. #125:vol1_125#;
  on vases, i. #418:vol1_418#, ii. #85# ff., #193#;
  with Herakles, ii. #106#;
  on Roman antefix, ii. #343#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #368#, #369#;
  on lamps, ii. #413#

Nikias, potter, i. #446:vol1_446#, ii. #259#

Nikosthenes, potter, i. #170:vol1_170#, #384:vol1_384#, #393:vol1_393#

<target id=nile>Nile on vases, ii. #83#;
  scenes on, in mural reliefs, ii. #371#

Niobids, ii. #33#

Nisyros, vases from, i. #58:vol1_58#;
  as weapon of Poseidon, ii. #13#

Nola, vases from, i. #82:vol1_82#;
  varnish of, i. #42:vol1_42#, #46:vol1_46#

“Nolan” amphorae, i. #82:vol1_82#, #162:vol1_162#, #219:vol1_219#, #405:vol1_405#;
  imitations of, i. #484:vol1_484#

Norfolk, kilns found in, ii. #445#, #449#

Normandy, terracottas from, ii. #384#

Northamptonshire, kilns found in, ii. #444#, #543#;
  and see #Castor:castor#

<lang=grc>Νοστοί</lang>, ii. #5#, #135#                               // Tr: Nostoi

Nozzles of lamps, ii. #395#;
  as basis of classification, ii. #399# ff.

Numa, pottery in use under, ii. #304#, #455#, #476#, #477#

Nursing-Mother type, see #Κουροτρόφος:Kourotrophos#   // Tr: Kourotrophos

Nymphs, ii. #19#, #31#, #55#, #82#, #92#, #143#, #149#

Nyx, ii. #79#, #193#

.sp 2

<lang=la><em>Obba</em></lang>, ii. #472#

<lang=la><em>Obrendarium</em></lang>, ii. #456#

Occupations represented on vases, ii. #169# ff.

Ocriculum as pottery-centre, ii. #475#, #490#

Oculist’s stamp on a vase, ii. #510#

Odysseus on vases, ii. #128#, #133#, #136#, #137#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#

<cite>Odyssey</cite>, subjects from, ii. #4#, #135# ff.

Oedipus, ii. #117#, #118#

<lang=la><em>Oenophorum</em></lang>, ii. #464#

<lang=la><em>Officina</em></lang>, meaning of, on tile-stamps, ii. #356#, #362#;
  use of, in Roman potters’ stamps, ii. #461#, #486#, #509#, #528#, #535#

Oikopheles, potter, i. #297:vol1_297#, #379:vol1_379#, ii. #258#

Oil, amphorae used for, i. #153:vol1_153# ff.;
  other vases used for, i. #195:vol1_195# ff.;
  making and selling of, on vases, ii. #171#, #262#

<lang=grc>οἰνήρυσις</lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#                              // Tr: oinêrysis

<target id=oinochoe>Oinochoë, i. #177:vol1_177#, #334:vol1_334#, #412:vol1_412#, #469:vol1_469#

Oinomaos, ii. #113#

Oinopion, ii. #58#, #91#

Oistros, ii. #91#, #194#

Okeanos, ii. #25#

<target id=olbia>Olbia, vases from, i. #61:vol1_61#;
  tiles from, i. #101:vol1_101#;
  wine-amphorae from, i. #157:vol1_157#, #158:vol1_158#

<lang=la><em>Olla</em></lang>, ii. #389#, #456#, #457#, #470#, #529#, #550#

<target id=olpe>Olpe or olpis, i. #178:vol1_178#;
  Corinthian, i. #311:vol1_311#;
  used by Amasis, i. #382:vol1_382#

Oltos, painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #429:vol1_429#

Olympia, pottery found at, i. #52:vol1_52#;
  terracotta architecture of, i. #92:vol1_92# ff.;
  personified, ii. #81#;
  scenes at, on vases, ii. #113#

Olympian deities on vases, Chap. #XII:ch12#. <i>passim</i>;
  on lamps, ii. #414#

Olympos, scenes in, ii. #15# ff., #107#

—— Mount, personified as Satyr, ii. #64#, #83#

Onesimos, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #422:vol1_422#, #434:vol1_434#

<lang=grc>ὅνος</lang>, i. #199:vol1_199#                                           // Tr: onos

Opaque painting on black ground, i. #226:vol1_226#, #393:vol1_393#, #485:vol1_485#, #488:vol1_488# ff.

Oppius Restitutus, C., lamp maker, ii. #406#, #425#, #426#

<lang=la><em>Opus doliare</em></lang>, ii. #330#, #354#, #361#, #458#

—— <lang=la><em>mixtum</em></lang>, ii. #337#, #339#

—— <lang=la><em>reticulatum</em></lang>, ii. #338#

Orange, Gaulish medallions from, ii. #530# ff.

Orbetello, pottery from, i. #73:vol1_73#

<lang=la><em>Orbiculus</em></lang> on tile-stamps, ii. #353#, #360#

Orchomenos, pottery from, i. #53:vol1_53#

<lang=la><em>Orcio appulo</em></lang>, ii. #325#

Orestes and his story, ii. #137#

Oria, vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#

<target id=oriental>Oriental influence in Cyprus, i. #239:vol1_239#, #247:vol1_247# ff.;
  in Attica, i. #295:vol1_295#, #298:vol1_298#;
  at Corinth, i. #311:vol1_311#, #318:vol1_318#;
  in Ionia, i. #331:vol1_331#, #333:vol1_333#, #334:vol1_334#;
  in Etruria, ii. #292#, #296#, #299#, #303#, #304#;
  motives on vases, ii. #206#

Orientals on vases, ii. #178#, #195#, #199#, #200#

Ormidhia, vase from, i. #253:vol1_253#

<target id=ornamental>Ornamental patterns, origin of, ii. #210#;
  rectilinear, ii. #211# ff.;
  curvilinear, ii. #216# ff.;
  vegetable and floral, ii. #220# ff.;
.bn 635.png
.pn +1
  treatment of, in different fabrics, ii. #232# ff.;
  Mycenaean, i. #276:vol1_276#;
  Geometrical, i. #282:vol1_282#;
  Boeotian, i. #288:vol1_288#;
  Melian, i. #302:vol1_302#;
  Corinthian, i. #312:vol1_312# ff.;
  Rhodian, i. #334:vol1_334#;
  Naucratite, i. #348:vol1_348#;
  Caeretan, i. #354:vol1_354#;
  black-figured, i. #375:vol1_375#;
  red-figured, i. #412:vol1_412#;
  South Italian, i. #468:vol1_468#;
  on Clazomenae sarcophagi, i. #365:vol1_365#

<target id=ornamentation>Ornamentation of Roman pottery, how produced, ii. #438#;
  of Gaulish wares, ii. #520#, #521#, #526#;
  of barbotine wares, ii. #514#, #544#;
  incised or indented, ii. #514#, #546#

Orpheus, ii. #68#, #143#, #195#

Orsi, discoveries of, in Crete, i. #264:vol1_264# ff., #272:vol1_272#

Orthography of Attic vases, ii. #268# ff.

<lang=grc>ὀρθοστάδιον</lang>, ii. #169#, #197#                           // Tr: orthostadion

Orvieto, vases from, i. #74:vol1_74#;
  krater from, in Louvre, i. #409:vol1_409#, #442:vol1_442#, ii. #203#;
  terracotta sculpture at, ii. #319#

Oscan inscriptions, i. #103:vol1_103#, #483:vol1_483#, ii. #273#

<lang=la><em>Oscilla</em></lang>, ii. #377#

Osco-Samnites, i. #483:vol1_483#, ii. #180#, #200#, #324#

<target id=ossuaria><lang=la><em>Ossuaria</em></lang>, i. #145:vol1_145#, #272:vol1_272#, ii. #285#;
  and see #Cinerary urn:cineraryurn#

Ostia, roof-tile from, ii. #345#

Ostracism, i. #12:vol1_12#, #103:vol1_103#

<lang=grc>ὅστρακον, ὀστρακινὰ τορεύματα</lang>, i. #89:vol1_89#                  // Tr: ostrakon, ostrakina toreumata

Oundle, vase from, ii. #541#

Outline-drawing, i. #224:vol1_224#, #320:vol1_320#, #331:vol1_331#, #334:vol1_334#, #395:vol1_395#, #455:vol1_455#

Owl-vases from Troy, i. #258:vol1_258#

Owners’ names on vases, ii. #241#

<target id=oxford>Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, i. #27:vol1_27#

<lang=grc>ὀξίς</lang>, i. #194:vol1_194#, ii. #239#				// Tr: oxis

<lang=grc>ὀξύβαφον</lang>, i. #136:vol1_136#, #171:vol1_171#, #194:vol1_194#, ii. #239#             // Tr: oxybaphon

.sp 2

Paestum, vases from, i. #82:vol1_82#;
  fabric of, i. #479:vol1_479#;
  inscriptions on vases of, ii. #272#

<lang=grc>Παγκράτιον</lang>, ii. #163#                                // Tr: Pagkration

Painted vases, special uses of, i. #142:vol1_142# ff.;
  manufacture of, i. #202:vol1_202# ff.;
  classification, i. #219:vol1_219# ff.;
  earliest examples in Greece, i. #239:vol1_239#, #243:vol1_243#, #260:vol1_260#, #265:vol1_265#;
  in Etruria, ii. #293#, #306# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #442#;
  termination of, in Greece and Italy, i. #487:vol1_487# ff., ii. #310#, #431#;
  and see #Vase-paintings:vasepaintings#, #Vases:vases#

Painters of vases represented, i. #223:vol1_223#, #227:vol1_227#, #228:vol1_228#

Painting, Greek, i. #14:vol1_14#, #320:vol1_320#, #394:vol1_394# ff., #440:vol1_440# ff., #450:vol1_450#;
  Ionic, i. #361:vol1_361#;
  influence of, on vases, i. #14:vol1_14#, #320:vol1_320#, #394:vol1_394# ff., #440:vol1_440# ff., #450:vol1_450#, #455:vol1_455#, #471:vol1_471#, ii. #203#;
  on terracotta, i. #92:vol1_92#, #397:vol1_397#, #454:vol1_454#;
  Etruscan, on terracotta, ii. #299#, #319#

Palaeography of vase-inscriptions, ii. #245#;
  of Attic inscriptions, ii. #268# ff.

Palaestra, scenes in, ii. #162# ff.

Palaimon, i. #314:vol1_314#, ii. #26#, #189#

Palazzolo (Acrae), vases from, i. #87:vol1_87#

<target id=palladion>Palladion, rape of, ii. #133#

<target id=palmette>Palmette-pattern, ii. #224# ff.;
  on Boeotian Geometrical vases, i. #288:vol1_288#;
  on B.F., i. #375:vol1_375#;
  on R.F., i. #413:vol1_413# ff.

Pamphaios, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #420:vol1_420#, #422:vol1_422# ff., #427:vol1_427#, ii. #259#

<target id=pan>Pan, ii. #58#, #192#

<target id=panathenaic>Panathenaic amphorae, i. #46:vol1_46#, #69:vol1_69#, #132:vol1_132#, #145:vol1_145#, #160:vol1_160#, #389:vol1_389#;
  inscriptions on, ii. #264#, #270#

<lang=grc>Παναθηναϊκά</lang>, i. #185:vol1_185#, #410:vol1_410#;                                  // Tr: Panathênaika
  and see #Kotyle:kotyle#

Pandareos, ii. #141#

Pandion, sons of, ii. #139#

<target id=pandora>Pandora, ii. #75#;
  “box” of, i. #152:vol1_152#

Panels on vases, i. #160:vol1_160#, #169:vol1_169#, #221:vol1_221#, #356:vol1_356#, #369:vol1_369#, #373:vol1_373#, #375:vol1_375#, ii. #208#

Panofka, theories of, i. #21:vol1_21#, #149:vol1_149#

Pantheon at Rome, date of brickwork, ii. #338#, #360#

Panticapaeum, see #Kertch:kertch#

Papposeilenos, ii. #65#, #192#

Paris, son of Priam, ii. #121# ff., #127#, #195#;
  Judgment of, ii. #122#

Paris, see #Louvre:louvre#

<lang=grc>παροψίς</lang>, i. #194:vol1_194#, ii. #469#                          // Tr: paropsis

Paros, stamped amphora-handles from, i. #157:vol1_157#;
  primitive pottery from, i. #262:vol1_262#

Parrhasios, i. #450:vol1_450#

<target id=parthenon>Parthenon sculptures, and vase-paintings, i. #15:vol1_15#, #450:vol1_450#, #460:vol1_460#, #464:vol1_464#, #497:vol1_497#;
  and lamps, ii. #409#

Pasiades, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#

Pasiteles, use of clay models by, i. #111:vol1_111#, ii. #375#

Passeri, theories of, i. #21:vol1_21#;
  collection of lamps, ii. #408#

Pastoral scenes on lamps, ii. #418#;
  and see #Tityrus:tityrus#
.bn 636.png
.pn +1

<lang=la><em>Patella</em></lang>, ii. #469#

<target id=patera><em>Patera</em>, ii. #471#;
  imitating metal, ii. #529#;
  and see #Phiale:phiale#

Paternus, potter, ii. #527#

<lang=la><em>Patina</em></lang>, ii. #456#, #468#

Patroklos, ii. #123#, #126#, #130#;
  games for, ii. #131#;
  tomb of, ii. #131#

Patroni on Italian vases, i. #467:vol1_467#, #479:vol1_479#, #483:vol1_483#, ii. #323# ff.

Patterns, see #Ornamental:ornamental#

Pausanias on use of brick and terracotta in Greece, i. #92:vol1_92#, #98:vol1_98#, #100:vol1_100#;
  on the chest of Kypselos, ii. #236#

Pavements, tiles used in, ii. #350#

Pediment-style of composition, ii. #207#

Pegasos, ii. #79#, #114#, #148#

Peirithoös, ii. #111#

Peisistratos, i. #304:vol1_304#, #369:vol1_369#

Peithinos, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #438:vol1_438#

Peitho, ii. #42#, #49#

Peleus, ii. #120#, #142#

Pelias, funeral games for, i. #319:vol1_319#, ii. #116#

“Pelike,” i. #163:vol1_163#, #411:vol1_411#

<lang=grc>πέλλα</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#, #391:vol1_391#;                                // Tr: pella
  and cf. ii. #239#

Pelops, ii. #113#, #195#

<lang=grc>πηλός</lang>, i. #89:vol1_89#                                      // Tr: pêlos

<lang=la><em>Pelvis</em></lang>, ii. #469#

Penelope, ii. #135#

Pentathlon, ii. #163#

Penteskouphia, pinakes from, i. #51:vol1_51#, #139:vol1_139#, #316:vol1_316#

Penthesileia, ii. #132#

Pentheus, ii. #56#, #142#

Perennius, M., potter, ii. #483#, #492#, #494#

<target id=persephone>Persephone, ii. #26# ff., #67#, #189#

Perseus, ii. #112#, #195#

Persia, vases from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Persians on vases, i. #420:vol1_420#, ii. #151#, #179#

Personal names on vases, ii. #92#, #260#

Personifications on vases, ii. #77# ff.

Perspective, conventional, i. #286:vol1_286#, #312:vol1_312#;
  on R.F. vases, i. #398:vol1_398#;
  on South Italian, i. #470:vol1_470#

Perugia, vases from, i. #73:vol1_73#

Peucetians on vases, i. #487:vol1_487#;
  pottery of, ii. #323# ff.

Phaestos, pottery from, i. #60:vol1_60#, #264:vol1_264#

Phaëthon on Arretine vase, ii. #483#

Phaidra, ii. #112#

Phaleron ware, i. #49:vol1_49#, #298:vol1_298#

Phanagoria, vases from, i. #61:vol1_61#, #340:vol1_340#

Phaon, ii. #142#

Pheidias, see #Parthenon:parthenon#

Pheidippos, vase-painter, i. #424:vol1_424#

<target id=phiale>Phiale, i. #140:vol1_140#, #191:vol1_191#, #490:vol1_490#, #502:vol1_502#;
  and see <em>#Patera:patera#</em>

Philoktetes, ii. #124#

Philomela, ii. #139#

Phineus, i. #136:vol1_136#, ii. #81#, #115#, #143#;
  cup with subject of, i. #357:vol1_357#, ii. #203#

Phintias, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #428:vol1_428#, ii. #259#

<lang=grc>φλύακες</lang>, i. #85:vol1_85#, #473:vol1_473#, ii. #160#                        // Tr: phlyakes

Phobos on vases, ii. #90#, #199#;
  on lamps, ii. #398#

Phocaea, vases from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #64:vol1_64#, #254:vol1_254#;
  as centre of fabric, i. #354:vol1_354#, #360:vol1_360#

Phoenicians, in Cyprus, i. #247:vol1_247# ff.;
  influence of, on Etruria, ii. #296#, #303#

<cite>Phoenissae</cite> of Euripides, scenes from, i. #500:vol1_500#, ii. #414#, #415#, #421#

Phoinix, ii. #126#, #128#

Phokis, pottery from, i. #53:vol1_53#

Pholos, ii. #102#, #146#

Phosphoros, ii. #79#

<lang=grc>φοξός</lang>, meaning of, i. #215:vol1_215#                           // Tr: phoxos

Phrynos, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #384:vol1_384#

Phthonos, ii. #49#

Phylakopi, pottery of, i. #57:vol1_57#, #262:vol1_262#

Physical conceptions personified, ii. #77# ff., #84#

Physiognomy, treatment of, on vases, ii. #202# ff.

Pictorial style on vases, i. #409:vol1_409#, #440:vol1_440# ff., #450:vol1_450#, #470:vol1_470#

Pile Cinq-Mars, ii. #337#

<target id=pinakes>Pinakes, Corinthian, i. #51:vol1_51#, #207:vol1_207#, #216:vol1_216#, #217:vol1_217# 316, ii. #170#, #249#;
  Rhodian, i. #335:vol1_335#

<target id=pinax>Pinax, i. #194:vol1_194#;
  votive, i. #139:vol1_139#, #454:vol1_454#, and see #Pinakes:pinakes#;
  with subject of Euphorbos, i. #335:vol1_335#, ii. #249#

Pindar quoted, i. #132:vol1_132#;
  comparison of, with vase-subjects, ii. #6#

<target id=pipes>Pipes of terracotta, i. #109:vol1_109#, ii. #347# ff.

Pisa, vases from, i. #72:vol1_72#

Pisticci, vases from, i. #83:vol1_83#

Pistillus, potter, ii. #383#

Pistoxenos, potter, i. #423:vol1_423#

Pitane, vases from, i. #62:vol1_62#, #339:vol1_339#

Pitcher, see #Hydria:hydria#, #Kalpis:kalpis#

<lang=grc>Πιθοίγια</lang>, ii. #156#                             // Tr: Pithoigia
.bn 637.png
.pn +1

<target id=pithos>Pithos, i. #57:vol1_57#, #147:vol1_147#, #151:vol1_151# ff., #209:vol1_209#, #216:vol1_216#;
  with reliefs, i. #496:vol1_496#, ii. #292#;
  Etruscan, ii. #292#, #300#

Pit-tombs of Etruria, ii. #284# ff.

<lang=grc>πλαίσιον</lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#    // Tr: plaision

Plastic art, i. #6:vol1_6#, #110:vol1_110#;
  nature of clay, i. #5:vol1_5#;
  principle in pottery, i. #238:vol1_238#, #256:vol1_256#, #257:vol1_257#, #267:vol1_267#, #310:vol1_310#, #491:vol1_491# ff.;
  and see #Modelling:modelling# of vases

Plautus quoted, ii. #456#, #463#, #476#

Plicque on Lezoux pottery, ii. #525# ff.

<lang=grc>πλίνθος</lang>, i. #94:vol1_94#, #95:vol1_95#                                   // Tr: plinthos

Pliny, traditions recorded by, i. #91:vol1_91#, #92:vol1_92#, #98:vol1_98#, #110:vol1_110#;
  on early Greek painting, i. #320:vol1_320#, #394:vol1_394# ff.;
  on terracotta in Italy, ii. #313#, #314#, #371#, #372#;
  on Roman pottery, ii. #475#

Ploutos, ii. #85#

<lang=la><em>Poculum</em></lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#, ii. #467#

<lang=grc>ποδανιπτήρ</lang>, i. #176:vol1_176#                                   // Tr: podaniptêr

Poinae, ii. #69#, #90#

<target id=poli>Poli (Marion), vases from, i. #67:vol1_67#, #250:vol1_250#, #255:vol1_255#

<target id=polledrara>Polledrara ware, ii. #297# ff.;
  at Naukratis, i. #347:vol1_347#

Pollentia, pottery of, i. #71:vol1_71#, ii. #477#

Pollux on names of vases, i. #149:vol1_149# ff.

Polychrome painting, i. #224:vol1_224#, #256:vol1_256#, #449:vol1_449#, #456:vol1_456#;
  at Naukratis, i. #348:vol1_348#;
  in Southern Italy, i. #484:vol1_484#;
  in Etruria, ii. #299#

Polydeukes, see #Dioskuri:dioskuri#

Polygnotos, painter, i. #15:vol1_15#, #409:vol1_409#, #421:vol1_421#, #441:vol1_441# ff., #459:vol1_459#, ii. #202#, #209#;
  vases in style of, i. #443:vol1_443#

—— vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #445:vol1_445#

Polykleitos, i. #112:vol1_112#

Polymestor, ii. #135#

<target id=polyphemos>Polyphemos, ii. #136#

Polyxena, i. #326:vol1_326#, ii. #125#, #135#
Pomarico, vases from, i. #83:vol1_83#
Pomegranate-patterns, ii. #222#
Pompeii, wine-amphorae from, i. #158:vol1_158#, ii. #462#;
  paintings of, relation to vases, i. #471:vol1_471#, #485:vol1_485#;
  bricks used at, ii. #337#;
  tiles used at, ii. #342# ff.;
  mural reliefs from, ii. #367#;
  terracotta statues from, ii. #374#;
  statuettes, ii. #375#, #378#;
  miscellaneous terracotta objects, ii. #387#;
  <lang=la><em>echea</em></lang>, ii. #458#;
  Gaulish pottery at, ii. #522#, #524#

“Pontic” vases, i. #359:vol1_359#

Popilius, C., potter, ii. #490#

Porcelain vases, i. #126:vol1_126# ff.

Portraits on lamps, ii. #415#

<lang=la><em>Portus</em></lang> on tile-stamps, ii. #363#

<target id=poseidon>Poseidon on vases, ii. #22# ff., #188#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #13# ff.;
  on Corinthian pinakes, i. #317:vol1_317#, ii. #23#;
  on lamps, ii. #409#

<em>Post-Homerica</em>, scenes from, ii. #119# ff.

<lang=grc>ποτήριον</lang>, i. #180:vol1_180#                                // Tr: potêrion

Pothos, ii. #49#

Potteries, Greek, i. #89:vol1_89#, #233:vol1_233#;
  scenes in, on vases, i. #208:vol1_208#, #213:vol1_213#, #216:vol1_216# ff., ii. #170#;
  of tile-makers, ii. #356#;
  at Arezzo, ii. #480# ff.;
  in Gaul, ii. #504#, #533#;
  importance of fixing sites of, ii. #441#;
  and see #Kerameikos:kerameikos#

Potters represented on vases, i. #208:vol1_208#, #209:vol1_209#, #213:vol1_213#, #216:vol1_216# ff., #422:vol1_422#, ii. #260#;
  in sculpture, ii. #511#;
  list of Greek, ii. #273# ff.;
  names or stamps of, on terracottas, ii. #379# ff.;
  on lamps, ii. #406#, #423# ff.;
  on Arretine ware, ii. #480# ff.;
  Gaulish, ii. #504#, #509# ff., #522#, #526#;
  in Germany, ii. #510#, #535#;
  in Britain, ii. #542#;
  on mortars, ii. #551#;
  wheel used by, i. #7:vol1_7#, #206:vol1_206#

<target id=pottery>Pottery, invention of, i. #3:vol1_3# ff.;
  Palaeolithic and Neolithic, i. #4:vol1_4#;
  characteristics of Greek, i. #9:vol1_9#;
  primitive Greek, i. #64:vol1_64#, #206:vol1_206#, #237:vol1_237# ff., #256:vol1_256# ff.;
  Greek terms for, i. #89:vol1_89#;
  use of, in daily life, i. #135:vol1_135# ff.;
  shapes, i. #148:vol1_148# ff., ii. #458# ff.;
  imitations of metal in, i. #201:vol1_201#, #488:vol1_488#, #492:vol1_492#, #495:vol1_495# ff.,
  and see #Metal:metal#;
  manufacture, #202:vol1_202# ff.;
  unpainted domestic, i. #252:vol1_252#, ii. #548# ff.

Pottier on Greek vases, i. #9:vol1_9#, #298:vol1_298#, #305:vol1_305#, #308:vol1_308#, #330:vol1_330#, #367:vol1_367#;
  on Etruscan, ii. #281#, #301#

<lang=it><em>Pozzo</em></lang>-tombs in Etruria, ii. #284# ff.

Pozzuoli, see #Puteoli:puteoli#

<lang=la><em>Praedia</em></lang> on tile-stamps, ii. #355#

<lang=la><em>Praefericulum</em></lang>, ii. #471#

<lang=la><em>Praefurnium</em></lang>, ii. #466#

Preimos, lamp-maker, i. #108:vol1_108#

Pre-Mycenaean pottery in Greece, i. #256:vol1_256# ff.

Priam, ii. #127#, #131#, #134#

Priapos, potter, i. #147:vol1_147#

Prices of vases, i. #43:vol1_43# ff.;
  scratched under the foot, ii. #238# ff.
.bn 638.png
.pn +1

Primitive pottery in Cyprus, i. #236:vol1_236# ff.;
  in Greece, #256:vol1_256# ff.;
  in Etruria, ii. #284# ff.

Prize-vases, see #Panathenaic:panathenaic#

<lang=grc>πρόαρον</lang>, i. #167:vol1_167#                          // Tr: proaron

Processions, ii. #155#;
  and see #Judgment of Paris:judgment#

<lang=grc>πρόχοος</lang>, i. #178:vol1_178#                         // Tr: prochoos

Prokles, potter, i. #493:vol1_493#

Prokne, ii. #139#

Prokrustes, ii. #109#

Prometheus, ii. #75#;
  as potter, ii. #378#

<lang=grc>προπλάσματα</lang>, i. #111:vol1_111#, ii. #375#, #378#     // Tr: proplasmata

Proteus, ii. #26#, #136#

<lang=grc>πρόθεσις</lang>, i. #142:vol1_142#, #459:vol1_459#, ii. #157#         // Tr: prothesis

Prothesis-amphorae, i. #142:vol1_142#, #159:vol1_159#, ii. #157#

<target id=protoattic>Proto-Attic vases, i. #159:vol1_159#, #292:vol1_292# ff.

Proto-Corinthian vases, i. #305:vol1_305# ff., ii. #254#

<target id=provincial>Provincial Roman wares, ii. #497# ff.;
  as illustrating Roman art, ii. #508#, #521#

Psiax, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #429:vol1_429#

<lang=grc>ψυκτήρ</lang>, i. #150:vol1_150#, #172:vol1_172#, #411:vol1_411#              // Tr: psyktêr

Psychostasia, ii. #130#, #132#

Ptolemies, representations of, i. #129:vol1_129#

Ptolemy Euergetes quoted, ii. #455#

Ptoös, finds at Mount, i. #287:vol1_287#

<lang=la><em>Pultarius</em></lang>, ii. #472#

Punctured patterns, i. #242:vol1_242#

<lang=grc>πύραυνος</lang>, i. #105:vol1_105#                       // Tr: pyraunos

<lang=grc>πυρορραγής</lang>, i. #215:vol1_215#                     // Tr: pyrorragês

Purple, use of, for details, i. #221:vol1_221#, #231#, #312#, #371#

“Pursuing” type on R.F. vases, i. #419:vol1_419#

Puteals, terracotta used for, ii. #387#

<target id=puteoli>Puteoli as vase-centre, ii. #478#, #492#

Pygmies and cranes, ii. #149#

Pyrrhos, potter, i. #308:vol1_308#, ii. #254#

Python, potter, i. #423:vol1_423#, #434:vol1_434#

—— vase-painter, i. #147:vol1_147#, #478:vol1_478# ff., ii. #272#

Pyxis, i. #198:vol1_198#, #201:vol1_201#, #412:vol1_412#, #449:vol1_449#;
  and see #Dodwell:dodwell#

.sp 2
Raimondi, restorer of vases, i. #42:vol1_42#

Rasinius Pisanus, L., potter, ii. #485#, #523#

Rattles, vases used as, i. #137:vol1_137#

Reclining figures in terracotta, i. #124:vol1_124#;
  on Etruscan sarcophagi, ii. #317#, #321#

Red glaze, Roman, ii. #435# ff., #497#;
  on Greek sites, ii. #476#, #498#;
  and see #Glaze:glaze#

Red wares, Cypriote, i. #241:vol1_241#, #251:vol1_251#;
  Roman, plain, ii. #549#

Red-bodied amphorae, i. #161:vol1_161#, #221:vol1_221#, #369:vol1_369#

<target id=redfigured>Red-figured vases, technique of, i. #221:vol1_221#;
  found in Cyprus, i. #255:vol1_255#;
  chronology of, i. #401:vol1_401#;
  drawing, i. #406:vol1_406#;
  shapes, i. #409:vol1_409# ff.;
  ornamentation, i. #412:vol1_412# ff., ii. #234#;
  subjects, i. #416:vol1_416# ff.;
  arrangement of subjects on, ii. #208#;
  relation to B.F., i. #368:vol1_368#, #386:vol1_386#, #393:vol1_393#, #400:vol1_400#;
  Etruscan imitations of, ii. #309#

Regulini-Galassi tomb at Cervetri, ii. #300#

Reliefs, architectural, i. #98:vol1_98#, ii. #315# ff., #343#, #345#;
  terracotta, i. #119:vol1_119#;
  Roman mural, ii. #365# ff.;
  Greek vases with, i. #496:vol1_496# ff.;
  Etruscan vases with, ii. #292#, and see #<lang=it><em>Bucchero</em></lang>:bucchero#;
  method of producing, in Roman pottery, ii. #438# ff., #505#;
  <lang=fr><em>appliqué</em></lang>, at Lezoux, ii. #529#;
  and see #<lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang>:terrasigillata#

Religion of Greeks, i. #13:vol1_13#, #138:vol1_138# ff., ii. #155#;
  of Mycenaeans, i. #273:vol1_273#

Religious uses of vases, i. #138:vol1_138#;
  subjects on vases, ii. #154# ff.

<lang=grc>ῥέοντα</lang>, i. #193:vol1_193#                            // Tr: rheonta

Restoration of vases, i. #40:vol1_40#, #147:vol1_147#

Revels on vases, ii. #182#

Rextugenos, potter, ii. #384#

Rheinzabern, stamps from, ii. #440#;
  mould from, ii. #441#;
  kilns at, ii. #446#, #450#;
  potteries of, ii. #504#, #535#;
  potters’ names at, ii. #510#

Rheneia, vases from, i. #57:vol1_57#, #302:vol1_302#

Rhesos, ii. #128#

Rhineland, terracottas from, ii. #380#, #383#;
  pottery of, ii. #498#, #500# ff., #534# ff.

<target id=rhodes>Rhodes, tombs of, i. #34:vol1_34#, #121:vol1_121#;
  vases found in, i. #58:vol1_58#;
  terracottas from, i. #112:vol1_112#, #121:vol1_121#;
  <lang=grc>πίθοι</lang> from, i. #152:vol1_152#;                          // Tr: pithoi
  wine-amphorae and stamps from, i. #155:vol1_155#;
  typical oinochoë of, i. #177:vol1_177#;
  Mycenaean vases from, i. #274:vol1_274#, #276:vol1_276#;
  Corinthian, i. #311:vol1_311#;
  B.F. kylikes, i. #357:vol1_357#;
  vases with reliefs, i. #497:vol1_497#

Rhodian pottery, i. #333:vol1_333# ff.;
  ornamentation, i. #334:vol1_334#, ii. #225#, #231#, #233#;
  “mixed” technique of, i. #338:vol1_338#;
  found at Troy, i. #339:vol1_339#;
  compared with Naukratis, i. #345:vol1_345# ff.;
  influence on Proto-Attic, i. #294:vol1_294#, #295:vol1_295#

Rhoikos, i. #110:vol1_110#
.bn 639.png
.pn +1

Rhone valley as pottery-centre, ii. #440#, #498#, #503#, #530#, #533#

Rhyton, i. #127:vol1_127#, #192:vol1_192#, #201:vol1_201#, #211:vol1_211#, #410:vol1_410#, #493:vol1_493#, #494:vol1_494#

Riegl on ornamentation of vases, ii. #223# ff.;
  on Mycenaean, i. #276:vol1_276#

Ripanus Tiberinus, potter, ii. #551#

River-gods, ii. #83#, #194#;
  and see #Acheloös:acheloos#, #Nile:nile#

Rivets for mending vases, i. #147:vol1_147#

Roach-Smith on Roman pottery, ii. #503#, #508#, #529#, #540#, #542#

Robert on Polygnotos, i. #442:vol1_442#, #445:vol1_445#;
  on Megarian bowls, i. #499:vol1_499#

<target id=roman>Roman art, illustrated in pottery, ii. #489#, #494#, #507#, #508#, #521#, #544# ff.;
  porcelain ware, i. #129:vol1_129#;
  subjects on mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  on lamps, ii. #407#, #412#, #416#;
  villas in Britain, use of tiles in, ii. #346#, #348#;
  Wall, pottery from, ii. #540#

—— pottery, uses of, ii. #387#, #455# ff.;
  compared with Greek, ii. #430#, #472#;
  limits of subject, ii. #430# ff.;
  extent of use of, ii. #431#, #433#, #455#, #473#, #496#;
  development of, from earlier, ii. #431#, #432#, #489# ff.;
  termination of, ii. #432#, #495#;
  technical processes, ii. #433# ff.;
  plain wares, ii. #437#, #496#, #547# ff.;
  kilns for, ii. #443# ff.;
  shapes and names, ii. #458# ff.;
  centres of manufacture, ii. #474# ff.;
  transition to provincial wares, ii. #496#, #500# ff.;
  in Germany, ii. #504#, #510#, #536#, #552#;
  in Britain, ii. #540# ff.;
  and see #Arretine:arretine#, #Gaul:gaul#, #Provincial wares:provincial#

Romanensis, lamp-maker, i. #108:vol1_108#, ii. #423#, #427#

Romano-British pottery, ii. #543# ff.;
  from Wroxeter, ii. #553#

Rome, collections at, i. #29:vol1_29#;
  pottery found at, i. #79:vol1_79#, ii. #456#, #461#;
  use of terracotta at, for sculpture, ii. #314#, #372#;
  use of bricks and tiles at, ii. #331# ff.;
  stamped tiles from, ii. #352# ff.;
  evidence for dating buildings at, ii. #360#;
  mural reliefs from, ii. #365#;
  statuettes of terracotta in use at, ii. #376# ff.;
  use of lamps at, ii. #393#, #396#;
  as centre of lamp-fabric, ii. #427#;
  <lang=la><em>echea</em></lang> found at, ii. #457#;
  as centre for pottery, ii. #477#;
  Arretine stamps at, ii. #481# ff.;
  provincial wares at, ii. #498#, #522#

Roofs and roof-tiles of terracotta, i. #96:vol1_96# ff., ii. #315#, #344#, #345#

<target id=rosette>Rosettes on vases, i. #312:vol1_312#, #334:vol1_334#, ii. #230#

Rottenburg, inscribed vases from, ii. #512#

<target id=rubrica><lang=la><em>Rubrica</em></lang>, i. #205:vol1_205#, ii. #404#

Russia, collections in, i. #28:vol1_28#;
  vases from, i. #60:vol1_60#;
  tiles from, i. #101:vol1_101#;
  stamped wine amphorae from, i. #158:vol1_158#;
  and see #Kertch:kertch#, #Olbia:olbia#

Rutenian pottery and potters, see #Graufesenque:graufesenque#

Rutenus, potter (?), ii. #510#

Ruvo, vases found at, i. #83:vol1_83#;
  furnace at, i. #215:vol1_215#;
  as centre for Apulian vases, i. #486:vol1_486#

.sp 2
Sabinus, potter, ii. #508#

Sacrifices, vases used in, i. #140:vol1_140#;
  representations of, ii. #155#

<lang=la><em>Saeculares</em></lang> on lamps, ii. #396#, #398#, #421#

Saguntum as pottery-centre, ii. #479#, #499#, #540#

St.-Rémy-en-Rollat, potteries of, ii. #382#, #385#, #516#;
  clay of, ii. #434#

Sakonides, vase-painter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #384:vol1_384#

Sala Consilina, local pottery from, ii. #324#, #328#

Salamis (Attica), personified, ii. #82#;
  vases from, i. #54:vol1_54#

—— (Cyprus), vases from, i. #66:vol1_66#, #245:vol1_245#;
  lamp from, ii. #409#

<target id=salmoneus>Salmoneus, ii. #143#

“Samian” ware, i. #57:vol1_57#, #71:vol1_71#, ii. #474# ff., #497#

Samnium as pottery-centre, ii. #475#

Samos, pottery of, i. #57:vol1_57#, #336:vol1_336# ff., and see ii. #475#

Sandwith on Cypriote pottery, i. #65:vol1_65#, #240:vol1_240#

<lang=grc>σανίς</lang>, i. #112:vol1_112#, #122:vol1_122#                             // Tr: sanis

Santa Agata dei Goti (Saticula), vases from, i. #81:vol1_81#, #484:vol1_484#

Sappho, ii. #144#, #151#

Sarapis on lamps, ii. #402#, #409#, #412#

Sarcophagi of terracotta, i. #104:vol1_104#, ii. #457#;
  from Clazomenae, i. #62:vol1_62#, #104:vol1_104#, #362:vol1_362# ff.;
  Etruscan, ii. #317#, #320# ff.

Sardinia, vases from, i. #88:vol1_88#;
  and see #Tharros:tharros#

Sardis, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Sarpedon, ii. #129#
.bn 640.png
.pn +1

Sarteano, vases from, i. #73:vol1_73#

Saticula, fabric of, i. #81:vol1_81#, #484:vol1_484#

Saturnalia, statuettes in connection with, ii. #376#

Saturnus Balcaranensis, lamps from altar of, ii. #397#

Satyric drama, subjects from, ii. #7#, #161#;
  mask of terracotta, i. #104:vol1_104#, ii. #377#

<target id=satyrs>Satyrs, ii. #54# ff., #192#;
  names of, ii. #65#;
  Ionic, i. #353:vol1_353#, #355:vol1_355#;
  on R.F. vases, i. #416:vol1_416#, #417:vol1_417#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #369#;
  on lamps, ii. #411#

Saurias of Samos, painter, i. #361:vol1_361#

Scale-patterns, ii. #218#;
  Corinthian, i. #311:vol1_311#;
  Ionic, i. #338:vol1_338#, #352:vol1_352#

Schliemann’s excavations, i. #256:vol1_256#

School-scenes on vases, i. #435:vol1_435#, ii. #168#, #263#

Sculpture, in clay, i. #6:vol1_6#, #110:vol1_110#;
  Etruscan, ii. #313# ff.;
  at Rome, ii. #371#;
  use of clay models in, ii. #375#;
  in relation to vase-paintings, i. #15:vol1_15#, #450:vol1_450#

<lang=la><em>Scutra</em></lang>, ii. #470#

<lang=la><em>Scyphi Homerici</em></lang>, i. #134:vol1_134#, #185:vol1_185#, #499:vol1_499#, ii. #2#

Scythians, on vases, ii. #179#;
  dialect of (?), ii. #256#

<target id=seadeities>Sea-deities, ii. #25#, #189#;
  on Corinthian vases, i. #314:vol1_314#, ii. #26#, #189#

<target id=seasons>Seasons on mural reliefs, ii. #368#, #370#;
  on Arretine vases, ii. #488#, #493#;
  and see #Spring:spring#, #Horae:horae#

Seianti Thanunia, sarcophagus of, ii. #322#

Seileni, ii. #54# ff., #65#, #161#;
  and see #Satyrs:satyrs#

Selene, ii. #78#, #79#, #193#;
  on lamps, ii. #412#

Selinus, tombs of, i. #37:vol1_37#;
  vases from, i. #87:vol1_87#

Selva la Rocca, vases from, i. #76:vol1_76#

Semele, ii. #18#, #56#

Semitic nations, use of brick among, i. #6:vol1_6#, #91:vol1_91#;
  and see #Assyrian:assyrian#, #Oriental:oriental#

Septimius Secundanus, C., potter, ii. #511#

<target id=sepulchral>Sepulchral stelae compared with vases, i. #461:vol1_461#, #477:vol1_477#, ii. #158#;
  and see #Funeral:funeral#, #Tomb:tomb#

“Severe” style of R.F. vases, i. #420:vol1_420#, #422:vol1_422# ff.

Sexes, distinction of, on early vases, i. #317:vol1_317#, #331:vol1_331#;
  and see ii. #200#

<target id=shapes>Shapes of vases, i. #13:vol1_13#, #148:vol1_148# ff.;
  at Troy, i. #258:vol1_258#;
  at Thera, i. #261:vol1_261#;
  Mycenaean, i. #271:vol1_271#;
  Geometrical, i. #281:vol1_281#, #287:vol1_287#;
  Proto-Attic, i. #293:vol1_293#;
  Proto-Corinthian, i. #308:vol1_308#;
  Corinthian, i. #313:vol1_313#, #317:vol1_317#;
  Rhodian. i. #334:vol1_334#;
  Attic B.F., i. #372:vol1_372# ff.;
  R.F., i. #409:vol1_409# ff.;
  White-ground vases, i. #456:vol1_456#;
  South Italian, i. #468:vol1_468#, #481:vol1_481#, #483:vol1_483#, #485:vol1_485#;
  Etruscan, ii. #285# ff., #302#;
  local Italian, ii. #325# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #458# ff.;
  Arretine, ii. #488#;
  provincial, ii. #500# ff., #505#, #520#, #526#

Shields, devices on, ii. #198#

Ships, ii. #178#;
  on Dipylon vases, i. #285:vol1_285#, #291:vol1_291#;
  on lamps, ii. #417#

“Short-hand” system of indicating landscape, etc., ii. #204# ff.

Sicily, history of, in relation to vases, i. #11:vol1_11#;
  tombs in, i. #37:vol1_37#;
  vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#, #307:vol1_307#, #311:vol1_311#;
  terracotta architecture of, i. #100:vol1_100#

Sigeion, vases from, i. #61:vol1_61#

<lang=la><em>Sigilla</em></lang>, ii. #375# ff.

<lang=la><em>Sigillaria</em></lang>, ii. #376#

<lang=la><em>Sigillarius</em></lang>, ii. #511#

<target id=signatures>Signatures, forms of, i. #379:vol1_379#, #422:vol1_422# ff., ii. #257# ff.;
  of Gaulish potters, ii. #381#, #509#;
  of German potters, ii. #510#;
  of lamp-makers, ii. #423# ff., #427#

Sikanos, potter, i. #420:vol1_420#, #424:vol1_424#

Sikelos, vase-painter, i. #391:vol1_391#

Sikyon, vases from, i. #51:vol1_51#;
  alphabet of, i. #321:vol1_321#, #381:vol1_381#, ii. #252#;
  painters of school of, i. #395:vol1_395#

Silchester, pottery from, ii. #522#

Silhouette paintings on vases, i. #220:vol1_220#, #285:vol1_285#, #396:vol1_396#, #455:vol1_455#;
  on Clazomenae sarcophagi, i. #362:vol1_362#

Silphium at Kyrene, i. #342:vol1_342#

Silver, vases coated with, i. #74:vol1_74#, #189:vol1_189#, #501:vol1_501#

Simonides quoted, i. #132:vol1_132#

<lang=la><em>Simpulum</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>simpuvium</em></lang>, ii. #471#

Singing on vases, ii. #169#, #182#;
  inscriptions denoting, ii. #261#

Sinis, ii. #109#

<lang=la><em>Sinus</em></lang>, ii. #465#

Sipylos, pottery from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Sirens, ii. #147#, #196#

Sisyphos, ii. #68#;
  and cf. ii. #264#

<target id=situla>Situla, i. #165:vol1_165#, ii. #464#;
  from Daphnae, i. #350:vol1_350#

<lang=grc>σκάφη</lang>, i. #175:vol1_175#                   // Tr: skaphê

Skiron, ii. #109#
.bn 641.png
.pn +1

<lang=grc>σκύφος</lang>, i. #184:vol1_184#                  // Tr: skyphos

Skylla, ii. #26#, #148#, #189#

<lang=grc>σμηματοθήκη</lang>, i. #198:vol1_198#             // Tr: smêmatothêkê

Smikros, vase-painter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #440:vol1_440#, ii. #259#

Smith (Cecil) on Proto-Attic vases, i. #294:vol1_294#;
  on R.F. vases, i. #407:vol1_407#;
  on Polledrara ware, ii. #300#

Smithy of Hephaistos, ii. #37#, #171#

Social advantages, etc., personified, ii. #85#, #91#

<lang=grc>σωλῆνες</lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#                    // Tr: sôlênes

Solygea, vase from, i. #51:vol1_51#

Sophilos, vase-painter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #380:vol1_380#

Sorrento, vases from, i. #82:vol1_82#

Sosias, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #439:vol1_439#

Sotades, potter, i. #191:vol1_191#, #410:vol1_410#, #421:vol1_421#, #445:vol1_445#, #457:vol1_457#

Southern Italy, see #Apulia:apulia#, #Campania:campania#, #Lucania:lucania#, #Italy:italy#

Spain, Roman pottery in, ii. #479#, #480#, #540#

Sparta personified, ii. #82#

Spata, pottery from, i. #49:vol1_49#

Sphinx, i. #249:vol1_249#, ii. #147#, #196#;
  Theban, ii. #117#

Spiral patterns, i. #292:vol1_292#, #302:vol1_302#, #375:vol1_375#, ii. #217#

Sporades, pottery from, i. #57:vol1_57#

Sport on vases, ii. #165#

<target id=spring>Spring, stamp with figure of, ii. #439#, #493#;
  and see #Seasons:seasons#

Stackelberg, i. #18:vol1_18#, #42:vol1_42#, #48:vol1_48#

Stage, subjects from, see #Drama:drama#

Stag-hunts, ii. #165#

<lang=grc>στάμνος</lang>, i. #163:vol1_163#, #411:vol1_411#;                         // Tr: stamnos
  from Daphnae, i. #352:vol1_352#

Stamped patterns on Greek vases, i. #212:vol1_212#

<target id=stamps>Stamps on bricks and tiles, ii. #352# ff.;
  in the provinces, ii. #357#;
  military, ii. #363# ff.;
  on <lang=la><em>dolia</em></lang>, ii. #459#;
  on wine-amphorae, i. #155:vol1_155# ff., ii. #461# ff.;
  for figures in Roman pottery, ii. #438#;
  and see #Inscriptions:inscriptions#, #Signatures:signatures#

Stars, ii. #79#

<lang=la><em>Stationes</em></lang> on tile-stamps, ii. #362#

Statues of terracotta, i. #109:vol1_109#, ii. #371# ff.

Statuettes of terracotta, Greek, i. #110:vol1_110# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #375# ff.;
  Gaulish, ii. #379# ff.

<lang=grc>στεγαστῆρες</lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#                         // Tr: stegastêres

<em>Stelae</em> with inscriptions on vases, ii. #272#;
  and see #Sepulchral:sepulchral#

“Still-life” subjects, ii. #185#

Stone Age, pottery of, i. #4:vol1_4#, #9:vol1_9#;
  and see #Neolithic:neolithic#

Strabo quoted, i. #50:vol1_50#, #134:vol1_134#

<lang=la><em>Strenae</em></lang>, ii. #398#

“Strong” period of R.F. vases, i. #417:vol1_417#, #421:vol1_421#

Studniczka on Cyrenaic vases, i. #341:vol1_341#

Study of Greek vases, its uses, i. #10:vol1_10# ff.;
  its history, i. #16:vol1_16# ff.

Stymphalian birds, ii. #98#

<target id=subjects>Subjects on vases, i. #12:vol1_12# ff.;
  interpretation of, i. #21:vol1_21#, ii. #8#;
  relation to literature, ii. #1# ff.;
  arrangement of, ii. #206# ff.;
  Mycenaean, i. #272:vol1_272#;
  Dipylon, i. #286:vol1_286#;
  Proto-Attic, i. #296:vol1_296#;
  Melian, i. #301:vol1_301#;
  Proto-Corinthian, i. #309:vol1_309#;
  Corinthian, i. #314:vol1_314# ff.;
  Black-figured, i. #376:vol1_376# ff.;
  Red-figured, i. #416:vol1_416# ff.;
  White-ground, i. #457:vol1_457#;
  South Italian, i. #474:vol1_474# ff.;
  Campanian, i. #483:vol1_483#;
  Etruscan, ii. #292#, #302#, #309#;
  Arretine, ii. #492# ff.;
  provincial, ii. #507#, #521#, #544#;
  on lamps, ii. #408# ff.;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #368# ff.

Sub-Mycenaean pottery, i. #246:vol1_246#

Suetonius quoted, i. #134:vol1_134#, ii. #336#

Sumlocene, vases from colony of, ii. #512#

Sun-dried bricks, i. #89:vol1_89# ff., ii. #331#, #333#

Susa (Persia), vase from, i. #64:vol1_64#

Swallow-scene, ii. #185#, #262#

Swimming-scenes, ii. #173#

Syra, pottery from, i. #262:vol1_262#

Syracuse, vases from, i. #86:vol1_86#, #307:vol1_307#

.sp 2
Taleides, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #380:vol1_380#

Talos, ii. #116#

Tamassos, vase from, i. #249:vol1_249#

Tanagra, vases from, i. #53:vol1_53#, #451:vol1_451#;
  terracottas from, i. #112:vol1_112#, #116:vol1_116#, #124:vol1_124#.

Tantalos, ii. #68#

Taras, ii. #144#, #160#

Tarentum, vases from, i. #85:vol1_85#;
  moulds from, i. #115:vol1_115#;
  <lang=grc>φλύακες</lang> at, i. #473:vol1_473#;                        // Tr: phlyakes
  as centre of pottery (?), i. #486:vol1_486#, #488:vol1_488#, ii. #324#

Tarragona, Roman pottery from, ii. #479#, #480#, #540#

Tarsus, lamps from, i. #108:vol1_108#;
  enamelled wares from, i. #129:vol1_129#

Tataie lekythos, i. #80:vol1_80#, ii. #242#

Taygeta, ii. #19#, #82#
.bn 642.png
.pn +1

Technical processes, for terracottas, i. #113:vol1_113# ff.;
  for Greek vases, i. #202:vol1_202# ff.;
  for lamps, ii. #405#;
  for Roman pottery, ii. #433# ff.;
  for Romano-British, ii. #545#;
  miscellaneous details, B.F., i. #370:vol1_370#;
  R.F., i. #405:vol1_405#, #449:vol1_449#;
  White-ground, i. #455:vol1_455#;
  South Italian, i. #470:vol1_470#

<lang=la><em>Tegulae</em></lang>, i. #96:vol1_96#, ii. #340#;
  <lang=la><em>bessales</em></lang>, ii. #332#, #348#;
  <lang=la><em>bipedales</em></lang>, ii. #332#, #337#, #339#, #346#, #351#;
  <lang=la><em>colliciares</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>deliciares</em></lang>, ii. #341#;
  <lang=la><em>mammatae</em></lang>, ii. #341#, #346#;
  <lang=la><em>sesquipedales</em></lang>, ii. #332#;
  and see #Tiles:tiles#

Telemachos, ii. #136#

Telephos, ii. #125#

Tell-el-Amarna, pottery from, i. #67:vol1_67#

<lang=la><em>Tempera</em></lang> painting, i. #117:vol1_117#, #119:vol1_119#, ii. #321#, #367#

Temples, use of terracotta for, in Greece, i. #92:vol1_92# ff.;
  in Italy, i. #98:vol1_98#, #101:vol1_101#, ii. #314#;
  lamps used in, ii. #397#

Tenea, vases from, i. #51:vol1_51#

Teos, pottery of, i. #64:vol1_64#

Tereus, ii. #139#

<target id=terrasigillata><lang=la><em>Terra sigillata</em></lang>, term explained, ii. #434#; and see i. #503:vol1_503#, ii. #474#, #496#;
  in Greece, ii. #476#, #498#;
  provincial, ii. #497# ff.;
  centres of fabric of, ii. #503#;
  Rutenian, ii. #520#;
  at Banassac, ii. #525#;
  at Lezoux, ii. #526#;
  in Germany, ii. #534#;
  in Britain, ii. #540#;
  combined with barbotine, ii. #529#;
  termination of, in Italy, ii. #495#;
  in the provinces, ii. #508#, #526#

Terracotta, use of, for bricks, i. #7:vol1_7#, ii. #334# ff.;
  for tiles, i. #96:vol1_96# ff., ii. #341# ff.;
  in architecture, Greek, i. #92:vol1_92# ff.;
  Etruscan, ii. #314# ff.;
  at Rome and Pompeii, ii. #343# ff.;
  for pipes, i. #103:vol1_103#, ii. #349#;
  in tombs, i. #104:vol1_104#, ii. #351#;
  for sarcophagi, i. #104:vol1_104#, #362:vol1_362# ff., ii. #317#, #320# ff., #457#;
  for coin-moulds, i. #106:vol1_106#, ii. #390# ff.;
  for impressions for seals, i. #106:vol1_106#;
  for models for statues, i. #111:vol1_111#, ii. #375#;
  miscellaneous uses, i. #90:vol1_90#, #105:vol1_105#, ii. #387# ff.;
  Greek terms for, i. #89:vol1_89#;
  invention of modelling and moulding, i. #110:vol1_110#;
  vases of, i. #118:vol1_118#, #146:vol1_146#, #201:vol1_201#;
  reliefs, i. #119:vol1_119#, ii. #365# ff.;
  antefixal ornaments, i. #97:vol1_97# ff., ii. #315#, #317#, #343#;
  architectural sculpture in Etruria, ii. #317#, #318#;
  statues, i. #109:vol1_109#, ii. #371# ff.;
  statuettes, i. #112:vol1_112# ff., ii. #375# ff.;
  Boeotian, i. #290:vol1_290#;
  Etruscan, ii. #313# ff.;
  Gaulish, ii. #379# ff.;
  Roman, ii. #373# ff.;
  types, i. #121:vol1_121# ff.;
  methods of manufacture, i. #113:vol1_113# ff., ii. #378#;
  use of colour for, i. #116:vol1_116#. ii. #321#, #322#;
  painted panels, i. #92:vol1_92#, ii. #299#, #319#;
  use of, as substitute for metal, i. #495:vol1_495# ff., ii. #431#, #455#

Terramare civilisation, ii. #283#

Terranuova, see #Gela:gela#

<lang=la><em>Testa</em></lang>, ii. #331#, cf. 350

Teucheira, vases from, i. #69:vol1_69#

Textiles, influence of, i. #312:vol1_312#, #333:vol1_333#, ii. #211#

Thaleia, ii. #19#

Thamyris, ii. #144#

<target id=thanatos>Thanatos, ii. #71#, #84#, #193#

<target id=tharros>Tharros, vases from, i. #88:vol1_88#;
  porcelain ware from, i. #128:vol1_128#

Thasos, amphora-stamps from, i. #157:vol1_157#;
  alphabet of, i. #443:vol1_443#, ii. #271#

Theatrical treatment of subjects, i. #470:vol1_470#;
  subjects on vases, see #Drama:drama#

Thebes, vases from, i. #52:vol1_52#, #286:vol1_286#, #390:vol1_390#;
  personified, ii. #82#, and see #83#;
  legends of, ii. #116# ff.

Themis, ii. #74#

Theocritus quoted, ii. #2#

Theodoric, tiles of, ii. #355#

Theokosmos, i. #92:vol1_92#, #111:vol1_111#

Theozotos, potter, i. #52:vol1_52#, #301:vol1_301#

Thera, finds in, i. #56:vol1_56#;
  <lang=grc>πίθοι</lang> from, i. #153:vol1_153#;                 // Tr: pithoi
  early pottery of, i. #260:vol1_260# ff.;
  connection with Crete, i. #264:vol1_264#;
  Mycenaean vases from, i. #270:vol1_270#

Thericleian kylikes, i. #189:vol1_189#

<lang=grc>θερμαντήρ</lang>, i. #175:vol1_175#          // Tr: thermantêr

Thermon metopes, i. #92:vol1_92#

<lang=grc>θερμοπότις</lang>, i. #169:vol1_169#, #175:vol1_175#               // Tr: thermopotis

Thersites, ii. #126#, #132#; and see i. #215:vol1_215#

Theseus, on R.F. vases, i. #417:vol1_417#, #432:vol1_432#, #442:vol1_442#;
  with Minotaur, ii. #109#, #298#;
  labours of, ii. #108# ff.;
  in Hades, ii. #68#, #111#;
  in Crete, ii. #110#;
  at Athens, ii. #111#

Thessaly, pottery from, i. #54:vol1_54#

Thetis, ii. #120#, #130#

Thiersch on Tyrrhenian amphorae, i. #324:vol1_324# ff.

Thoas, ii. #143#

Thracians, ii. #143#, #179#, #200#;
  and see ii. #166#

Thypheithides, potter, i. #147:vol1_147#

Tickets of terracotta, ii. #388#
.bn 643.png
.pn +1

Tigranes, potter, ii. #483#

<target id=tiles>Tiles, Greek, i. #96:vol1_96# ff.;
  inscribed, i. #101:vol1_101#, #102:vol1_102#;
  used for tombs, i. #104:vol1_104#

—— Roman, used as bricks, ii. #331#;
  for other purposes, ii. #341#;
  in Roman walls in Britain, ii. #332#;
  later use of, ii. #335#;
  varieties of, ii. #332#, #341#;
  flanged, ii. #341#, #342#;
  for roofs, ii. #342# ff.;
  ornamental, ii. #343#;
  used for warming, ii. #346# ff.;
  for pavements, ii. #350#;
  for tombs, ii. #351#;
  potteries for, ii. #356#;
  inscriptions on, ii. #351# ff., #357# ff., #363# ff.;
  military, ii. #351#, #363#;
  from Central Europe, ii. #357# ff.;
  from Britain, ii. #342#, #346#, #348#, #350#, #359#, #363#;
  chronological evidence of, ii. #360# ff.

Timagoras, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Timonidas, vase-painter, i. #315:vol1_315#, #317:vol1_317#, ii. #251#

Tiryns, finds at, i. #51:vol1_51#

Tischbein, i. #17:vol1_17#

Titius, A., Arretine potter, ii. #480#, #485#

<target id=tityrus>Tityrus on lamps, ii. #416#

Tleson, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Toilet-scenes on vases, i. #475:vol1_475#, ii. #172#, #173#;
  and see #Aphrodite:aphrodite#, #Helen:helen#

<target id=tomb>Tomb, cult of, on vases, i. #143:vol1_143# ff., #459:vol1_459# ff., #477:vol1_477#, ii. #158#

Tombs, Greek, i. #33:vol1_33# ff.;
  Cypriote, i. #35:vol1_35#, #237:vol1_237#, #250:vol1_250#, #255:vol1_255#, #256:vol1_256#;
  in Cyrenaica, i. #36:vol1_36#;
  in Sicily, i. #37:vol1_37#;
  in Italy, i. #37:vol1_37# ff.;
  in Dipylon at Athens, i. #280:vol1_280#;
  in Etruria, ii. #284# ff.;
  <lang=it><em>a pozzo</em></lang>, ii. #284#;
  <lang=it><em>a fossa</em></lang>, ii. #289#;
  <lang=it><em>a camera</em></lang>, ii. #294#;
  of large size, ii. #300#;
  arrangement of vases in, i. #38:vol1_38#;
  vases used in, i. #143:vol1_143# ff., ii. #456#, #550#;
  tiles used for, ii. #351#;
  lamps used in, ii. #397#;
  forms of, as depicted on vases, ii. #157#, #158#

Tongue-pattern, i. #375:vol1_375#, ii. #219#

Tools used in painting vases, i. #227:vol1_227# ff.;
  by Roman potters, ii. #437# ff.

Torch-race, ii. #164#

Toreutic work, influence of, on Arretine ware, ii. #489#

Towneley, terracottas collected by, ii. #366#, #373#

Toys, of terracotta, i. #120:vol1_120#;
  vases used as, i. #137:vol1_137#;
  representations of, on vases, ii. #167#

Trades on vases, ii. #169# ff.

Tradition, literary and artistic, compared, i. #13:vol1_13#, ii. #3# ff.

Tragedy and vase-paintings, i. #471:vol1_471#, ii. #7#, #162#

<lang=grc>τραγέλαφος</lang>, i. #193:vol1_193#                                        // Tr: tragelaphos

<lang=fr><em>Traits reservés</em></lang>, i. #362:vol1_362#

Treasury of Gela at Olympia, terracotta used in, i. #100:vol1_100#

Trench-tombs in Etruria, ii. #289#

Trier as pottery-centre, ii. #502#, #534#, #536#

<lang=grc>τριήρης</lang>, i. #186:vol1_186#                                           // Tr: triêrês

Triptolemos, ii. #27#, #189#

Triton, ii. #25#, #101#, #189#

Triumphs, lamps used in, ii. #396#

<target id=troad>Troad, pottery from, i. #61:vol1_61#, #153:vol1_153#, #330:vol1_330#, #339:vol1_339#;
  and see #Troy:troy#

<lang=grc>τροχήλατος</lang>, of lamps, i. #107:vol1_107#                           // Tr: trochêlatos

Troilos, i. #433:vol1_433#, ii. #125#

Trojan subjects on vases, i. #322:vol1_322#, #335:vol1_335#, ii. #4#, #119# ff.;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #370#;
  on lamps, ii. #414#

<target id=troy>Troy, finds at, i. #61:vol1_61#, #256:vol1_256#, #339:vol1_339#;
  early pottery of, i. #257:vol1_257# ff., and see #491:vol1_491#;
  compared with Cypriote, i. #238:vol1_238#, #240:vol1_240#, #243:vol1_243#;
  Sack of, on vases, ii. #133#

<lang=la><em>Trua</em></lang>, <lang=la><em>trulla</em></lang>, ii. #470#

<lang=grc>τρύβλιον</lang>, i. #194:vol1_194#                                     // Tr: tryblion

Tudot on Gaulish terracottas, ii. #380# ff.

<lang=la><em>Tuguria</em></lang>, ii. #288#

Tychios, potter, i. #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Tydeus, ii. #118#

Types on B.F. vases, i. #377:vol1_377#, #388:vol1_388#;
  on R.F., i. #418:vol1_418# ff.;
  distinctions of, ii. #187# ff.

Typhon, ii. #12#, #149#

<target id=tyrrhenian>Tyrrhenian amphorae, i. #160:vol1_160#, #324:vol1_324# ff.

Tyrrhenians, ii. #281#

Tyszkiewicz on forgeries, i. #42:vol1_42#;
  on vase from Vulci, i. #77:vol1_77#

.sp 2
Umbrian civilisation, ii. #282#

<target id=underworld>Under-world on vases, i. #476:vol1_476#, ii. #66# ff., #159#;
  types of persons in, ii. #192#;
  and see #Hades:hades#

<target id=upchurch>Upchurch ware, ii. #546#

<lang=la><em>Urceus</em></lang>, ii. #465#

<lang=la><em>Urna</em></lang>, ii. #464#

Ussing on vase-shapes, i. #150:vol1_150# ff.
.bn 644.png
.pn +1

.sp 2
<lang=la><em>Vallisneria spiralis</em></lang>, i. #272:vol1_272#, ii. #224#

Varnish, black, i. #219:vol1_219# ff., #369:vol1_369#, #371:vol1_371#, #405:vol1_405# ff.

Vase-painters, i. #219:vol1_219# ff., #379:vol1_379# ff., #405:vol1_405# ff., #421:vol1_421# ff.

<target id=vasepaintings>Vase-paintings, early interpretations of, i. #21:vol1_21#;
  technical aspects of, i. #219:vol1_219# ff.;
  later study of, i. #235:vol1_235#;
  earliest Greek, i. #239:vol1_239#, #260:vol1_260#, #265:vol1_265# ff.;
  decadence of, i. #462:vol1_462# ff., #487:vol1_487# ff.;
  relations of, to the drama, ii. #159# ff.;
  to literature in general, ii. #1# ff.;
  to Greek mythology, i. #13:vol1_13#;
  to painting, i. #14:vol1_14#, #320:vol1_320#, #395:vol1_395# ff., #440:vol1_440# ff., #471:vol1_471#;
  to sculpture, i. #15:vol1_15#, #450:vol1_450#

<target id=vases>Vases, Greek painted, value of study of, i. #10:vol1_10# ff.;
  exportations of, to Italy, i. #11:vol1_11#, #467:vol1_467#;
  early publications of, i. #16:vol1_16# ff.;
  collections of, i. #17:vol1_17#, #23:vol1_23# ff.;
  alleged Etruscan origin of, i. #18:vol1_18# ff., #79:vol1_79#;
  classification, i. #22:vol1_22#, #219:vol1_219# ff.;
  discovery of, and arrangement in tombs, i. #33:vol1_33# ff.;
  restorations and imitations, i. #39:vol1_39# ff.;
  prices paid for, i. #43:vol1_43# ff.;
  found in Italy, i. #71:vol1_71# ff.;
  mention of, in literature, i. #132:vol1_132# ff.;
  uses of, i. #135:vol1_135# ff.;
  repair of, in antiquity, i. #147:vol1_147#;
  shapes of, i. #148:vol1_148# ff.;
  manufacture, i. #202:vol1_202# ff.;
  primitive, i. #256:vol1_256# ff.;
  influence of, in Etruria, ii. #289# ff., #296# ff., #307# ff., #320#;
  compared with Roman, ii. #430#, #472#

Vaults, use of jars for, ii. #457#

Vechten, pottery found at, ii. #522#, #539#

Vegetable ornament on vases, i. #312:vol1_312#, ii. #221# ff.

Veii (Isola Farnese), Campana tomb at, i. #38:vol1_38#, ii. #320#;
  vases from, i. #75:vol1_75#;
  sculptors in terracotta from, ii. #372#

Velius Primus, Q., potter, ii. #377#

Velleia as pottery-centre, ii. #477#

Venice, forgeries made at, i. #41:vol1_41#

<target id=venus>Venus, Gaulish, ii. #385#;
  on provincial wares, ii. #507#, #508#;
  and see #Aphrodite:aphrodite#

Vetulonia, early remains at, ii. #284#;
  <lang=la><em>Tomba del Duce</em></lang> at, ii. #300#

Victors in contests, ii. #164#, #169#, #417#

Victory, see #Nike:nike#

Vienna, collections at, i. #28:vol1_28#

Vienne as pottery-centre, ii. #441#, #530#

Villanuova civilisation in Etruria, i. #292:vol1_292#, ii. #284# ff.

Vindex, potter, ii. #383#, #426#

Vitalis, potter, ii. #522#

Vitellius, story of, ii. #456#

Viterbo, vases from, i. #74:vol1_74#

Vitruvius quoted, on bricks and tiles, ii. #331#, #333#, #335#, #339#;
  on terracotta sculpture, ii. #371#, #372#;
  on <lang=la><em>echea</em></lang>, ii. #457#

Vivenzio vase, i. #45:vol1_45#, #146:vol1_146#, #438:vol1_438#, ii. #134#

Volca of Veii, ii. #314#

Volterra, vases from, i. #72:vol1_72#

Volutes on nozzles of lamps, ii. #400#

Votive lamps, ii. #397#;
  offerings, ii. #156#;
  tablets, i. #51:vol1_51#, #139:vol1_139#, #316:vol1_316#, #454:vol1_454#, ii. #156#, and see #Pinax:pinax#;
  vases, i. #138:vol1_138#, ii. #242#

Vourva vases, i. #50:vol1_50#, #295:vol1_295#, #299:vol1_299#, #324:vol1_324#

<target id=vulci>Vulci, excavations at, i. #19:vol1_19#, #76:vol1_76# ff.;
  tombs at, i. #37:vol1_37#, #78:vol1_78#, ii. #287#, #291#, #294#;
  and see #Polledrara:polledrara#

.sp 2
Warrior, tomb of, ii. #158#;
  on painted pinax, i. #397:vol1_397#, #454:vol1_454#

Warrior-vase (Mycenaean ?), i. #297:vol1_297#

Warriors, on vases, i. #285:vol1_285#, #475:vol1_475#, #483:vol1_483#, ii. #175# ff., #198#;
  Italian, i. #475:vol1_475#, #483:vol1_483#, ii. #180#;
  Oriental, ii. #178#, #179#;
  race of, armed, ii. #164#;
  on lamps, ii. #417#

Wave-pattern, ii. #218#

Weddings, see #Marriage:marriage#

Wedgwood, i. #20:vol1_20#, #41:vol1_41#

Westerndorf, pottery of, ii. #504#, #507#, #535#;
  potters’ stamps at, ii. #520#

Wheel, for cutting patterns, ii. #441#;
  potter’s, i. #7:vol1_7#, #206:vol1_206#, ii. #437#;
  earliest vases made on, in Greece, i. #260:vol1_260#, #266:vol1_266#;
  in Etruria, ii. #290#

White paint used for details, i. #294:vol1_294#, #331:vol1_331#, #355:vol1_355#, #371:vol1_371#, #407:vol1_407#, #470:vol1_470#

White slip, use of, for painting, i. #397:vol1_397#;
  and see <lang=grc>#λεύκωμα:leukoma#</lang>                                  // Tr: leukôma

White wares, Cypriote, i. #243:vol1_243#, #244:vol1_244#, #246:vol1_246#, #251:vol1_251#;
  Romano-British, ii. #553#

White-ground vases, i. #224:vol1_224#, #454:vol1_454# ff.

Wicks of lamps, i. #107:vol1_107#, ii. #395#, #403#

Wide on Mycenaean pottery, i. #276:vol1_276#;
  on Geometrical, i. #278:vol1_278# ff.

Wilisch on Corinthian vases, i. #304:vol1_304# ff.

Winckelmann, i. #16:vol1_16#, #19:vol1_19#, #79:vol1_79#
.bn 645.png
.pn +1

Winds, ii. #80#, #194#

Wine-amphorae, i. #154:vol1_154# ff., ii. #460# ff.

Winged figures, i. #460:vol1_460#, ii. #72#, #90:vol1_90#, #193:vol1_193#, #194:vol1_194#

Witte (J. de), i. #23:vol1_23#

Women, games of, ii. #167#;
  as dancers, ii. #169#;
  as jugglers, ii. #174#, #182#;
  life of, on vases, ii. #172# ff.;
  dress of, ii. #200# ff.

Wrestlers, ii. #163#

Writing materials, use of clay for, i. #7:vol1_7#

Wroxeter, Romano-British pottery from, ii. #553#

.sp 2
Xanten (Castra Vetera), pottery from, ii. #500#, #501#, #522#, #534#

Xanthippos on <em>ostrakon</em>, i. #12:vol1_12#, #103:vol1_103#

Xenokles, potter, i. #374:vol1_374#, #379:vol1_379#, #383:vol1_383#

Xenophantos, potter, i. #61:vol1_61#, #421:vol1_421#, #447:vol1_447#, #464:vol1_464#

Xenotimos, potter, i. #421:vol1_421#, #444:vol1_444#

<lang=grc>ξόανον</lang> in terracotta, i. #110:vol1_110#, #122:vol1_122#;              // Tr: xoanon
  of Hera, ii. #21#;
  of Apollo, ii. #34#;
  of Artemis, ii. #35#;
  of Athena, ii. #40#;
  of Dionysos, ii. #60#

.sp 2
Yellow wares, plain Roman, ii. #548#

York, stamp from, ii. #439#;
  pottery from, ii. #443#, #540#

.sp 2
Zagreus, ii. #74#

Zakro, pottery from, i. #60:vol1_60#, #268:vol1_268#

<lang=grc>ζειρά</lang>, ii. #179#, #200#                       // Tr: zeira

Zephyros, ii. #80#

Zetes, see #Boreades:boreades#

Zethos, ii. #117#

<target id=zeus>Zeus on vases, ii. #17# ff., #188#;
  in Gigantomachia, ii. #13#, #14#;
  at birth of Athena, ii. #15#;
  <lang=grc>Ἐρκεῖος</lang>, ii. #18#;                              // Tr: Erkeios
  weighing souls of heroes, ii. #130#, #132#;
  on mural reliefs, ii. #369#;
  on lamps, ii. #408#

Zeuxis, i. #441:vol1_441#, #471:vol1_471#

Zigzag patterns, see #Chevrons:chevrons#
.nf-

.tb
.ce
<s><i>Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury.</i></s>

.sp 4
.dv class='tnotes'

.h2 id='endnote'
Transcriber’s Note:

Errors which can be attributed to printer’s mistakes have been
corrected, as noted below. Lapses in punctuation are corrected
with no further mention.

<target id=script_note>
The author has included as Fig. #173:fig173# a table of alphabets
used on Greek vases.

.if h
Inscriptions using archaic Greek characters which do not exist in the
unicode character set are provided as inline images, and as such are
not searchable. For instance, the character for pi (Π) resembles the
modern gamma (Γ).
.if-
.if t
Inscriptions are presented in archaic Greek script, which more or
less follows that table. For instance, the character for pi (Π)
resembles the modern gamma (Γ). All inscriptions are given using
modern Greek characters. References to individual characters
may appear with very brief descriptions, derived where possible
from that table.
.if-
The character upsilon (Υ) frequently appears as a modern Roman V.
On occasion, sigma appears in the form of a modern C (the lunate
sigma Ϲ).

Footnotes, which were numbered sequentially on each page, have been
resequenced to be unique across the text. Cross-references to those
numbers in the text have been changed to reflect this. The notes
themselves have been moved to the end of each chapter.

.if h
Internal links have been provided for ease of reference.
.dv class='htmlonly'
Many references refer to the first volume of this work, and when
viewed in a browser, the links will guide you to the locations
in Volume I on the Project Gutenberg site.
.dv-
.if-

Each plate was followed by a blank page on its verso, which have
been removed here. The position of each plate, as well as that of
all other figures, has been adjusted slightly to avoid falling in
mid-paragraph. The pages devoted to plates were not counted in
pagination.

.tb

The following anomalies regarding footnotes were observed:

On p. 31, note #108:f108#, the reference to Overbeck’s <lang=de><cite>Kunstmythologie Atlas</cite></lang>
failed to italicize “Atlas”.

On p. #72#, the reference to footnote (#882:f882#) is missing from the
text. The reference has been added at the end of the paragraph ending
with “he floats through the air fully armed, with large wings.” The description
of item B 240, referred to in the note, from a contemporary edition of
<cite>A Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum</cite>
agrees with this characterization.

On p. #458#, the footnote number for #3184:r3184# was missing and has been
replaced.

The following table contains those textual issues which are readily attributed
to printer’s errors:

.in 4
.ta l:7 l:9 l:30: l:25 s=errata w=90%
p. 138 | n. 1421 | Pylades at [o/O]mphalos | Corrected.
p. 345 |         | [r]idge-tiles           | Missing ‘r’. Possibly ‘edge’
.ta-
.in

.ig
// place holders for Volume I references
.nf b
<target id='vol1_ch01'>Chapter I
<target id='vol1_ch02'>Chapter II
<target id='vol1_ch03'>Chapter III
<target id='vol1_ch04'>Chapter IV
<target id='vol1_ch05'>Chapter V
<target id='vol1_ch06'>Chapter VI
<target id='vol1_ch07'>Chapter VII
<target id='vol1_ch08'>Chapter VIII
<target id='vol1_ch09'>Chapter IX
<target id='vol1_ch10'>Chapter X
<target id='vol1_ch11'>Chapter XI

<target id='vol1_pl01'>volume 1 plate 1.
<target id='vol1_pl13'>volume 1 plate 13.
<target id='vol1_pl19'>volume 1 plate 19.
<target id='vol1_pl21'>volume 1 plate 21.
<target id='vol1_pl22'>volume 1 plate 22.
<target id='vol1_pl23'>volume 1 plate 23.
<target id='vol1_pl26'>volume 1 plate 26.
<target id='vol1_pl27'>volume 1 plate 27.
<target id='vol1_pl28'>volume 1 plate 28.
<target id='vol1_pl29'>volume 1 plate 29.
<target id='vol1_pl32'>volume 1 plate 32.
<target id='vol1_pl33'>volume 1 plate 33.
<target id='vol1_pl36'>volume 1 plate 36.
<target id='vol1_pl37'>volume 1 plate 37.
<target id='vol1_pl38'>volume 1 plate 38.
<target id='vol1_pl39'>volume 1 plate 39.
<target id='vol1_pl41'>volume 1 plate 41.
<target id='vol1_pl42'>volume 1 plate 42.
<target id='vol1_pl44'>volume 1 plate 44.
<target id='vol1_pl45'>volume 1 plate 45.

<target id='vol1_fig13'>volume 1 figure 13.
<target id='vol1_fig19'>volume 1 figure 19.
<target id='vol1_fig65'>volume 1 figure 65.
<target id='vol1_fig83'>volume 1 figure 83.
<target id='vol1_fig85'>volume 1 figure 85.
<target id='vol1_fig87'>volume 1 figure 87.
<target id='vol1_fig88'>volume 1 figure 88.
<target id='vol1_fig90'>volume 1 figure 90.
<target id='vol1_fig92'>volume 1 figure 92.
<target id='vol1_fig93'>volume 1 figure 93.
<target id='vol1_fig96'>volume 1 figure 96.
<target id='vol1_fig98'>volume 1 figure 98.
<target id='vol1_fig102'>volume 1 figure 102.
<target id='vol1_fig103'>volume 1 figure 103.
<target id='vol1_fig105'>volume 1 figure 105.
<target id='vol1_fig107'>volume 1 figure 107.

<target id='vol1_1'>volume 1 p. 1.
<target id='vol1_2'>volume 1 p. 2.
<target id='vol1_3'>volume 1 p. 3.
<target id='vol1_4'>volume 1 p. 4.
<target id='vol1_5'>volume 1 p. 5.
<target id='vol1_6'>volume 1 p. 6.
<target id='vol1_7'>volume 1 p. 7.
<target id='vol1_8'>volume 1 p. 8.
<target id='vol1_9'>volume 1 p. 9.
<target id='vol1_10'>volume 1 p. 10.
<target id='vol1_11'>volume 1 p. 11.
<target id='vol1_12'>volume 1 p. 12.
<target id='vol1_13'>volume 1 p. 13.
<target id='vol1_14'>volume 1 p. 14.
<target id='vol1_15'>volume 1 p. 15.
<target id='vol1_16'>volume 1 p. 16.
<target id='vol1_17'>volume 1 p. 17.
<target id='vol1_18'>volume 1 p. 18.
<target id='vol1_19'>volume 1 p. 19.
<target id='vol1_20'>volume 1 p. 20.
<target id='vol1_21'>volume 1 p. 21.
<target id='vol1_22'>volume 1 p. 22.
<target id='vol1_23'>volume 1 p. 23.
<target id='vol1_24'>volume 1 p. 24.
<target id='vol1_25'>volume 1 p. 25.
<target id='vol1_26'>volume 1 p. 26.
<target id='vol1_27'>volume 1 p. 27.
<target id='vol1_28'>volume 1 p. 28.
<target id='vol1_29'>volume 1 p. 29.
<target id='vol1_30'>volume 1 p. 30.
<target id='vol1_31'>volume 1 p. 31.
<target id='vol1_32'>volume 1 p. 32.
<target id='vol1_33'>volume 1 p. 33.
<target id='vol1_34'>volume 1 p. 34.
<target id='vol1_35'>volume 1 p. 35.
<target id='vol1_36'>volume 1 p. 36.
<target id='vol1_37'>volume 1 p. 37.
<target id='vol1_38'>volume 1 p. 38.
<target id='vol1_39'>volume 1 p. 39.
<target id='vol1_40'>volume 1 p. 40.
<target id='vol1_41'>volume 1 p. 41.
<target id='vol1_42'>volume 1 p. 42.
<target id='vol1_43'>volume 1 p. 43.
<target id='vol1_44'>volume 1 p. 44.
<target id='vol1_45'>volume 1 p. 45.
<target id='vol1_46'>volume 1 p. 46.
<target id='vol1_47'>volume 1 p. 47.
<target id='vol1_48'>volume 1 p. 48.
<target id='vol1_49'>volume 1 p. 49.
<target id='vol1_50'>volume 1 p. 50.
<target id='vol1_51'>volume 1 p. 51.
<target id='vol1_52'>volume 1 p. 52.
<target id='vol1_53'>volume 1 p. 53.
<target id='vol1_54'>volume 1 p. 54.
<target id='vol1_55'>volume 1 p. 55.
<target id='vol1_56'>volume 1 p. 56.
<target id='vol1_57'>volume 1 p. 57.
<target id='vol1_58'>volume 1 p. 58.
<target id='vol1_59'>volume 1 p. 59.
<target id='vol1_60'>volume 1 p. 60.
<target id='vol1_61'>volume 1 p. 61.
<target id='vol1_62'>volume 1 p. 62.
<target id='vol1_63'>volume 1 p. 63.
<target id='vol1_64'>volume 1 p. 64.
<target id='vol1_65'>volume 1 p. 65.
<target id='vol1_66'>volume 1 p. 66.
<target id='vol1_67'>volume 1 p. 67.
<target id='vol1_68'>volume 1 p. 68.
<target id='vol1_69'>volume 1 p. 69.
<target id='vol1_70'>volume 1 p. 70.
<target id='vol1_71'>volume 1 p. 71.
<target id='vol1_72'>volume 1 p. 72.
<target id='vol1_73'>volume 1 p. 73.
<target id='vol1_74'>volume 1 p. 74.
<target id='vol1_75'>volume 1 p. 75.
<target id='vol1_76'>volume 1 p. 76.
<target id='vol1_77'>volume 1 p. 77.
<target id='vol1_78'>volume 1 p. 78.
<target id='vol1_79'>volume 1 p. 79.
<target id='vol1_80'>volume 1 p. 80.
<target id='vol1_81'>volume 1 p. 81.
<target id='vol1_82'>volume 1 p. 82.
<target id='vol1_83'>volume 1 p. 83.
<target id='vol1_84'>volume 1 p. 84.
<target id='vol1_85'>volume 1 p. 85.
<target id='vol1_86'>volume 1 p. 86.
<target id='vol1_87'>volume 1 p. 87.
<target id='vol1_88'>volume 1 p. 88.
<target id='vol1_89'>volume 1 p. 89.
<target id='vol1_90'>volume 1 p. 90.
<target id='vol1_91'>volume 1 p. 91.
<target id='vol1_92'>volume 1 p. 92.
<target id='vol1_93'>volume 1 p. 93.
<target id='vol1_94'>volume 1 p. 94.
<target id='vol1_95'>volume 1 p. 95.
<target id='vol1_96'>volume 1 p. 96.
<target id='vol1_97'>volume 1 p. 97.
<target id='vol1_98'>volume 1 p. 98.
<target id='vol1_99'>volume 1 p. 99.
<target id='vol1_100'>volume 1 p. 100.
<target id='vol1_101'>volume 1 p. 101.
<target id='vol1_102'>volume 1 p. 102.
<target id='vol1_103'>volume 1 p. 103.
<target id='vol1_104'>volume 1 p. 104.
<target id='vol1_105'>volume 1 p. 105.
<target id='vol1_106'>volume 1 p. 106.
<target id='vol1_107'>volume 1 p. 107.
<target id='vol1_108'>volume 1 p. 108.
<target id='vol1_109'>volume 1 p. 109.
<target id='vol1_110'>volume 1 p. 110.
<target id='vol1_111'>volume 1 p. 111.
<target id='vol1_112'>volume 1 p. 112.
<target id='vol1_113'>volume 1 p. 113.
<target id='vol1_114'>volume 1 p. 114.
<target id='vol1_115'>volume 1 p. 115.
<target id='vol1_116'>volume 1 p. 116.
<target id='vol1_117'>volume 1 p. 117.
<target id='vol1_118'>volume 1 p. 118.
<target id='vol1_119'>volume 1 p. 119.
<target id='vol1_120'>volume 1 p. 120.
<target id='vol1_121'>volume 1 p. 121.
<target id='vol1_122'>volume 1 p. 122.
<target id='vol1_123'>volume 1 p. 123.
<target id='vol1_124'>volume 1 p. 124.
<target id='vol1_125'>volume 1 p. 125.
<target id='vol1_126'>volume 1 p. 126.
<target id='vol1_127'>volume 1 p. 127.
<target id='vol1_128'>volume 1 p. 128.
<target id='vol1_129'>volume 1 p. 129.
<target id='vol1_130'>volume 1 p. 130.
<target id='vol1_131'>volume 1 p. 131.
<target id='vol1_132'>volume 1 p. 132.
<target id='vol1_133'>volume 1 p. 133.
<target id='vol1_134'>volume 1 p. 134.
<target id='vol1_135'>volume 1 p. 135.
<target id='vol1_136'>volume 1 p. 136.
<target id='vol1_137'>volume 1 p. 137.
<target id='vol1_138'>volume 1 p. 138.
<target id='vol1_139'>volume 1 p. 139.
<target id='vol1_140'>volume 1 p. 140.
<target id='vol1_141'>volume 1 p. 141.
<target id='vol1_142'>volume 1 p. 142.
<target id='vol1_143'>volume 1 p. 143.
<target id='vol1_144'>volume 1 p. 144.
<target id='vol1_145'>volume 1 p. 145.
<target id='vol1_146'>volume 1 p. 146.
<target id='vol1_147'>volume 1 p. 147.
<target id='vol1_148'>volume 1 p. 148.
<target id='vol1_149'>volume 1 p. 149.
<target id='vol1_150'>volume 1 p. 150.
<target id='vol1_151'>volume 1 p. 151.
<target id='vol1_152'>volume 1 p. 152.
<target id='vol1_153'>volume 1 p. 153.
<target id='vol1_154'>volume 1 p. 154.
<target id='vol1_155'>volume 1 p. 155.
<target id='vol1_156'>volume 1 p. 156.
<target id='vol1_157'>volume 1 p. 157.
<target id='vol1_158'>volume 1 p. 158.
<target id='vol1_159'>volume 1 p. 159.
<target id='vol1_160'>volume 1 p. 160.
<target id='vol1_161'>volume 1 p. 161.
<target id='vol1_162'>volume 1 p. 162.
<target id='vol1_163'>volume 1 p. 163.
<target id='vol1_164'>volume 1 p. 164.
<target id='vol1_165'>volume 1 p. 165.
<target id='vol1_166'>volume 1 p. 166.
<target id='vol1_167'>volume 1 p. 167.
<target id='vol1_168'>volume 1 p. 168.
<target id='vol1_169'>volume 1 p. 169.
<target id='vol1_170'>volume 1 p. 170.
<target id='vol1_171'>volume 1 p. 171.
<target id='vol1_172'>volume 1 p. 172.
<target id='vol1_173'>volume 1 p. 173.
<target id='vol1_174'>volume 1 p. 174.
<target id='vol1_175'>volume 1 p. 175.
<target id='vol1_176'>volume 1 p. 176.
<target id='vol1_177'>volume 1 p. 177.
<target id='vol1_178'>volume 1 p. 178.
<target id='vol1_179'>volume 1 p. 179.
<target id='vol1_180'>volume 1 p. 180.
<target id='vol1_181'>volume 1 p. 181.
<target id='vol1_182'>volume 1 p. 182.
<target id='vol1_183'>volume 1 p. 183.
<target id='vol1_184'>volume 1 p. 184.
<target id='vol1_185'>volume 1 p. 185.
<target id='vol1_186'>volume 1 p. 186.
<target id='vol1_187'>volume 1 p. 187.
<target id='vol1_188'>volume 1 p. 188.
<target id='vol1_189'>volume 1 p. 189.
<target id='vol1_190'>volume 1 p. 190.
<target id='vol1_191'>volume 1 p. 191.
<target id='vol1_192'>volume 1 p. 192.
<target id='vol1_193'>volume 1 p. 193.
<target id='vol1_194'>volume 1 p. 194.
<target id='vol1_195'>volume 1 p. 195.
<target id='vol1_196'>volume 1 p. 196.
<target id='vol1_197'>volume 1 p. 197.
<target id='vol1_198'>volume 1 p. 198.
<target id='vol1_199'>volume 1 p. 199.
<target id='vol1_200'>volume 1 p. 200.
<target id='vol1_201'>volume 1 p. 201.
<target id='vol1_202'>volume 1 p. 202.
<target id='vol1_203'>volume 1 p. 203.
<target id='vol1_204'>volume 1 p. 204.
<target id='vol1_205'>volume 1 p. 205.
<target id='vol1_206'>volume 1 p. 206.
<target id='vol1_207'>volume 1 p. 207.
<target id='vol1_208'>volume 1 p. 208.
<target id='vol1_209'>volume 1 p. 209.
<target id='vol1_210'>volume 1 p. 210.
<target id='vol1_211'>volume 1 p. 211.
<target id='vol1_212'>volume 1 p. 212.
<target id='vol1_213'>volume 1 p. 213.
<target id='vol1_214'>volume 1 p. 214.
<target id='vol1_215'>volume 1 p. 215.
<target id='vol1_216'>volume 1 p. 216.
<target id='vol1_217'>volume 1 p. 217.
<target id='vol1_218'>volume 1 p. 218.
<target id='vol1_219'>volume 1 p. 219.
<target id='vol1_220'>volume 1 p. 220.
<target id='vol1_221'>volume 1 p. 221.
<target id='vol1_222'>volume 1 p. 222.
<target id='vol1_223'>volume 1 p. 223.
<target id='vol1_224'>volume 1 p. 224.
<target id='vol1_225'>volume 1 p. 225.
<target id='vol1_226'>volume 1 p. 226.
<target id='vol1_227'>volume 1 p. 227.
<target id='vol1_228'>volume 1 p. 228.
<target id='vol1_229'>volume 1 p. 229.
<target id='vol1_230'>volume 1 p. 230.
<target id='vol1_231'>volume 1 p. 231.
<target id='vol1_232'>volume 1 p. 232.
<target id='vol1_233'>volume 1 p. 233.
<target id='vol1_234'>volume 1 p. 234.
<target id='vol1_235'>volume 1 p. 235.
<target id='vol1_236'>volume 1 p. 236.
<target id='vol1_237'>volume 1 p. 237.
<target id='vol1_238'>volume 1 p. 238.
<target id='vol1_239'>volume 1 p. 239.
<target id='vol1_240'>volume 1 p. 240.
<target id='vol1_241'>volume 1 p. 241.
<target id='vol1_242'>volume 1 p. 242.
<target id='vol1_243'>volume 1 p. 243.
<target id='vol1_244'>volume 1 p. 244.
<target id='vol1_245'>volume 1 p. 245.
<target id='vol1_246'>volume 1 p. 246.
<target id='vol1_247'>volume 1 p. 247.
<target id='vol1_248'>volume 1 p. 248.
<target id='vol1_249'>volume 1 p. 249.
<target id='vol1_250'>volume 1 p. 250.
<target id='vol1_251'>volume 1 p. 251.
<target id='vol1_252'>volume 1 p. 252.
<target id='vol1_253'>volume 1 p. 253.
<target id='vol1_254'>volume 1 p. 254.
<target id='vol1_255'>volume 1 p. 255.
<target id='vol1_256'>volume 1 p. 256.
<target id='vol1_257'>volume 1 p. 257.
<target id='vol1_258'>volume 1 p. 258.
<target id='vol1_259'>volume 1 p. 259.
<target id='vol1_260'>volume 1 p. 260.
<target id='vol1_261'>volume 1 p. 261.
<target id='vol1_262'>volume 1 p. 262.
<target id='vol1_263'>volume 1 p. 263.
<target id='vol1_264'>volume 1 p. 264.
<target id='vol1_265'>volume 1 p. 265.
<target id='vol1_266'>volume 1 p. 266.
<target id='vol1_267'>volume 1 p. 267.
<target id='vol1_268'>volume 1 p. 268.
<target id='vol1_269'>volume 1 p. 269.
<target id='vol1_270'>volume 1 p. 270.
<target id='vol1_271'>volume 1 p. 271.
<target id='vol1_272'>volume 1 p. 272.
<target id='vol1_273'>volume 1 p. 273.
<target id='vol1_274'>volume 1 p. 274.
<target id='vol1_275'>volume 1 p. 275.
<target id='vol1_276'>volume 1 p. 276.
<target id='vol1_277'>volume 1 p. 277.
<target id='vol1_278'>volume 1 p. 278.
<target id='vol1_279'>volume 1 p. 279.
<target id='vol1_280'>volume 1 p. 280.
<target id='vol1_281'>volume 1 p. 281.
<target id='vol1_282'>volume 1 p. 282.
<target id='vol1_283'>volume 1 p. 283.
<target id='vol1_284'>volume 1 p. 284.
<target id='vol1_285'>volume 1 p. 285.
<target id='vol1_286'>volume 1 p. 286.
<target id='vol1_287'>volume 1 p. 287.
<target id='vol1_288'>volume 1 p. 288.
<target id='vol1_289'>volume 1 p. 289.
<target id='vol1_290'>volume 1 p. 290.
<target id='vol1_291'>volume 1 p. 291.
<target id='vol1_292'>volume 1 p. 292.
<target id='vol1_293'>volume 1 p. 293.
<target id='vol1_294'>volume 1 p. 294.
<target id='vol1_295'>volume 1 p. 295.
<target id='vol1_296'>volume 1 p. 296.
<target id='vol1_297'>volume 1 p. 297.
<target id='vol1_298'>volume 1 p. 298.
<target id='vol1_299'>volume 1 p. 299.
<target id='vol1_300'>volume 1 p. 300.
<target id='vol1_301'>volume 1 p. 301.
<target id='vol1_302'>volume 1 p. 302.
<target id='vol1_303'>volume 1 p. 303.
<target id='vol1_304'>volume 1 p. 304.
<target id='vol1_305'>volume 1 p. 305.
<target id='vol1_306'>volume 1 p. 306.
<target id='vol1_307'>volume 1 p. 307.
<target id='vol1_308'>volume 1 p. 308.
<target id='vol1_309'>volume 1 p. 309.
<target id='vol1_310'>volume 1 p. 310.
<target id='vol1_311'>volume 1 p. 311.
<target id='vol1_312'>volume 1 p. 312.
<target id='vol1_313'>volume 1 p. 313.
<target id='vol1_314'>volume 1 p. 314.
<target id='vol1_315'>volume 1 p. 315.
<target id='vol1_316'>volume 1 p. 316.
<target id='vol1_317'>volume 1 p. 317.
<target id='vol1_318'>volume 1 p. 318.
<target id='vol1_319'>volume 1 p. 319.
<target id='vol1_320'>volume 1 p. 320.
<target id='vol1_321'>volume 1 p. 321.
<target id='vol1_322'>volume 1 p. 322.
<target id='vol1_323'>volume 1 p. 323.
<target id='vol1_324'>volume 1 p. 324.
<target id='vol1_325'>volume 1 p. 325.
<target id='vol1_326'>volume 1 p. 326.
<target id='vol1_327'>volume 1 p. 327.
<target id='vol1_328'>volume 1 p. 328.
<target id='vol1_329'>volume 1 p. 329.
<target id='vol1_330'>volume 1 p. 330.
<target id='vol1_331'>volume 1 p. 331.
<target id='vol1_332'>volume 1 p. 332.
<target id='vol1_333'>volume 1 p. 333.
<target id='vol1_334'>volume 1 p. 334.
<target id='vol1_335'>volume 1 p. 335.
<target id='vol1_336'>volume 1 p. 336.
<target id='vol1_337'>volume 1 p. 337.
<target id='vol1_338'>volume 1 p. 338.
<target id='vol1_339'>volume 1 p. 339.
<target id='vol1_340'>volume 1 p. 340.
<target id='vol1_341'>volume 1 p. 341.
<target id='vol1_342'>volume 1 p. 342.
<target id='vol1_343'>volume 1 p. 343.
<target id='vol1_344'>volume 1 p. 344.
<target id='vol1_345'>volume 1 p. 345.
<target id='vol1_346'>volume 1 p. 346.
<target id='vol1_347'>volume 1 p. 347.
<target id='vol1_348'>volume 1 p. 348.
<target id='vol1_349'>volume 1 p. 349.
<target id='vol1_350'>volume 1 p. 350.
<target id='vol1_351'>volume 1 p. 351.
<target id='vol1_352'>volume 1 p. 352.
<target id='vol1_353'>volume 1 p. 353.
<target id='vol1_354'>volume 1 p. 354.
<target id='vol1_355'>volume 1 p. 355.
<target id='vol1_356'>volume 1 p. 356.
<target id='vol1_357'>volume 1 p. 357.
<target id='vol1_358'>volume 1 p. 358.
<target id='vol1_359'>volume 1 p. 359.
<target id='vol1_360'>volume 1 p. 360.
<target id='vol1_361'>volume 1 p. 361.
<target id='vol1_362'>volume 1 p. 362.
<target id='vol1_363'>volume 1 p. 363.
<target id='vol1_364'>volume 1 p. 364.
<target id='vol1_365'>volume 1 p. 365.
<target id='vol1_366'>volume 1 p. 366.
<target id='vol1_367'>volume 1 p. 367.
<target id='vol1_368'>volume 1 p. 368.
<target id='vol1_369'>volume 1 p. 369.
<target id='vol1_370'>volume 1 p. 370.
<target id='vol1_371'>volume 1 p. 371.
<target id='vol1_372'>volume 1 p. 372.
<target id='vol1_373'>volume 1 p. 373.
<target id='vol1_374'>volume 1 p. 374.
<target id='vol1_375'>volume 1 p. 375.
<target id='vol1_376'>volume 1 p. 376.
<target id='vol1_377'>volume 1 p. 377.
<target id='vol1_378'>volume 1 p. 378.
<target id='vol1_379'>volume 1 p. 379.
<target id='vol1_380'>volume 1 p. 380.
<target id='vol1_381'>volume 1 p. 381.
<target id='vol1_382'>volume 1 p. 382.
<target id='vol1_383'>volume 1 p. 383.
<target id='vol1_384'>volume 1 p. 384.
<target id='vol1_385'>volume 1 p. 385.
<target id='vol1_386'>volume 1 p. 386.
<target id='vol1_387'>volume 1 p. 387.
<target id='vol1_388'>volume 1 p. 388.
<target id='vol1_389'>volume 1 p. 389.
<target id='vol1_390'>volume 1 p. 390.
<target id='vol1_391'>volume 1 p. 391.
<target id='vol1_392'>volume 1 p. 392.
<target id='vol1_393'>volume 1 p. 393.
<target id='vol1_394'>volume 1 p. 394.
<target id='vol1_395'>volume 1 p. 395.
<target id='vol1_396'>volume 1 p. 396.
<target id='vol1_397'>volume 1 p. 397.
<target id='vol1_398'>volume 1 p. 398.
<target id='vol1_399'>volume 1 p. 399.
<target id='vol1_400'>volume 1 p. 400.
<target id='vol1_401'>volume 1 p. 401.
<target id='vol1_402'>volume 1 p. 402.
<target id='vol1_403'>volume 1 p. 403.
<target id='vol1_404'>volume 1 p. 404.
<target id='vol1_405'>volume 1 p. 405.
<target id='vol1_406'>volume 1 p. 406.
<target id='vol1_407'>volume 1 p. 407.
<target id='vol1_408'>volume 1 p. 408.
<target id='vol1_409'>volume 1 p. 400.
<target id='vol1_410'>volume 1 p. 410.
<target id='vol1_411'>volume 1 p. 411.
<target id='vol1_412'>volume 1 p. 412.
<target id='vol1_413'>volume 1 p. 413.
<target id='vol1_414'>volume 1 p. 414.
<target id='vol1_415'>volume 1 p. 415.
<target id='vol1_416'>volume 1 p. 416.
<target id='vol1_417'>volume 1 p. 417.
<target id='vol1_418'>volume 1 p. 418.
<target id='vol1_419'>volume 1 p. 419.
<target id='vol1_420'>volume 1 p. 420.
<target id='vol1_421'>volume 1 p. 421.
<target id='vol1_422'>volume 1 p. 422.
<target id='vol1_423'>volume 1 p. 423.
<target id='vol1_424'>volume 1 p. 424.
<target id='vol1_425'>volume 1 p. 425.
<target id='vol1_426'>volume 1 p. 426.
<target id='vol1_427'>volume 1 p. 427.
<target id='vol1_428'>volume 1 p. 428.
<target id='vol1_429'>volume 1 p. 429.
<target id='vol1_430'>volume 1 p. 430.
<target id='vol1_431'>volume 1 p. 431.
<target id='vol1_432'>volume 1 p. 432.
<target id='vol1_433'>volume 1 p. 433.
<target id='vol1_434'>volume 1 p. 434.
<target id='vol1_435'>volume 1 p. 435.
<target id='vol1_436'>volume 1 p. 436.
<target id='vol1_437'>volume 1 p. 437.
<target id='vol1_438'>volume 1 p. 438.
<target id='vol1_439'>volume 1 p. 439.
<target id='vol1_440'>volume 1 p. 440.
<target id='vol1_441'>volume 1 p. 441.
<target id='vol1_442'>volume 1 p. 442.
<target id='vol1_443'>volume 1 p. 443.
<target id='vol1_444'>volume 1 p. 444.
<target id='vol1_445'>volume 1 p. 445.
<target id='vol1_446'>volume 1 p. 446.
<target id='vol1_447'>volume 1 p. 447.
<target id='vol1_448'>volume 1 p. 448.
<target id='vol1_449'>volume 1 p. 449.
<target id='vol1_450'>volume 1 p. 450.
<target id='vol1_451'>volume 1 p. 451.
<target id='vol1_452'>volume 1 p. 452.
<target id='vol1_453'>volume 1 p. 453.
<target id='vol1_454'>volume 1 p. 454.
<target id='vol1_455'>volume 1 p. 455.
<target id='vol1_456'>volume 1 p. 456.
<target id='vol1_457'>volume 1 p. 457.
<target id='vol1_458'>volume 1 p. 458.
<target id='vol1_459'>volume 1 p. 459.
<target id='vol1_460'>volume 1 p. 460.
<target id='vol1_461'>volume 1 p. 461.
<target id='vol1_462'>volume 1 p. 462.
<target id='vol1_463'>volume 1 p. 463.
<target id='vol1_464'>volume 1 p. 464.
<target id='vol1_465'>volume 1 p. 465.
<target id='vol1_466'>volume 1 p. 466.
<target id='vol1_467'>volume 1 p. 467.
<target id='vol1_468'>volume 1 p. 468.
<target id='vol1_469'>volume 1 p. 469.
<target id='vol1_470'>volume 1 p. 470.
<target id='vol1_471'>volume 1 p. 471.
<target id='vol1_472'>volume 1 p. 472.
<target id='vol1_473'>volume 1 p. 473.
<target id='vol1_474'>volume 1 p. 473.
<target id='vol1_475'>volume 1 p. 475.
<target id='vol1_476'>volume 1 p. 476.
<target id='vol1_477'>volume 1 p. 477.
<target id='vol1_478'>volume 1 p. 478.
<target id='vol1_479'>volume 1 p. 479.
<target id='vol1_480'>volume 1 p. 480.
<target id='vol1_481'>volume 1 p. 481.
<target id='vol1_482'>volume 1 p. 482.
<target id='vol1_483'>volume 1 p. 483.
<target id='vol1_484'>volume 1 p. 484.
<target id='vol1_485'>volume 1 p. 485.
<target id='vol1_486'>volume 1 p. 486.
<target id='vol1_487'>volume 1 p. 487.
<target id='vol1_488'>volume 1 p. 488.
<target id='vol1_489'>volume 1 p. 489.
<target id='vol1_490'>volume 1 p. 490.
<target id='vol1_491'>volume 1 p. 491.
<target id='vol1_492'>volume 1 p. 492.
<target id='vol1_493'>volume 1 p. 493.
<target id='vol1_494'>volume 1 p. 494.
<target id='vol1_495'>volume 1 p. 495.
<target id='vol1_496'>volume 1 p. 496.
<target id='vol1_497'>volume 1 p. 497.
<target id='vol1_498'>volume 1 p. 498.
<target id='vol1_499'>volume 1 p. 499.
<target id='vol1_500'>volume 1 p. 500.
<target id='vol1_501'>volume 1 p. 501.
<target id='vol1_502'>volume 1 p. 502.

.nf-
.ig-
.dv-