.dt Peter Vischer, by Cecil Headlam, B.A.-A Project Gutenberg eBook
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HANDBOOKS OF THE GREAT
CRAFTSMEN. EDITED BY
G. C. WILLIAMSON, Litt.D.
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PETER VISCHER
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Handbooks of the Great Craftsmen.
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Illustrated Monographs, Biographical and Critical, on the Great
Craftsmen and Workers of Ancient and Modern Times.
Edited by G. C. Williamson, Litt.D.
Imperial 16mo, with numerous Illustrations, 5s. net each.
First Volumes of the Series
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THE PAVEMENT MASTERS OF SIENA. Workers in
Graffito. By R. H. Hobart Cust, M.A.
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PETER VISCHER. Bronze Founder. By Cecil Headlam, B.A.
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THE IVORY WORKERS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. By A. M. Cust.
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Others to follow.
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LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.
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STEIN PHOTO.] [FROM A DRAWING IN POSSESSION OF T. A. STEIN, NÜRNBERG
1. PORTRAIT OF PETER VISCHER
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [FROM A DRAWING IN POSSESSION OF T. A. STEIN, NÜRNBERG
1. PORTRAIT OF PETER VISCHER]
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PETER VISCHER
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BY
CECIL HEADLAM, B.A.
FORMERLY DEMY OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD; AUTHOR OF
“THE STORY OF NUREMBERG,” ETC.
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[Illustration: Publisher’s Logo]
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LONDON
GEORGE BELL AND SONS
1901
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CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.
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PREFACE
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THE Germans have by nature the gift of
working in metal, and, among them, in the
realms of bronze, Peter Vischer stands easily first.
His position as a craftsman may, in fact, be compared
with that held by his contemporary and
fellow citizen, Albert Dürer, as an artist. The
history of his works and of those of his house,
have a peculiar interest to the student of art, inasmuch
as they illustrate the gradual but easily
traceable passage of the German craftsmen from
the style of late Gothic to that of complete neo-paganism,
and, from the school of the Northern
painters and sculptors to that of the great Italian
masters successively.
I speak of the works of Peter Vischer “and his
house,” because, in tracing this development, we
have to take into consideration not only his works
but also those of his father Hermann and of his
sons, Hermann and Peter and Hans. The pendulum
of criticism has indeed swung more than
once since the Emperor Maximilian used to visit
Peter Vischer’s foundry in Nuremberg, and the
questions as to what are actually the works of the
Master and what position is to be assigned to
him in the world of art, have been answered in
more ways than one. For many years, owing
partly to the ignorance of most people, and partly
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no doubt to the greed of the few, the tendency
was to attribute to this one famous craftsman the
works of many. At one time almost any work of
art in bronze to be found throughout the length
and breadth of Germany was attributed to Peter
Vischer, just as a Talleyrand or a Sydney Smith
has had witticisms of every date and every quality
fathered upon him.
From unreasoning praise, again, men passed to
equally undiscriminating disparagement. Heideloff
arose and wished the world to see in Peter Vischer
nothing but the mere craftsman who put into
bronze the designs and models of Adam Krafft
or another. The admirable labours of Retberg,
however, and of Dr. Lübke have shown how little
foundation there is for this view, and, more recently,
by the application of the principles of more
exact art-criticism, Dr. Seeger, in his minute and
loving study of Peter Vischer the younger, has
vindicated the claim of the great craftsman’s son
to rank with, or even above, his father as the first
and greatest exponent of Renaissance plastic-work
in Germany.
To the two latter authors I have been continually
and especially indebted whilst writing the
present monograph. For the use of very many of
the illustrations forming the volume to which Dr.
Lübke contributed the text, my best thanks and
acknowledgements are due to the publisher, Herr
Stein, of Nuremberg.
.rj
C. H.
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CONTENTS
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CHAPTER | | PAGE
| List of Illustrations | #ix:ills#
| Bibliography | #xi:bib#
I. | Hermann Vischer and the Early German Bronze-Work | #1:ch01#
II. | Peter Vischer: His Life | #9:ch02#
III. | The Early Works of Peter Vischer | #20:ch03#
IV. | The Shrine of St. Sebald | #36:ch04#
V. | The Tomb of Maximilian | #64:ch05#
VI. | The Tucher Monument and the Nuremberg Madonna | #72:ch06#
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VII. | The Minor Works of Peter Vischer the Younger | #86:ch07#
VIII. | The Tomb of Elector Frederick the Wise, and the Rathaus Railing | #101:ch08#
IX. | The Fall of the House of Vischer | #119:ch09#
X. | The Importance of the Works of the Vischers | #130:ch10#
| Catalogue of the Works of the Vischers | #133:cat#
| Index | #142:index#
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
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PLATE | | PAGE
1. | Portrait of Peter Vischer|#Frontispiece:frontis#
2. | Peter Vischer, the Craftsman St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #13:i013#
3. | Tomb of Archbishop Ernst Cathedral, Magdeburg | #23:i023#
4. | Tomb of Archbishop Ernst Cathedral, Magdeburg | #27:i027#
5. | St. Maurice Krafft House, Nürnberg | #29:i029#
6. | Monument of Count Hermann VIII. Church, Römhild | #31:i031#
7. | Tomb of St. Sebald St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #43:i043#
8. | St. Peter St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #46:i046#
9. | St. Sebald St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #47:i047#
10. | St. Sebald Punishes an Unbeliever St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #55:i055#
11. | St. Sebald Healing the Blind Man St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #57:i057#
12. | St. Paul St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #59:i059#
13. | St. Bartholomew St. Sebald, Nürnberg | #61:i061#
14. | Theodoric, King of the Goths Tomb of Maximilian, Innsbruck | #68:i068#
15. | King Arthur Tomb of Maximilian, Innsbruck | #69:i069#
16. | Meeting of Christ with the Sisters of Lazarus Cathedral, Ratisbon | #75:i075#
17. | Beweinung Christi St. Ægidius, Nürnberg | #79:i079#
18. | The Nuremberg Madonna Museum, Nürnberg | #81:i081#
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19. | Orpheus and Eurydice Collection of M. Dreyfus, Paris | #90:i090#
20. | Orpheus and Eurydice Museum, Berlin | #93:i093#
21. | Earthly Life (Inkstand) Ashmolean Museum, Oxford | #96:i096#
22. | Heavenly Life (Inkstand) Ashmolean Museum, Oxford | #97:i097#
23. | Elector Frederick the Wise Schlosskirche, Wittenberg | #103:i103#
24. | The Rathaus Railing Formerly at Nürnberg | #109:i109#
25. | The Rathaus Railing Formerly at Nürnberg | #113:i113#
26. | Boy with Bagpipes Museum, Nürnberg | #120:i120#
27. | Tomb-Plate of Duchess Helene von Mecklenburg Cathedral, Schwerin | #121:i121#
28. | The Apollo Fountain Rathaus Court, Nürnberg | #126:i126#
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Baader. Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte Nürnbergs.
Bauer (Robert). Peter Vischer und das alte Nürnberg.
Bergau (R). Peter Vischer, in Dohme’s Kunst und Künstler des Mittelalters, vol. ii.
Bode. Geschichte der deutschen Plastik.
Daun (Berthold). Adam Krafft und die Künstler seiner Zeit.
Döbner (A. W.). Peter-Vischer-Studien.
Edelberg (R. von E. von). Quellenschriften für Kunstgeschichte.
Ephrussi (Charles). Albert Dürer et ses Dessins.
Heideloff. Die Ornamente des Mittelalters.
Jannsen. Geschichte des deutschen Volks.
Lübke (Wilhelm). Peter Vischer und seine Werke.
Lübke (Wilhelm). Renaissance in Deutschland.
Mummenhoff (R. von). Das Rathaus in Nürnberg.
Neudörffer. Nachrichten über Künstlern und Werkleuten Nürnbergs.
Reicke (Emil). Geschichte der Reichstadt Nürnberg.
Retberg (R. von). Nürnbergs Kunstleben in seinem Denkmalen dargestellt.
Schönherr (David Ritter von). Geschichte des Grabmals Kaisers Maximilian I.
Seeger (Georg). Peter Vischer der Jüngere.
Sieghart. Geschichte der bildenden Künste in Baiern.
Springer (Anton). Albrecht Dürer.
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“A man of amiable conversation and, among
natural arts (to speak as a layman), finely skilled
in casting.”
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Johann Neudörffer.
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PETER VISCHER
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CHAPTER I ||HERMANN VISCHER AND THE EARLY GERMAN BRONZE WORK
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IT was in the middle of the fifteenth century, a
little before the year 1450, to be precise, that
there wandered into the streets of Nuremberg a
working man, a common coppersmith, one Hermann
Vischer by name. He came no one knows
whence. He came one can easily imagine why.
Like the father of Albert Dürer, and in the same
decade, he was attracted to that beautiful, busy
old town by the greed of gain, as Shakespeare was
drawn to London, and many another worker in
other arts and crafts has been drawn to many
another town. For Nuremberg at this time was
the shining jewel of the Holy Roman Empire, the
centre of trade and the meeting place of the Arts.
Her geographical position and the business energy
of her sons had combined to throw into her lap
all the commerce of the east and south, of Italy
and the Levant, with the northern nations.
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The days were near at hand when this proud,
free city of the Empire, this trading staple of the
German world, was to win the still nobler title of
“Albert Dürer’s and Hans Sachs’ City.” For
the merchant princes of the place, the Patricians
as they called themselves, whilst they grew in
wealth and power, waxed also in enthusiasm for
the sciences and arts. They strove to make their
town a German Florence, and by their lavish expenditure
upon the adornment of public and private
buildings, both attracted foreign genius and encouraged
native talent. Regiomontanus on the
one hand, the great mathematician, chose Nuremberg
for his place of residence because he found
there all the peculiar instruments necessary for
astronomy, and because the “perpetual journeyings
of her merchants” enabled him to keep in
touch with the learned of all countries. These
perpetual journeyings of the merchant princes and
great explorers, like Behaim, reacted also upon
the artists of the town; they contributed to give
them a wider outlook upon life, and brought within
their reach the wonderful works of Italy.
The broad culture of a Pirkheimer exercised
an undoubted influence upon the many-sided genius
of Dürer, whilst the liberal atmosphere engendered
by travel made the citizens of Nuremberg
ready to welcome in their midst foreign artists
like the elder Dürer, the elder Vischer and Veit
Stoss, and rendered the local artists themselves
susceptible to the excellence of foreign art. Not
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that the Nuremberg artists lack the local note.
But they readily accepted the ideas of Flemish
realism and again of the Italian Renaissance, and
translated them into the terms of their own speech.
Albert Dürer, for instance, in spite of his wide
experience, always speaks in his art like his master
Wolgemut, in the Nuremberg dialect. The intense
patriotism and the deep religious feeling
which formed so intimate a part of the lives of
the citizens are reproduced in their art and literature,
giving the greatest examples of them the
added charm of locality. The religious spirit in
which they worked lent a great humility to these
craftsmen. Sculpture and painting had indeed
been applied with splendid results to the adornment
of domestic and public life, results so splendid
that the traveller Æneas Sylvius was obliged
to confess that the mansions of the burgesses
seemed to have been built for princes, and that
the kings of Scotland would gladly be housed as
luxuriously as the ordinary citizen of Nuremberg.
But the chief work of men like Adam Krafft and
Peter Vischer was given to the beautifying of the
churches. And, working as they did in a deeply
religious spirit, it is noticeable that when they
represent themselves in paint, bronze, wood or
stone, they give themselves the humble pose of
suppliants, choosing always the lowliest place, and
often, like Krafft in the tabernacle in the Church
of St. Lorenz, or Vischer in the Sebaldusgrab in
the Church of St. Sebald, they appear in their
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working clothes, tools in hand, in the attitude of
servants.
There, in a niche of the beautiful shrine he had
wrought, with his workman’s cap on his head and
a large leather apron round his waist, and in his
hand hammer and chisel, the signs of his calling,
stands thick-set and full-bearded Peter Vischer,
the modest, pious labourer, whose reputation had
spread beyond the limits of Germany, and whose
bronze work, the chronicler tells us, once filled
Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, and the palaces of
princes throughout the Holy Roman Empire.
(Ill. #2:i013#.)
When Hermann Vischer came to Nuremberg
the bronze industry had long been pursued in
Germany, and it had been pursued with some
success. The individuality of this indigenous
art had been in early times uninfluenced by foreign
inspiration. While Venice had to go to Constantinople
for the bronze gates of St. Mark’s, and Rome
was acknowledging the supremacy of Byzantine
ideals in the presence of the gates of S. Paolo,
in Germany, as Lübke points out, such works as
the doors of the Cathedrals of Hildesheim and
Augsburg, the tomb-plates at Magdeburg and
Merseburg, or the great altar at Goslar, prove the
existence, albeit in a very crude and undeveloped
state, of a native art in bronze. The twelfth century
saw the German foundries supplying many
an important font or cathedral door. The work
of Lambert Patras von Dinant (1112), the fonts in
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the cathedral at Osnabrück, the lions at Brunswick
and the doors of St. Sophia at Novgorod,
exhibit indeed a very considerable advance both
in execution and design. The increasing use of
bronze for the sacred vessels and ornaments of
the Church extended the scope of the craftsmen,
and the hey-day of the early Gothic period saw
no lack of tomb-plates, candelabra, and fonts
from the German foundries. The workmanship
of these is good but undistinguished as it is uninspired.
It seldom even approaches in artistic
merit the splendid tomb of Konrad von Hochstaden
in Cologne Cathedral, or the later, vigorous
equestrian statue of St. George in the cathedral
at Prague, wrought by Georg and Martin
von Clussenbach in 1373.
Nuremberg, in spite of her wealth and commercial
importance, had not, at the time of the
coming of Hermann Vischer, given birth as yet
to any great work of art in bronze. Almost the
only old piece of bronze of any importance to be
seen in the churches there is the font in St.
Sebald’s Church. And its importance lies rather
in the richness with which it is wrought than in its
artistic excellence (1350). This is the font in
which the Emperor Wenzel was baptized—a baptism
which cost the town the beautiful old parsonage,
burnt down by the fires used to heat the water
for the imperial infant. The four squat apostolic
figures represented here in their straight, heavy
mantles bear witness already to that striving after
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a realistic representation of the great protagonists
in the sacred drama which was beginning to betray
itself at this time in the works of the nameless
Nuremberg painters on the one hand, and, on the
other, of the Nuremberg sculptors, such as Hans
Decker, the forerunner of Adam Krafft. It was
a tendency which the Nuremberg artists, like their
brethren of the Swabian school and the school of
Cologne owed to the influence of Flemish art. But
this was a return to Nature not without its faults.
The German artist, in his eager endeavour to
reproduce the exact form of his models, of those,
that is, whom he saw around him every day, was
badly served by the figures of his countrymen.
They could not give him the slim and graceful
forms of the Italians to copy, and he had not
yet learnt from Italy those theories of beauty,
based on a study of the antique, which were one
day to help an Albert Dürer to perform the true
function of an artist by improving upon Nature.
Of Hermann Vischer himself and his doings we
know very little. Very little also of his work survives.
We know that he became a Burgher of his
adopted town and, in 1453, rose to be a Master in
the Guild of Rotschmieds. That he gained some
reputation in his day, and not at home only, is
shown by the fact that four years later he cast the
Font for the parish church at Wittenberg. Several
tomb-plates at Meissen and Bamberg are also
attributed to him. These confirm us in the impression
that he had no great individuality. He
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was an excellent workman without being endowed
with the superlative excellence of the artist. For
the Font at Wittenberg, which is cast in the Gothic
manner with small, undistinguished figures of the
apostles, is a work of very little importance. In
Nuremberg, where he lived in a house “Am Sand”
in the Schiessgraben, there is one work which is
generally attributed to Hermann, although it is
quite possibly from the hand of one Eberhard
Vischer who became a master in 1459 and died in
1488, just one year later than Hermann. The
work to which we refer is the large bronze Crucifix
outside the central window of the Löffelholz
chapel of the church of St. Sebald, which was
presented by the Starck family in 1482. It was
remodelled in 1625, and on that occasion the
Nurembergers earned the nick-name of Herrgottschwärzer
or Blackeners of the Lord. For the
story ran that the cross was made of silver, and
that the Council of the town resolved that it should
be painted black in order to preserve it from the
roving bands of soldiers that passed through the
town during the Thirty Years’ War. The figure
on the cross is that of a Hercules rather than of a
Christ. The feet are each nailed separately after
the ancient manner.
Hermann Vischer was twice married. By his
first wife, Felicitas, he had one daughter, Martha,
and one son, Peter, the date of whose birth is not
known. By his second wife he had three sons of
no importance, and he died in 1487, in the year
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which saw the birth of his second grandson, Peter
Vischer the younger, to whom, it will be shown in
the succeeding chapters, many of the finest works
usually attributed to the elder Peter must now
probably be credited.
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CHAPTER II ||PETER VISCHER: HIS LIFE
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PETER VISCHER, the great bronze-founder,
whose work and that of his house
embodies the complete transition from the Gothic
to the Renaissance style in Germany, was born
and brought up in his father’s house in “Am
Sand.” There he lived, and he worked as an
apprentice with his father in the Town Foundry
in the White Tower all the days of his boyhood.
So much we may assume, although we know
nothing of his youth, and no one of all the men
since dead would be more surprised than he to
find himself the subject of a monograph, or would
be more genuinely astonished to learn that his
up-bringing is a source of interest to later generations.
For he appears to us in the few historical
documents in which he figures as the perfect type
of the plain, unspoilt craftsman or Master of a
Guild. A man was not an artist in those days,
but a mere stonemason, or smith or painter. But,
lacking the title, he did not necessarily lack the
quality. The study of design was never more
enthusiastic, the struggle after excellence never
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more sincere than in the days when Dürer’s art
was regarded as a mere parasite of other trades,
when Hans Sachs was
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“Schuh—
—Macher und Poet dazu,”
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and when Peter Vischer laboured in his leather
apron at the foundry, or turned from the entertaining
of Emperors to spend his leisure hours in
the endeavour to improve his draughtsmanship.
I have said that we know nothing of the latter’s
boyhood, but if in his case the child was father of
the man, he must have been a diligent youth.
Johann Neudörffer (1497-1563), an artistic scribe
and the man in whom succeeding ages have had
to bless the inventor of German type, has left us
a charming picture of him in later days. “This
Peter Vischer was a man of amiable conversation,”
he writes in his Nachrichten über Nürnberger
Künstler und Werkleute, a work which is not
indeed free from errors, but to which we owe the
earliest accounts we have of most of the Nuremberg
artists, “and among natural arts (to speak
as a layman) finely skilled in casting and so much
renowned among the nobility that when any prince
or great potentate came to the town he seldom
omitted to pay him a visit in his foundry, for he
went every day to his casting shop and worked
there.”
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Adam Krafft the sculptor, we learn from the
same source, and Sebastien Lindenast the coppersmith,
who made works of art of copper “as if
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they had been of gold or silver,” were his two
bosom friends. They seemed, we are told, to
have but one heart. All three were equally
simple, disinterested, and ever eager to learn.
“They were like brothers; every Friday, even
in their old age, they met and studied together
like apprentices, as the designs which they executed
at their meetings prove. Then they separated
in friendly wise, but without having eaten or
drunk together.” The spirit of the Reformation
had breathed upon these men and inspired them
with a new and burning zeal for art and knowledge
and industry.
As a boy then, we may assume, Peter Vischer
worked as an apprentice with his father. For in
those days any youth destined for a certain trade
had to be apprenticed to some master of that
trade, who was responsible for his education both
in mind and morals during his years of learning
(Lehrjahre). And almost everything made by
hand, every manufactured article was the monopoly
of some trade corporation. Every trade, too,
and almost every department of a trade, had its
separate costume. Each craft bore its special
garb or mark of distinction. The masters and
high officials of each were often notably bedizened,
and garments distinguished the Sabbath from the
week day as clearly as they distinguished the
merchant from the shopkeeper. The rules and
regulations by which wages and prices, and the
amount of work to be done and holiday kept, and
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the relations of the members of the Guild were
fixed, were strictly enforced, and could only be
infringed at the risk of heavy penalties. The
boundaries between the trades were clearly laid
down and rigidly observed. For the Middle Ages
were riddled with Socialism, and this was a form
of it. The Guild system resulted in an arbitrary
and irritating enforcement of the division of
labour, which finds its counterpart nowadays in
the observances of the Trades Unions and several
of the learned professions. The man who made
a window-frame was a window-frame maker and
might not insert the window-pane unless he had
also qualified as a glazier. Only a locksmith was
allowed to fix the casement to it, and it was a
joiner’s business and a joiner’s only to embellish
it with carving.
.if h
.il fn=i013.jpg w=418px id=i013
.ca
[ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
2. PETER VISCHER THE CRAFTSMAN
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
[ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
2. PETER VISCHER THE CRAFTSMAN]
.sp 2
.if-
The position of the Bronze Workers in this
hierarchy of trades does not appear to have been
in any way exceptional. The usual tendency of
son to succeed father in the trade, to labour first
as youth and apprentice and then as master and
married man, to work on in his father’s shop and
to live in his father’s house is carried out in the
case of the Vischer family. And thanks to this
fact we can trace in the works of their house the
development of native German art, passing from
late Gothic, slightly influenced by Flemish realism,
into the full flower of that German renaissance,
which is not directly a “New Birth” of the art of
old days, but only the second-hand influence of
// p013.png
.pn +1
// p014.png
.pn +1
that revival as reflected with a sudden and momentary
brilliancy by the productions of German
artists who had travelled in Italy and studied with
profit Italian works.
On the expiration of his apprenticeship Peter
Vischer would naturally, like other German youths,
start on a period of travel—his Wanderjahre.
Whither he went we know not, but it is most
probable that he turned his steps towards the
Netherlands, where he could study the marvels of
the new style of Flemish realism which had begun
to exercise a potent influence upon the Nuremberg
painters of his day.
But whether he reached the Netherlands or not
of one thing we may be certain. Neither now
nor at any subsequent period did he go to Italy.
It was indeed at one time thought and affirmed
that he sojourned there once at least and perhaps
twice. (Sandrart, Teutscher Academie, 1675.) But
there is not one jot or tittle of evidence to support
this theory, which was intended to supply us with
the source whence he drew the inspiration for the
second and third periods of his art.
After his Wanderjahre he returned to Nuremberg,
and living in his father’s house, in friendship
with Adam Krafft, and in an atmosphere of late
Gothic tradition permeated by Flemish realism,
he entered upon the first period of his work, which
ended, we may say, with the year 1507, and of
which the Magdeburg Monument was the highest
expression and achievement. Vischer was by
// p015.png
.pn +1
nature an idealist, and he quickly grew out of
sympathy with the aims of the realistic school.
But even in this tomb of Archbishop Ernst we
can trace the influence exercised by Michel
Wolgemut on the one hand, and of Martin Schön,
through his copper-plates, on the other, as it is
displayed in the striving after life and truth even
at the expense of beauty, which is clearly noticeable
in the figures, faces and heads of the apostles.
The architecture and design, however, are cast in
the late Gothic mould.
The works that belong to the second period of
the Vischer foundry show a pure, plastic sense of
form and rhythm emerging from the overwhelming
dominion of late Gothic extravagance. The childish
things of that style have been put away by the
mature artist, and, in obedience to the teaching of
the drawings of Jacopo de’ Barbari, whom Dürer
called “a lovable, good painter,” and of the
drawings of early Renaissance work in North
Italy, which Peter the younger had made in his
Wanderjahre there, the great masterpiece of the
house, the Sebaldusgrab, takes shape in a style
that is a curious mixture of the Mediæval and
Renaissance manners.
Finally, when Hermann Vischer, Peter’s eldest
son, had made a journey to Rome and returned
thence laden with drawings, father and sons gave
themselves up to a whole-hearted worship of the
beauty of form and an eager copying of the antique
which resulted in the most beautiful piece of pure
// p016.png
.pn +1
Renaissance work which ever issued from a German
workshop—the Rathaus Railing, destined to
be sold in the fulness of years and melted down
for the value of its metal!
The life of Peter Vischer was simple and domestic,
but very full of toil and trouble and private
grief made bearable perhaps by his absorbing
enthusiasm for his work. A few years before his
father’s death, probably in 1485, he married Margaretha,
daughter of Hans Gross. A document,
dated October 4th, 1490, gives us a slight glimpse
of her character. Therein her father records that
he makes a present to his daughter of the green
mantle and veil with which he had provided her
on her wedding day, but at the same time he binds
Peter Vischer with all the paraphernalia of judges,
witnesses and solemn pledges not to allow her to
sell or pawn the said articles. The date of this
document led to the erroneous conclusion that the
marriage only took place in 1489, but Dr. Seeger
has recently pointed out that on a medallion by
Peter Vischer the younger he expressly states that
he was twenty-two years of age when he wrought
it, and this in the year 1509. Since Neudörffer,
the Nuremberg Vasari, refers to Hermann as
“the famous Peter Vischer’s eldest son,” the marriage
must have occurred somewhere about 1485.
There was also a third son by this union, known
afterwards as Hans der Giesser. Margaretha died
shortly after the birth of this last son, and in 1493
we find Peter married again to Dorothea von
// p017.png
.pn +1
Gericht. She died soon afterwards, leaving him
a daughter, Margaretha, and then he took to himself
another Margaretha. Meantime he worked
like his father at the town Foundry in the White
Tower, and lived in the house he had inherited,
“Am Sande.” But in 1505 he moved to a house
behind the Convent of St. Catherine, which had
fallen to him by inheritance. On July 26th of
that year he was chosen “Street Captain” (Gassenhauptman)
of the Barfüsser or Franciscan quarter
of the town, and in the following year he and
Margaretha signed a legal document declaring
that they had bought another house for 120 fl.
Part of this house they pulled down and threw
into a third adjoining one which they had also acquired.
Thus they formed a single large foundry
of their own and enjoyed possession of their own
dwelling house next door. This house still stands
in the street now called Peter Vischerstrasse.
Two other sons came to him by this marriage,
Jakob and Paul. Then in 1522 he was again left
a widower and a widower he remained the last
seven years of his life, although historians, concluding
that he had formed an ineradicable habit
of matrimony, have placed a fourth wife to his
credit. Barbara they name her and say that she
survived him. But as her name does not appear
in the documents dealing with the partition of
property immediately after his death it seems
probable that they are thinking of Barbara, the
wife of Peter Vischer the younger. For he and his
// p018.png
.pn +1
family were living in his father’s house, and seeing
that Hermann, the elder son, had died in 1516 and
his wife, Ursula Mag, in 1514, it was natural that
Barbara, on the death of the old man’s third wife
should take care of him and charge of his house.
Peter the younger died in 1528, but Barbara and
her six children would still live on beneath the
paternal roof till the old Bronze-worker died in
1529. The famous foundry was inherited by her
brother-in-law Paul, who sold it to his brother
Hans, and Barbara, within a few months, found
another husband in Jorg Schott, the goldsmith,
and another home.[#]
.pm fn-start // 1
Seeger, “Peter Vischer der Jüngere.”
.pm fn-end
Thus it will be seen that the life of Peter
Vischer, although it was over-full of domestic
bereavements, was, on the whole and apart from
his work, the ordinary happy home life of the
German citizen. He fulfilled his duties and had
his successes as a burgher. For he was one of
the Genannten of the Great Council both in 1516
and again in 1520. He was also appointed in
1506 to the Committee which was to consider the
restoration of that extraordinary old clock in the
Frauenkirche, known to young and old in Nuremberg
as the “Männleinlaufen,” the copper figures
in which were cast by his friend Sebastien Lindenast.
For the rest he hardly ever left Nuremberg,
and never for long or to go far. It has been one
// p019.png
.pn +1
of the difficulties of art criticism to explain how
it came about, therefore, that this modest, stay-at-home
burgher should have gone on all his life
developing and adopting the new ideas and the
recent revelations of Italian art, discarding the
traditions in which he had been brought up, and
finally learning the latest lesson of the Renaissance
with such success that in his old age there
came forth from his workshop the noblest work
of German craftsmanship.
// p020.png
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.sp 2
.pb
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.h2 id=ch03
CHAPTER III ||THE EARLY WORKS OF PETER VISCHER
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PETER VISCHER was admitted as a Master
of his Guild in 1489, shortly after his father’s
death. If, as is generally admitted, the monument
of Count Otto IV. von Henneberg at Römhild is
from his hand, we have in that rather limp, life-size
picture of a knight in armour, holding an
heraldic banner in his right hand and a sword in
his left, the earliest example of Peter Vischer’s
work. And this figure, it is noticeable, is supported
by a stone plate to which the arms and the
inscription, in letters separately cast, are affixed.
It is, then, a relic of those days when, just as
painting was a parasite of carving and sculpture,
bronze also was a handmaid of stone. It may be
added that the demand for the products of Vischer’s
foundry was fated to be destroyed in the
years to come by the new fashion for tombs in
stone.
But the monument of Count Otto assuredly
did not qualify Peter Vischer as a Meister in his
craft. What his “masterpiece” was we cannot
say with certainty, but it was very likely the
// p021.png
.pn +1
model which he completed in 1488 for the shrine
of St. Sebald. This is the design which he was
destined to take up twenty years later, and to
execute in the fulness of his new knowledge and
developed technique. It is now in Vienna, and
betrays at every point the influence of Adam
Krafft, to the style of whose Sacramentshaüslein
it bears an obvious resemblance. Heideloff, the
architect, in whose possession the model once
was, attributed it indeed to Veit Stoss. But it is
signed by Peter Vischer with his mark
.if h
.il fn=i021.jpg w=100px
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
.nf c
[Illustration: Peter Vischer’s Mark.]
.nf-
.sp 2
.if-
.ni
Heideloff, it is true, claimed this as the token of
Veit Stoss, but his opinion is of little value, for
his enthusiasm for the Polish carver led him to
claim for him amongst other works the design of
the tomb of Archbishop Ernst, the Römhild memorials
of Count Hermann VIII. and of Otto IV.,
and even the Imperial tomb of Maximilian at
Innsbruck.
.pi
Of the original design for the Sebaldusgrab,
Lübke says, “It is a masterpiece of Gothic construction
but freely endowed with all the exaggeration
and extravagance of the late period.” And
there can be no doubt that the world lost nothing
by the delay which intervened before Peter Vischer,
in the words of the chronicler, “with the
help of his five sons, who were all married and
lived for the most part with him in the house with
// p022.png
.pn +1
their wives and children, as I myself have seen,”
remodelled it and completed it at last on July
19, 1519.
After commencing Meister he continued to
work for a while in the Gothic manner of his
father and those about him. He received at this
time two commissions worth sixty florins apiece,
which he executed after the designs of others.
The tomb of Bishop Heinrich III., Gross von
Trockau, in Bamberg Cathedral (1492) is one of
these. It is skilfully wrought in low relief. The
bishop, in his episcopal garments, is conceived as
standing on a lion, and a Gothic canopy is set
over his head. In style it recalls the second
commission referred to—the monument in the
same cathedral of Bishop Georg II., Marshal
von Ebenet, which was wrought by Vischer from
a design by Wolf. Katzheimer.
.if h
.il fn=i023.jpg w=600px id=i023
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, MAGDEBURG
3. TOMB OF ARCHBISHOP ERNST
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, MAGDEBURG
3. TOMB OF ARCHBISHOP ERNST]
.sp 2
.if-
By the year 1494 the Meister had already laid
the foundations of the great reputation which was
to be his. For, in company with Simon Lamberger,
the wood-carver, he was summoned to
Heidelberg by Philip, Elector of the Palatinate,
who desired them to “serve him with their counsel
and their handiwork.” At the special request of
the Nuremberg Council, so we are told,[#] they went;
and they stayed there for a considerable space of
time to work for the Elector. But of the work
they performed at Heidelberg we know absolutely
// p023.png
.pn +1
// p024.png
.pn +1
nothing. Peter Vischer was certainly back again
in Nuremberg in 1496. For in that year he gave
a full release (“aller Dinge quitt, ledig und los”)
to his friend Peter Harsdorffer the younger, in
whose hands he had left the management of all
his affairs during his absence. He returned, perhaps,
to execute the important commissions he
had received from the North. In the following
year he completed the first great work of his life,
in which his own individuality is for the first time
apparent. For the tomb of Archbishop Ernst in
the Cathedral at Magdeburg, is the first of Peter
Vischer’s masterpieces, and it affords the most
important illustration of the early influences under
which he worked. The statue of the Archbishop,
who was a brother of John the Stable and Frederick
the Wise, lies in high relief beneath a Gothic
Canopy, which strongly recalls the famous Pyx
then just completed by the artist’s friend, Adam
Krafft. The figure, which is represented in cope
and mitre, rests on a stone Gothic base, as upon
a bed of state, and holds in its hands a crosier and
a Pontifical Cross. A pleasing Latin inscription
round the monument informs us that “with whatever
art the hands of the craftsman have wrought
me, yet am I but dust, and contain the dust and
all the earthly remains” of the great Archbishop,
and it concludes with the prayer that his soul
may rest in the consolation of light and peace.
(Ills. #3:i023# and #4:i027#.)
.pm fn-start // 1
Baader.
.pm fn-end
Ipse me vivus posuit, it is added. And indeed
// p025.png
.pn +1
this Child of Light was wise in his generation, and
knowing that artists are rare, and that through
their pen or brush alone can most men achieve an
earthly immortality, the archbishop had ordered
his tomb from Peter Vischer in 1494, though he
himself did not die till 1513. He was not so
foolish as to leave the matter to the care of ungrateful
heirs like Browning’s Bishop who ordered
his tomb in St. Praxed’s Church. The date on
the tombstone, which is the date of the setting up
thereof, is variously interpreted 1495 and 1497.
But all Peter Vischer’s 5’s are quite unlike the
final figure in this inscription, although many
perceive in it a 5 after the manner of the Arabic
lettering of those days. Moreover Vischer was
in Heidelberg in 1494, and only returned to
Nuremberg to stay in 1496. Only at Nuremberg
can he have had the appliances necessary for so
elaborate a work, and, even if he paid a flying
visit there before ’96, he had not sufficient time to
complete his task by 1495. There is yet another
reason for putting the date of the Magdeburg
monument as late as possible, and that is its
amazing superiority to the Breslau tomb of Bishop
John IV., the setting up of which Peter Vischer
himself personally superintended in 1496. The
latter monument is so inferior in style and treatment
that it is incredible that the artist, after
having made such an advance as is exhibited in
the Magdeburg memorial, should have gone back
in the following year to so hard, forced and yet
// p026.png
.pn +1
feeble a handling of form. If this Breslau tomb
is indeed later than the other it must be the work
of an apprentice, who has endeavoured to imitate
the idea of the Magdeburg masterpiece, and very
lamentably failed in his endeavour. The decorative
work, however, is very much more successful
than the treatment of the figures, of which the
drapery still completely hides the anatomy and
still falls in stiff and angular folds.
.if h
.il fn=i027.jpg w=600px id=i027
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, MAGDEBURG
4. TOMB OF ARCHBISHOP ERNST
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.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, MAGDEBURG
4. TOMB OF ARCHBISHOP ERNST]
.sp 2
.if-
But to return to the tomb of Archbishop Ernst.
The artist has adopted that late Gothic style which
was apt to lead to so much that was weak, trivial
and ineffective. But there is here nothing that is
excessive or disproportionate. Even in the case
of the canopy above the head of the reclining
Bishop, if we concede the permissibility of its
presence at all, we must also confess that there is
an artistic reason for its existence in the fact that
it furnishes the top which one feels to be required
for the monument. As to the recumbent form
itself, it is, in the strength of its treatment and the
individuality of its portraiture, conceived after the
realistic manner of the day. But Vischer has not
been betrayed into any excess in this direction.
Only it is evident that the influence of that striving
after the impressions of life as the artist sees it,
which has been called Realism, and which yet
leaves room for so much that is ideal, has been
working strongly within him. The broad, heavy
folds of drapery falling straight or almost straight
down the bodies of the Bishop and the Apostles
// p027.png
.pn +1
// p028.png
.pn +1
speak also to the same conclusion. For statuettes
of the Twelve Apostles, ranged on either side of
the tomb, stand on pedestals, enriched with deep
foliage, and beneath beautiful canopies, intricately
wrought in the Gothic style. They are the forerunners
of those superb figures on the Sebaldusgrab,
but their pose is very monotonous, and in
their undersize they recall the works of Adam
Krafft, which reflect the short and dumpy type of
the contemporary Nuremberger. A tendency to
exaggerate the size of the head may be noticed.
Possibly it is the result of the artist’s endeavour to
express the individuality of the Apostles he represented.
But this defect is reproduced in the Angel
set at the head of the Archbishop.
A noticeable figure on this tomb is the St.
Maurice at the head of it corresponding to the
St. Stephen at the foot. This is a veritable
Nuremberg type, and reminds us of the statuette
of the same Saint now preserved in the Court
of Krafft’s House (No. 7 Theresienstrasse) at
Nuremberg. It is a fountain-figure, and was
originally gilded. Doubt has been cast on the
authorship of this piece, but cannot be seriously
entertained after a comparison with the St. Maurice
at Magdeburg. (Ill. #5:i029#.)
.if h
.il fn=i029.jpg w=339px id=i029
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [KRAFFT HOUSE, NÜRNBERG
5. ST. MAURICE
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.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [KRAFFT HOUSE, NÜRNBERG
5. ST. MAURICE]
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.if-
The tomb throughout is wrought richly and
with the minutest care. On the base Peter Vischer
seizes the opportunity of indulging his humour and
luxuriant imagination. He has added fantastic
dogs and beasts of various kinds, in the same
// p029.png
.pn +1
// p030.png
.pn +1
spirit, perhaps, as that in which Dürer used to
adorn and complete his engravings and even to
crowd the vacant spaces of his compositions with
the Traumwerk with which his mind and memory
were stored. And in this respect also the Magdeburg
tomb foreshadows the Sebaldusgrab.
At the four corners are four lions bearing arms;
above are four others poised in the manner of
gargoyles on some Gothic building; whilst on the
top, at each corner, standing on groups of Gothic
pilasters are, or rather were, the symbols of the
four Evangelists; for the eagle has been broken
off and has disappeared now from its base.
During the next few years (1497-1508) many
works were turned out of the Vischer Foundry;
several of which were based on the designs of
other artists, most probably at the request of the
patron. Some of those which we can identify as
coming from Vischer’s workshop in this fashion,
such as the monument of Bishop Georg II. of
Bamberg, which was executed after the design by
Wolfgang Katzheimer, the Bamberg painter, or
the monuments of Bishop Veit and Heinrich III.
are of absolutely no interest to the student of
Peter Vischer’s art.
.if h
.il fn=i031.jpg w=406px id=i031
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [CHURCH, RÖMHILD
6. MONUMENT OF COUNT HERMANN VIII
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.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.][CHURCH, RÖMHILD
6. MONUMENT OF COUNT HERMANN VIII]
.sp 2
.if-
But two monuments, this time of temporal
princes, which belong to the same period, have a
greater interest and a higher merit. They are
the memorials of Count Eitel Friedrich II. von
Hohenzollern in the parish church of Hechingen
(1500), and of Count Hermann VIII., at Römhild.
// p031.png
.pn +1
// p032.png
.pn +1
(Ill. #6:i031#.) No one who has familiarized himself
with the master’s manner will fail to perceive that,
if these monuments have been executed by him
in bronze, they have no less certainly been based
upon the design of another hand. And no one
who has studied the drawings of Albert Dürer,
and who now compares these knightly figures, for
instance, with some of those mail-clad forms of
his, whether it be Lucas Baumgärtner or another,
will be astonished to learn that Bergau has discovered
and published that design, and that it
proves to be indeed by Dürer. For that pen-and-ink
drawing now at Florence, that sketch of the
tall, thin knight, who is standing on a lion in a
position that is, it must be confessed, both straddling
and constrained, and who is apparently
speaking to his wife, whose feet are set, according
to the convention, upon a dog, the symbol of
fidelity, is undeniably the first sketch for the tomb
of Count Eitel and his wife Magdalena, Countess
of Brandenburg, which is now to be found in the
parish church of Hechingen. Certain very obvious
variations have, however, been introduced, whether
by the designer in a second sketch, or, as is most
probable, by the bronze-worker on his own initiative.
The figures, which in the original are
excessively separate, have been brought closer
together, and thereby, whilst the lion and dog on
which they stand have suffered, an opportunity for
the development of the background has been provided.
A trace of this process is observable also
// p033.png
.pn +1
in the position of the Count’s right elbow, which
protrudes to the extreme outside edge of the frame.
The left hand, holding a rosary, is another innovation,
but it is not one for which in its execution
any gain in grace can be claimed. Other minor
alterations, also, may be remarked, as in the
drapery and in the pose of the Countess, which is
beautiful and Vischer-like. The substitution of
the three coats-of-arms for the late Gothic work
in Dürer’s sketch is noteworthy.
Unfortunately, as Lübke points out, this monument
has not come down to us complete. Originally
it was a Freigrab resting on lions, and the sides
of it were richly decorated. Angels are said to
have stood at the four corners, some of them
supporting candlesticks and others coats-of-arms.
But in this instance, as in a later and still more
regrettable one, the craftsman was destined to
suffer from the greed inspired by the value of the
material in which he wrought. For, in 1782,
portions of this tomb were melted down, and
twenty-two new candlesticks for the church were
cast out of the nearly one thousand pounds of
metal resulting. The date of the tomb is fixed
approximately by the death of the Countess, which
occurred in 1496. The Count himself died in
1512, and he probably ordered the monument
soon after his wife’s death. It bears the date
MCCCCC.
Elizabeth, sister of the Countess Magdalena,
daughter of Prince Albert Achilles, of Brandenburg,
// p034.png
.pn +1
had married Count Hermann VIII. of Henneberg,
and it is doubtless due to this relationship that the
double tomb of husband and wife at Römhild was
made from the same sketch and by the same craftsman
as the memorial at Hechingen. It was indeed
probably the earlier of the two. So at least
Bergau argues, from the fact that it is nearer to
the original sketch by Dürer. The Count, in this
version of the design, holds a banner, the floating
folds of which form an efficient background. The
drapery of the Countess instead of being gathered
up into her hands is caught up to her sides in
graceful flowing folds.
Peter Vischer knew how to make a thrifty use
of accomplished models. Here, as originally at
Hechingen, he repeated the symbols of the four
Evangelists which he had used for his Magdeburg
masterpiece. The tomb stands upon six vigorous
and life-like lions, and, says Lübke, among the
various saints who are ranged round the sarcophagus
is a Madonna pressing to her breast the
Holy Child, who is turning with a quick and very
natural movement towards the eldest of the three
kings who bring gifts. These are all figures quite
in the best manner of Peter Vischer’s early style.
And several of the other saints are almost equally
good. As usual the details are worked with
admirable skill.
The following letters are engraved on this tomb:
M. F. W. S. 15 C. Döbner was inspired to interpret
them thus: “Meister Fischer und Fünf
// p035.png
.pn +1
Söhne”; and again with a second effort: “Meister
Fischer Waage Sebaldi 15 Centner.” These interpretations,
I suppose, carry with them their own
refutation. They do not encourage one to make
a third attempt.
// p036.png
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.pb
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.h2 id=ch04
CHAPTER IV ||THE SHRINE OF ST. SEBALD
.pm verse-start
“In the Church of Sainted Sebald sleeps enshrined his holy dust,
And in bronze the Twelve Apostles guard from age to age their trust.”—Longfellow.
.pm verse-end
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THE Magdeburg monument, whilst it bears
obvious traces of the influence of his father
Hermann, of the school of Wolgemut, and of Adam
Krafft upon the art of Peter Vischer, is an eloquent
testimony also to the rapid development which was
taking place in the mind and ideas of this eager
craftsman. We have now reached the period
when the ideals and the lessons of the Renaissance
begin to master his imagination and to permeate
his art to such a degree and with such success
that the work which was next commissioned from
him proves to be the first and greatest of Renaissance
works in Germany. The shrine of St. Sebald
reflects the history of the artist’s mind. Upon a
Gothic base and foundation the spirit of Renaissance
detail has overwhelmingly impressed itself.
Before we consider this work more closely it will
be as well to state the sources whence our Nuremberg
// p037.png
.pn +1
craftsman drew his new inspirations. How
did he learn his lessons in Italian art?
In the first place it would seem probable that
Jacopo de’ Barbari lived for some time in Nuremberg
during the last years of the fifteenth century.
It is at any rate certain that the influence exerted
by his drawings upon the Nuremberg artists was
strong and lasting. Further, it was only natural
that Nuremberg, lying as it did on the direct trade
route from east to north, should be in close communication
with Venice and the great towns of
Northern Italy. Venetians came to Nuremberg;
Nuremberg traders and artists, like Dürer, in their
Wanderjahre, went to Venice and returned laden
with the fruits of their Italian studies, and copies
of the works of Italian masters. The Patrician
youths of Nuremberg, also, would naturally sojourn
at the Italian Universities at Padua, Bologna, and
elsewhere, and they would bring home with them
Italian books and wood-cuts, examples of the
copper-plates of Jacopo de’ Barbari and of the
works of Andrea Sansovino.
But we seek for a more direct and personal
source of contact to explain the intimate enthusiasm
for Italian art displayed by Peter Vischer.
And the secret of this source, which had remained
hitherto undiscovered, has recently been made
public by the elaborate researches of Dr. Georg
Seeger.[#]
.pm fn-start // 1
“Peter Vischer der Jüngere.” Leipzig, 1897.
.pm fn-end
// p038.png
.pn +1
Peter Vischer’s second son and namesake, he
reminds us, is mentioned pointedly by the chroniclers
in one passage[#] as having done the greater
part of the work on the Sebaldusgrab, “for he
excelled his father and brother in art”; and in
another[#] as having “taken his pleasure in reading
the Poets and Historians, whence he then, with
the aid of Pancratz Schwenter, extracted many
beautiful poems and illuminated them. He was
in all things not less accomplished and skilful than
his aforesaid brother Hermann, and he too died
in his prime.” Now this young craftsman, it would
appear, when the period of his “wandering” was
at hand, turned his feet, like his fellow-townsman
Dürer before him, towards Lombardy, “the Paradise
of all arts.” His imagination, doubtless, had
already been fired by what he had seen of the
North Italian Renaissance in the treasures brought
to Nuremberg by merchants, travellers and artists.
But the expenses of an Italian tour were beyond
the resources of the Vischer household. Fortune
and his father’s friends were kind to him; he was
entrusted, probably through the influence of
Sebald Schreyer, the historian and patron of art,
with the task of “travelling” the famous Schedel-Weltchronik,
which had been published in 1492,
with illustrations by Wolgemut and Pleydenwurff.
Booksellers’ accounts enable us to trace the journey
of the young craftsman. He passed through
// p039.png
.pn +1
Como, where the façade of the cathedral, at that
time in course of construction, had many a lesson
in the Early Renaissance style to teach him, and
he came to Milan, the metropolis of Northern
Italy. There he sold one hundred and ninety-one
copies of the book, and in the intervals of business
he occupied himself with the study of the drawings
of Leonardo da Vinci, from which, like many another
artist since, he learnt his first lessons in
anatomy and proportion. There also he may have
acquired the art of medallion and plaquette work,
for it was about this time that he produced the first
medallion which comes from the hand of a German
craftsman—the portrait of his brother Hermann,
dated 1507. From Milan he went south. He
visited the Certosa of Pavia, and he filled his sketch
book with drawings from the façade of that luxuriant
example of the Early North Italian Renaissance.
He studied with especial care the figure of his
patron saint, and afterwards he reproduced it in
the St. Peter of the Sebaldusgrab. Thence he
passed to Genoa, where he sold more books and
studied, perhaps, the marble Madonna of Andrea
Sansovino. And so home, in 1508, by way of
Verona and Venice. Inspired by what he had
seen, he brought new life and inspiration to the
workshop at Nuremberg. The result of his journey
was that he passed completely under the
influence of Italian art; he was filled with that
untrammelled revelling in existence and that unalloyed
worship of the beautiful which is the keynote
// p040.png
.pn +1
of the Renaissance. He had learnt the value
of the study of the nude, and he had seen, as every
artist must see, the superiority of the Italian over
the Bavarian model. Hereafter the tendency to
discard the short and sturdy types of the school
of Krafft, and to substitute more slender and
more beautiful figures for the Apostles is marked.
The results of this Italian journey of his are
clearly discernible not only in the Sebaldusgrab,
but also in his own particular works, in the two
medallions of his brother Hermann, executed in
1507 and 1511; and in that of himself in 1509; in
the beautiful plaquettes, “Orpheus and Eurydice”;
in the two inkstands and the ornamentation of the
tomb of Frederick the Wise in Wittenberg, with
which we shall presently deal.
.pm fn-start // 1
Kunz Rösner. MS. 933 b. Library, Nuremberg.
.pm fn-end
.pm fn-start // 2
Neudörffer.
.pm fn-end
Remembering that picture of the father spending
his holidays in drawing with his friends Lindenast
and Krafft, it is easy to imagine that the old man,
ever young, enthusiastic, humble and eager to
learn, readily appreciated and welcomed the revelations
contained in the son’s sketch books. He
was already at work upon a Gothic shrine for St.
Sebald’s remains, but he soon modified his original
plan, improving and enriching it by the light of
this new learning.
Ere the fires of that inspiration had yet begun
to grow cold, and before the Sebaldusgrab was
more than half finished, another member of the
family took yet another journey. Hermann, the
eldest son, had married Ursula Mag in November
// p041.png
.pn +1
of the year 1513. “When his wife left him in
death,” Neudörffer tells us, “he went for art’s
sake and at his own cost to Rome, and brought
back with him much artistic material which he had
sketched there, and which greatly pleased his father
and served as good practice for his brothers.”
Hermann himself died shortly after his return, in
the year 1516. He was run over by a sleigh in
St. Gilgen-strasse one night as he was returning
to his home in the Kornmarkt from the house of
his friend Wolfgang Traut, the painter, and thus
“perished in his prime, in sad and piteous wise.”
But that journey of his had not been taken in vain.
His drawings revealed to the old burgher at home
the further developments of art and some of the
wonders of the full Florentine-Roman Renaissance.
The result can be traced in some of the figures on
the Sebaldusgrab, and, later, in that complete
acceptance of the revival of the antique which is
expressed in the Rathaus Railing.
The idea of a shrine to contain the relics of
St. Sebald had long been in contemplation, as is
proved by the existence of Vischer’s early model.
But funds lacked, and it was not till a robbery
was committed in the Church in 1506, that a
Society of Patricians and of the most important
men in the town was formed to consider and
provide for the carrying out of the long delayed
plan. Men of wealth and learning, piety and
taste, like Sebald Schreyer, the devoted Sacristan
of the church, Anton Tucher, Peter Imhof and
// p042.png
.pn +1
Lazarus Holzschuher formed a committee and
took an active part in subscribing and collecting
money for the purpose. A spirit of generous
rivalry with those of the Saint Laurence quarter,
whose church, thanks to the piety of Hans Imhof,
had been adorned by the beautiful Pyx wrought by
Adam Krafft, stimulated their zeal. They subscribed
and collected with such success that in the
same year (1507) the commission was given to
Peter Vischer. Two thousand gulden was the
proposed cost, and twenty gulden were allowed
the Meister for every hundred-weight of completed
work, “as in the case of the monuments in the
Cathedral at Bamberg.” A payment of 100 gulden
was made to him on June 5, 1507. His darling
plan was, then, at last to be realized. Vischer
threw himself into his work with an enthusiasm
only equalled by his energy. For twelve years
he with his five sons laboured, though their labour
was often interrupted by want of funds. Private
subscriptions failed to supply the cost even of the
157 cwt. of metal used. At last, when, in 1519,
Anton Tucher in moving words had told the
citizens that they ought to subscribe the 800
gulden still needed “for the glory of God and His
Holy Saint,” the money was forthcoming. The
monument was completed and the final payment
for it made to Vischer three years later. Elsewhere
I have thus described it.
.if h
.il fn=i043.jpg w=490px id=i043
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
7. THE SHRINE OF ST. SEBALD
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
7. THE SHRINE OF ST. SEBALD]
.sp 2
.if-
“On the base of the shrine the Master inscribed
in his favourite Gothic characters the following
// p043.png
.pn +1
// p044.png
.pn +1
legend:—‘Peter Vischer Bürger in Nürnberg
machet dieses Werk, mit seinen Söhnen, ward
volbracht im Jahr, 1519. Ist allein Gott dem
allmächtigen zu lob und St. Sebald dem Himmelsfürsten
zu ehren, mit Hülf andächtiger Leut von
dem Almosen bezahlt.’
“That is the keynote of this wonderful structure.
Through years of difficulty and distress the pious
artist had toiled and struggled on with the help of
pious persons, paid by their voluntary contributions,
to complete a work “to the praise of God
Almighty alone and the honour of St. Sebald.”
No word, one feels, can add to the simple dignity
and faith of that inscription. It supplies us with
the motive of the work, and it supplies us also
with the true interpretation of the various groups
and figures which form the shrine. To the glory
of God,—we are shown how all the world, all
nature and her products, all paganism with its
heroic deeds and natural virtues, the Old Dispensation
with its prophets and lawgivers, and the
New, with its apostles and saints, pay homage
to the Infant Christ, the guardian genius bringing
salvation, who, enthroned on the summit of the
central cupola, holds in his hands the terrestrial
globe. To the honour of St. Sebald,—the miniature
Gothic Chapel enshrines beneath its richly
fretted canopy, fifteen feet high, the oaken coffer
encased in beaten plates of gold and silver in which
lie the bones of St. Sebald; and below this sarcophagus,
which dates from 1397, are admirable
// p045.png
.pn +1
bas-reliefs representing scenes and miracles from
the life of the Saint.
.if h
.il fn=i046.jpg w=245px id=i046 align=l
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
8. ST. PETER
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
8. ST. PETER]
.sp 2
.if-
“Around the substructure of the tomb rise
eight slender piers, bearing eight foliated arches,
which, in turn, support three perforated cupolas
enriched with pillared and arched buttresses.
In the centre of these arches are placed richly
ornamented candlesticks, with candles of bronze,
and these also serve as supports and run out
into leafy chalices on which graceful children
play and swing. The bases of the eight slender
pillars are formed by all sorts of strange figures
and creatures suggestive of the world of pagan
mythology, gods of the forest and of the sea,
nymphs of the water and the wood. Between
them are some lions couchant which recall to the
memory Wolgemut’s Peringsdörffer altarpiece.
At the four corners are real candlesticks held by
the most graceful and seductive winged mermaids,
with fish-tails and taloned feet, about whom serpents
twine. But the most famous and the most
beautiful figures are those of the twelve apostles,
which stand, each about two feet high, under delicate
canopies, on shafts of the piers already
mentioned. Clad in graceful, flowing robes, their
expression and whole attitude eloquent both of
vigour and of tranquil dignity, these statues are
wholly admirable. What sculpture or painting
could convey to a higher degree the sense of the
intellectual and moral beauty and strength which
centred in these first followers of Christ? This
// p046.png
.pn +1
characteristic pervades
them all, but the unity of
suggestion is conveyed
through a variety of individualities
and of pose.
Each Apostle stands forth
distinct in the vigour of his
own inspired personality.
(Ill. #8:i046# and #9:i047#.)
“Above the apostles are
set the Fathers of the
Church, or it may be, the
twelve minor prophets.
Beneath them, on the western
end of the substructure
is a noble statue of
St. Sebald, who holds in
his hand a model of the
church called after his name,
and at the corresponding
place on the other end that
statue of Peter Vischer
himself, to which we have
already referred. Here, in
large Latin characters we
find the inscription ‘Ein
Anfang durch mich’ (a
beginning by me) ‘Peter
Vischer, 1508,’ and under
St. Sebald the record of the completion of the
base: ‘Gemacht von Peter Vischer, 1509.’
// p047.png
.pn +1
.if h
.il fn=i047.jpg w=470px id=i047
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
9. ST. SEBALD
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
9. ST. SEBALD]
.sp 2
.if-
“On the base, at the foot of the four corner
pillars, are the nude figures of Nimrod with his
bow and quiver, of Samson with the slaughtered
// p048.png
.pn +1
lion and the jawbone of an ass, Perseus with sword
and shield and in company of a mouse, Hercules
with a club. Between these heroes, in the centre
of either side, are female figures emblematic of
the four cardinal virtues of mankind—Strength in
a coat of mail with a lion, Temperance with a bowl
and globe. Wisdom with mirror and book, and
Justice with sword and scales. In all, besides the
apostles and prophets, there are seventy-two
figures, in the presentation of which amidst flowers
and foliage the joyful, exuberant fancy of the artist
and his helpers has run riot. But there is, as I
have suggested, a well-conceived plan and unity
throughout; an intimate correspondence, in spite
of the variety of groups, between the parts and the
whole. Everything is subordinated to the two
central ideas which animate the whole, and everything
executed with a delicacy of feeling and a
fineness of finish little short of marvellous. The
whole fabric rests upon twelve large snails, with
four dolphins at the corners.”
The bronze is, apparently, just as it left the
mould. It has not been filed and chiselled and
smoothed and polished after the modern fashion,
and it has therefore lost nothing of the vigour
and character of the lines as they were originally
shaped by the craftsmen’s hands. The very
roughnesses are commendable.
When Peter Vischer received the commission
to produce this great memorial of the municipal
Saint the lines on which it should be wrought were
// p049.png
.pn +1
marked out for him by the traditions of his house
and of his art. The sarcophagus should be placed,
according to his old design, upon a base adorned
with reliefs illustrating the miracles of the Saint;
figures of apostles should guard the coffin, and
above it should rise a canopy of lofty fretted Gothic
pinnacles. Now this original design was for a shrine
intended to be over forty feet high, and something
after the manner of Adam Krafft’s Pyx. On this,
or rather on some slight modification of it, he began
to work, and, as he went on, introduced very
important alterations under the influence of his
sons’ new knowledge. It is due to this process of
modification probably that we have to pass the
criticism on the Sebaldusgrab that the parts are
greater than the whole, though the beauty and
finish of the details are so great that, once we are
within range of their charm, we forget and forgive
any fault in the proportionment of the complete
structure. Beginning with the base, most likely at
that end where the statue of himself in his leather
apron is to be seen, and where the inscription
“Beginning by me, 1508,” may be read, Vischer
made such good progress with the work that by
1512 Cocleus could write of it in his Cosmographia
with amiable exaggeration;—“Quis vero solertior
Petro Fischer in celandis fundendisque metallis?
Vidi ego totum sacellum ab eo in aes fusum imaginibusque
celatum, in quo multi sane mortales
stare missamque audire poterunt.” (What more
skilful founder is there than Peter Vischer? I myself
// p050.png
.pn +1
have seen a whole chapel cast by him in bronze
and covered with statues, wherein indeed many
people will be able to stand and hear mass.) The
chapel then and many of the figures were completed
or nearly completed by that date.
The alteration of the design to that of this single
separate chapel containing the sarcophagus was
doubtless due to the journey of Peter Vischer the
younger and the examples of Italian tombs, which
he had observed, for instance, in the Certosa and
in the Cathedral of Pavia. In every part we notice
how the Gothic skeleton has been modified or has
been clothed with all kinds of decoration in the
Renaissance style. The Gothic pillars, indeed, are
retained, and the pilasters; but these are richly
ornamented. Cupolas, too, have taken the place
of the fretted Gothic pinnacles, but yet in the details
of their construction, in their flying buttresses
and arched openings, the original Gothic design
has clearly been used and fused with the new
Renaissance models, yielding that architectural
effect of mixed Romanesque and Gothic styles, of
which Cologne and Mainz afford, among many,
the most obvious examples.
The figures of beasts and children found in the
original are retained but changed. They are executed
in the full spirit of the Renaissance, looking
back to mythology. We have Cupids now and
Genii, Tritons and Sirens, and in place of the
Gothic crab the Renaissance dolphin. The ornamentation
of the candlesticks is completely Italianate.
// p051.png
.pn +1
The slender, graceful columns which hold
the candelabra are decorated now with a continually
varying luxuriance of ornament, recalling in
form a hundred details at Como, at Bergamo and
at the Certosa of Pavia. In the case of the
mythological figures there is no caricature; there
are none of the monstrosities in which German
art usually revelled when dealing with such subjects.
The artist has gone straight to Italy, to
the source of the new springs of knowledge and
of the new-born delight in the gods of old days.
There is, too, an inexhaustible fecundity of pose.
Scarce one beast or child is the same. You might
almost suppose that the artist had aimed at giving
us an encyclopædia of Nature, showing that all-embracing
enthusiasm which rendered so many
of the great minds of the Renaissance eager to
excel in every department of knowledge. Each
minutest figure also displays a masterly grip of
anatomy, proportion and perspective, and here we
clearly recognize the student of Leonardo da
Vinci’s drawings. The figures of the four heroes
and of the lute-player are of the school of Leonardo
in pose, in modelling and in drapery, whilst
the Marsyas may be traced, as Seeger thinks, to
a woodcut in a Venetian edition of Ovid’s Metamorphoses
(1497).
The soft, transparent handling of the drapery
is, generally speaking, wholly un-German. For,
until the epoch roughly marked for us by the
great Adam and Eve of Albert Dürer, the study
// p052.png
.pn +1
of the nude played but a small part in the labours
of the German artists, and they did not trust
themselves to use drapery as a means of revealing
the form beneath. Their study of anatomy
had so far been concentrated upon heads and
hands and feet, and they treated drapery with
exceeding care both as an aim and object in itself,
and, more than a little, as a useful screen for defective
bodies. But they were beginning to appreciate
now the endeavours of a Jacopo de’ Barbari
to reveal the nude form through the drapery of
his figures. And to achieve this end Vischer, like
Dürer, had realised that a study of anatomy and
the careful drawing of the contours of the body
are necessary. In some cases the drapery of the
female figures, as, for instance, of those in the relief
which illustrates the miracle of the “Icicles,”
directly suggests the manner of Barbari, but in
the miracle of the “Healing of the Blind Man” the
artist has modelled his work on the antique. Thus
he has taken the further step of the Italians who,
after struggling to reproduce the perfections of
the human body, and recognizing how far short
of classic art they fell, had turned to regenerate
the antique, and so gave rise to the true Renaissance
which is the new birth of the old.
Between one pair of the four reliefs dealing
with the miracles of St. Sebald and the other
there is so marked a difference in manner and
style that I do not think we can be far wrong if
we attribute, with Seeger, that of the “Icicles”
// p053.png
.pn +1
and the “Healing of the Blind Man” to Peter
Vischer the younger, and the others, especially
and certainly that of the “Punishment of the Unbeliever”
to his father. The particular point which
strikes one as most admirable, and which is in
greater or less degree common to all of them, is
the simplicity of the grouping and the avoidance
of that sin of overcrowding which beset so many
artists of the day. (Ill. #10:i055# and #11:i057#.)
The miracles of St. Sebald which were chosen
as subjects for these reliefs are, briefly, the following.
St. Sebald was the son of a Danish king
who had renounced the things of this world in
favour of the chaste and solitary life of a hermit.
He afterwards made his way to Rome and was
sent forth thence by Pope Gregory the Second to
preach the Gospel in Germany. On his way he
abode for a while at Vicenza, and there one day
he received a visitor for whom he ordered his
disciple Dionis to bring the pitcher of wine.
Dionis hesitated, for he had allowed himself to
partake of the wine the night before, and he feared
detection. But when the order was repeated he
went to fetch the pitcher, and behold, he found it
filled again to the brim.
The fame of the hermit spread abroad. From
far and near, even from Milan and Pavia, people
flocked to hear from his lips the wonderful works
of God. But amongst those who came, came
also an unbeliever, who scoffed and blasphemed
at the prophet and his message. Then Sebald
// p054.png
.pn +1
prayed to God that a sign might be given to
prove his doctrine true, and immediately, in the
sight of all, the earth opened and the scoffer sank
up to his neck. Then the hermit prayed with a
loud voice and interceded for him, so that he was
delivered, and he and many of the unbelievers
embraced the true faith. (Ill. #10:i055#.)
Sebald now left Italy and came at last to
Nuremberg. He settled there in the forest in
the heart of the Franconian people, teaching
them the word of God and working miracles. On
one occasion we are told he sought shelter in the
hut of a poor and churlish waggoner. It was
winter: the snow lay on the ground and the wind
howled over the frozen marshes of the Pegnitz.
But the signs of charity did not shine brightly in
the host. Sebald called upon the man’s wife to
bring more wood for the fire so that he might
warm his body, for he was chilled to the bone.
But though he repeated his request the niggard
host forbade his wife to obey. At length the
saint cried out to her to bring the cluster of
icicles which hung from the roof and to put them
on the fire if she could not or would not bring the
faggots.
The woman, pitying him, obeyed, and, in answer
to the prayer of Sebald, a flame shot up from the
ice as from a firebrand and the whole bundle was
quickly ablaze.
.if h
.il fn=i055.jpg w=600px id=i055
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.][RELIEF FROM THE SEBALDUSGRAB, ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
10. ST. SEBALD PUNISHES AN UNBELIEVER
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [RELIEF FROM THE SEBALDUSGRAB, ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
10. ST. SEBALD PUNISHES AN UNBELIEVER]
.sp 2
.if-
When he saw this miracle the chilly host gave
the hermit a warmer welcome, and, to make amends
// p055.png
.pn +1
// p056.png
.pn +1
for his former lack of hospitality, he sallied forth
to buy some fish in the market, contrary to the
regulations of the authorities. Being caught he
was blinded, but the holy hermit quickly restored
to him the light of his eyes. (Ill. #11:i057#.)
So potent was the saint on whose shrine Peter
Vischer was now at work—that shrine to which,
says Eobanus Hessus in his poem on Nuremberg,
no words can do justice and with which not even
the greatest artists of antiquity could have found
fault;
.pm verse-start
“Musa nec ulla queat tanto satis esse labori
Nec verbis æquare opus immortale futurum;
Quod neque Praxiteles, nec Myron nec Polycletus,
Nemo Cares, nemo Scopas reprehendere posset.”
.pm verse-end
.if h
.il fn=i057.jpg w=600px id=i057
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [RELIEF FROM SEBALDUSGRAB, ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
11. ST. SEBALD HEALING THE BLIND MAN
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [RELIEF FROM SEBALDUSGRAB, ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
11. ST. SEBALD HEALING THE BLIND MAN]
.sp 2
.if-
Now in the style of the reliefs which record
the miracles we have related, there is a marked
divergence. Even the figure of the saint is not
uniformly conceived. We may conclude that we
have on the one hand in the “Punishment of the
Unbeliever” undoubtedly the work of Peter Vischer,
the father. The craftsman was still clearly under
the influence of Adam Krafft and his school. For
the personages of the little drama which he wished
to depict are presented to us as simple Nurembergers
of every day, and they are portrayed in a
spirit of very homely realism. Similar in style is the
treatment of the miracle of the “Wine in the Bowl,”
where, equally with the above, the handling of the
drapery is thoroughly in the manner of the old
Founder. On the other hand, the relief which represents
// p057.png
.pn +1
// p058.png
.pn +1
the “Miracle of the Icicles” is probably by
Peter Vischer the younger. For the modelling of
the female figures there distinctly reminds us, in
drapery and in pose of the head and body, of the
Eurydice in his “Orpheus and Eurydice,” of the
Vita in his inkstands, and of the flute-player in the
Sebaldusgrab. And by him, also, is the “Healing
of the Blind Man,” which is by far the finest of
the four reliefs. There is a movement in the whole
and a unity in the composition quite admirable,
whilst the cautious, tentative gait of the suddenly
blinded man, not yet accustomed to the eternal
darkness which has come upon him, is indicated
with a delicacy and sureness of touch which proclaim
a truly great and original artist. In the
treatment of the drapery on the moving figures we
read the result of his study of the antique. It is
used to indicate and to explain the movement that
is taking place. And very noticeable is the seizing
of the dramatic moment, which is a conspicuous
characteristic of the artist of “Orpheus and Eurydice.”
In the portrayal of the apostles on the Sebaldusgrab
Vischer and his sons have attained the
perfect expression of the ideal after which the
father had vainly striven in the monument at
Magdeburg.
.if h
.il fn=i059.jpg w=418px id=i059
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STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
12. ST. PAUL
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
12. ST. PAUL]
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In every way the advance made by the artist
since he wrought that early masterpiece is noticeable.
The apostles here, unlike those in the
original design, and unlike, also, those on the tomb
// p059.png
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// p060.png
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of Archbishop Ernst, are not standing gazing
straight in front of them in holy, unconscious calm,
but a certain relation has been established between
some of the pairs. That relation has not been
established indeed with mathematical precision,
but with an art that succeeds in producing the
effect of nature. Take, for instance, the figures of
Paul and Philip, which are represented in the act
of earnest conversation, or those of Thomas and
James the Less, which suggest men who are busy
with their own thoughts, but are composed so as
to be in complete harmony with those of the neighbouring
apostles. The figures are skilfully arranged
also so as to produce a harmonious contrast
with the twelve patriarchs above them.
We noticed in the apostles of the Magdeburg
monument a distinct lack of variety in pose, especially
of arms and hands. The figures there
were stiff and lacking in grace, but these are full
of fire and movement. The figures there were
over short. They were the types of Adam Krafft
and the Nuremberg school. But these, in greater
or less degree, are Renaissance types of comparative
litheness, and inspired with life and intelligence.
In breaking away from the traditions of Veit
Stoss and Adam Krafft the artist has advanced to
a notable extent beyond them, and even beyond
Dürer in most cases, in the quality of spirituality
which he has learnt to impress upon his work.
.if h
.il fn=i061.jpg w=412px id=i061
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, Nürnberg
13. ST. BARTHOLOMEW
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. SEBALD’S CHURCH, Nürnberg
13. ST. BARTHOLOMEW]
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A similar development is noticeable in the drapery.
// p061.png
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// p062.png
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The apostles at Magdeburg are clad in the
heavy, wooden garments of the old school, whilst
those of the Sebaldusgrab are draped in fine folds
which fall in soft curves over bodies anatomically
correct.
We cannot, perhaps, determine with certainty
which of the Vischer family is responsible for each
figure. But where we find one recalling in pose
and drapery the motives of the Magdeburg tomb
we may safely attribute it to the father. He was
fond of horizontal folds and much affected that
motive of a mantle which consists in its being
thrown over and falling from the right arm and
resting on the left shoulder. His handling of hair
is also distinctive. He preferred to provide his
statues with masses of luxuriant hair and beard
and moustaches. His noblest achievement is the
figure of the Apostle Andrew.
To Peter Vischer the younger we may attribute
the representation of his patron saint. This, as
Dr. Seeger has pointed out, is based on a recollection
or a drawing of the figure of that Apostle on
the façade of the Certosa di Pavia, modified by the
individuality of the present artist and adapted to
the exigencies of this shrine. It is an absolutely
different type from that on the Magdeburg tomb,
which had more in common with the St. Peter of
old Hermann on the Font at Wittenberg. There
the head, to take one point, is larger and adorned
with a heavy mass of luxuriant curling hair and
beard. But the head of this Apostle is small and
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fine; the eyes deep set, the neck sinewy. The
loose and admirable fall of the drapery is in the
new manner. And with that nervous grasp of
the key, that searching gaze, those wrinkled and
contracted brows, the youthful craftsman has nobly
represented his patron Saint, Peter the bald, intellectual
Keeper of the Gates of Heaven.
Completely different again in type and treatment
is the figure of the Apostle Bartholomew.
(Ill. #13:i061#.) It smacks of Rome, and Roman too is
Simon. These, we should naturally hazard, were the
work of Hermann the eldest son, after his return
from his Rom-reise in 1516. And in this theory
we are confirmed by a passage in a manuscript
in the Nuremberg Town Library, which tells us
that “Hermann Vischer alone made the Apostle
Bartholomew and several tabernacles,” as, for instance,
without doubt that Roman triumphal arch
above the statue of St. Paul.
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.h2 id=ch05
CHAPTER V ||THE TOMB OF MAXIMILIAN
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ART has been always, more or less, dependent
upon the patronage of the rich and great.
And the warm interest evinced in the Arts and
Crafts by the Emperor Maximilian, the “last of
the Knights,” did not a little to provoke that outburst
of artistic excellence which distinguished
Nuremberg at this time; where the names of
Dürer, Vischer, and Krafft shine out pre-eminent
among many lesser lights. Maximilian was in
many ways the epitome of his age, the personification
of the Renaissance. Soldier and man of
letters, administrator and theologian, athlete and
scholar, he yet found time to encourage artists and
to devise and commission innumerable works of
art. He was, in fact, as Albert Dürer found to
his cost, more ready to give commissions than to
pay for them when performed. At Nuremberg he
frequently employed Veit Stoss; he had a considerable
share in the production of the Weisskunig
and the Theuerdank, a poem describing allegorically
the private life and ideals of the Emperor,
which was polished and completed by his secretary
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Melchior Pfinzing, Provost of St. Sebald’s Church.
He conceived and commissioned amongst other
works Albert Dürer’s colossal wood-engraving,
the Triumphal Arch, which was designed, as
usual, for the glorification of this greatest of
princes. Wherever he happened to be, at Augsburg,
Innsbruck, Nuremberg or Prague, in the
course of the conduct of one of his innumerable
wars or of a tourney, whilst administering justice,
repressing the chivalrous brigandage of petty lords
or bleeding a Bamberg banker, his eye was always
quick to perceive the merit of any craftsman.
Chroniclers repeatedly record his morning rides
in a town, and describe the visits which he would
pay to the houses of half-a-dozen craftsmen in a
day, buying and ordering costly works of art.
He came to visit also the home of that already
celebrated yet always modest and unpretending
Founder, Peter Vischer, “to whom Princes esteemed
it an honour to do honour.” Maximilian
had before now shown a practical interest in
bronze work, and had incidentally displayed his
appreciation of Vischer. For when he was starting
a Foundry at Mühlau, near Innsbruck, he
had had it in contemplation to appoint the
“geschickligisten und berichtisten Rotschmied”—the
most skilful and famous coppersmith of
Nuremberg—Peter Vischer to wit, to superintend
the establishment thereof. But Peter had declined
the honour, and Stefan Godl from Nuremberg
was appointed in his stead.
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Now the teeming brain of Maximilian—for
whom no plan for his own exaltation was too
grandiose, and no project for the advancement of
his fame was to be despised—conceived the idea
of building for himself a lordly tomb, wherein, after
he had been gathered to his forefathers, he might
rest, surrounded by the forms of those who had
gone to his making. To-day twenty-eight bronze
over life-size figures of ancient heroes stand round
and guard the Emperor’s cenotaph at Innsbruck.
Two of these are most markedly superior to the
rest as works of art; and these two come from
the foundry of Peter Vischer. They are the
statues of King Arthur, the very perfect flower
of chivalry (Ill. #15:i069#), and of Theodoric, King
of the Goths. (Ill. #14:i068#.) Documentary evidence
reveals the fact that in the year 1513 Peter
Vischer the elder received from the imperial
chest one thousand florins for “zwei grosse messene
Pillder” (two large bronze figures). But
apart from the teaching of the archives their resemblance
to the other works of this foundry leaves
no doubt as to the origin of these noble figures.
In feeling, in poetry, in grace, as well as in the
minute and exquisite finish of the detail, they are
indeed worthy of the blossom period of the house
of Vischer. Both figures are eloquent of the artist’s
joy in production, and not of the tradesman’s mere
delight in a commission. Not that the Vischers
were at all to seek on the business side of their
craft; they worked, as the modern dealer would
// p067.png
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express it, with punctuality, cheapness and despatch.
In artistic excellence, as well as in these other important
qualities, they far surpassed the labours of
the Mühlau Founder, who had secured the commission
for all, or almost all, the other statues for
the tomb of Maximilian. The Emperor himself,
it is recorded, recognized this fact; for he remarked
(April 16, 1513), “Für die 3,000 fl. auf welche das
bis dahin gegossene einzige Bild Sesselschreiber zu
stehen komme, in Nürnberg sechs Bilder hätte
giessen lassen können.” (For the 3,000 florins to
which the one statue hitherto cast by Sesselschreiber
amounts, six statues might have been cast
at Nuremberg.)
.if h
.il fn=i068.jpg w=463px id=i068
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STEIN PHOTO.] [TOMB OF MAXIMILIAN, INNSBRUCK
14. THEODORIC, KING OF THE GOTHS
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [TOMB OF MAXIMILIAN, INNSBRUCK
14. THEODORIC, KING OF THE GOTHS]
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STEIN PHOTO.] [TOMB OF MAXIMILIAN, INNSBRUCK
15. KING ARTHUR
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [TOMB OF MAXIMILIAN, INNSBRUCK
15. KING ARTHUR]
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Both the statues that hail from Nuremberg are
extremely beautiful, but they are noticeably different
in style. They differ so much in that unconscious
revelation of the artist’s hand, which
distinguishes every piece of human work, that I
am strongly inclined to accept Dr. Seeger’s view,
that whilst Peter Vischer the father wrought
Theodoric, King of the Goths, it is to his son and
namesake, Peter Vischer the younger, that we owe
the statue of King Arthur. Theodoric leans on
his sword and shield in a pose that is beautiful and
imaginative, it is true, but in the execution slightly
forced. This figure is weaker and more conventional,
less full of life and vigour than that of the
King Arthur. Seeger fancies that we can trace
in it something of the uneasiness felt by the old
craftsman when essaying a new style, and that
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// p069.png
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there is discernible here the slight hesitation and
misgiving of one who fears that he is attempting
what is beyond his strength.
Certainly we get no such impression when we
turn to the splendid strenuous figure of Arthur.
This is the Arthur whom we know, in all the
splendour of his manhood, bold and free, the noblest
flower of chivalry; Arthur, the very perfect knight,
pure, serene in the confidence of his own faith and
right, brooking no challenge and no wrong. Here
Beauty and Strength have kissed one another; and
the spring of this youthful figure, nimble and light
of limb, betrays itself even through the hard,
straight lines of the heavy, rich armour it bears.
It is the type of the noble Teuton of all time, drawn
by an artist who had studied the nude and Italian
plastic art, and was full of the vigour and confidence
of his own youthful ideal. For this bronze
surely conveys that conviction of agility for a
moment at rest, which you may derive from the
sight of a Greek marble or the lithe figure of a
modern athlete. And is there not also here something
“of that marvellous gesture of moving himself
within the” bronze, which Vasari so finely
attributed to the St. George of Donatello?
There may perhaps be in this figure a touch of
exaggeration which is so splendidly absent from
that supreme triumph of the Renaissance; it is
certainly more virile and it may be more brutal;
but it is enough to claim for Vischer that in this
noble creation he challenges comparison with “the
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.pn +1
Master of those who know.” Doubtless, indeed,
both his Arthur and his St. Peter of the Sebaldusgrab
owe not a little to the masterpiece of Donatello.
But the beauty of the figure and pose of King
Arthur is not all. It need not blind us to the
exquisite ornamentation of the armour, which, unlike
that of Theodoric, is rich with the richness of
the North Italian Renaissance. The dragons
thereon are full of life, and the chain of the
Order of the Golden Fleece, and all the other
minute details of the decoration, are as notable
for the fecundity of invention as for the skill in
execution which they display.
These two heroic figures were completed by
the Vischer family as early as the year 1513, but
they did not reach the place for which they had
been destined till some ten years later, for the
Emperor kept them at Augsburg. And even
after they had arrived at Innsbruck and been set
in position there, they were not left in peace. A
great danger threatened Theodoric in 1548, for it
did not square with Charles V.’s conception of
the order of the Universe that the king of the
Goths should be found among the ancestors of
the Hapsburgs. He therefore gave orders that
his statue should either be recast or at least be
renamed. Fortunately neither of these things got
itself done.
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CHAPTER VI ||THE TUCHER MONUMENT AND THE NUREMBERG MADONNA
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THE absorbing interest and labour of the
Sebaldusgrab did not by any means exhaust
the energies and enterprise of Vischer and
his house. That want of money, which has been
the source of innumerable works of art, combined
with the artist’s restless striving after new forms
of self-expression, prompted the production of
many another bronze during this span of years.
We have seen that the heroic figures of Arthur
and Theodoric were completed in the year 1513,
and to that year also belongs the original design
for the Rathaus Railing, the chequered and disastrous
history of which we shall describe later.
Now it was proposed to found a monument to perpetuate
the memory of a famous Doctor of Law
(“suæ ætatis Jureconsultorum facile princeps,”
says the inscription), one Henning Goden, Provost
of Wittenberg and Prebendary of Erfurt.
Peter Vischer was entrusted with its execution,
and it was erected in 1521 at Erfurt and, in duplicate,
at Wittenberg. The subject chosen was that
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of the crowning of Mary. The Madonna is represented
kneeling on the clouds; her hands are
folded in prayer and her rich tresses float round a
nobly beautiful head and stream over her shoulders.
She is in the act of being crowned by God the
Father and God the Son, who sit enthroned on
either side of the Virgin Mother. The Holy
Dove hovers above her. Two characteristic but
excessively plump little angels playing musical
instruments in either corner fill up the spaces left
by the curving scroll work above, whilst at the
feet of the Madonna the Prebendary kneels, supported
by his patron saint, St. John, whose hand
is laid upon his shoulder. Clouds and angels complete
the foreground.
Of this tomb-plate Lübke writes:
.pm letter-start
“The simple beauty of the composition, the
broad, free style of the drapery, the noble loftiness
in form and expression of the heads, especially of
God the Father, place this work in the ranks of
the noblest creations of German art at that date.”
.pm letter-end
The memorial certainly does bear unmistakable
signs of Peter Vischer’s handiwork, but it is
impossible not to feel that in many points, as for
instance the articulation of the hands and feet,
and the anatomy of the body in the case of the
figure of Christ, it is decidedly inferior to the best
work of the house of Vischer. Compare it with
the beautiful tomb-plate of Frau Margarete Tucher
in the cathedral at Regensburg (Ratisbon) and
the difference in manner and technique at once
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.pn +1
leaps to the eye. Yet this memorial also was
made in 1521. (Ill. #16:i075#.) It can hardly have been
designed by the same hand, although this, like the
monument of the Eissen family in the Church of
St. Ægidius at Nuremberg, to which it is near
akin, certainly came from the Vischer foundry, for
it bears the mark and signature
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.nf c
14P88.
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Normberge. 1521. But the trade-mark between
these two initials is substantially the same as that
found on the inkstand of 1525. We have no choice,
then, but to follow Bergau and Seeger and to
attribute these two former works, in great part at
any rate, to Peter Vischer the younger. And,
indeed, they exhibit to a high degree all those
qualities which are most characteristic of his work.
There is a rhythmic balance in the composition
which at once recalls the reliefs on the Sebaldusgrab
attributed to him. Here again the artist
has seized a fine moment in the dramatic incident
he wishes to portray. He has harmonized and
subordinated all the characters of that pathetic
scene when Christ met the sisters of the dead
Lazarus. The noble figure of the Christ who has
stepped forward to listen to and to grant the
prayer of the bereaved sister forms the centre of
a picture whereof the disputing Apostles and the
sorrowing women are the necessary complement.
With regard to the Apostles themselves it only
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// p076.png
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requires a moment’s comparison to demonstrate
that their figures are mere modifications of those
on the Sebaldusgrab, and they may have been
wrought by any member of the family, therefore,
or even by an assistant. For the craftsmen of
those days were obliged to take a frankly business
view of their handiwork. Michel Wolgemut left
much in each of his pictures to be done by his
pupils and assistants, and Dürer, too, following
his master’s custom was, in too many cases, forced
to adopt the same practice. For a man must live,
and Dürer found that his careful and elaborate
style of painting was simply beggaring him. The
commissions received by the Vischer family were
necessarily executed after something of the same
spirit. The design would be sketched out by the
old man or one of his sons, or, again, by him and
his sons in part and in consultation. Then whilst
the more skilful of them wrought the more important
figures and details of the piece, the subsidiary
details and characters would be left to the
’prentice hands. In the case of the Tucher monument
the task of supplying the Apostle figures
must have fallen to one of these, and he would
naturally base them upon the famous masterpieces
of the House in that line. But in the
noble figure of the Christ, in the poise and the
moulding of the head, and in that spiritual searching
gaze with which the Saviour seems to be
looking into the very heart of Lazarus’ sister and
gauging her faith, we cannot fail to recognize the
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style of the creator of the St. Peter and St. John
of the Sebaldusgrab, and of the author of the Orpheus
of the Plaquettes. Equally true is this of
the modelling, pose and drapery of the female
figures, to which particular attention should be
given.
.pi
.if h
.il fn=i075.jpg w=557px id=i075
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, RATISBON
16. MEETING OF CHRIST WITH THE SISTERS OF LAZARUS
(Tucher Monument)
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, RATISBON
16. MEETING OF CHRIST WITH THE SISTERS OF LAZARUS
(Tucher Monument)]
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.if-
The background, too, is the work of a Master,
and the gradual deepening of the relief is worked
out with a skill and confidence which argues that
it is the work of a Master who has made a considerable
study of perspective. The treatment of
perspective and the very low relief are indeed
entirely in the manner of the early Florentine
Renaissance. The same influence is discernible
in the style of the architecture in the background.
It is interesting to note the favourite device of a
Perugino or a Raphael reproduced in the cupola-crowned
building which serves as a finish to the
picture. It was not for nothing that Hermann
Vischer had made his journey south some years
before, and returned laden with those sketches
which “delighted his old father and provided
practice for his brothers.” The deviser of this
temple and of those framing pillars with their
Corinthian capitals has learnt many a lesson
recently from his brother’s work.
In the monument of the Eissen family which is
placed in the Church of St. Ægidius at Nuremberg,
and belongs to the year 1522, we have a
work which must be by the same hand as that
which designed the Tucher memorial. The similarity
// p078.png
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of the signature and of the style is convincing
testimony. The subject is the favourite Pietà, the
lamentation over Christ’s body after the descent
from the Cross. Here we have the figures of the
faithful women, and of John the beloved disciple,
and Joseph of Arimathea mourning, whilst Nicodemus
is reverently wrapping the corpse in the
cerements of the grave. Once more in composing
his subject the artist has seized the dramatic
moment. The eyes of all these faithful followers
are fixed upon the dead body of their Lord.
Their gestures and their expressions betoken the
intense grief of each, and each has his place and
share in the divine tragedy. The unity thus
attained is heightened by the dramatic contrast
of the one person, the servant, who stares at the
body, unaffected save by vulgar curiosity, all unaware
that she is in the presence of the world’s
most grievous and most wonderful mystery.
(Ill. #17:i079#.)
The figure and head of Joseph of Arimathea are
nobly beautiful, and, like the drapery, remind us
of the St. Peter on the Sebaldusgrab. His outstretched
hands are eloquent of sorrow and, in
common with those of the women who kneel behind
their Master, they speak to a study of Italian
art and of the drawings of Leonardo da Vinci.
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.il fn=i079.jpg w=522px id=i079
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. ÆGIDIUS CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
17. BEWEINUNG CHRISTI
(Eissen Memorial)
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [ST. ÆGIDIUS CHURCH, NÜRNBERG
17. BEWEINUNG CHRISTI
(Eissen Memorial)]
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The Christ in this monument resembles in the
treatment of the eyes, and the hair and in the
moulding of the head that of the Tucher memorial
of the previous year. The body is foreshortened,
// p079.png
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// p080.png
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and the foreshortening cannot be termed altogether
successful. But successful to an extraordinary
degree is the spiritual, sympathetic expression of
the countenance, and indicative of a poet’s sympathy
with sorrow, and his power of showing it,
is that down-hanging arm, masterly executed in
strong relief.
The young Peter Vischer had known much
sorrow, and was acquainted with grief beyond his
years. The bereavements of his father, the loss
of his brother’s wife, and afterwards of his brother
Hermann himself, must have touched his poet’s
heart and deepened his powers of sympathetic
imagination. The strong stirring of religious
emotion which was at this time abroad in the land
would tend still further to chasten the exuberant
joyousness of his youthful spirit, and to bring him
into touch with the more serious aspects of life.
Neudörffer has recorded for us his love of the
poetical side of life; his own Aquarelle on the
Reformation proves the seriousness of his interest
in the great religious question of the day, and the
evidence of the development of his powers in his
own undoubted works of art is potent to demonstrate
his enthusiasm for learning. Remembering
these facts let us compare for a moment with the
sisters of Lazarus in the Tucher memorial, that
superb work of art in the Germanic Museum at
Nuremberg, which is known as the “Praying
Madonna.” (Ill. #18:i081#.)
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.il fn=i081.jpg w=265px id=i081 align=l
.ca
[MUSEUM, NÜRNBERG
18. THE NUREMBERG MADONNA
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[Illustration:
[MUSEUM, NÜRNBERG
18. THE NUREMBERG MADONNA]
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“No second glance is required to assure us that
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we have here not
only the chef-d’œuvre
of Nuremberg
carving, but
also one of the
works of art of all
time. And yet the
name of the master
is unknown,
and the very date
of the work is a
matter of dispute.
Clearly the beautiful
female figure
of this sorrowing
Mary, this praying
Madonna as she
is called (trauende,
betende Maria)
once formed one
of a group, and
stood facing St.
John at the foot
of the Cross, gazing
upwards in
that bitter grief
which is beyond
the expression
and abandonment
of tears. Who can
that artist have
// p082.png
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been who could select that pose of the head, that
poise of the limbs, who could carve those robes,
which, in purity and flow have never been surpassed
in German art, and who could express in the suppliant
hands such poignant emotion? Man weiss
nicht! And whose touch was so delicate that
with his chisel he could stamp on the upturned
face those mingled feelings of sorrow so supreme,
yearning so intense, love so human, hope so divine?
For all this we can read there still, even through
the grey-green coat of paint which certainly had
no place in the original intentions of the artist.
Man weiss nicht! But this much one may hazard—that
it was some German artist, touched by the
spirit of the Italian Renaissance till he rose to
heights of artistic performance never elsewhere
attained by him, and scarcely ever approached by
his fellows.”
So I have written elsewhere of this beautiful
gem of German art. But is it so certain that the
author is unknown? The temptation to attribute
it to Peter Vischer the younger is extremely strong,
especially when we compare it with the figure of
Lazarus’ sister.
It has, at different times and by various writers,
been attributed to almost every conceivable German
craftsman—to Adam Krafft, of course, and
to Veit Stoss in turn, amongst others. But the
work of none of these artists approaches the style,
the beauty, the refinement of this figure, and is, in
many essentials, distinctly opposed thereto. But
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.pn +1
if it is not by these, can it be by Peter Vischer’s
great son? The theory, it must be confessed, is
more probable than provable. We can only say
that in his greatest moment he might have done
this thing, in making a model for a projected bronze
figure. For the creator of the King Arthur at
Innsbruck must be conceded to be potentially
capable of any masterpiece in this kind, and the
Madonna is not beyond the limits of his power.
The slenderness of the figure is a point in favour
of this authorship, and not, as has been argued, in
opposition to it, for there is noticeable in the female
figures of the young Peter Vischer, an increasing
tendency to discard the squat Bavarian type and
to adopt the slenderer proportions of the Italian
model. Observe, further, that in the fall of the
drapery of the Madonna there is nothing of
severity, nothing of distortion as in other carvings
of the same period by other hands. Rather do the
sweep and movement of it recall that of certain of
the apostles of the Sebaldusgrab and the arrangement
of it as regards the feet is similar. It may,
in fact, be stated, without fear of contradiction, that
the serpentine sweep and the arrangement of the
drapery, drawn tight over the right leg and covering,
as it does, the thrust out foot below, is a motive
practically confined in the German art of that
period to the works of the House of Vischer. It
reminds us of the Apostles in St. Sebald’s church:
it is repeated emphatically in the fall of the drapery
of the sisters of Lazarus.
// p084.png
.pn +1
And surely the pose of the sister of Lazarus on
the left hand and that of the Madonna is substantially
the same, although, in the case of the latter,
it has been refined and improved. That pose of
the bent leg is one of the most beautiful and eloquent
of all the positions of the human body.[#] But
the similarity does not end there.
.pm fn-start // 1
That it was a favourite one with the young Vischer may be
seen by comparing the female figures of the Inkstands, pp. 96,
97.
.pm fn-end
The right leg, the left arm and hand resting on
the hip, the poise of the head and the style of dress
are all in the same manner. Nothing, again, is
more characteristic of an artist than his treatment
of hands. And with those expressive hands of the
Madonna we may confidently compare the hands
of the woman who is behind the body of Christ or
the hands of Joseph in the Pietà of 1522, or the
hands of St. John in the Sebaldusgrab, or of the
female figure on the inkstand of 1525. Vischer-like
also is the pure, refined expression and type
of face, which recalls on the one hand the yearning
gaze of the aforesaid figure, and the soulful look
of Eurydice on the other.
But enough has been said. Peter Vischer the
younger was, we think, capable of producing such
a work of art as the Madonna, and of no one else
whose work we know can we say as much. Yet
such a masterpiece is not thrown off by an unpractised
hand. There is good reason, then, for
accepting the theory suggested by the remarks of
// p085.png
.pn +1
Herr von Bezold[#] and crediting our craftsman with
the glory of this great work. In the next chapter
we shall deal with some minor, undisputed works
of his, a careful study of which will certainly, in
our opinion, not tend to invalidate the claim now
advanced on his behalf.
.pm fn-start // 1
“Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums.” No. 2.
Nuremberg, 1896.
.pm fn-end
// p086.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch07
CHAPTER VII ||THE MINOR WORKS OF PETER VISCHER THE YOUNGER
.sp 2
.dc 0.2 0.65
SOME time during the year which followed
the completion of the Eissen Monument,
Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg, Archbishop
of Magdeburg and Mainz, it is recorded, sent to
the old bronze-founder of Nuremberg requesting
him to let his son come to him to confer about
certain orders. Whether the young Peter went
or not we do not know, nor is it certain whether
it was his tomb which the Cardinal had previously
ordered, or the great State Seal of the Archbishop,
which is with some probability ascribed to this
craftsman, that was in debate. The tomb-plate
of the Cardinal was finished by 1525, and is now
in the Parish Church of Aschaffenburg, though it
is at Mainz that the Cardinal was buried. For
the fashion in tombs was changing, and, in order
to be in the fashion, the Cardinal subsequently
ordered a new tomb of red marble beneath which
he now lies in the Cathedral of Mainz.
.pm verse-start
“And I shall fill my slab of basalt there,
And ’neath my tabernacle take my rest,
With those nine columns round me, two and two,
The odd one at my feet where Anselm stands;
// p087.png
.pn +1
Peach-blossom marble all, the rare, the ripe
As fresh-poured red wine of a mighty pulse....
True peach,
Rosy and flawless.”
.pm verse-end
So the German Cardinal shared the taste of
Browning’s Roman Bishop. It was a taste that
spread rapidly from Italy about this time, and
brought in its train swift ruin to the industry of
the bronze craftsmen. But the day of disaster
had not yet come, and meantime the young Peter
Vischer was busy with other works. He had not
yet, however, succeeded in being admitted as a
meister of the Guild of Coppersmiths, and he took
the present opportunity of submitting the Cardinal’s
tomb-plate as his masterpiece. It was
rejected for some obscure reason, just as, two
years later, his splendid memorial of Frederick
the Wise was rejected. Both of these pieces are
signed “Opus M. Petri Fischers. Norimberge.”
In face of the fact that they were not accepted as
masterpieces we cannot interpret the letter M. in
these inscriptions as the initial of Magistri (master).
It must stand rather for Minoris—“the work of
Peter Fischer the younger.”
The present memorial takes the form of a life-size
character-study of a mighty prince of the
Church, and it is set in a Renaissance framework.
It is a noble and intense piece of work which has
been spoilt by the inscription tablet which covers
the body.
Unlike his father, but like most other artists of
// p088.png
.pn +1
his day, Peter Vischer the younger, as we gather
from Neudörffer’s mention of him, did not confine
himself to bronze work, but dabbled in various
kindred arts. We have a noticeable instance of
this in the “Allegory on the Reformation” (1524),
an aquarelle now preserved at Weimar, which once
roused the enthusiasm of Goethe, and which reveals
to us his political and religious creed. In
common with Hans Sachs, Albert Dürer, and
Willibald Pirkheimer, and the great majority of
Nurembergers, Peter Vischer had thrown in his
lot with the Protestant Reformers, and boldly
espoused the cause of Luther. Luther he here
represents as some hero of old story who has destroyed
the palace and upset the throne of the
usurper, and scattered the base crowd of his
courtiers. The Pope and the mighty princes of
the Church have been put down from their seat
and the horde of their hateful minions—Pride,
Luxury, and Avarice—flee away. In their stead
Faith, Hope, and Charity are about to enthrone
Justice, whilst Luther, the humble and unworldly,
shows the straight path to Christ, who descends
from the clouds to save publicans and sinners.
Rome’s might, it is implied, is broken; the German
people can at last, through Luther’s act, hold
direct communion with their Redeemer once more.
Only a German Emperor, so it must have seemed
to the German enthusiasts of that time, was wanting—no
Spaniard like Charles V., with his brood
of alien courtiers—to continue the work of Luther
// p089.png
.pn +1
and to fulfil the national ideal. And perhaps, as
Dr. Seeger suggests, Peter Vischer the younger
looked to Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony,
as the heaven-appointed Kaiser—that Prince
whose portrait he executed in so loving and
masterly a fashion two years later.
That love of allegory which is indicated by this
drawing, and by the artist’s addiction to poetry,
was a taste he shared with Dürer and Holbein
the younger. It is further illustrated by the two
inkstands which come from his hand and, in a
less degree, by the two plaquettes of Orpheus
and Eurydice we have now to consider. (Ill. #19:i090#
and #20:i093#.)
.if h
.il fn=i090.jpg w=538px id=i090
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [PLAQUETTE IN POSSESSION OF M. DREYFUS, PARIS
19. ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [PLAQUETTE IN POSSESSION OF M. DREYFUS, PARIS
19. ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE]
.sp 2
.if-
There are, indeed, four plaquettes on this subject
in existence, all undoubtedly by the same
master. But three of these are practically identical.
The other, the earliest as it would appear,
is in the possession of M. Dreyfus of Paris. It was
at one time attributed to Jacopo de’ Barbari. But
this, like the other plaquettes, bears Vischer’s mark
clearly enough—two fish lying back to back pierced
through by a nail or dagger, a device found also
on the two inkstands. The two nude figures of
Orpheus and Eurydice do, however, undoubtedly
owe very much to the influence of Jacopo and
Sansovino on the one hand, just as they are related
to the Adam and Eve of Dürer on the other. In
this earlier version of the subject it is evident that
the artist has been moved by the above-mentioned
influences to study the nude, but his study is not
// p090.png
.pn +1
// p091.png
.pn +1
yet complete. For the modelling of the Orpheus
is not all that could be desired, the legs of this
figure in particular being awkward and constrained.
The Eurydice is more successful, and is less hard
and angular in treatment. But, as Lübke observed,
the parallelism produced by the presentation
of the two forms in the act of turning lends
a distinct harshness to the composition. For all
that there is one quality present here which we
have learnt to expect from this master. He has
seized the dramatic moment when, in Vergil’s
words, “a sudden madness took hold of the unwary
lover,” and, “in his desire to behold her, he
turned his eyes” upon his half-regained Eurydice.
But he could not hold her safe “within the bond
of one immortal look.” Just as she emerges from
the rocks of the underworld he yields to this desire
and turns. And as he turns and looks she stops
and begins, under the constraint of the inexorable
law of Proserpine, to be drawn back to the shades
whence she came. Into her face there has come
a look of sorrow and sad reproach, whilst the
movement of her hands and head and hair betoken
the beginning of that inevitable return. With the
gesture of her left hand Eurydice seems almost to
utter the lines of Vergil:
.pm verse-start
“Quis et me miseram et te perdidit, Orpheu, Quis tantus furor?
Jamque vale—!”
.pm verse-end
.if h
.il fn=i093.jpg w=471px id=i093
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [PLAQUETTE IN THE MUSEUM, BERLIN
20. ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [PLAQUETTE IN THE MUSEUM, BERLIN
20. ORPHEUS AND EURYDICE]
.sp 2
.if-
The other version of this same subject to which
Peter Vischer the younger returned apparently in
// p092.png
.pn +1
later years is still more finely conceived and finely
executed. The artist by this time, about the
year 1520 let us say, had found his own soul and
strength, and dared to be more himself. The
Berlin plaquette, which passed from the Nagler
collection to the Berlin Museum in 1835, is a
great improvement upon the old theme. The
composition is in all respects much more rhythmical
and harmonious. Orpheus has been stepping
quickly forward, playing as only Orpheus
with his lute could play, playing for life and love
and happiness, when suddenly the irresistible fear
has come upon him that she, his half-regained
Eurydice, may not be following him. He has,
under the spur of that doubt, flung round his head
quickly to reassure himself. And she, even in
that instant, begins to turn again towards those
shadowy regions whence his music and his faith,
so far maintained, had drawn her. Reproachful,
sorrowing, in the agony of her love and her despair,
she gazes at him with one long last look.
Here the artist has turned the back-fluttering
veil to a new and beautiful motive, and, like the
arrangement of the hair and the treatment of the
feet, it has been fittingly and carefully thought
out to illustrate the two movements in which the
tragedy of the moment lies. The style is essentially
Italianate, and the device of the two spiked
fish in the corner of the plaquette proclaim the
authorship of it. Orpheus, it will be noticed, is
not provided with the lute of antiquity but with a
// p093.png
.pn +1
// p094.png
.pn +1
violin. This is not surprising, for there was a
general tendency both in Italian and German art
to furnish mythical personages with modern musical
instruments. Lübke reminds us, for instance,
of the Apollo in Raphael’s “Parnassus.”
Of the other two plaquettes to which we have
referred, one is to be found in the Hamburg Museum,
and the other was, till 1807, in St. Blasien
in the Black Forest, but is now preserved in the
institution of St. Paul in Carinthia. They are
almost exactly the same with the Berlin copy.
But the latter has a poetical inscription above on
the upper edge which is absent from the example
at St. Paul.
The inscription, which a recollection of the fondness
evinced by the young Peter for the study of
poetry inclines us to attribute to his pen, runs as
follows:
.nf c
ORPHEA CVM SILVIS FLVVIOS ETSAXA[#TN1:tn1#] MOVENT[=E]
GRECIA LAETEOS FERT ADYSSE LAVIS
EVRYDICN̅̅ ILLIC VITAE REVOCASSE PRIORI
SERVASSET STIGIO SI MODO PACTA IOVI;
.nf-
.ni
which, being roughly interpreted, is to the effect
that Orpheus, moving, according to the Grecian
fable, rocks and woods and rivers by his music,
came to the Infernal Regions, and there had quite
won back Eurydice to life if only he had observed
the conditions of the king of Hades.
.pi
The Hamburg exemplar has this inscription
also, with a few literal variations, as, for instance,
// p095.png
.pn +1
the mistake of saxo instead of saxa, and the correction
of adiisse (which is necessary for the
scansion of the line) in place of adysse.
.if h
.il fn=i096.jpg w=515px id=i096
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [INKSTAND, ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM, FORTNUM COLLECTION, OXFORD
21. “EARTHLY LIFE”
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [INKSTAND, ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM, FORTNUM COLLECTION, OXFORD
21. “EARTHLY LIFE”]
.sp 2
.if-
A restless, uncontented care of doing better,
which is the hall-mark of genius, is proclaimed in
the spirit of the craftsman who thus turned again
in his maturity to improve, and, if he could, to
perfect the theme he had attempted in his youth.
The same spirit is evident in the similar development
of a theme which we find in the case of
two bronze inkstands formerly in the possession
of the late H. Fortnum, Esq., of Stanmore, and
now forming part of the Fortnum Collection,
bequeathed by him to the Ashmolean Museum
at Oxford. The first was picked up by the collector
in Paris; the second in Genoa. (Ill. #21:i096#
and #22:i097#.) They are mentioned by Christoph von
Murr[#] in 1778 as being in the collection of
Dr. Silberrad at Nuremberg, and are called by him
“two admirable bas-reliefs in bronze by Peter
Vischer.” He further describes the second, that
is, the later, in the following terms: “It represents
the reminding of the future life. Near an
urn, which might serve as an inkpot, stands a
naked female figure, about six inches high, pointing
towards heaven with her finger. In front of
her a skull is lying, behind her a small shield and
dagger. A beautiful idea. Leaning against the
urn is a tablet with the inscription ‘VITAM NON
// p096.png
.pn +1
MORTEM RECOGITA’” (Think on life not death).
“Under the base is the sign of the master, two
fish with the initials P.V. 1525.... Both pieces
are still just as they came from the foundry, and
one must admire the accuracy and draughtsmanship
// p097.png
.pn +1
which betray the hand of one who is a master
of his craft.”
.pm fn-start // 1
“Beschreibung der vornehmsten Merkwürdigkeiten,” quoted by Seeger.
.pm fn-end
Now if this female figure above mentioned is
rightly interpreted as reminding us of the life to
come, the heavenly life, we may regard it as a
// p098.png
.pn +1
later and natural variation of the allegory of
earthly life represented by the other and earlier
work. There the female figure of Life is standing
with her foot upon a skull, trampling on the
emblem of Death, and is pointing to herself,
gazing self-centred, as who should say, “Enjoy
life, think on me and forget the death that cometh
with the morrow.” And on the tablet at her feet
recurs the legend, “VITAM NON MORTEM RECOGITA!”
She is teaching the Renaissance love of beauty
and the lesson of the joy of existence and the
frank delight in the things of this earth. Probably,
then, this work was executed shortly after the
young craftsman’s sojourn in Italy, when he was
filled with the joy of life and had been studying
the nude with all the enthusiasm of the early
Renaissance school. A mixture of early Renaissance
and of mediæval elements is indeed distinctly
observable. For the four-cornered vase and its
lid is eminently Gothic in character. On the four
under sides of the vase we find repeated the sign of
the two fish which we have learnt to associate with
Peter Vischer the younger, and on the four upper
sides the same medallion of a man’s head. Medallions,
we know, Peter Vischer the younger turned
his hand to frequently after his return from Italy.
The Medusa head with the winged helmet, and
the club on the base, recall the style of Sansovino,
whilst the lion’s feet on which the vase rests, and
much of the decoration, correspond with details
on the Sebaldusgrab. The pose and the rhythmic
// p099.png
.pn +1
movement of the female form are beautiful in themselves,
but the neck of the figure is too thick and
the body excessively short. When, ten or fifteen
years later (1525), the craftsman with a deepened
sense of the mystery and sorrow of the world
returned to this theme, he read a new meaning
into that favourite motto of his, “Think on life
not death,” and he also remedied in great part the
faults of his earlier effort. The figure, indeed,
remains still too short in comparison with its
breadth, but it is far slimmer than the other; the
work is much more delicate, the lines less accentuated.
The artist is now a wiser, sadder, more
spiritual man. With his feeling and his knowledge
of the world, his power also and his freedom have
increased and his mastery of modelling. The
influence of his brother’s journey to Rome and
of the lessons he had brought home with him, is
evident everywhere, and not least in the striving
after simplicity which has induced him to leave
the base plain and not richly ornamented as was
the former one.
.if h
.il fn=i097.jpg w=600px id=i097
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [INKSTAND, ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM, FORTNUM COLLECTION, OXFORD
22. “HEAVENLY LIFE”
.ca-
.if-
.if t
.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [INKSTAND, ASHMOLEAN MUSEUM, FORTNUM COLLECTION, OXFORD
22. “HEAVENLY LIFE”]
.sp 2
.if-
The theme itself can indeed hardly be called a
development but rather the counterpart of the
other. It is the answer of the spiritual side of
man to the earthly promptings of his nature.
Think not on this life nor on this death—but on
the other life. In obedience to this point of view
the skull has been placed in a more prominent
position. It is no longer trampled on in the ecstasy
of earthly enjoyment but recognized rather, and
// p100.png
.pn +1
triumphed over, by this upward-gazing Vita, upward
pointing. Death, it is meant, should be
used, and welcomed almost, as the gate of heavenly
life. The many deaths that had darkened the
doors of his own house had, it is probable, sobered
and saddened Peter Vischer’s great son, and perhaps
his own failing health or some premonition
of an early death, was by this time leading him to
reflect in a chastened yet hopeful spirit on the
motto that he loved, and to interpret it afresh in this
allegorical wise: “Vitam non Mortem Recogita.”
It was the motto inscribed upon his grave in St.
Rochus Church when he died but three years later,
and was laid to rest by his aged father.
// p101.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=ch08
CHAPTER VIII ||THE TOMB OF ELECTOR FREDERICK THE WISE,\
AND THE RATHAUS RAILING
.sp 2
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BUT the work of Peter Vischer the younger
was not yet done. It remained, indeed, for
him to perform some of his greatest achievements.
Certain documents quoted by Baader[#] show that
it was he who, in the beginning of the year 1527,
completed the monument to the Elector Frederick
the Wise at Wittenberg, of which Lübke writes
that it is “a classic work and through it the German
art of that period is worthy to take rank with
the Italian.” The life-size figure of the great
Elector stands in strong relief upon a bronze plate
within a frame of Corinthian pillars, outside which,
on either side, the sixteen coats of arms of the
ancestors of the Prince’s house are recorded, whilst
his own arms form the central point of the arch
above his head. Above the latter coat-of-arms
two sturdy angels, forming a central headpiece,
hold a laurel wreath, and therewith the Elector’s
favourite text inscribed in Latin: “The word of
// p102.png
.pn +1
the Lord endureth for ever.” The base on which
the feet rest is richly decorated with forms of sea
monsters and sporting children in the craftsman’s
most joyous and luxuriant manner. Frederick
himself is draped boldly in the broad sweep of
the Electoral cloak, and in a cape of rich ermine.
Of ermine, too, is the Elector’s hat, which rests
upon a noble brow. But even beneath those
heavy robes the vigour and spring of the man’s
energetic form make themselves felt, nor can the
gloved hands disguise the strength of his grasp
upon the Sword of the Realm, which he holds
aslant his shoulder. And the face is full of life
and fire, quick with the keen gaze of a leader of
men, and eloquently expressive of determination
and strenuous endeavour. This is, without doubt,
a noble portrait of princely faith and manly strength.
“One can imagine,” says Lübke, “no more beautiful
picture of strength, nobility and immovable
Christian trust in God.” What then must have
been the feelings of the craftsman when the
Guild of Coppersmiths refused to recognize it
as a “Masterpiece,” as they had already refused
to accept his tomb-plate of Elector Albrecht von
Mainz!
.pm fn-start // 1
“Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte Nürnbergs.”
.pm fn-end
.if h
.il fn=i103.jpg w=374px id=i103
.ca
STEIN PHOTO.] [SCHLOSSKIRCHE, WITTENBERG
23. ELECTOR FREDERICK THE WISE
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.if-
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.sp 2
[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [SCHLOSSKIRCHE, WITTENBERG
23. ELECTOR FREDERICK THE WISE]
.sp 2
.if-
Assuredly it was not the Meistersingers of
Nuremberg alone who failed to appreciate a real
masterpiece when they saw one. For it is on
record that this noble effigy was rejected by the
Incorporated Guild of Masters of Rotschmiedhandwerk,
when it was submitted to them by
// p103.png
.pn +1
// p104.png
.pn +1
Peter Vischer the younger as the piece of work by
which, for the second time, he claimed the rank
of master among them. We do not know on
what pettifogging grounds, whether of inaccuracy
of detail or of personal spite, admission was refused
him. (Ill. #23:i103#.)
But it is clear that a considerable scandal was
created by their refusal. For it is further on
record that the Council, moved perhaps by the
influence of his father and his friends, took the
step of interfering on behalf of the artist’s reputation.
An appeal had been made from the decision
of the Guild, and the “Members of the
Council,” we learn from Baader, “to whom it was
shown gave it their approval, and on May 22
(1527?) they commanded the Masters of the
Guild of Coppersmiths to accept this monument as
a masterpiece, and to recognize the author of it as
a Master.” This, they explained out of deference
to the feelings of the Masters, was to be an exceptional
case, and was not to be held to the
prejudice of the Guild and its rules. The sworn
Masters, however, protested against such a proceeding,
and they did not obey the order of the
Council. The matter rested there for some time,
but a few years after the death of the artist, in
the interests, perhaps, of his posthumous renown,
the Council repeated their command (May 22,
1532), and added a rider to the effect that Peter
Vischer was qualified as a Master by the monument
he had made even if he had not always
// p105.png
.pn +1
executed his masterpieces in strict accordance
with the prescribed rules. As to the artist himself,
he was apparently disgusted by this second
failure, and he gave up trying to become a Master
in this Guild on the merits of his work. For we
read that “Peter Vischer’s son of the same name
was received as Master of the Guild of Thimble-Makers
in the year 1527. This Guild and that
of the Coppersmiths were at that period still
united, though later they separated.”
But whether the monument won the young
Peter Vischer the Mastership or not, it is undoubtedly
a masterpiece of German Renaissance.
It is by document and signature his as it is his in
design and execution. There are, indeed, still a
few traces of the earlier influences of his house
visible. The background, for instance, is decorated
in the Gothic style, and the fantastic figures
in the two corners formed by the arch remind us
of those on the tomb-plate of the Duchess Helene
von Mecklenburg, for whose father. Elector Philip
of the Palatinate, his father had worked in Heidelberg
thirty-three years before. But in spite of
the beauty of the rich details of the elaborate
architecture, arms and pilasters, that form the
setting of this work, it is the central commanding
figure of the whole which rightly rivets our attention.
In this strong and thoughtful man of action
and man of mind, who is a Christian and a fighter,
a warrior, but none the less a theologian, whose
watchword recorded on the monument was (in
// p106.png
.pn +1
spite of all the Popes and princes of Europe),
“The word of the Lord endureth for ever,” Peter
Vischer has proclaimed, so it has been suggested,
the ideal Kaiser for whom Germany was looking
in vain, the perfect Emperor of the Reformation
movement. The power of portraiture which his
practice as a maker of medallions had developed,
has enabled him to lend to the bronze a wonderful
force of expression, so that he may even challenge
a comparison with Dürer, who, thirty years previously,
had portrayed the protector of Luther.
The design of this monument was borrowed by
Hans Vischer, who copied it in 1534 to serve as
a memorial of Prince John the Stable, producing,
however, but a feeble version of the original.
It may be supposed that the relations between
Peter Vischer the younger and the Guild of
Coppersmiths were somewhat strained by their
treatment of him. For this reason, perhaps, and
also for the reason that the new Italian fashion of
tombstones, had, by this time, injuriously affected
the demand for bronze work, he seems to have
thought seriously of leaving Nuremberg in the
year following the completion of the Wittenberg
monument. The quarrel with the House of
Fugger, which we shall presently relate, may
likewise have conduced to make him entertain
the proposal which came to him now from the
agent of Duke Albrecht of Prussia, or it may be
that he approached the agent on his own initiative.
That prince was, for reasons of his own with which
// p107.png
.pn +1
we have no concern, anxious to secure the services
of a cannon-founder. It was suggested that the
young Peter Vischer should go to Prussia to act
in this capacity. But he was not destined to do
so. The Duke’s agent reports unfavourably. “He
is too delicate a craftsman,” he says, “and has no
experience in casting large pieces.” It would
have made little difference, in fact, if he had
gone, for he died in this same year—the year in
which Nuremberg lost also her prince of draughtsmen—Albert
Dürer.
The documents which refer to this matter of
the Duke Albrecht are to be found in the State
Archives at Königsberg, and were first quoted by
Döbner,[#] who writes as follows:
“Duke Albrecht of Prussia had corresponded
in January, 1528, with a citizen of Nuremberg
named Bastian Startz, who was to procure a
cannon-founder for him from that city.” Startz
wrote to him from there on May 30, 1528, in very
illiterate German, to the effect that “Jorg Clingenbeck
has had dealings with one who professes to
be a Puxsengeisser. Clingenbeck and I could not
subsequently discover that he had ever in his life
cast any large pieces, but only monuments and
statuettes, and on that account your Highness is
hereby advised that he is too delicate a craftsman.
And this Puxsenmeister is called by the name of
Petter Vischer.”
.pm fn-start // 1
“Peter-Vischer-Studien.” A. W. Döbner.
.pm fn-end
// p108.png
.pn +1
As early as March 8, in the same year, “Pawl
Viescher, son of Peter Vischer, the copper worker
at Nuremberg,” had received the following letter
from Königsberg:
“We have received your letter in which you
say that we have it in mind to have several cannons
cast, and that we shall require a Master for that
purpose, and further that you are inclined to visit
this country and to see what is to be seen, and
also that for the time being work with your father
is slack, and so forth. These and other matters in
your letter have been communicated to us. And
on these points we give you to understand that we
do have it in view to cast several cannon, and,
seeing that we have heard favourable mention
made of your father’s work, we think it likely that
you have learnt much from this same father of
yours, and we are therefore disposed to allow you
to come here, and we will then inspect your work
and speak with you and have you bargained with.
This is the answer which we are graciously pleased
to make to your letter, and we consent to express
to you our gracious favour. Given at Königsberg.
(Konigsperkuts.)”
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STEIN PHOTO.] [FORMERLEY AT NÜRNBERG
24. THE RATHAUS RAILING
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[Illustration:
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24. THE RATHAUS RAILING]
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Whether Paul did avail himself of this princely
permission to go to Prussia and be bargained with
we do not know. If he did, he did not stay there
more than a year. For he was back in Nuremberg
in September, 1529, and in the following
August he had sold the foundry which he had
inherited to his brother Hans, and was already
// p109.png
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// p110.png
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settled at Mainz. There he acquired the rights
of a citizen, and died in December, 1531.
Meantime the Vischers, father and sons, were
busy, and had at intervals long been busy, with
the last supreme work of their foundry, the
Rathaus Railing. The story of the chequered
career of this beautiful work takes us back some
years in the history of the House. At the same
time as Maximilian commissioned Peter Vischer
to execute two bronze figures for his tomb, the
great family of Fugger ordered a railing to be
made to shut off their family chapel, in St. Anne’s
Church at Augsburg. The design for this railing
was completed by the old Peter Vischer. It was
submitted to and received the approval of the
patron. This was during the absence of Hermann
Vischer in his journey to Rome in 1514-15. But
when he returned full of new ideas and laden with
sketches of the beautiful things he had seen, his
enthusiasm for the new style of the antique quickly
imparted itself to his father and brothers. Always
eager to learn and ready to appreciate the best,
father and brothers alike studied the sketches of
Hermann, and thus, after his early death, his influence
asserted itself more strongly than ever
before. The result was that the design for the
railing no longer satisfied its author. It was overhauled,
and soon revised and improved in many
details suggested by the new-found inspiration of
the later renaissance. (Ill. #24:i109# and #25:i113#.)
The alterations thus introduced by the Vischer
// p111.png
.pn +1
family can only have been improvements; improvements
introduced by these craftsmen because
anything below their best was intolerable to their
artistic conscience. But it does not pay to be an
artist when you work on commission. So Dürer
also had found. And the Vischers in their turn
suffered from their enthusiasm. The Fuggers,
who had given the commission and had expressed
their approval of the original design, died. Their
heirs, noticing a difference between the approved
sketch and the finished product, suspected a fraud,
or, perhaps, seized the opportunity of avoiding the
expense of this piece of ancestral extravagance.
They therefore brought an action for breach of
contract against the house of Vischer. After
several weary years of litigation—for the law’s
delays stretched from 1522 to 1529—a decision
was given. The Fuggers were released from the
responsibility of their ancestors’ commission, and
the railing was thrown upon the hands of the heirs
of Peter Vischer. For the verdict was not awarded
till eight months after the old man’s death, which
occurred on the 7th of January, 1529, when he
was buried in the same grave as his two sons and
three wives who had died before him. His heirs,
then, the sons who survived him, were left to dispose
of the railing as best they could, but they
were not called upon to restore the money which
had already been paid on account, and which
amounted to some fourteen hundred odd gulden.
They turned therefore to the Nuremberg Council
// p112.png
.pn +1
and offered the railing to them to adorn the
Rathaus. On July 15, 1530, the Council bought
it as it was, paying six gulden per hundredweight
for it.
The railing, still incomplete, was allowed to
lie neglected in the cellars of the Rathaus for
some years. But at last it was finished and
erected. For when the Council heard on good
authority that Count Otto Heinrich of the Palatinate
was anxious to secure it in order to adorn
his castle at Neuburg therewith, they were afraid
lest if they did not put it to some immediate use
they might be forced into the position of having
no excuse for not making a present of it to that
powerful nobleman. They therefore hastily commissioned
Hans Vischer, “the Bronze-founder,”
to complete the work—for a quarter of it still remained
uncast—and to set it up in the Rathaus.
This, accordingly, he did, and erected it on the
19th of April, 1540, twenty-seven years after the
Fugger family had first ordered it for their chapel.
It was used for the purpose of dividing the
western portion of the great Hall, where the Court
of Justice held its sessions, from the rest of the
room. The total cost of the work amounted to
2,796 gulden. But so admirable did the Council
find it that they actually made a present of one
hundred and fifty gulden to the craftsman in
addition to the price named, as a token of their
pleasure and satisfaction.
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STEIN PHOTO.] [FORMERLY AT NÜRNBERG
25. THE RATHAUS RAILING
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[Illustration:
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25. THE RATHAUS RAILING]
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Unfortunately, the history of the misadventures
// p113.png
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// p114.png
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of this railing is not yet finished. It was removed
in 1806 by the Bavarian Government, and,
just for the mere value of the metal contained in it,
sold to a merchant in Fürth. From him it passed
again into the possession of a Nuremberger, and
some years later found its way to the South of
France. There all trace of this beautiful work
of art has disappeared, and one is forced to the
reluctant conclusion that it was melted down by
the purchaser for the sake of the bronze of which
it was composed. Our knowledge of it at the
present day is owing to a careful set of drawings
which were made of it in 1806, and which have
been reproduced excellently and in full detail by
Dr. Lübke in the work to which we have so often
referred.
The Railing was of bronze throughout, wrought
with equal care and finish on both sides, and
composed of one hundred and fifty-eight separate
pieces. In length it measured nearly forty feet,
and stood sixteen feet high, rising at the highest
point to twenty-five feet. The drawings which
have come down to us show that the fertility of
the artist’s invention did not interfere with his
harmonious conception of the whole. For though
there is a truly wonderful wealth of decorative
detail, all in the style of the full Renaissance, it is
admirably arranged and subdued to its proper
proportion.
Eight Corinthian pillars, with richly ornamented
capitals, carried (I base this description on Lübke’s
// p115.png
.pn +1
work) a superstructure which terminated throughout
in an entablature, frieze and dog-tooth cornice.
Of the seven bays comprehended by these columns,
three, alternating with the grilles, formed the
means of access to the other parts of the hall.
The principal entrance, in the centre, was ten
feet high and was finished with a semi-circular
arch formed by a moulded architrave. The spandrels
of this arch were decorated with figures
in relief, and these figures were supported on
caps which surmounted decorative panels forming
columns without bases. The two smaller and
lower gates on either side had square heads with
crowning pediments. All three entrances were
still more distinctly set off in the composition of
the whole, the centre one by means of a rectangular
superstructure in the form of an ædicule
with a crowning pediment, the two side ones by
a segmental pediment directly over the cornice,
the upper members of which were the details of
the pediment. The erection over the central
gate, one may remark, is a blot in the composition:
there is nothing to carry the eye up to
this abrupt, unsupported rectangle, and it does
not harmonize with the beautiful segmental pediments
over the other two entrances.
Such was the simple framework, which, says
Lübke, thanks to the perfection of its arrangement
and the beauty of its proportions, proved
so admirably effective. But the Master contributed
also to the decoration of every part of it
// p116.png
.pn +1
all the wealth of his luxuriant imagination. And
he made use of the patterns of the full Renaissance,
such as were to be met with in Italy about
the beginning of the sixteenth century, in the
works of Andrea Sansovino.
The columns, with their varied capitals in the
Corinthian manner, exhibited a beautiful diversity
of invention. Every surface, too, was most richly
decorated; every member daintily wrought; the
pilasters, shafts of the columns, pedestals, borders
and doorways, were embellished with exquisitely
drawn foliage-work mingled with masks and fantastic
beasts in ever fresh variations. Especial
mention must be made of the magnificent frieze
of acanthus with figures of savage men interlaced
in different moments of combat. Other friezes
showed garlands, wreaths, and festoons of fruit
hanging from the horns of oxen, and, between
them, winged angels’ heads and cornucopias overflowing
with fruit and flowers.
The great bays or compartments arranged between
the entrances were filled with open metal-work,
the bars whereof at the points of intersection
were embellished with ornaments of manifold devices.
A marvellous wealth of figures in relief
was to be found in every quarter—over the arch
of the doorway; on the spandrels of the side gates
as well as on both the crowning segmental pediments
and the rectangular centre-piece. Even
the angles of the cornice were adorned with fantastic
beings in whose manifold forms the humour
// p117.png
.pn +1
of the Master, known to us already from our
study of the Sebaldusgrab, was revealed in full
play. Everywhere, and on either side of the
railing, the same wealth of fancy and freshness of
invention is displayed in these ever varying, never
repeated forms.
In the spandrels of the arch of the central door
were, on the outside, struggling heroes, on the
inside, figures of Victory. On the two pediments
of the side gates were the four Cardinal Virtues,
surrounded by beasts and creations of the fancy.
The curved pediments above them exhibited the
battles of fantastic creatures of the sea, tritons
and nereids, and between them, within and without,
the Arms of Nuremberg. The great frieze
showed us sporting children making music, and
heroic scenes of the battle of the Centaurs distinguished
by a bold handling of movement and a
masterly freedom of form. Finally, in the pediment
of the centre-piece, crowning the whole, the
Saviour was portrayed in the act of benediction,
holding the globe of the earth and surrounded by
angel children.
The whole of this work, so far as we can judge
from the drawings, adds Lübke, is full of the
highest beauty and life, and of such richness in
design and execution, that one is forced to reckon
this noble creation as the third great masterpiece
of Vischer, after the monument at Magdeburg and
the tomb of St. Sebald at Nuremberg. In the
general design, as well as in the details of the
// p118.png
.pn +1
ornament, the complete triumph of the worship of
the antique is evident. Only the figures of the
Saviour and of the Cardinal Virtues are borrowed
from the ideas of Christian art. The rest is sheer
paganism.
“Without question Vischer’s Rathaus Railing
takes the first place among the masterpieces of
the distinct and complete Renaissance in Germany.”
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CHAPTER IX ||THE FALL OF THE HOUSE OF VISCHER
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THE Rathaus Railing was the last and greatest
of the works produced by the combined efforts
of the Vischer family. It is vain to attempt to
apportion the share of father and sons in it. That
each had his share in it we may easily deduce
from the history of it given above, and the result
was a very perfect whole, the most complete and
beautiful achievement of German craftsmen labouring
under the overwhelming influence of neo-paganism
in art.
.if h
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STEIN PHOTO.] [MUSEUM, NÜRNBERG
26. BOY WITH BAGPIPES
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[Illustration:
STEIN PHOTO.] [MUSEUM, NÜRNBERG
26. BOY WITH BAGPIPES]
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It would be tedious and unprofitable to enumerate
here the manifold works, great and small,
which have been in times past attributed to the
old Master by uncritical generations of credulous
collectors. Almost every piece of sixteenth or
seventeenth century bronze work in Germany has
been at one time or another called a masterpiece
by Peter Vischer. But one characteristic piece
undoubtedly by him is the “Boy with Bagpipes”
(Knabe mit Dudelsack), now in the Germanic
Museum at Nuremberg. (III. 26.) It is a charming
little work, completely in the manner of the
// p120.png
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Nuremberg school and of the Master of the
St. Maurice preserved in the Krafft House in
the same town. Dürer, it will be remembered,
dealt once in a popular little
engraving with the same subject
of a bagpiper, treating it,
however, in a very different
manner.
When Peter Vischer died in
1529 he left the Foundry he
had established at Nuremberg
to his son Paul. Paul, as we
have seen, had already shown
signs of being anxious to leave
his native town and to seek
his fortune elsewhere. The
trade of the bronze-workers
in Nuremberg was no longer
a flourishing industry. On
succeeding to the foundry,
therefore, Paul quickly seized
his opportunity. He sold his
inheritance to his brother
Hans in the same year and
left Nuremberg. He went to
live in Mainz, and acquired
there the rights of a burgher.
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STEIN PHOTO.] [CATHEDRAL, SCHWERIN
27. TOMB-PLATE OF DUCHESS HELENE VON MECKLENBURG
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[Illustration:
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27. TOMB-PLATE OF DUCHESS HELENE VON MECKLENBURG]
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Hans remained to carry on his father’s business,
and to complete a few of his father’s inchoate commissions.
He is known henceforth as Hans der
Giesser—Hans the Founder. He continued to
// p121.png
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// p122.png
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use the trade mark of the House, and on more
than one occasion signed in his father’s name as
the lawful successor to the business. There is,
for instance, a letter extant which is nominally
written by Peter Vischer, but in reality by Hans
in the deceased craftsman’s name, for it is dated
January 25th, 1529, whereas Peter Vischer died
on the sixth of that month. In that letter Hans
begs the Duke Heinrich von Mecklenburg to send
for a monument which had already been lying a
whole year in the foundry, and for which payment
is demanded. This reference fixes the date of the
purely heraldic tomb-plate which commemorates
the Duchess Helene von Mecklenburg. (Ill. #27:i121#.)
An example of Hans’ use of the Vischer mark
is to be found in the tomb of Bishop Sigismund
of Lindenau, in the Cathedral at Merseburg, whilst
a tablet with a high relief of a Madonna in the
Parish Church at Aschaffenburg bears an inscription
to the effect that Johannes Vischer of Nuremberg
made it in 1530. The former of these two
monuments consists of a lifeless prelate kneeling
before a weak and effeminate figure on the cross.
It dates from the year 1544, and is a work of no
importance except as an example of the extremely
rapid deterioration exhibited by German art after
the days of Dürer and the great Vischers. Hans
was not an original artist of any talent, but merely
a painstaking craftsman. Where he had the taste
and designs of his father and brother to guide him
he turned out some admirable work, as for example
// p123.png
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the second of the above-named monuments.
This tablet forms a pendant to the memorial of
Cardinal Albrecht von Brandenburg. The Christ-Child
holds an apple in one hand and stretches
out the other with a life-like gesture, looking the
while at the Mother who carries him on her left
arm. The Madonna’s head is oval in shape, not
of the square German type, and her eyes are
admirably full of expression. The drapery is
both simple and boldly handled. But every
beauty in this beautiful work, from the central
figure down to the small angels who are playing
musical instruments in the corners, and who
take their part in the crowning of Mary, is the
direct outcome of imitation—imitation of Peter
Vischer and the Italian masters he had copied and
loved.
Another piece which was certainly cast by Hans
Vischer but for which he was not, in all probability,
altogether responsible, is the tomb-plate of Bishop
Lorenz of Bibra, in the Cathedral at Würzburg,
for the Bishop died as early as the year 1519.
The hand of Vischer’s father, therefore, may
well be assumed to be traceable in this design.
Ten years after the Bishop’s death we find Hans,
through the medium of the Nuremberg Council,
presenting a petition to the Bishop of Bamberg,
in which the executor of my Lord of Bibra is
humbly requested to pay the twenty-two gulden
still owing to the craftsman.
The tomb of the Elector Johann Cicero of
// p124.png
.pn +1
Brandenburg, which is in the Cathedral at
Berlin, is also signed by Hans Vischer, and it
is dated 1530. (Johannes Vischer Noric. Facieb.
1530.) This tomb was a long time in the making,
and in the original conception of it Peter Vischer
the father was concerned. This we may gather
from a letter to Prince Joachim I., wherein he
acknowledges the receipt of two hundred gulden
on account of the tomb which the said prince had
discussed with him in his workshop, and for which,
Peter reminds his Highness, he had made two
designs on paper. He now requests the Prince
to return to him one of those designs in order
that he may be able to complete the work to the
best advantage.
The rough sketch for this tomb or part of it is
all that we should care to attribute to Peter Vischer
in this matter. He must have entrusted the execution
of the commission to one of his less gifted
sons, who was following without being able completely
to master the developments which were
taking place in the style of the House. The
tomb, by whatever hand, has clearly been executed
at two different periods and in two distinct
parts. In style the original portion, which is the
lower, is stiff and conventional, and the architectural
framework is chiefly Gothic, with here and
there, as in the case of the medallion-heads, a
touch of the Renaissance. The later portion is
the upper, and it reflects the change which had
in the meantime come over the artistic aims of
// p125.png
.pn +1
the House of Vischer; but it reflects them in a
feeble and uncertain manner. The mantle of the
Renaissance appears to sit uneasily on shoulders
cast in the Gothic mould, and to betray the workman
who has never got rid of the hardness and
stiffness of his early days. But he obeys none
the less the influence of the artists in the house,
and after his father’s death signs the monument
Johann Vischer.
A much more successful instance of Hans
Vischer’s work in the Renaissance style would be
the canopy over the tomb of St. Margaret in the
Parish Church of Aschaffenburg. The authorship
of this canopy must not, indeed, be attributed to
that craftsman without reserve; but, if it did come
from the Nuremberg foundry at all, to Hans
should be given the credit of it. For it belongs
to the year 1536.
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STEIN PHOTO.] [RATHAUS COURT, NÜRNBERG
28. THE APOLLO FOUNTAIN
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A less doubtful example of his painstaking craftsmanship
is to be found in the Apollo, of which
an illustration is given here. (Ill. #28:i126#.) It stands
now in the Court of the Rathaus at Nuremberg,
and serves as a fountain-piece. Hans has based
the construction of his bronze upon an engraving
by Jacopo de’ Barbari. But he has not hesitated to
introduce several alterations from the original designs.
Vischer’s Apollo has the right hand, which
is about to let the arrow fly from the string, more
energetically drawn back, and the elbow-joint is
set further back. In Barbari’s drawing Apollo is
represented as stretching the bow and looking
// p126.png
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// p127.png
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down, although he is pointing the arrow upwards.
It was a distinct improvement when Hans made
the Far-darter’s gaze to follow the direction of the
arrow’s flight. Amongst other minor alterations
he has represented the God, probably out of consideration
for the material in which he was working,
with short hair in place of the locks streaming
in the wind found in Barbari’s design. The obvious
fault of the piece—a fault which proves entirely
ruinous to its success as a work of art—is
that upon the slim, attenuated Italian figure, excessively
coarse and heavy hands and feet have
been grafted. And the arms are grossly exaggerated
in length. The playing children and
sporting dolphins on the base of the fountain are
but crude adaptations of the stock-in-trade with
which the labours of Peter and Hermann had
supplied the paternal foundry.
The tale of the works of Hans Vischer is told,
and so far as we can judge there is no reason to
claim for him a higher position than that of a
craftsman who conscientiously transmitted into
bronze the designs and inspirations of others.
The fall of the House of Vischer was, in fact, very
close at hand. It may be dated in its final realization
soon after the year 1549, for it was then
that Hans Vischer determined to leave his native
town and to settle in Eichstädt. And this is the
last we hear of him in the Nuremberg records.
The Council of Nuremberg, we are told, did indeed
endeavour, through the mediation of the Guild of
// p128.png
.pn +1
Coppersmiths, to induce, if not to compel, him to
remain at home. But he persisted in his determination
to depart. He was ready even to pay
the price of binding himself not to practise his
craft abroad. He was to accept no commission
for a bronze-work, such were the terms laid down,
without the knowledge and the consent of the
Council, and if he then succeeded in obtaining
their sanction to undertake it, he was to execute
the whole of the casting, from beginning to end,
at Nuremberg. His readiness to comply with
these conditions would seem to indicate that neither
at home nor abroad did he any longer have hopes
of success in his craft. The bronze industry,
apparently, had gone from bad to worse: the
fashion for bronze tombs and memorials had
passed, and commissions no longer poured in upon
the Vischer Foundry as they had done in the
palmy days of Maximilian. Germany was already
in the bitter throes of that Catholic reaction from
which she was only destined to emerge after the
terrible ordeal of the Thirty Years’ War. Nuremberg
herself was engaged in a bitter and exhausting
struggle with her hereditary enemies the
Margraves of Brandenburg. Wars must needs
come, but artists are the first to suffer from them.
For peace and prosperity are necessary to provide
citizens with the means of enjoying that luxury
which is art. And art is the first luxury which
men under the pressure of taxation are willing to
deny themselves.
// p129.png
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It was then, probably, for these reasons, and
perhaps from other considerations of which we
know nothing, that Hans Vischer decided to leave
the “quaint old town of toil and traffic, quaint old
town of art and song” which was his birth-place.
He accepted the terms which were imposed upon
him by the Council, and on which he obtained
leave of absence to live at Eichstädt and at other
places, if he chose, for five years. At the expiration
of that term, however, it was stipulated
that he should return and dwell at his old home in
Nuremberg. Whether he did so return we are
not informed. For with his departure in 1549 he
disappears for ever from our ken. Thus the
members of the Vischer family were scattered, and
their works, under the stress of the wars and
misery which came upon the land, were forgotten
or confused, and the name and fame of their house
sank once more into that obscurity whence Hermann
Vischer had begun to raise it just a century
before.
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CHAPTER X ||THE IMPORTANCE OF THE WORKS OF THE VISCHERS
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THE position of the Vischers in the hierarchy
of the artists not very difficult to appreciate,
and it has perhaps been sufficiently indicated
in the course of our enumeration of their works.
They—for in forming an estimate of their work,
we need not, nor cannot, separate father and sons—were
great craftsmen, interpreting the teachings
of other and greater artists of other lands, but yet
assuredly not without an individuality and original
power of their own. The view once advanced by
Heideloff cannot be for a moment entertained, the
view, that is, that they were mere workers in
bronze who reproduced in that material the ideas
and drawings of others. The evidence of our
eyes, which enable us to trace the development
of their style, would be enough to refute that
opinion, even if we were without the documentary
evidence which shows that father and sons alike
were patient and painstaking draughtsmen as well
as craftsmen all their lives.
In the history of German art, then, their work
represents, as we have remarked above, the transition
from Gothic to the Renaissance style. It
// p131.png
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is eloquent to us of the passing from the conventions
and the extravagances of late Gothic to a
complete acceptance and delight in neo-paganism.
And it was natural that, in the spirit of intense
enthusiasm for Italian art which was upon them,
these German craftsmen should reproduce what
they had learnt from a Jacopo de’ Barbari, a
Sansovino or a Donatello. They did, indeed,
plagiarize when they wished with a splendid readiness
and a fervour unashamed. They copied in a
spirit of sincerest flattery an angel making music,
or a symbol of an Evangelist from Donatello; an
Apostle or a dolphin from an Italian building; a
pose, a hand or the fold of a mantle from Leonardo
da Vinci. The list could be expanded. But
it would not prove that the Vischers were mere
servile copyists. They could do more than imitate.
They could apply the lessons they had learnt from
their careful study of the Italian Masters, and
apply them with successful originality. It is in
the energy which lives in the King Arthur, in the
simple yet vigorous composition and execution of
bas-reliefs, such as the Healing of the blind man
on St. Sebald’s tomb, or the Tucher Memorial,
with their wholly admirable treatment of lines and
planes; it is in the tender and spiritual feeling
infused into the greatest of their bronze portraits
that the unanswerable vindication lies of an imitation
proved not too slavish and of a study that
has not deadened but inspired.
It may indeed be the case that the lessons which
// p132.png
.pn +1
they thus taught were sterilizing: that the very
enthusiasm for Italian art which they showed and
generated was destined to destroy the flower of
native German art. Certain it is that the Vischers
founded no school and that individuality in German
art was, from this time forth, blighted and
crushed. But there are a dozen other causes to
which this same decay of the native art may with
as much probability be attributed. It is quite as
likely to be due to the material facts of German
domestic history as to the exotic influence of a
foreign nation. But for us it remains only to take
the work of these craftsmen as they gave it to the
world, and to apportion to them the praise they
have deserved. They aimed, with the most elaborate
care and anxious perseverance, at perfection
of detail, and this perfection they did frequently
attain without prejudice to the proportionment and
simplicity of the whole. The artist who pays
great attention to the minute is too often afflicted
with a kind of æsthetic myopia which prevents
him from perceiving the defects of his complete
design. His work becomes too curious or else
florid and ineffective. This is the besetting sin
of Teutonic art, and it is a danger to which metal-workers
of all times and in all countries are especially
liable. The Vischers in their best work
succeeded in avoiding it, for there we find a repose,
a dignity, a simplicity and a spirituality
which raises it to the level of the very best ever
executed.
// p133.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
.pb
.sp 4
.in 4
.ti -4
CATALOGUE OF THE CHIEF WORKS
BY OR ATTRIBUTED TO HERMANN VISCHER, HIS SON
PETER VISCHER AND PETER VISCHER’S SONS, HERMANN,
PETER, AND JOHANN KNOWN AS HANS DER
GIESSER.
.in 0
.nf c
HERMANN VISCHER. Died, 1487.
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
Font. Signed, “Do man zalt von Cristi gepurt
MCCCC und darnach im LVII jar an sanct
michaels tag do ward dis werk volbracht von
meister Herman Vischer zu nu[˜r]be[~g].”
.in 0
.rj
Wittenberg, 1457.
Tomb-plates. At Meissen and Bamberg.
Löffelholz Crucifix. St. Sebaldus Church, Nuremberg.
.nf c
PETER VISCHER. 145(?)-1529.
.nf-
Monument of Count Otto IV. von Henneberg.
.rj
Stiftskirche, Römhild, 1487 (?).
.in 4
.ti -4
First design for a Sebaldusgrab. Signed with
initials on either side of Cross with hook emblem.
.in 0
.rj
Vienna, 1488.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Bishop Heinrich III., Gross von Trockau.
Probably after a design by W. Katzheimer.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Bamberg, 1492.
// p134.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Bishop Georg II., Marshal von Ebenet.
From a design by W. Katzheimer.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Bamberg, 1492(?).
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Bishop John IV. (Johann Roth). Figures
of six Apostles. Signed, “Gemacht zu nuremberg
fon mir peter fischer im 1496 jar.”
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Breslau, 1496.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Archbishop Ernst. Described, pp. 24-30.
Signed, “Gemacht zu nuremberg von mir Peter
Vischer rotgieszer vnd ist volbracht worden
do man zalt 1.4.9.7. jar.”
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Magdeburg, 1497.
.in 4
.ti -4
Saint Maurice. Fountain in the Court of the Krafft House.
.in 0
.rj
Nuremberg.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Bishop Veit. After design by some other artist.
.in 0
.rj
1497-1900.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Count Eitel, Friedrich II. von
Hohenzollern and his wife Magdalena, Countess of
Brandenburg. After a drawing by Albrecht Dürer.
Partly destroyed in 1782.
.in 0
.rj
Stadtkirche, Hechingen, 1500.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Count Hermann VIII. of Henneberg
and his wife Elizabeth, Countess of Brandenburg.
After the drawing by Albrecht Dürer.
.in 0
.rj
Stiftskirche, Römhild, 1500.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Cardinal-Bishop Frederick. From the
Vischer Foundry, but hardly from the Master’s hand.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Cracow (d. 1503).
.in 4
.ti -4
Bishop’s desk with brazen eagle.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Halberstadt, 1510(?).
.in 4
.ti -4
Theodoric, King of the Goths. Tomb of Maximilian.
.in 0
.rj
Innsbruck, 1513.
// p135.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Christ on the Cross, on a tablet of about six inches.
“This was formerly in the Silberrad Collection. Count
Clam-Martinitz purchased it. After his death it came
into the possession of the Director of the Academy
Bergler, who had it gilded.” Retberg.
.in 0
.rj
At Prague, 1515.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb-plate of Burgomaster Tiedemann Beck and his
wife.
.in 0
.rj
Marienkirche, Lübeck, 1521.
.in 4
.ti -4
Memorial Tablet of Prebendary Henning Goden.
(Crowning of Mary.)
.in 0
.rj
Schlosskirche, Wittenberg, (Replica in Erfurt Cathedral), 1521.
.in 4
.ti -4
Memorial Tablet of Anton Kress, who is represented
kneeling and praying before a crucifix.
.in 0
.rj
S. Lorenzkirche, Nuremberg.
.sp 2
.nf c
SMALLER WORKS IN THE GERMANIC
MUSEUM, NUREMBERG, ATTRIBUTED TO
PETER VISCHER.
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
Dog scratching itself. The authenticity of this is
very doubtful. It is not worthy of the Master whose
name it bears.
.in 0
.rj
Replicas in Berlin and Dresden.
.in 4
.ti -4
Cardinal’s Head.
.ti -4
Neptune (Fountain-figure).
.ti -4
Small Genius on a temple which rests on six columns.
Three beasts of the sea, hanging by their tails, look out
from it. It is borne by six serpents. It probably
forms a small epitome of the Sebaldusgrab.
.ti -4
Boy with Bagpipes.
// p136.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
.in 0
.nf c
WORKS BY THE FAMILY.
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
St. Wenzel (from the Vischer Foundry, but probably
the work of an apprentice).
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Prague.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb-plate of Duchess Helene of Mecklenburg (Heraldic).
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Schwerin, 1528.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of St. Sebald. Described in Chap. IV. Signed,
see p. 44. Made with the aid of his five sons. What
share is due to each we have discussed in the text.
.in 0
.rj
St. Sebalduskirche, Nuremberg, 1508-1519.
.in 4
.ti -4
Rathaus Railing. By Peter Vischer and his sons,
notably Hermann, Peter and Hans. Formerly in the
Rathaus, Nuremberg. Destroyed 1806.
.in 0
.rj
1515.
.sp 2
.nf c
PETER VISCHER THE YOUNGER
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
Medallion Portrait of his Brother Hermann.
Inscription, “HERMANUS·VISCHER·M·CCCCCVII.”
.in 0
.rj
1507.
.in 4
.ti -4
Medallion Portrait of Himself. Inscription, “EGO
PETR’[#TN2:tn2#] VISCHER MEUS ALTER. 22 ANO 1509.”
.in 0
.rj
1509.
.in 4
.ti -4
Medallion Portrait of Hermann Vischer. Inscription,
“HERMAN’[#TN2:tn2#] VISCHER. AN. 1511.”
.ti -4
King Arthur, Tomb of Maximilian.
.in 0
.rj
Innsbruck 1513.
.in 4
.ti -4
Inkstand. (α) Vase decorated with medallion heads
and scroll work between which is repeated the emblem
of the two fish, back to back, impaled with a dagger.
A female figure, helmeted, stands by the vase, pointing
to herself. A skull is thrust backward by her right
foot. Against the vase rests a shield of quadrate form,
and on the ground is a club and a label with the motto
VITAM NON MORTEM RECOGITA, inscribed in relief.
.in 0
.rj
Fortnum Collection, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1510(?).
// p137.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Inkstand. (β) A female figure, pointing upwards, rests
on an oviform vase. A round shield and sword lie
upon the ground, behind the figure and vase. In the
foreground is a skull. Against the vase rests a tablet on
which runs the motto: VITAM NON MORTEM RECOGITA.
Beneath these words is the emblem of the two fishes,
back to back, impaled, with the initials P.V. The
date, 1525, incised with emblem of cross and hook, on
the base.
.in 0
.rj
Fortnum Collection, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, 1525.
.in 4
.ti -4
Orpheus and Eurydice. Plaquette (Bas-Relief)
In the Collection of M. Dreyfus.
.in 0
.rj
Paris, 1515(?)
.in 4
.ti -4
Orpheus and Eurydice. Plaquette (Bas-Relief).
.in 0
.rj
Berlin Museum, 1520 (circ.).
.in 4
.ti -4
Orpheus and Eurydice. Plaquette, as above.
.in 0
.rj
Museum, Hamburg, 1520 (circ.).
.in 4
.ti -4
Orpheus and Eurydice. Plaquette, as above.
.in 0
.rj
Institution of St. Paul, Carinthia, 1520 (circ.).
.in 4
.ti -4
All four plaquettes carry the sign of two fish back to
back pierced by a nail.
.ti -4
Monument of Frau Margarethe Tucher of
Nuremberg. Bas-relief of Christ meeting the sisters
of Lazarus. Signed, with initials on either side of cross
with hook emblem (see p. 74). Normberge appears
beneath the initials and sign, and under it the date,
1521.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Ratisbon (Regensburg), 1521.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of the Eissen Family. Bas-relief of the
Entombment. Signed, with initials “P. V.” on either
side of mark. The date on both sides of the cross.
“Norimberge” appears beneath the initials and sign.
.in 0
.rj
St. Ægidius Church, Nuremberg, 1522.
.in 4
.ti -4
Allegory on the Reformation. Aquarelle. Signed,
“PETR. VISH. FACIEB.” with date, 1524, and mark.
.in 0
.rj
Goethe-National-Museum, Weimar.
// p138.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
The Nuremberg Madonna. Wooden model.
.in 0
.rj
Germanic Museum, Nuremberg.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Cardinal Albrecht of Brandenburg,
Archbishop of Magdeburg and Mainz. Signed, “OP’[#TN2:tn2#]
M. PETRI. FISCHERS. NORIMBERGE: 1525.”
.in 0
.rj
Stiftskirche, Aschaffenburg.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Elector Frederick the Wise. Signed,
“OPUS. M. PETRI. FISCHER. NORIMBERGENSIS. 1527.”
.in 0
.rj
Schlosskirche, Wittenberg, 1527.
.sp 2
.nf c
JOHANN VISCHER (HANS DER GIESSER)
1488-1592.
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of Bishop Lorenz of Bibra. Cast by Hans;
but the hand of Peter Vischer the elder is very likely
traceable in the design.
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Würzburg, 1529.
.in 4
.ti -4
Apollo Fountain. In the Court of the Rathaus,
Nuremberg. After a drawing by Jacopo de’ Barbari.
.in 0
.rj
1532.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tomb of John the Stable. (A weak imitation of
the monument of Frederick the Wise by his brother.)
Signed, “H. V.”
.in 0
.rj
Schlosskirche, Wittenberg, 1534.
.in 4
.ti -4
Canopy over the Tomb of St. Margaret.
.in 0
.rj
Stiftskirche, Aschaffenburg, 1536.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Hector Pomer.
.in 0
.rj
S. Lorenzkirche, Nuremberg, 1541.
.in 4
.ti -4
Monument of Bishop Sigismund of Lindenau.
(Signed with the initials “H. F.” on either side of the
mark of the Vischers.)
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Merseburg.
.in 4
.ti -4
Tablet with high relief of Madonna and child.
Signed, “IOHANNES. VISCHER. NORIC. FACIEBAT.
MDXXX.”
.in 0
.rj
Stiftskirche, Aschaffenburg, 1530.
// p139.png
.pn +1
.in 4
.ti -4
Grave Plate of Bishop of Stadion. (Crucifix
between Mary, John and two Bishops.)
.in 0
.rj
St. Ægidius Church, Nuremberg, 1543.
.in 4
.ti -4
Double Monument of Elector Joachim I. and
Johann Cicero of Brandenburg. Signed “IOHANNES
VISCHER. NORIC. FACIEB. 1530.” (The early
portion probably in part designed by Peter the elder.)
.in 0
.rj
Cathedral, Berlin.
.sp 2
.nf c
HERMANN VISCHER.
.nf-
.in 4
.ti -4
The Apostle Bartholomew and other works on the
Sebaldusgrab.
.in 0
.rj
Nuremberg.
// p140.png
.pn +1
// p141.png
.pn +1
.sp 2
.pb
.sp 4
.h2 id=index
INDEX
.sp 2
.ix
Albrecht, Cardinal, tomb of, 86, 87, 102, 123.
Allegory on the Reformation, aquarelle, 88.
Apollo, statue of, 125, 126.
Arthur, King, statue of, 66, 69, 70, 83, 131.
Aschaffenburg, tomb of Cardinal Albrecht at, 86;
tablet at, 122, 123;
canopy over the tomb of St. Margaret at, 125.
Bamberg, tomb-plates at, 6;
tomb of Bishop Heinrich III. at, 22, 30;
tomb of Bishop George II. at, 22, 30.
Barbari, Jacopo de’, 15, 37, 52, 89, 125, 131.
Baumgärtner, Lucas, 32.
Berlin, tomb of the Elector Johann Cicero, in the Cathedral at, 123, 124.
Boy with Bagpipes, 119, 120.
Brandenburg, Magdalena, Countess of, 32, 33.
Brandenburg, Elizabeth, Countess of, 33.
Brandenburg, Cardinal Albrecht von, 86;
tomb-plate of, 86, 87.
Breslau, tomb of Bishop John IV. at, 25.
Bronze founding, in Germany, 4, 12, 128.
Clussenbach, Georg and Martin von, 5.
Cocleus, his Cosmographia quoted, 49.
Decker, Hans, 6.
Donatello, 70, 71, 131.
Dreyfus, M., 89, 90.
Dürer, Albert, 2, 3, 6, 32, 37, 51, 52, 64, 65, 76, 88, 89, 120, 131.
Eissen Monument, the, 74, 77, 79.
Eobanus Hessus, 56.
Fortnum, H., 95.
Frederick the Wise, 89;
monument of, 87, 101-106.
Fugger Family, the, 110, 111.
// p142.png
.pn +1.
Goden, Henning, tablet to, 72, 73.
Godl, Stefan, 65.
Harsdorffer, Peter, 24.
Hechingen, monument at, 30, 32, 33, 34.
Henneberg, Count Otto IV. von, monument of, 20.
Henneberg, Count Hermann VIII. von, monument of, 30, 31, 34.
Hohenzollern, Count Eitel Friedrich II. von, monument of, 30, 32, 33.
Holzschuher, Lazarus, 42.
Imhof, Peter, 41, 42.
Innsbruck, tomb of Maximilian at, 66.
Joachim I., Prince, 124.
John the Stable, Prince, memorial of, 106.
Katzheimer, Wolfgang, 22, 30.
Krafft, Adam, 3, 10, 14, 21, 24, 28, 36, 40, 56, 60, 64, 82.
Lamberger, Simon, 22.
Leonardo da Vinci, 39, 51, 78, 131.
Lindenast, Sebastien, 10, 18, 40.
Magdeburg, tomb of Archbishop Ernst at, 14, 15, 23-30, 58, 60, 62, 117.
Maximilian, the Emperor, 64, 65;
visit to Peter Vischer, 65;
tomb of, 66.
Mecklenburg, Duchess Helene von, tablet to, 105, 121, 122.
Meissen, tomb-plates at, 6.
Merseburg, tomb of Bishop Sigismund at, 122.
Nuremberg, position of, 1, 2;
the Guild of Coppersmiths at, 6, 12, 87, 102, 104, 105, 106, 128;
the Rathaus Railing, 16, 41, 72, 109-118;
St. Ægidius, Church of, 74;
St. Sebald, Church of, font, 5;
“Crucifixion” outside, 7;
statue of Peter Vischer in, 3, 4, 13;
the shrine of St. Sebald, 15, 20, 21, 36, 41 et seq., 74, 76, 117, 131.
“Nuremberg Madonna,” the, 80, 81.
Orpheus and Eurydice, plaquettes, 40, 58, 77, 89-94.
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, 95, 96, 97.
Pfinzing, Melchior, 65.
Philip, Elector-Palatine, 22, 105.
Pirkheimer, Willibald, 2, 88.
Prussia, Duke Albrecht of, and Peter Vischer the younger, 106, 107, 108.
// p143.png
.pn +1
Ratisbon, Tucher Monument at, 7.
Römhild, Monument at, 20, 30, 31.
Sachs, Hans, 10, 88.
St. Bartholomew, statue of, 61, 63.
St. Maurice, statuettes of, 28, 29, 120.
St. Paul, statue of, 59, 60.
St. Peter, statue of, 46, 62, 63, 71.
St. Sebald, statue of, 46, 47.
St. Sebald’s Church—see Nuremberg.
Sansovino, Andrea, 37, 39, 89, 98, 116, 131.
Schedel, Weltchronik, 38.
Schön, Martin, 15.
Schreyer, Sebald, 38, 41.
Schwenter, Pancratz, 38.
Schwerin, tablet in the Cathedral at, 121, 122.
Sebaldusgrab, the, 15, 36, 41 et seq., 74, 76, 117, 131;
model for, 20, 21.
Stoss, Veit, 2, 21, 60, 64, 82.
Theodoric, statue of, 66, 68, 71.
Traut, Wolfgang, 41.
Tucher, Anton, 41, 42.
Tucher Monument, the, 73, 131.
Vischer, Barbara, 17, 18.
Vischer, Eberhard, 7.
Vischer, Hans (the Founder), 10, 18, 106;
completion of the Rathaus Railing by 112;
inherits the foundry, 108, 120;
works by, 122-126;
leaves Nuremberg, 127, 128, 129.
Vischer, Hermann (the elder), 1, 6, 7, 36, 62.
Vischer, Hermann (the younger), journey to Rome, 15, 41, 110;
death of, 18, 41;
figure of St. Bartholomew by, 63.
Vischer, Jakob, 17.
Vischer, Paul, 17, 18, 108, 120.
Vischer, Peter (the elder), statue of, 3, 4, 13;
birth and boyhood, 7, 9-11;
domestic life, 16-18;
early works, 20;
summoned to Heidelberg by the Elector Philip, 22;
return to Nuremberg, 24;
the tomb of Archbishop Ernst, 24;
monuments at Römhild and Hechingen, 30;
the shrine of St. Sebald, 36, 41 et seq.;
visited by Maximilian, 65;
figure of Theodoric, 67, 68, 71;
quarrel with the Fuggers, 110, 111;
death of, 111.
Vischer, Peter (the younger), 8;
journey to Italy, 15, 38, 39, 40, 50;
medallions by, 16, 39, 40;
marriage of, 17;
// p144.png
.pn +1
death of, 18, 100;
his Orpheus and Eurydice plaquettes, 40, 58, 77, 89-94;
inkstands by, 40, 58, 84, 89, 95-100;
work on the Sebaldusgrab by, 58, 62, 77, 84;
statue of King Arthur, 67, 69, 70, 83;
the Tucher monument, 74, 75;
the Nuremberg Madonna attributed to, 82-85;
tomb-plate of Cardinal Albrecht, 86, 87;
aquarelle by, 88;
tomb of Elector Frederick, 101-106;
Duke Albrecht’s proposal to, 106-108.
Wittenberg, font at, 6, 7, 62;
tablet at, 72, 73;
monument of the Elector Frederick at, 101.
Wolgemut, Michel, 3, 15, 36, 38, 45, 76.
Würzburg, tomb of Bishop Lorenz of Bibra at, 123.
.ix-
.in 0
.sp 4
.hr 50%
.nf c
CHISWICK PRESS: PRINTED BY CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.
.nf-
.sp 4
.pb
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.ul
.it Transcriber’s Notes:
.ul indent=1
.it Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.
.it An entry for the Index was added to the Table of Contents.
.it The Table of Contents was reformatted to be more readable.
.it [TN1] The “ETSAXA” should have been “ET SAXA”.
.it [TN2] A character which showed where a letter was\
deleted, was replaced by an apostrophe.
.it In the list of Illustrations, the phrase “The Same” referred to the\
item above it. Because the location couldn’t be right justified,\
this wasn’t clear and the text has been literally duplicated from the item\
above.\
In the Bibliography the same was done with ditto marks (for “Lübke”),\
which can’t be aligned in HTML the way the was on the printed page.
.it Typographical errors were silently corrected.
.it Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a\
predominant form was found in this book.
.if t
.it Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
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