// ppgen source campfires-src.txt
// 20161014120736watson
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// first edit: 06-29-2017
.dt The Campfires of Napoleon, by Henry C. Watson
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Transcriber’s Note:
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.il id='frontis' fn=frontispiece.jpg w=550px ew=100% alt='NAPOLEON CROSSING THE ALPS'
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NAPOLEON CROSSING THE ALPS.
Frontispiece.
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.il id='title' fn=frontispiece_2.jpg w=361px ew=65% alt='CAMP FIRES OF NAPOLEON'
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.h1
THE | CAMP-FIRES |OF|NAPOLEON:|COMPRISING| THE MOST BRILLIANT ACHIEVEMENTS|OF THE| EMPEROR AND HIS MARSHALS.
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BY HENRY C. WATSON.
PHILADELPHIA:
H. C. PECK & THEO. BLISS.
1867.
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.hr 90%
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Entered According to the Act of Congress, in the year 1854,
BY H. C. PECK & THEO. BLISS,
In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of
Pennsylvania.
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PREFACE.
.di i_a_v_preface.jpg 175 171 1.1
The vivid pictures of war, however
ensanguined, have a wonderful attraction
for the mass of men. They
stir the heart like a trumpet. No
narratives are so generally perused
with avidity as those of “feats of
broils and battles;” for in them, in
spite of many disgusting features,
there is always something to excite a pleasing thrill. We
love excitement, and it seems that it is to war, and the
.bn 007.png
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descriptions of its varied scenes of danger, during which the
faculties of the combatants are roused to extraordinary
strength, that most look for the gratification of their natural
desires. We have heard of many persons who, in the abstract,
condemn all wars as brutal and degrading to humanity,
peruse, with unwearied attention, narratives of the campaigns
of great generals, and dwell upon their details with
evident manifestations of delight. The passion is irresistible.
In this work, the author has endeavored to present to the
mental eye, more vividly than the so-termed dignity of ordinary
history permits, the most striking scenes and remarkable
personages of Napoleon’s astonishing career of glory—to
show the greatest warrior of any age in the field, and at the
nightly bivouacs—upon the fertile plains of Piedmont—in
the shadow of the Egyptian pyramids—amid the forests
of Germany, and on the frozen plains of Russia—surrounded
by his galaxy of splendid generals, his military family—to
illustrate a passage in the history of Europe, which, for
stirring scenes and powerful characters, has, perhaps, no
parallel. From the camp-fire at Toulon, where the young
lieutenant of artillery gave the first impression of his wonderful
genius, till the terrible night of darkness and death following
the battle of Waterloo, the career of Napoleon is
traced by his bivouacs; and around each watch-fire is grouped
the incidents of the conflicts which there occurred. The
salient points in the life of the great warrior are, therefore,
illumined, so as to fix them in the memory.
Who can know the incidents of that career of glory without
astonishment? We find a genius, under the smile of fortune,
rising from the ranks of the people to the summit of despotic
power—surpassing the generalship of Hannibal—the statesmanship
of Cæsar, and performing exploits, which, before
his time, were placed among the impossible. There is imperishable
interest attached to every event in the life of such
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a character; and, therefore, no work which honestly aims to
illustrate them can be considered superfluous.
It is hoped that the numerous engravings will add to the
attractions of the book, and render its word-pictures clearer
and more perfect to the mind. Their value is so well established,
that the time is approaching when few historical
works will be published without such illustrations.
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CONTENTS.
.ta l:55 r:10
CAMP-FIRE OF TOULON, | #13:i013#
CAMP-FIRE OF MONTE-NOTTE, | #19:i019#
CAMP-FIRE OF MONDOVI, | #26:i026#
CAMP-FIRE OF THE BRIDGE OF LODI, | #37:i037#
CAMP-FIRE OF CASTIGLIONE, | #46:i046#
CAMP-FIRE OF ARCOLA, | #58:i058#
CAMP-FIRE OF RIVOLI, | #69:i069#
CAMP-FIRE OF THE ALPS, | #79:i079#
CAMP-FIRE OF THE NILE, | #89:i089#
CAMP-FIRE OF MOUNT TABOR, | #98:i098#
CAMP-FIRE OF ABOUKIR, | #110:i110#
CAMP-FIRE OF THE VALLEY OF AOSTA, | #121:i121#
CAMP-FIRE OF MARENGO, | #139:i139#
CAMP-FIRE OF ULM, | #156:i156#
CAMP-FIRE OF AUSTERLITZ, | #163:i163#
.bn 011.png
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CAMP-FIRE OF PALENY, | #180:i180#
CAMP-FIRE OF JENA, | #186:i186#
CAMP-FIRE OF THE NAREW, | #210:i210#
CAMP-FIRE OF EYLAU, | #218:i218#
CAMP-FIRE OF FRIEDLAND, | #239:i239#
CAMP-FIRE OF MADRID, | #260:i260#
CAMP-FIRE OF RATISBON, | #266:i266#
CAMP-FIRES OF ASPERN AND ESSLING, | #275:i275#
CAMP-FIRE OF WAGRAM, | #282:i282#
CAMP-FIRE OF NIEMEN, | #291:i291#
CAMP-FIRE OF WITEPSK, | #298:i298#
CAMP-FIRE OF SMOLENSKO, | #305:i305#
CAMP-FIRE OF WIASMA, | #317:i317#
CAMP-FIRE OF BORODINO, | #326:i326#
CAMP-FIRE OF MOSCOW, | #348:i348#
CAMP-FIRE OF MALO-YAROSLAVETZ, | #362:i362#
CAMP-FIRE IN THE SNOW, | #371:i371#
CAMP-FIRE AT KRASNOE, | #389:i389#
CAMP-FIRE OF BORYSTHENES, | #397:i397#
THE LAST CAMP-FIRES IN RUSSIA, | #404:i404#
CAMP-FIRE OF LUTZEN, | #413:i413#
CAMP-FIRE OF BAUTZEN, | #417:i417#
CAMP-FIRE OF MONTEREAU, | #421:i421#
CAMP-FIRE OF ARCIS, | #427:i427#
CAMP-FIRE OF WATERLOO.| #434:i434#
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LIST OF PRINCIPAL EMBELLISHMENTS.
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NAPOLEON CROSSING THE ALPS, | #Frontispiece:frontis#.
THE CAMP-FIRE AT EYLAU, | #Title:title#.
BATTERY OF THE MEN WITHOUT FEAR, | #13:i013fp#
BATTLE OF MONTE-NOTTE, | #19:i019fp#
MARSHAL MURAT, | #33:i033#
NAPOLEON INFORMED OF HIS ELECTION AS CORPORAL, | #42:i043#
NAPOLEON AT THE BRIDGE OF ARCOLA, | #58:i058fp#
NAPOLEON’S ARRIVAL IN EGYPT, | #89:i089fp#
NAPOLEON AT THE PYRAMIDS, | #93:i092#
BATTLE OF THE PYRAMIDS, | #94:i094fp#
NAPOLEON ENTERING CAIRO, | #97:i097fp#
NAPOLEON AT MOUNT TABOR, | #98:i098fp#
MARSHAL JUNOT, | #101:i101#
NAPOLEON AT ACRE, | #105:i106fp#
BONAPARTE AS FIRST CONSUL, | #133:i133#
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT ULM, | #159:i159fp#
NAPOLEON AT JENA, | #186:i186fp#
CAMP SCENE ON THE EVENING BEFORE THE BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ, | #171:i171fp#
BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ, | #177:i177fp#
THE CAMP-FIRE ON THE NAREW, | #214:i214fp#
THE CAMP-FIRE AT FRIEDLAND, | #258:i258fp#
MARSHAL LANNES, | #269:i269#
BATTLE OF ESSLING, | #275:i275fp#
NAPOLEON AT WIASMA, | #317:i317fp#
NAPOLEON AT KRASNOE, | #389:i389fp#
NAPOLEON AT MONTEREAU, | #421:i421fp#
BATTLE OF WATERLOO, | #434:i434fp#
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, | #444:i444fp#
DEATH OF NAPOLEON.| #448:i448fp#
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT TOULON.
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It was the night of the
19th of December,
1793. A sky of
darkness, unbroken
by the twinkling of
a single star, arched over
the town and harbor of
Toulon. But on the rugged
heights of Balagrier and
L’Equillette, where the English
had vainly constructed their “Little Gibraltar,”
the watch-fires of the French beseigers were redly
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burning; sending up showers of sparks, which looked
like rising stars against the intense blackness of the
heavens. It was the 19th of December, and the fate
of Toulon, which for four months had lingered in the
balance, was decided. Britons, Spaniards, Neapolitans
and French—a garrison of the enemies of the republic—had
fought in vain. The “Little Gibraltar,” which
commanded the town and harbor was in the hands of
the French; their troops were even forcing their way
into the town, and consternation had seized those who
dared to oppose the decrees of the Committee of Safety,
as well as those who had so promptly tendered them
aid. The evacuation of Toulon had been hurriedly resolved;
and now, as the red gleam of the watch-fires
and the blaze of the thundering artillery shone upon
the dark waters of the bay, crowds of trembling people
could be seen embarking in vessels of all kinds, glad
to avail themselves of the protection of the English
fleet, to escape the bloody revenge of the triumphant
republicans.
The batteries of the “Little Gibraltar,” were already
sending a shower of death upon the hostile fleet in the
roadstead. On a rock, by a small blazing fire, and just
above a battery, a form could be dimly seen through
the smoke of the guns, which was destined to rise as a
terrible image before the eyes of Europe, as it stood
now, the conqueror of the foes of France, at Toulon. It
was a slender form, on which the costume of a commandant
of artillery hung loosely. But the inexorable
resolution of the pale face, and the keen, quick flashes
of the eagle eyes, caused those who gazed to forget all
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but awe and wonder before this genius of war. Occasionally,
between the reports of the heavy guns, could
be heard the shrill voice of command, which none refused
to obey—it would be obeyed. Those eyes had
seen where to strike, and that voice had commanded,
the blow which brought Toulon to the feet of the republic.
The commander was Napoleon Bonaparte, the
young Corsican—the pet of Paoli—the child cradled
amid the civil wars of his native island—who had made
the cannon his toy—and who had been educated to war
at the military school of Brienne. A subordinate, he
had compelled his superior officers to bow before the
oracles of his genius. One after another they had
yielded, till the last, General Dugommier, a brave old
warrior, acknowledged his artillery officer as the conqueror
of Toulon.
That was a proud moment for the young Napoleon.
He knew that the triumph was secured, and that to him,
alone, it was due; for his plan had prevailed against
the ignorant and imbecile schemes of the republic’s
generals, and his devices for rousing an irresistible enthusiasm
in the troops,—such as naming a battery
in a desperate position, the battery “des hommes sans
peur” had rendered the execution of that plan complete.
And now the enemy were preparing for flight—precipitate
flight.
“A cooler aim—cut down a flag, brave Junot!”
commands the shrill voice, amid the thunder of the
guns, and the dusky, slovenly looking artillery man on
the right of the battery, fronting Napoleon, steadily
watches for a moment when the red glare shall show
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him a portion of the fleet in the roadstead. A glimpse
of the cross of St. George! Loud thunders the gun,
and at the next vivid glare, the flag falls; and amid the
roar of the storm of death rises the cheer of the artillery
men.
“Well done, Junot!” exclaimed the shrill voice. The
slovenly man who brought down the cross of St. George
was Andoche Junot, afterwards Marshal of France and
Duke d’Abrantes, whose cool courage had more than
once won the commendation of the commandant during
this memorable siege.
But now occurred a scene which caused the fire of
the “Little Gibraltar,” to slacken. Even as Napoleon
spoke to Junot, he discovered a spreading flame in the
harbor, and in a few moments, great tongues of fire
licked the air in front of the town, and fit up the scene
for miles around with a terrible brilliancy. The English
and Spaniards, under the direction of Sir Sydney
Smith, had set fire to the arsenal, the stores, and the
French ships which they could not remove. The rising
flames, growing redder and redder, seemed at length
like the glowing crater of a volcano, amid which could
be seen the masts and yards of the burning vessels, and
the advance of the republican troops who were attempting
to force their way into the town. The waters
of the bay resembled streams of lava flowing from the
mountains and hills around the town, which, themselves
glowed like living coals. The Jacobins in the town
now arose to take revenge upon the flying royalists.
Horrid screams and yells, cries and entreaties rang upon
the air like sounds from the infernal regions, while in
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the midst of all could be heard the swelling chorus of
the Marseillais. The guns of Malbosquet were turned
upon the town, and their thunder increased the uproar
of this terrible scene. Suddenly, a tremendous explosion,
as if a mountain had been shattered to its base by
a bolt from heaven, shocked the air, and even caused
the stern men under the eye of Napoleon to tremble.
Hundreds of barrels of powder had exploded, and high
above the harbor, the air was filled with the blazing
fragments, which descended even among the batteries
of the “Little Gibraltar,” causing the men to spring
about to save themselves from the fire. Again that
awful shock was given, a second magazine had exploded,
and again the air seemed fairly alive with soaring fires,
which threatened destruction when they fell. Fragments
fell at the very feet of Napoleon, but he stood
still, as a statue of resolution, a man without fear. His
eyes were fixed upon the British fleet, which, by the
red glare of earth and sky, could be seen slowly making
sail, the decks of the vessels being crowded with fugitives.
Once more he commanded the artillery to fire;
and before the fleet got beyond the range of the guns,
it received a shower of balls. The triumph was now
complete.
Wearied officers and men now threw themselves upon
the ground to rest, beside the fire. But to most of
them, sleep could not come, with such a scene of terror,
conflagration and tears before them. Napoleon, however,
surveyed the harbor and town, for a few moments,
and then, stretching himself upon the ground, commanded
himself to slumber,—a faculty which he possessed
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through life—an evidence of his astonishing force
of will.
The day dawned with a pale, ashen light. The roll
of the drums, resounding among the hills, roused the
triumphant soldiers of the republic; and as they gazed
upon the smouldering ruins of the arsenal, and the bay
strewn with the black fragments of the ships destroyed,
they would have cursed their enemy; but they remembered
their conquest, and pitied the destructive spite.
Cheer after cheer rent the air. The artillery men
crowded round their young chief, and with clamorous
congratulations, gave him the first evidence of that enthusiastic
affection, which, years afterwards, caused them
to yearn to die in his service—to pave with their bodies
his path to victory. What thoughts—what feelings
burned within that young conqueror’s breast none could
know; for his stern, bronze countenance expressed nothing
but his concentred strength of resolution. The
same day, General Dugommier sent intelligence of the
capture of Toulon to the Committee of Public Safety,
and in the despatch he particularly recommended Napoleon
for promotion, in these remarkable words,—“Promote
him, or he will promote himself.”
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.ca BATTLE OF MONTENOTTE. Page 19.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT MONTE NOTTE.
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The pure, bright
moon shone with
serene majesty
in the soft, dark
blue of the Italian
sky, dimming
the light of
the silver stars,
in her own calm
glory. The rugged
heights of Monte Notte, with here and there a
tower and wall, or a row of trees upon its broken ascent,
and the two small villages at its base, surrounded with
groves and vineyards, were revealed with scarce the
variation of a shadow. They would have seemed to
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sleep beneath the soothing influence of the night, but
for the numerous red fires, which burned here and there
along the mountain side, and at intervals for the distance
of half a mile from its base; and the occasional booming
of a gun, with its grumbling echoes. At a considerable
distance in front could be seen the lights of the redoubts
upon the heights of Monte Legino, which throughout
the day, under the command of the indomitable Colonel
Rampon, had withstood the furious assaults of the Austrians
under d’Argenteau, the commander preferring to
perish rather than capitulate. His resolution had saved
the plans of Bonaparte from receiving a check, and now
the young general of the French felt sure of his game.
Around the watch-fires to which we have alluded
were gathered the half-fed, half-clothed, but enthusiastic
troops of the divisions commanded by La Harpe and
Cervoni, who had united and marched to this strong
position in the rear of Monte Legino, in accordance with
the plans of Bonaparte. The general-in-chief was with
them, for near this place he anticipated the triumph of
his wonderful combinations, and the defeat of the Austrians.
Most of the principal officers were quartered
in the villages, resting from the fatigues of a rapid march.
But the time was too critical for Bonaparte to think of
sleep. He was abroad among those camp-fires, accompanied
by the brave and active Swiss, La Harpe, that
faithful and untiring friend, Michael Duroc, then aid-de-camp
to the young general, and several other officers
of distinction. As he walked among them, he looked
like a mere boy attending a throng of rough and hardy
soldiers. To each group gathered round a fire, he had
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a pleasant and encouraging word to say, a condescension
to which these war-worn veterans were .
As he turned away from them he might have
heard expressions which showed that the troops believed
in his invincibility, and at all events, were prepared to
suffer any hardships in his service. The wretched
clothing of many of them was observed by the general,
and he occasionally reminded them, that they had now
an opportunity of winning not only glory, which every
true soldier should seek first, but wealth and abundance,
amid the fertile plains of Italy. Such words, uttered
by a commander among the camp-fires of an army are
calculated to have more effect in arousing its enthusiasm
than the most eloquent of regular and formal addresses.
At length, arriving at a fire much larger than
any of the others upon the side of the mountain, Bonaparte
threw himself upon the ground, and, motioning
his officers to follow his example, he took out the plan
of operations, which he had drawn up, and began with
his usual precision, to explain how far it had been carried
out, and what would be the movements of the next day.
In the meantime the soldiers, grim, moustached veterans,
withdrew and set about kindling another fire at a respectful
distance.
“Augereau will reach this point early in the morning,
and render efficient support to the troops already in
position. Marching by this road on the other side of
the Appenines, Massena will show himself, nearly at
the same time, in d’Argenteau’s rear, and then the Austrians
cannot escape us. They will be surrounded on
all sides by a superior force.
.bn 027.png
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“Thus far it has been successful,” said La Harpe.
“But if Rampon had not fought so desperately at Monte
Legino, the plan would have been defeated, or at least,
checked for a time.”
“Rampon fought bravely; but when such a plan depends
upon the maintenance of a post, a good officer
should prefer to die rather than yield it to the enemy,”
replied Bonaparte.
“Rampon fought like a hero because he knew the
importance of his position,” said Duroc.
“I trust Massena will be as active as the occasion
demands. He has courage, perseverance, and skill; but
it requires the most imminent danger to awaken his
activity,” said the young commander-in-chief.
“A singular man, truly,” remarked Duroc.
“However,” continued Bonaparte, following the train
of his own reflections, “never had a commander-in-chief
more reason to be proud of his general officers than
myself. They are all men born to lead. With them, I
have nothing to fear from the delinquency of our half-fed
troops.”
“Yet, general, the soldiers are in a condition calculated
to depress their spirits,” said La Harpe. “We
officers, who chiefly fight for glory, and for the honor
of our country, never murmur, although very badly
treated by our government. But the majority of the
soldiers in the ranks have a constant eye to their pay.”
“But to make soldiers worthy of France, we must
alter that;” replied Bonaparte, “one and all must be
taught to fight for glory, and then our arms will be
irresistible.”
.bn 028.png
.pn +1
La Harpe shook his head. But the enthusiastic Duroc,
catching the noble fire of his illustrious friend, exclaimed.
“Yes, the love of glory makes the true soldier! This
will cause the troops to forget their toilsome, bare-foot
marches, and their long days of hunger! And never
have I seen the French soldiers more eager for conflict
in defence of their country’s honor, than they have been
since our young general took command of the army of
Italy. That first proclamation gave them a new spirit,
which has been growing stronger every day. There
are splendid triumphs before us, I am sure.”
The face of Bonaparte expressed nothing of the emotions
which must have heaved in his soul at these words.
But he grasped the hand of Duroc and shook it warmly.
“My friends,” said he, “it is all clear enough to me.
To-morrow will be a great day for France. Old Beaulieu
will begin to know his enemy. The plain before
us shall be the scene of more Austrian astonishment and
dismay than has been known in Italy for many years.
Beaulieu supposes that I intended to file off along the
coast to Genoa; whereas, here I am, ready to overwhelm
his centre. Following up this victory, it will
be easy to cut him off from communication with the
Piedmontese.”
The officers gazed with wonder and admiration upon
the stripling who was thus summarily disposing of the
fate of armies and countries, and while they listened to
his words of conscious power, an awe crept over them,
they felt themselves in the presence of a superior being;
and yet among them were several men of splendid qualities,—born
to command.
.bn 029.png
.pn +1
By this time the groups around the fires had stretched
themselves upon the hard earth to repose, and the
pacing of the sentinels alone disturbed the stillness of
the scene, where thousands of brave warriors submitted
to the conqueror, sleep. Bonaparte and his
officers returned to a house in the little village of
Monte Notte, which had been selected as the quarters
for the night. And the army slumbered on, beneath
the sweet vigil of the moon, and beside the cheerful
warmth of the camp-fires until the cold, white light in
the east told that the most glorious king of day, who
has arisen and set upon so many fields of conflict, was
about to ascend the heavens.
.pm start_poem
“Far off his coming shone,”
.pm end_poem
and the stars soared out of sight, and the moon slowly
faded to vapor, as the white light turned to a golden
glow.
Then was heard the roll of the reveillé. With astonishing
rapidity, the French were under arms and in
motion. Bonaparte and his staff rode to an elevated
knoll, commanding the whole plain, and then were ordered
the movements which gave to the young commander-in-chief
the victory of Monte Notte. D’Argenteau,
the Austrian commander, found himself attacked
upon one side by the divisions of La Harpe, Cervoni
and Augereau, and upon the other by Massena. Then
boomed the cannon, and the rattled musketry over the
plain. The Austrian infantry sustained the conflict
with admirable courage. But they were surrounded by
superior forces and after several charges had been made
.bn 030.png
.pn +1
by the French, in the full confidence of victory, the
discomfited d’Argenteau was compelled to retreat towards
Dego. In fact, the retreat was a disorderly flight.
The French made two thousand prisoners, and several
hundred Austrians were left dead on the field. The
centre of the Austrian army had been completely overwhelmed.
Bonaparte was the victor of Monte Notte.
In after years, when the imperial crown adorned his
brow, the conqueror showed his contempt for ancestral
distinctions by saying that he dated his title to rule from
this battle.
.il fn=i_b_025.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.bn 031.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i026 fn=i_b_026.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT MONDOVI.
.sp 2
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.di i_b_026_2.jpg 78 88 0.8
When the conflict
is at an end, and
the awful silence
of night descends
upon the field where stark
and stiff lie the mangled
dead, among the broken
weapons and spoils of the
fight, the scene is fearfully
impressive. There lie the
cold forms of those, who in life were furious foes; but
in death, side by side, united in their doom of darkness,
.bn 032.png
.pn +1
they are all clay together. The bugle and the drum,
which were sounded to signal the contest, are broken
beside the mutilated and bloody bodies of those who
played them at the head of the marching regiments. The
captain, whose gallant “forward!” roused the spirits of
his men, lies where he perished, in the van. The
standard-bearer still clasps a portion of that dear symbol
of his country, which numbers cut from his hands, and
seems to have yielded his breath, while hugging that
remnant to his heart. The grim veteran of a hundred
fights, to whom death has been a jeer and a mockery,
and the youth, with blooming cheek and eager eye, who
left his mother’s cottage high in the hope of a glorious
renown, are found cold and stiff together; the one with
a smile of scorn curling his lip, the other with the keen
agony, kindled by the rushing remembrance of the dear
home lost forever, pictured in his countenance. The
meek moon and the sentinel stars shining on this field
of death, with a pallid light, add to its horrors, increasing
the ghastly hue in the faces of the slain.
Such a scene was presented on the night of the 22nd
of April, 1796, after the desperate battle of Mondovi.
Near the town of that name, the dispirited army of
Colli had been overtaken by two divisions of Bonaparte’s
army, commanded by Serrurier and Massena. Serrurier
had been repulsed, but the onset of Massena was irresistible,
and the enemy were attacked on both flanks at
once. The cavalry of the Piedmontese over powered
and drove back that of the French, but the wonderful
valor of Murat, the most glorious of cavalry officers, renewed
the fortune of the day, and, shortly afterwards,
.bn 033.png
.pn +1
Colli’s army was put to flight. During the retreat, the
Piedmontese suffered dreadfully, losing the best of their
troops, their cannons, baggage and appointments.
Wearied with the desperate conflict, the greater portion
of the victorious army encamped in and about the
town of Mondovi, a body of cavalry, alone pursuing
and harassing the enemy. The description of the field
of battle given above, will apply to this one, with the
addition of a view of the towers and spires of Mondovi,
and of numerous blazing fires in the vicinity, around
which the exhausted troops had sunk to repose. Bonaparte
had arrived; and, now, having gathered his
principal officers at a ruined building, just outside of
the town, which seemed to have been an old chapel,
talked over with them the achievements of the day, and
what was contemplated for the morrow. The ruin consisted
of four broken walls, and was entirely roofless.
It was several yards square, and the floor was strewn
with fragments of sculpture which had once adorned
the edifice. In the centre of the floor a fire was kindled,
and camp-stools were ranged around it. At some distance
from the ruin, guards were placed, with orders to
keep the inquisitive beyond ear-shot. This place had
evidently been selected by Bonaparte, in preference to
the best mansion of Mondovi, to be secure from the
treachery of Italians, who might have overheard and
communicated to the enemy important information.
As usual, Bonaparte had the paper containing the lines
of his movements before him, and with pencil and compasses
in hand, he devised and marked alterations even
while he talked. Among the officers gathered around
.bn 034.png
.pn +1
the fire, were Massena, Berthier, Serrurier, Murat and
Duroc.
Next to the commander-in-chief himself, Massena had
the most remarkable personal appearance of any of the
group. His massive features had a somewhat Jewish
cast and their general expression was extremely heavy,
or rather drowsy. The eyes were half-closed, and they did
not sparkle like those of the rest, when Bonaparte spoke.
Yet it was well known that, when excited by the storm
of battle, their flash was terrible. The expression of
the mouth, was always that of an inexorable will. The
whole aspect of Andrew Massena was that of a man of
great powers, difficult to rouse. Napoleon himself remarked
that it was only in danger that appalled most
men, that Massena acquired clearness and force of
thought. His want of activity was his great defect as
a commander.
Serrurier was a large man, with rough, prominent features,
in which strong passions and dogged determinations
were plainly expressed. His dress was torn and
dusty; for although repulsed by the Piedmontese, he
had fought like a lion on that desperate day.
The face of Duroc was manly and prepossessing.
The slightly receding forehead, prominent nose, clear,
bright eyes, and firm mouth, were illumined by a bland,
but determined expression, indicative of the truly heroic
spirit of this faithful friend of Napoleon. By the side
of Michael Duroc, could be seen the stalwart form and
noble countenance of Joachim Murat, the great leader
of the cavalry, whose desperate charge had decided the
battle in favor of the French. His gaudy costume was
.bn 035.png
.pn +1
arranged with scrupulous nicety, and it bore no traces
of the conflict. He sat toying with his long, dark curls
during the conference.
“To-morrow, we will occupy Cherasco, which is
within ten leagues of the Piedmontese capital,” said Bonaparte.
“It has been a month of glory. Within that
time, we have gained complete possession of the mountain
passes and thus opened the road for our armies into
Italy. We have gained three battles over forces far
superior to our own; inflicted upon the enemy a loss
of about twenty-five thousand men in killed, wounded,
and prisoners, taken eighty pieces of cannon and twenty-one
stand of colors; and almost annihilated the army
of Sardinia. We can dictate a treaty at Turin.”
“The fight to-day was desperate enough, however,”
said Murat, ever vain of his services. “The cavalry was
beaten back by the Piedmontese, and General Stengel
was among the slain.”
“A brave man lost to France,” interrupted Bonaparte.
“But I soon taught them that the French cavalry
was not so easily beaten,” continued Murat. “That
charge decided the day.”
“I am told,” said Bonaparte, “that the charge was
indeed brilliant. But we expect such from Murat, and
we hope that, hereafter, he may have the best opportunities
of displaying his valor and horsemanship at the
head of the cavalry of France. You have won a high
promotion. General Serrurier, you were repulsed; but
you afterwards bravely sustained your reputation, and
contributed much to the victory. As for you, General
Massena, high as were my expectations from your valor
.bn 036.png
.pn +1
and skill, you have astonished me. France will yet
regard you as a child of victory.”
Massena opened his eyes somewhat wider and nodded
his thanks. “The troops,” he remarked, “are
sadly worn with their rapid marches, and four days’
fighting. Besides, since they have been so severely
treated for seizing upon what food and clothes they
found along the line of march, they have suffered
much for want of the common necessaries of life.”
“I know—I know,” replied Bonaparte; “I pity
them, and hope that their wants may soon be relieved.
But they must not become Goths and Vandals. What
did you say was the loss of the enemy, to-day,
Berthier?”
“It is estimated at about three thousand men,”
replied the officer addressed—an elegant looking
soldier, with a frank, intelligent countenance.
“Colli is then effectually crippled,” said
“He will not dare to make a stand between us and
Turin. I learn that Cherasco is an ill-defended place,
but it has an important position at the confluence of
the Stura and the Tanaro, and with the artillery taken
from the enemy, we can soon render it defensible,
should that be necessary. But at present, the prospect
is that we shall in a few days conclude a peace
with the king of Sardinia, and then we must pursue
the Austrians, whom we shall drive beyond the Alps.
But in the meantime, you, Murat, shall take some of
our trophies to Paris, and proclaim the triumphs of
France. A more fitting messenger of victory could
not be found.” At this intelligence Murat’s eyes
.bn 037.png
.pn +1
sparkled, and a smile lit up his dark features; for next
to the storm of battle, this proud soldier loved to boast
of victory. Next to being a lion upon the field of
battle, he desired to be a lion in the saloons of Paris.
“General,” said Duroc, “you may remember that
when we stood upon the heights of Monte Lemoto, and
beheld that glorious picture of the plains of Piedmont
and Italy, you exclaimed, ‘Hannibal crossed the Alps;
as for us, we have gone round them!’ It seems to me,
with deference, that if reinforcements are not speedily
sent to our aid, you will find yourself in a position
more nearly resembling that of Hannibal, when, although
victorious in Italy, he was deserted by Carthage. The
chief difference will be, however, that Hannibal, by
fortunate circumstances, was enabled to maintain his
army against all the forces of Rome. But we should
soon be overwhelmed by superior numbers.”
“The government of France has neglected its duty,”
replied Bonaparte, “but I cannot believe that it will
desert us altogether. If so, however, I have no doubt,
that we can provide for ourselves.”
“For myself,” said Serrurier, “I love France, but
despise the present government. But for the bravery
of the army, whose triumphs they have taken to themselves,
the members of that government would not now
hold their places.”
At these words, Bonaparte raised his head, and gave
a steady, piercing glance at the frank, out-spoken
soldier’s countenance, probably with the design of
ascertaining the full depth of his meaning. But Serrurier
returned glance for glance, and Bonaparte returned
.bn 038.png
.bn 039.png
.bn 040.png
.pn +3
to the contemplation of his map. There was
more in that young conqueror’s look than, perhaps, any
of that martial group, suspected.
.pb
.il id=i033 fn=i_b_033.jpg w=395px ew=67%
.pb
The chief incidents of the fight of the day having
been communicated to Bonaparte by the various officers
engaged in its terrible scenes, he proceeded to
award commendation where it was due; and then gave
the generals orders in regard to the movements of the
next day. Despatches, hurriedly written, were
sent to the generals of the divisions not engaged at
Mondovi, and then the conference terminated. Most
of the officers retired to their respective commands;
but, accompanied by Duroc and Murat, the sleepless
commander-in-chief rode over the field, to gain a more
accurate knowledge of the terrible character of the
battle—to observe where the fight had been thickest,
what corps had suffered the greatest loss, and what had
the been advantages and disadvantages of the ground.
In many places, it was difficult for the horses to proceed
without trampling upon the groups of ghastly dead;
and the reckless Murat occasionally rode directly over
the corpses, while talking to the commander-in-chief.
A considerable number of women, from Mondovi, were
seen among the bodies, collecting many little articles
of value attached to the clothing of the dead warriors.
At the approach of Bonaparte and his officers they
scampered away, like so many frightened vultures,
upon which Murat would give chase for a short distance
to increase their alarm. After a complete survey
of the field, Bonaparte and his aids returned to Mondavi.
The only remark the young commander-in-chief
.bn 041.png
.pn +1
was heard to make, was, “It was a hard-won victory—Mondovi
ought to be decisive.” And it was decisive.
At Cherasco, Sardinia submitted to the victor’s terms;
and thus one of the bravest of the foes of France was
crushed after a campaign of very brief duration,
the glories of which are thus touched upon by Bonaparte
in an eloquent and powerful proclamation to his
soldiers.
“Soldiers! in a fortnight you have gained six victories,
taken twenty-one pair of colors, fifty-live pieces
of cannon, several fortresses, and conquered the richest
part of Piedmont; you have made fifteen thousand
prisoners, and killed or wounded more than ten thousand
men; you had hitherto been fighting for barren
rocks, rendered famous by your courage, but of no service
to the country; you this day compete by your
services with the army of Holland and of the Rhine.
Destitute of every thing, you have supplied all your
wants. You have gained battles without cannon, crossed
rivers without bridges, made forced marches without
shoes, bivouacked without brandy, and often without
bread. Republican phalanxes, the soldiers of liberty
alone, could have endured what you have endured.
Thanks be to you for it, soldiers!”
.il fn=i_b_036.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.bn 042.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i037 fn=i_b_037.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT THE BRIDGES OF LODI.
.sp 2
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.di i_b_037_2.jpg 68 88 1.1
Beaulieu, the veteran
general of the
Austrians, had been
beaten and compelled
to retreat before
the French commander of twenty-six.
The Po being crossed
and the Tesino turned, Bonaparte
beheld the road to Milan
open before him. But he prepared to make the effort
to cut off Beaulieu’s retreat, and compel the Austrian
army to surrender. Like Nelson, upon the sea, he
thought no triumph complete unless the enemy was
entirely prostrated. But to cut off the retreat of
Beaulieu, it was necessary to anticipate him at the
.bn 043.png
.pn +1
passage of the rivers. A great number of these flow
from the Alps, and cross Lombardy on their way to the
Po and the Adriatic. After the Po and the Tesino,
come the Adda, the Oglio, the Mincio, the Adige and
numerous others.
The Adda was now before Bonaparte. It is a large
and deep river, although fordable in some places. The
passage was to be made at the town of Lodi, an old
place containing about twelve thousand inhabitants.
It has old Gothic walls, but its chief defence consists
in the river, which flows through it, and which is
crossed by a wooden bridge, about five hundred feet in
length. Having crossed the river, Beaulieu drew up
twelve thousand infantry and four thousand horse on
the opposite bank, posted twenty pieces of artillery so
as to sweep the bridge, and lined the bank with sharpshooters.
It was against all military practice to attempt
the passage of a river in the face of such difficulties.
But it was the military mission of Bonaparte to astonish
the routine generals.
Napoleon, coming up on the 10th of May, easily
drove the rear-guard of the Austrian army before him
into the town, but found his further progress threatened
by the tremendous fire of the pieces of cannon, stationed
at the opposite end of the bridge, so as to sweep
it most completely. The whole body of the enemy’s
infantry drawn up in a dense line, supported this
appalling disposition of the artillery.
An answering battery was instantly constructed on
the French side, Napoleon exposing himself in the
thickest of the fire to point two of the guns with his
.bn 044.png
.pn +1
own hands. This he effected in such a manner as to
prevent the possibility of any approach on the part
of the enemy to undermine or blow up the bridge.
Observing, meanwhile, that Beaulieu had removed his
infantry to a considerable distance backwards, to keep
them out of the range of the French battery, he
instantly detached his cavalry, with orders to gallop
out of sight, and then ford the river, and coming suddenly
upon the enemy, attack them in flank.
He now drew up a body of six thousand grenadiers
in close column, under the shelter of the houses, and
bade them prepare for the desperate attempt of forcing
a passage across the narrow bridge, in the face of the
enemy’s thickly-planted artillery.
The cavalry of Napoleon had a difficult task to perform
in passing the river, and he waited with anxiety
for their appearance on the opposite bank. But a sudden
movement in the ranks of the enemy showed him
that his cavalry had arrived and charged, and he
instantly gave the word. The head of the column
of grenadiers wheeled to the left, and was at once upon
the bridge. The whole body rushed forward with
impetuosity, shouting, “Vive la Republique!” A hundred
bodies rolled dead, and the advancing column
faltered under the redoubled roar of the guns, and the
tempest of the grape shot. At this critical moment,
Lannes, Napoleon, Berthier, and L’Allemand, hurried
to the front, and dashing onwards were followed by the
whole column in the very mouth of the artillery.
They gained the opposite side: Lannes reached the
guns first, and Napoleon second. The artillerymen
.bn 045.png
.pn +1
were killed; their guns seized; and the Austrian
infantry, which had been removed too far back, not
having time to come up to support the artillery, the
whole army was put to flight.
The French cavalry pursued in the blazing enthusiasm
of almost unprecedented victory. About two
thousand Austrians were either killed or wounded, and
the same number made prisoners, while twenty pieces
of cannon remained in the hands of the French.
The victorious army encamped on the banks of the
Adda, in the position which had been occupied by the
defeated Austrians. Before night fell, Bonaparte was
informed that he had failed to get between Beaulieu,
and the other divisions of the Austrian army; but,
aware of the terror which his daring exploit would
strike into the enemy, he scarcely regretted his trifling
failure of movement. The line of the Adda was carried;
tremendous difficulties had been vanquished with
a loss of only two hundred men, and the courage and
devotion of the soldiers had been raised to the highest
pitch.
The encampment upon the Adda presented a remarkable
aspect. Most of the officers had the accommodation
of tents, but the troops were destitute of that
luxury, and their only resource for rest was to throw
themselves upon the ground around their fires. These
gallant men, although fatigued with the efforts of the
glorious day, were too much excited by their victory
to rest without some demonstration. It was a clear,
beautiful moonlight night. Although filled in some
places with the dead, the Adda danced merrily onward,
.bn 046.png
.pn +1
the ripples sparkling in the moonbeams. All was quiet
above; but in camp and town, there was the bustle of
men to whom sleep would not come. Bonaparte had
retired to his tent to partake of some refreshment, and
having soon satisfied his abstemious appetite, he was
about to traverse the camp, alone, to observe the spirit
of his troops, as well as to ascertain the character and
rank of the prisoners. In front of his tent, he was
astonished to meet a small deputation of grim-visaged
grenadiers, who saluted him with the title of the
“Little Corporal.” One of their number then stepped
forward, and respectfully communicated the intelligence
that they had elected him a corporal, in consideration
of his gallant service in the ranks that day, and hoped
that they might one day confer still higher honors upon
him. Three hearty cheers were then given by the
veterans, who appeared to enjoy the joke amazingly;
and after they had retired, the young general was
saluted in various parts of the camp as the “Little
Corporal.” This gaiety was characteristic of the French
soldiers. Bonaparte was rather pleased with the singular
mode of showing affection for his person, and
admiration of his intrepidity.
The general approached a group of Hungarian prisoners
without being recognised by them. They were
standing near a fire, conversing, and evidently much
irritated at the misfortunes of their position. He went
among them and mingled in the conversation. An old
officer, who spoke to him, appeared to be extremely
moody. Bonaparte could not but smile at his language.
“Things are going on as ill and irregular as possible,”
.bn 047.png
.pn +1
said this veteran of routine. “The French have got a
young general who knows nothing of the regular rules
of war; he is sometimes on our front, sometimes on our
flank, sometimes on the rear. There is no supporting
such a gross violation of rules.” He evidently preferred
to be whipped in a regular way. But it is agreed that
the object of war is victory, and if rules do not secure
that victory, they are of no value. Bonaparte’s system
appeared very extraordinary to the Austrian commanders.
It was something beyond what they had
learned at their German military schools.
.pb
.il id=i043 fn=i_b_043.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca NAPOLEON INFORMED OF HIS ELECTION AS CORPORAL.
.pb
After traversing the camp, and receiving many testimonials
of the warm devotion of the troops to his person,
Bonaparte returned to his tent, where he was soon
joined by Berthier, Massena, Augereau, Bessieres,
Duroc, Serrurier, Lannes, and others. To each and all
he gave a word of compliment; but he was especially
fluent in his praise of the indomitable young General
Lannes, whose daring courage had attracted his attention
in previous engagements as well as at the tremendous
charge across the bridge of Lodi. They were,
indeed, as gallant a group of officers, as ever a general
had at his command—men who could as calmly reason
and determine upon man[oe]uvres in the hottest storm of
battle, as during the quiet hours of this moonlight
night—quick in devising, irresistible in the execution;
and yet it was only yonder stripling, with the Roman
features and the piercing eyes, who could give a glorious
harmony to their action, bring their peculiar faculties
into play, and secure their triumph. Great as they undoubtedly
were, they failed to achieve great triumphs
.bn 048.png
.bn 049.png
.bn 050.png
.pn +3
when beyond the reach of the “Little Corporal’s” controlling
mind. The conference was long, for there were
difficulties in the arrangement of the plan for moving
upon Milan, and some of the officers, particularly Massena,
had objections to urge. However, Bonaparte determined
according to his own views. The officers observed
that there was a remarkable change in his
bearing towards them. He had hitherto admitted them
to complete familiarity; but they now felt constrained
by his lofty manner to keep at a respectful distance.
When they retired that night, some of them exchanged
glances of significance; they were evidently displeased
at the haughty bearing of the young commander-in-chief;
yet few of them, perhaps, comprehended the
change.
The fact was that the victory of Lodi had a great
influence upon Napoleon’s mind. He afterwards acknowledged,
that neither the quelling of the sections at
Paris, nor the victory of Monte Notte made him regard
himself as any thing superior, but that after Lodi, for
the first time, the idea dawned upon him, that he should
one day be “a decisive actor,” on the stage of the political
world. It was Lodi which gave birth to the 18th
Brumaire.
.il fn=i_b_045.jpg w=250px ew=40%
.bn 051.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i046 fn=i_b_046.jpg w=450px ew=80%
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT CASTIGLIONE.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='epubonly'
.il fn=i_b_046_1.jpg w=250px ew=33% align=l
.dv-
.if-
.di i_b_046_1.jpg 250 204 0.7
It was at Castiglione and in
its vicinity that the wonderful
spirit and rapidity
of Napoleon’s movements
were more fully displayed
than at any other of his
scenes of victory in Italy.
The aged Beaulieu had
been superseded in the command of the Austrian army,
by General Wurmser, a commander of high reputation.
.bn 052.png
.pn +1
His army was greatly superior in numbers to that of
Bonaparte. It descended from the Tyrol during the
last days of July, in three divisions, commanded by
Davidowich, Quasdanowitch, and Wurmser himself.
Wurmser, confident in his numbers, and calculating
upon the absorption of the energies of the French army,
by its endeavors to subdue Mantua, disposed his forces
in the most admirable way to improve a victory; never
reflecting that he might happen to be defeated. Untaught
by all the previous disasters of Beaulieu, he
committed the error of dividing his army, in order to
cover an extent of country. His right wing was detached,
with orders to occupy Brescia, and cut off the
retreat of the French in the direction of Milan: his left
wing was to descend the Adige, and man[oe]uvre on
Verona; while the centre, under his own command,
advanced to raise the siege of Mantua. During the two
first days of his approach, the French generals, after
resisting to the utmost, yielded up successively, Rivoli,
Brescia, and Salo; but these two days were sufficient
to make Napoleon master of the plan on which Wurmser
proposed to carry on the campaign, and he instantly
disconcerted the whole of it, by a movement so unlike
that of any ordinary general, as to defy all calculation.
In one night, (31st July,) he raised the siege of
Mantua; sacrificing the whole of his artillery. The
men were employed to destroy as much as the time
would allow. They spiked the guns, burnt the carriages,
threw the powder into the lake, and buried the
balls. Augereau and Massena were stationed to defend
the line of the Mincio as long as possible. Before
.bn 053.png
.pn +1
morning the whole French army had disappeared from
Mantua, and Napoleon was hurrying forward to attack
the right wing of the Austrian army, before it could
effect a junction with the central body of Wurmser.
The Austrian right wing was advancing in three divisions.
Napoleon defeated one division at Salo, and
another at Lonato. At the same time, Augereau and
Massena, leaving a sufficient number of men at their
posts to maintain a defence, or at least to impede the
enemy, marched upon the third division at Brescia;
but it had already fled in disorder towards the Tyrol.
The French generals instantly countermarched to the
support of their rear-guards, which had been forced by
the Austrians.
Wurmser reached Mantua and was astonished to find
what he believed to be a precipitate flight. He entered
the city in triumph—but he was completely deceived.
(August 2nd.)
Bonaparte did not halt for a moment. His troops
had been constantly on the march, he had himself been
all the time on horseback; he resolved to make them
fight the very next morning. He had before him Bayalitsch
at Lonato, and Liptai at Castiglione, presenting
to both of them a front of twenty-five thousand men.
He had to attack them before Wurmser should return
from Mantua. Sauret had for the second time abandoned
Salo; Bonaparte sent Guyeux again thither to
recover the position, and to keep back Quasdanowitch.
After these precautions on his left and on his rear, he
resolved to march forward to Lonato with Massena, and
to throw Augereau upon the heights of Castiglione,
.bn 054.png
.pn +1
which had been abandoned on the preceding day by
General Vallette. He broke that general at the head
of his army, in order to make his lieutenants do their
duty without flinching. On the following day, the 16th
(August 3rd,) the whole army was in motion; Guyeux
re-entered Salo, and this rendered any communication
between Quasandowitch and the Austrian army still
more impracticable. Bonaparte advanced upon Lonato;
but his advanced guard was beaten back, some pieces
of cannon were taken, and General Pigeon was made
prisoner. Bayalitsch, proud of this success advanced
with confidence, and extended his wings around the
French division. He had two objects in performing
this man[oe]uvre; in the first place, to surround Bonaparte,
and in the second, to extend himself on the right
for the purpose of entering into communication with
Quasandowitch, whose cannon he heard at Salo. Bonaparte,
not alarming himself about his rear, suffered himself
to be surrounded with imperturbable coolness; he
placed some sharp-shooters on his exposed wings, and
next took the 18th and 32d demi-brigades of infantry,
ranged them in close column, gave them a regiment of
dragoons to support them, and rushed headlong upon
the enemy’s centre, which was weakened by its extension.
With this brave body of infantry he overthrew
all before him, and thus broke the line of the Austrians.
The latter, divided into two bodies, immediately lost
their courage: one part of the division of Bayalitsch fell
back in all haste towards the Mincio; but the other,
which had extended itself in order to communicate with
Quasandowitch, was driven towards Salo, where Guyeux
.bn 055.png
.pn +1
was at that moment. Bonaparte caused it to be pursued
without intermission, that he might place it between
two fires. He let loose Junot in pursuit of it,
with a regiment of cavalry. Junot dashed off at a
gallop, killed six horsemen with his own hand, and fell,
having received several sabre wounds. The fugitive
division, entrapped between the corps at Salo and that
which was pursuing it from Lonato, was routed, and lost
at every step thousands of prisoners. During this successful
pursuit, Bonaparte proceeded on his right to
Castiglione, where Augereau had been fighting ever since
the morning with admirable bravery. The heights on
which Liptai’s division had placed itself had now to be
carried. After an obstinate combat, several times renewed,
he had at length accomplished his object, and
Bonaparte on his arrival found the enemy retreating on
all sides. Such was the battle called the battle of
Lonato, fought on the 16th (August 3rd.)
This battle produced considerable results. The
French had taken twenty pieces of cannon and three
thousand prisoners from the division cut off and driven
back upon Salo, and they were still pursuing its scattered
remnant in the mountains. They had made a
thousand or fifteen hundred prisoners at Castiglione, and
killed or wounded three thousand men; they had
alarmed Quasandowitch, who finding the French army
at Salo, and hearing it in the distance at Lonato, thought
that it was every where. They had thus nearly disorganized
the divisions of Bayalitsch and Liptai, which
fell back upon Wurmser. That general at this moment
came up with fifteen thousand men to rally the two
.bn 056.png
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beaten divisions, and began to draw out his lines in the
plains of Castiglione.
Bonaparte now determined upon fighting a decisive
battle upon the ground which the Austrian general had
chosen, but as it was necessary to collect all his disposable
force at Castiglione, he deferred the action until
the 5th.
It was the night of the 4th of August. The weather
had been excessively warm for several days, and the
troops were almost exhausted by their rapid marches
under a burning sun. The hostile armies were encamped
close in front of each other, vertically from the line of
the heights on which both supported one wing, Bonaparte
having his left thereon, and Wurmser his right.
A series of heights formed by the last range of the Alps
extends from Chiessa to the Mincio, by Lonato, Castiglione
and Solferino. At the foot of these heights was
the plains on which the great battle was to be fought.
Bonaparte had at most twenty-two thousand men, Serrurier’s
division not having come up yet; and, indeed,
it had been ordered to make an effort to gain the rear
of the Austrians. Wurmser had thirty thousand men
under his command, and the wing of his army which
was on the plain was supported by a redoubt placed
upon the elevation of Medolano. It was a clear, warm
night. The stars were thickly sprinkled in the arching
heaven, but there was no moon, and the position of
each army could only be clearly distinguished by the
light of the lines of watch-fires, stretching away from
the foot of the heights. In the rear of the Austrians,
the low wall, and tower of the old town of Castiglione
.bn 057.png
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could be distinguished, forming a looming and shadowy
background to a striking and imposing picture.
Around one of the fires in the vicinity of the tent of
the commander-in-chief, was sitting a group of officers,
among whom Bessieres, Duroc, and Augereau were the
only men of renown. All ears were opened listening
to Bessieres, who was giving an account of Bonaparte’s
wonderful exploit that day, in escaping from a surprise
at Lonato. He told the story as follows:
“You know that this morning, our commander-in-chief
set off for Lonato at full gallop, to personally hasten
the movements of the troops. He was accompanied
only by his staff and the Guides under my command.
We arrived at Lonato about noon. We found that the
orders of the general were already carried out; part of the
troops were marching upon Castiglione, and the rest
were proceeding towards Salo and Gavardo. About a
thousand men remained at Lonato. Scarcely had the
general entered the place, when an Austrian flag of
truce presented itself, and the bearer summoned him to
surrender. The general started at the summons. He
could not understand how it was possible that the Austrians
could be so close upon him. But the case was
soon explained. The division separated in the battle
of Lonato, and driven back upon Salo, had been partly
captured; but a body of about four thousand five hundred
men had been wandering all night in the mountains;
and seeing the town almost abandoned, wanted to enter
the place, in order to open for itself an outlet upon the
Mincio. General Bonaparte had no time to fight a
battle, or perhaps he would have done it, even with his
.bn 058.png
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force of one thousand men. His plan was formed with
his usual quickness and decision. He ordered all the
officers about him to mount their horses, and then, the
bearer of the flag to be brought before him, with his
eyes uncovered; for, as usual on such occasions, the
officer was blindfolded. You should have seen the Austrian’s
astonishment when he found himself in the
presence of our general and his staff. ‘Unhappy man!’
said General Bonaparte, ‘you know not then that you
are in the presence of the commander-in-chief, and that
he is here with his whole army. Go tell those who sent
you, that I give them five minutes to surrender, or I
will put them to the sword to punish the insult which
they have dared to offer me.’ The astonished bearer
of the flag returned with this message to his general.
In the meantime, General Bonaparte prepared his small
force for action. The Austrian then asked him to propose
terms of capitulation. But our general, knowing
the importance of immediate action, replied—‘No, you
must become at once prisoners of war.’ The Austrian
hesitated, but when General Bonaparte ordered his artillery
and grenadiers to advance to the attack, the
enemy surrendered; and thus, without striking a blow,
four thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry surrendered
themselves prisoners of war to about one
thousand Frenchmen. We gained, besides, two pieces
of artillery.”
A general laugh followed this narrative. All agreed
that it was an admirable exploit, and quite worthy of
the genius of Bonaparte. At this moment, the young
commander-in-chief appeared at the door of his tent.
.bn 059.png
.pn +1
His horse was standing near, and he was quickly
mounted. “Come, Bessieres and Duroc,” said he in a
sharp voice, “we will go over the field.” So saying, he
rode away, leaving the officers addressed to follow him
as soon as they could. They immediately left the
group, which was now joined, however, by Lannes and
Berthier, who, wearied out, sought the vacant seats to
obtain a short rest.
“Who ever saw the like?” said young Lannes,—he
of the tall, stout form, stern countenance, and long, fair
hair, parted in the centre. “Such incessant activity!
That slender ‘little Corporal’ would tire a host of us.
In a few days he has killed five horses with fatigue. He
will not entrust any of us with the execution of his important
orders. He must see every thing with his own
eyes, inquire into every thing, and set every body in
a fever of motion by his presence. Such tremendous
energy I never knew any other person to possess. I
do not believe he sleeps at all. There he goes again, to
make his final arrangements for the battle.”
“He will wear himself out too soon, I am afraid,”
said Augereau.
“But he will accomplish more in one month than
many men could achieve in years. His immortality is
already established, and he is but twenty-six,” replied
Berthier.
“He will have a glorious opportunity to achieve a
decisive victory to-morrow,” said Lannes; “but I doubt
whether the battle will be as long and as desperate as
that of yesterday.”
“Yesterday was indeed a day of hard fighting, for
.bn 060.png
.pn +1
my division here, at least,” said Augereau. “My troops
were completely exhausted, when Liptai’s division was
driven from the heights. But how did Junot get cut
up in such a way?”
“I’ll tell you,” replied Berthier. “When the Austrian
line was broken by the charge of our infantry, one division
was driven towards Salo, where Guyeux was
posted. General Bonaparte caused it to be pursued, in
order to place it between two fires, and General Junot
was let loose, with a regiment of cavalry. Junot set off
at full speed. He encountered Colonel Bender with a
party of his regiment of hussars, whom he charged,
with his wonted bravery. But not wishing to waste
his time by attacking the rear, Junot made a detour to
the right, charged the regiment in front, wounded Colonel
Bender and attempted to take him prisoner, when
he suddenly found himself surrounded. Of course, he
fought like a hero, as he is, and it is said that he killed
six of the enemy with his own hand, before he was cut
down, and thrown into a ditch. I suppose he will be
disabled for some time, which is a real misfortune to
the army, as Junot is one of the bravest and most active
officers now under General Bonaparte’s command.”
“Yes,” said the generous Lannes, “we shall miss him.
He was promoted from the ranks on account of his cool
bravery, and he certainly has done honor to the judgment
of our general, who first noticed his merit at the
siege of Toulon.”
“Still,” said Augereau, “brave men are not scarce
in the army of Italy. We shall conquer without Junot,
I have no doubt.”
.bn 061.png
.pn +1
Thus the group continued to converse, until General
Bonaparte came up, with Massena and others, and invited
them to his tent to receive their final instructions.
The quick movements, and rapid, concise speech of the
young conqueror indicated the unwearied activity of his
mind. He had undergone tremendous exertion, but no
trace of it appeared in his bearing. The restless fire
of his eye was undimmed; his mind labored as vigorously
and with as much precision as if he had been enjoying
repose for several days; and the commander of
the Guides reported that the general slept but an hour
that night.
At the first peep of day, the two armies were in motion.
Wurmser, impatient to attack, moved his right
along the heights; Bonaparte, to favor this movement,
drew back his left, formed by Massena’s division; he
kept his centre immovable in the plain. He soon heard
Serrurier’s fire. Then, while he continued to draw back
his left, and Wurmser to draw out his right, he ordered
the redoubt of Medolano to be attacked. At first, he
directed twenty pieces of light artillery upon that redoubt,
and after briskly cannonading it, he detached
General Verdier, with three battalions, to storm it.
That brave general advanced, supported by a regiment
of , and took the redoubt. The left flank of the
Austrians was thus exposed at the very moment when
Serrurier, arriving at Cauriana, excited alarm upon
their rear. Wurmser immediately moved part of his
second line upon his right, now deprived of support,
and placed it en potence to front the French, who were
debouching from Medolano. He took the remainder of
.bn 062.png
.pn +1
his second line to the rear, to protect Cauriana, and
thus continued to make head against the enemy. But
Bonaparte, seizing the opportunity with his accustomed
promptness, immediately ceased to avoid engaging his
left and his centre, and gave Massena and Augereau
the signal which they were impatiently awaiting. Massena
with the left, Augereau with the centre, rushed
upon the weakened line of the Austrians, and charged
it with impetuosity. Attacked so briskly on its entire
front, and threatened on its left and its rear, it began
to give ground. The ardour of the French increased.
Wurmser seeing his army jeopardized then gave the
signal for retreat. He was pursued, and some prisoners
were taken. To put him completely to the rout, it
would have been necessary to make much more haste,
and to push him while in disorder upon the Mincio.
But for six days the troops had been constantly marching
and fighting; they were unable to advance further,
and slept on the field of battle. Wurmser had on that day
lost no more than two thousand men, but he had nevertheless
lost Italy.
That night, the first time for five days, Bonaparte
enjoyed the sweets of repose. The anxiety was at an
end—Italy was his own.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT ARCOLA.
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.di i_b_058_1.jpg 250 173 0.8
The indomitable Bonaparte
had nearly destroyed
the army of
Wurmser. The laurels
of Roveredo, Bassano,
and Saint George,
adorned his young
brow, beside those of
Monte Notte, Lodi and Castiglione. Within ten days,
he had carried positions, the natural difficulties of which
seemed to defy human assault, killed or captured about
twenty thousand men, and taken artillery and stores
.bn 064.png
.bn 065.png
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.pn +1
which were almost an encumbrance to his gallant little
army. His brave officers, Massena, Augereau, Bessieres,
Murat, Berthier, Lannes, and the rest, had heaped
up their titles to immortal renown. To use the language
of Thiers, “France was lost in admiration of the commander-in-chief
of the army of Italy.”
.pb
.il id=i058fp fn=i_b_058fp.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca NAPOLEON AT THE BRIDGE OF ARCOLA. Page 58.
.pb
Still, Bonaparte’s situation was rapidly becoming one
of startling peril. Austria redoubled her efforts to recover
Lombardy. A fine army was prepared from the
wrecks of Wurmser, the troops from Poland and Turkey,
the detachments from the Rhine, and fresh recruits.
Marshal Alvinzi was appointed to the command. Bonaparte’s
army at this time numbered about thirty thousand
men, but they were badly provided, while Alvinzi
could bring sixty thousand men into the field. On the 1st
of November, 1796, the Austrian commander advanced
upon the Brenta. At first, the French fell back, but
Bonaparte resolved to strike a blow at the onset of this
new series of movements, which would break the spirit
of the enemy. The action took place on the 5th, between
Carmignano and Bassano, and after a hot and bloody
conflict, the French were victorious. Other contests
followed; but in spite of the advantages gained by Bonaparte,
he found that unless a great decisive battle was
fought, Italy would be lost. The troops began to murmur
at the neglect with which their government treated
them, and the general complained to the Directory that
the majority of his best officers were either killed or
disabled by wounds. But in the meantime, Bonaparte
conceived a daring plan of action, which, considering
the circumstances, stands unparalleled in the annals of
.bn 067.png
.pn +1
war. He resolved to give battle, unexpectedly, amid
the marshes of the Adige, where the difference in
numbers would be neutralized. Then followed the
tremendous battle of Arcola, which lasted seventy-two
hours, and ended in the complete triumph of the French.
It was the night of the 17th of November. The sun
had set upon a third day of slaughter amid the marshes
and upon the plain at Arcola. But with the quiet
shadows of evening, came victory to gladden the hearts
of the French and their glorious general. Exhausted
by the terrible conflict, both armies were to pass the
night upon the plain. But the Austrians took care to be
beyond the reach of the conquerors and far towards
Vicenza. The French kindled their camp-fires upon
the field of their triumph. It was a gloomy night.
Neither moon nor star smiled in the sky; and the line
of the encampments could only be traced by the fires,
blazing even among the heaps of the dead, while far
away over the plain the long line of Austrian fires could
be distinguished. Having partaken of some slight refreshment,
the French soldiers were stretched upon the
ground around the fires. The majority slept. But to
some, wearied as they were in body, sleep would not
come, so excited were their minds by the vivid and
terrible images of the conflict through which they had
passed. The Guides, who had kindled their fires around
a little cottage in which Bonaparte had taken quarters
for the night, were among the wakeful ones. They had
secured for themselves, at the order of the commander-in-chief,
abundant refreshments, and now, sitting upon
their camp-stools to rest their weary limbs, they discussed
.bn 068.png
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both the provision and the glorious achievements
of the army of Italy. Their number had been considerably
thinned by the great battle through which they
had just passed, for they, as well as their general, had
been in the thickest of the fire. But there were still
Bessieres, the commander, young Lemarois, Duroc, and
others of distinction; while among them was, Augereau,
who, having been reared in the democratic faubourg
St. Antoine, never had any scruples upon the subject
of rank, outside of actual military operations. He associated
with general and private upon equal terms. The
others doubtless considered themselves as honoring the
company with their presence; but they could not have
formed a part of a more gallant group. Not an officer
among them but bore marks of the terrible conflict
through which they had passed. Their costume was
bespattered with mud, their faces blackened with powder,
and some of them had sabre wounds, which, for the
time, disfigured their countenances.
“The officers of the army have suffered dreadfully,
during these three days of fighting,” said Augereau.
“I thought that before the battle we were crippled
enough in that way; but only look now. Here’s General
Lannes, who was wounded before he went into
the conflict, and he now lies low with three more wounds.
Verne, Bon, Verdier, and several others are also wounded,
while General Robert and the brave Colonel Muiron,
who saved General Bonaparte’s life at Toulon, and
covered him here again, are killed.”
“This battle will long be deemed a glorious monument
of the genius of Bonaparte,” said Bessieres, “I say it
.bn 069.png
.pn +1
with deference, that heroic as are his principal officers,
they might have striven in vain against the superior
numbers of the enemy, but for the daring and profound
combinations of the general-in-chief, while much is also
due to his efforts of resolute valor during the struggle.”
“No one will venture to deny that,” said the frank
and generous Augereau. Massena merely nodded his
head, but left the meaning of the nod unexplained.
“For,” continued Bessieres, “consider the position
of the army before the battle. Our army was greatly
inferior in numbers to that of Alvinzi, as, in spite of
the immense loss of the Austrians, it remains. Our
hospitals were full of sick and wounded. The troops
were dispirited, because of the shameful neglect with
which their government treated them. A large number
of our best officers were entirely disabled. Yet an address
from General Bonaparte restored confidence to the
army, and when, on the night of the 15th, orders were
given to the troops to fall back, they obeyed with alacrity,
although they believed they were retreating—a
movement to which they are unaccustomed, for they
supposed that some daring plan had been formed for
their glory. When they had recrossed the Adige by
the bridge of boats here at Ronco, they found that their
confidence in their general had not been misplaced.”
“See then,” said Duroc, “how General Bonaparte
availed himself of the advantages of the ground. What
other general of this age would have thought of fighting
among the marshes. Alvinzi was encamped on the
road from Verona to the Brenta. Consequently when
General Bonaparte reached Ronco, he found himself
.bn 070.png
.pn +1
brought back on the flanks and nearly on the rear of
the Austrians. The army was then amidst extensive
marshes, traversed by two causeways, which we were
ordered to occupy.
“Now mark the result of his calculations; amidst
these marshes numerical advantage was neutralized;
there was no deploying but upon the causeways, and
on the causeways the courage of the advanced guards
of the columns would decide the event. By the causeway
on the left, which communicated with the road between
Verona and Caldiero, he could fall upon the Austrians
if they attempted to scale Verona. By the
causeway on the right, which crossed the Alpon at the
bridge of Arcola, and terminated at Villa Nova, he might
debouch upon the rear of Alvinzi, take his artillery and
baggage, and cut off his retreat. He was therefore
impregnable at Ronco, and he stretched his two arms
around the enemy. He had caused the gates at
Verona to be shut, and had left Kilmaine there, with
fifteen hundred men, to stand a first assault. This
combination, so daring and so profound, struck the
army, and inspired them with confidence.”
“It was a grand stroke of genius,” said Massena.
“I was stationed on the dike at the left, so as to go up
to Gombione and Porcil, and take the enemy in the
rear, if he should march to Verona.”
“And I,” observed Augereau, “was despatched to
the right, to debouch upon Villa Nova. But before I
could advance along the right hand dike, I had to cross
the Alpon by the bridge of Arcola. Some battalions
of Croats were stationed along the river, and had their
.bn 071.png
.pn +1
cannon pointed at the bridge. They received my
advance guard with a rattling fire of musketry, and at
first the men fell back. I rode up and did all in my
power to push them on, but the fire compelled them to
halt. Soon after that, I saw a party of Hungarian
cavalry come to inquire into the reason of the firing
among the marshes. The Austrian marshal could not
understand it. He did not for a moment suppose that
General Bonaparte would choose such a field of battle,
at least I judge so, from his orders.”
“Ha! ha!” shouted Massena, “you should have seen
Rivera leading his division close along the left dike
where I was posted. I permitted them to get too far
on the dike to retreat, and then dashed upon them at a
run. How we tumbled them into the marsh! Ha!
ha! The troops shot them by scores, as they floundered
in the mud and water. Ha! ha!” It was a grim laugh.
“I did the same for Mitrowski’s division,” said Augereau.
“I then pursued, and attempted to pass the
bridge, the soldiers gallantly crowding around the flag
I held to cheer them on. But they could not stand
that tremendous fire. Lannes, Bon, Verne, and Verdier
were wounded. In spite of my utmost efforts, the
column fell back, and the soldiers descended to the side
of the dike, to shelter themselves from the fire.”
“Then came the heroism of the ‘Little Corporal,’”
exclaimed Duroc, his eyes glowing with enthusiasm.
“He saw from Ronco, that Alvinzi had become sensible
of his danger, and was striving to prevent you, brave
Guyeux, from taking him in the rear at Villa Nova.
He saw that it was of the utmost importance to cross
.bn 072.png
.pn +1
the river at Arcola immediately, if he would gain
Alvinzi’s rear, and thus secure great results. Did you
see that glorious commander? He set off at full
gallop, came near the bridge, threw himself from his
horse, went to the soldiers who were crouching down by
the borders of the dike, asked them if they were still
the conquerors of Lodi, revived their courage by his
words, and seizing a flag cried, ‘Follow your general!’
Hearing his voice, a number of soldiers went up to the
causeway and followed him; unfortunately, the movement
could not be communicated to the whole of the
column, the rest of which remained behind the dike.
Bonaparte advanced, carrying the flag in his hand, amidst
a shower of balls and grape-shot. We all surrounded
him. Lannes, who had already received two wounds
from musket-shots during the battle, was struck by a
third. Muiron, the general’s aid-de-camp, striving to
cover him with his body, fell dead at his feet. The
column was nevertheless on the point of clearing the
bridge, when a last discharge arrested it, and threw it
back. The rear abandoned the advance. The soldiers
who still remained with the general, then laid hold of
him, carried him away amidst the fire and smoke, and
insisted on his remounting his horse. An Austrian
column debouching upon them, threw them in disorder
into the marsh. Bonaparte fell in, and sunk up to the
waist. As soon as the soldiers perceived his danger,
‘Forward,’ cried they, ‘to save the general.’ They ran
after Belliard and Vignolles to extricate him. They
pulled him out of the mud, set him upon his horse again,
pressed forward and Arcola was taken.
.bn 073.png
.pn +1
“Was there ever a more glorious man?” And as
the enthusiastic Duroc concluded his animated description
of the splendid exploit, his eyes gleamed in admiration
of his great friend and patron.
“Yes,” said Guyeux, “Arcola was taken. But I
could not get across the river in time to attack Alvinzi’s
rear, and thus the Austrian was enabled to deploy into
the plain. The general had striven gloriously, but he
had not attained his object. In my humble opinion,
he might have avoided the obstacle of Arcola by throwing
his bridge over the Adige a little below Ronco.
“Aye,” said Massena, “but then he would have debouched
into the plain, which it was of great importance
to avoid. The general had the best reasons for doing
what he did, and although the success was imperfect,
important results had been obtained. Alvinzi had
quitted the formidable position of Caldiero; he had descended
again into the plain, he no longer threatened
Verona; and he had lost a great number of men in the
marshes. The two dikes had become the only field of
battle between the two armies, which gave the superiority
to bravery. Besides, so glorious had been the
conflict, that our soldiers had completely recovered their
confidence, a result of immense importance, as all may
perceive.” This defence of Bonaparte’s course did honor
to the intelligence of Massena.
“But it must be admitted,” said Bessieres, “that the
battle of to-day surpassed all the rest in the display of
strategic genius. Yesterday was glorious for us, for
the bravery and perseverance of the whole army was
exerted in beating the enemy from the dikes, and
.bn 074.png
.pn +1
tumbling them into the marsh, and we destroyed an
immense number of them. But to-day proved most conclusively
that in strategy our general is at least the rival
of the Carthagenian Hannibal. Our general saw that
the long conflict had disheartened the enemy, and considerably
reduced their superior numbers. He then
dared to encounter them on the plain. You, General
Massena, marching at the head of your column, with
your hat upon the point of your sword, showed them
the way to victory, and the Austrians were once more
crowded into the marsh. But General Robert was repulsed
at the bridge of Ronco. Yet mark the resources
of the general-in-chief! Sensible of the danger, he placed
the 32d in a wood of willows, which borders the right
hand dike. While the enemy’s column, victorious over
Robert, was advancing, the 32d sallied from its ambuscade,
and, of the three thousand Croates who composed
it, the greater part were slain or captured. Crossing
the Alpon, Bonaparte brought the whole army into the
plain, in front of the Austrians. An ordinary general
would now have ordered a simple charge. But the
‘Little Corporal’ determined upon a stratagem. A
marsh, overgrown with reeds, covered the left wing of
the Austrians. Hercule, chef de battallion, was ordered
to take twenty-five guards, to march in single line
through the reeds, and to make a sudden charge, with
a great blast of trumpets.”
“And Hercule was the very man for such a desperate
service,” observed Duroc.
“Precisely,” said Bessieres. “Then the great charge
was made by you generals, Massena and Augereau;
.bn 075.png
.pn +1
but the Austrians stood their ground until they heard
the great blast of trumpets, when, thinking they were
going to be charged by a whole division of cavalry,
they fled, and the battle was decided in favor of France.
Italy is our own.”
“Not yet,” said Massena. “Austria is stubborn.
In spite of her many defeats, she will make at least
one more effort to recover possession of this fair land.
We have much fighting yet to do, I am sure.”
“We have lost many brave men in these three
fighting days,” said young Lemarois. “But the enemy
have suffered a loss of at least twelve thousand killed,
and six thousand made prisoners, while we have taken
eighteen pieces of cannon and four stand of colors.”
“Trophies enough,” said Augereau. “It seems to
me, that whether this battle has decided the fate of
Italy or not, we shall soon have a short respite from
our toils, which will give us time to recruit.”
The conversation continued thus till most of the
officers, being overcome with fatigue, retired to
their quarters. The Guides slept around their fires, in
close proximity to numbers of the gallant dead, whose
slumber was destined to be broken only by the archangel’s
trump.
In the meantime, the young conqueror had sought
his couch for much needed repose, and so soundly did
he sleep that even the glories of Arcola were forgotten
for the time.
.bn 076.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i069 fn=i_b_069.jpg w=450px ew=90%
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT RIVOLI.
.sp 2
.il fn=i_b_069_1.jpg w=200px ew=30% align=l
.di i_b_069_2.jpg 84 88 0.8
The chain of Monte
Baldo divides the
lake of Garda from
the Adige. The high
road winds between the Adige
and the foot of the mountains,
to the extent of some leagues.
At Incanale the river washes
the very base of the mountains,
leaves no room whatever for proceeding along its bank.
The road then leaves the banks of the river, rises by a
.bn 077.png
.pn +1
zig-zag direction round the sides of the mountain, and
debouches upon an extensive elevated plain, which is
that of Rivoli. It overlooks the Adige on one side, and
is encompassed on the other side by the amphitheatre
of Monte Baldo. An army in position of this plateau
commands the winding road by which the ascent to it is
made, and sweeps by its fire both banks of the Adige to
a great distance. It is very difficult to storm this plateau
in front, since you must climb up the narrow zig-zag
road before you can reach it. Therefore no one
would attempt to attack it by that single way. Before
arriving at Incanale, other roads lead to Monte Baldo,
and ascending its long and sloping acclivities terminate
at the plateau of Rivoli. They are not passable either
for cavalry or for artillery, but they afford easy access
to foot soldiers, and may be made available for carrying
a considerable force in infantry upon the flanks and rear
of the body defending the plateau.
Here the star of Napoleon was destined to shine with
new glory. Alvinzi commanded the principal attack on
the Tyrolese side, at the head of fifty thousand men,
and advanced his head-quarters from Bassano to Roveredo.
General Provera took the command of the
army on the lower Adige, which was twenty thousand
strong: its head-quarters were at Padua. A great many
troops appeared on different points, and some spirited
actions also took place in the course of the 12th and
13th; but the enemy had not fully unmasked his plans,
so that the moment for adopting a decisive course had
not yet arrived. On the 13th it rained very heavily,
and Napoleon had not yet resolved in what direction to
.bn 078.png
.pn +1
march, whether up or down the Adige. At ten in the
evening, the accounts from Joubert, at La Corona, determined
him. It was plain that the Austrians were operating
with two independent corps, the principal attack
being intended against Monte Baldo, the minor one on
the Lower Adige. Augereau’s division appeared sufficient
to dispute the passage of the river with Provera;
but on the Monte Baldo side the danger was imminent.
There was not a moment to lose; for the enemy was
about to effect a junction with his artillery and cavalry,
by taking possession of the level of Rivoli; and if he
could be attacked before he could gain that important
point, he would be obliged to fight without artillery or
cavalry. All the troops were therefore put in motion
from the head-quarters at Verona, to reach Rivoli before
day-break; the general-in-chief proceeded to the same
point, and arrived there at two in the morning.
The weather had been rainy for several days. But
now the sky was without a cloud. The moon and stars
shone with a brilliancy peculiar to their light in this region.
The air was keen and bitter cold. The French
general, accompanied by his aids and the faithful Guides,
proceeded to a projecting rock on the heights of Monte
Maggone, to gain a complete view of the enemy, previous
to fixing the plan of battle. And now behold the group,
dismounted, and collected near the fire, Bonaparte being
in advance, with glass in hand, surveying the positions
of the enemy. Duroc, Lemarois, Murat, Berthier and
Bessieres stood together just behind him. The whole
horizon was in a blaze with the Austrian fires, and the
red glare contrasted strangely with the pure white light
.bn 079.png
.pn +1
of the moon. Bonaparte observed and talked with his
customary precision and rapidity.
“Alvinzi has at least forty-five thousand men under
his command. We have but twenty-two thousand;
while the brave Joubert, who has so nobly maintained
his position at Rivoli, has but ten thousand. The enemy
has divided his force into three columns, although I
see no less than five camps. The principal column,
will proceed along the high road between the river and
Monte Baldo, and will debouch by the winding road of
Incanale. Three divisions of infantry have climbed the
steep mountains, and will get to the field by descending
the steps of the amphitheatre formed by this chain of
heights. Another division will wind round the side of
the mountains and attempt to gain our rear.
“But yonder seems to be another camp on the other
side of the Adige,” said Murat, pointing to a line of
fires.
“True,” said Bonaparte, “but that can do no damage.
It can only fire a few balls across the river. It is clear,
we must keep the plateau at all events. Posted there
we prevent the junction of the different divisions of the
enemy. We may play our artillery upon the infantry
which is deprived of its cannon, and drive back the
cavalry and artillery which must be crowded together
in a narrow, winding road. The other divisions will not
trouble us much.” Thus, with lightning-like rapidity,
did this matchless general conceive the plan which was
to give him a glorious victory.
“I suppose we are to begin the battle at daybreak,”
said Duroc.
.bn 080.png
.pn +1
“At daybreak! Now! now is the time!” replied the
French general, sharply. “Duroc! Joubert’s troops
have been fighting forty-eight hours, and they are now
taking a little repose. They must be aroused immediately.
Tell them for me, that they must not let Massena’s
division surpass them in endurance, and his troops
have marched by night and fought by day. Order General
Joubert to attack the advanced post of the Austrian
infantry, drive them back, and extend his force
more widely upon the plateau.”
Duroc immediately spurred away to communicate the
order to Joubert.
“Joubert has done well; but he should not have
abandoned yonder St. Mark’s Chapel. At all events,
I do not believe the enemy have occupied it. Duroc is
rapid in movement. The battle of Rivoli will soon
commence,” said the French general.
“I wish Massena was nearer the field,” observed
Murat.
“He will be up in time, never fear. He is indomitable.
Besides, if the battle should assume a critical
aspect, I will go myself to hurry up his division. Ha!
Joubert is up like a roused lion, and in movement.
Who leads the column? Vial—a brave officer,” continued
Bonaparte. At this moment, a rattling fire of
musketry rang on the air, and from the height where
Bonaparte stood, could be seen the rapid advance of
Joubert’s troops, as well as the long line of D’Ocksky’s
column of Croats against whom the attack was directed.
Then the thunder of the artillery was heard, and clouds
of smoke curled up from the plateau.”
.bn 081.png
.pn +1
“St. Mark’s Chapel is recovered,” said Bessieres.
“The Austrian infantry cannot stand against the artillery,
and they are falling back in a semicircle, with
the heights at their rear,” remarked Bonaparte.
At this moment, Liptai’s division which kept the extremity
of the enemy’s semicircle, fell upon Joubert’s
left, composed of the 89th and 25th demi-brigades, surprised
them, broke their lines and compelled them to
retire in disorder. The 14th coming immediately after
these demi-brigades formed en crochet to cover the rest
of the line, and bravely stood their ground. The Austrians
now put forth all their strength and almost overwhelmed
this little band of heroes. They made desperate
efforts to capture the artillery, the horses of which
had all been killed. They had even reached the pieces,
when a brave officer rushed forward, and exhorted the
grenadiers not to allow their guns to be taken. Fifty
men immediately rushed forward, repulsed the enemy,
harnessed themselves to the pieces, and drew them
back.
In the midst of this terrible struggle, the day began
to dawn upon the field of Rivoli. Bonaparte who had
watched the progress of the fight with the keenest interest,
repeatedly making exclamations of surprise or
admiration, now perceived the critical position of affairs.
Turning to Berthier, he said quickly,
“General Berthier, I leave you in charge of my troops
at the point where they are threatened. I know you
and General Joubert can hold that position, no matter
what the number of the enemy may be. I am going
with all speed after Massena. Come, aids—Bessieres,
.bn 082.png
.pn +1
mount and forward!” The whole party was quickly in
the saddle, and away, leaving the watch-fire to
and die, as the lurid blaze of battle arose upon the
plain.
Massena’s first troops had scarcely come up, after
marching all night. Bonaparte took the 32d, already
distinguished by its exploits during the campaign, and
brought it to bear upon the left, so as to rally the two
demi-brigades, which had given way. The intrepid
Massena advanced at its head, rallied behind him the
broken troops, and overthrew all before him. He repulsed
the Austrians, and placed himself by the side of
the 14th, which had not ceased to perform prodigies of
valor. The fight was thus kept up on this point, and
the army occupied the semicircle of the plateau. But
the momentary check of the left wing had obliged Joubert
to fall back with the right; he gave ground, and
already the Austrian infantry was a second time nearing
that point which Bonaparte had such an object in compelling
him to abandon; in fact, the Austrian infantry
was about getting up to the outlet by which the winding
road of Incanale led to the plateau. At this moment,
the column composed of artillery and cavalry, and preceded
by several battalions of grenadiers, ascended
the winding road, and with incredible efforts of bravery,
repulsed the 29th. Wukassovich, from the other bank
of the Adige, sent a shower of cannon balls to protect
this kind of escalade. Already had the grenadiers
climbed the summit of the defile, and the cavalry was
debouching in their train upon the plateau. This was
not all. Lusignan’s column, whose fires had been seen
.bn 083.png
.pn +1
at a distance, and who had been perceived on the left,
getting to the rear of the position of the French, were
now coming up to their rear, in order to cut them off
from the road to Verona, and to stop Rey, who was
coming from Castel-Novo with the division of reserve.
Lusignan’s soldiers finding themselves on the rear of
the French army, already clapped their hands, and considered
it as taken. Thus, on this plateau, closely
pressed in front by a semicircle of infantry, pressed on
the rear, on the left by a strong column, sealed on the
right by the main body of the Austrian army, and
galled by the cannon balls which came from the opposite
bank of the Adige in the direction of this plateau, Bonaparte
was alone with Joubert’s and Massena’s divisions,
in the midst of a cloud of enemies. In fact, he was
with sixteen thousand men, surrounded by forty thousand
at least.
At this anxious moment, Bonaparte was not shaken;
he retained all the fire of inspiration. On seeing Lusignan’s
Austrians, he said, “Those are ours!” and he
allowed them to engage without giving himself any concern
about their movement. The soldiers, conjecturing
what their general meant, experienced the same confidence,
and also repeated to one another, “They are
ours!” Bonaparte did not concern himself with more
than what was passing before him. His left was protected
by the heroism of the 14th and the 32d. His
right was threatened at once by the infantry which had
resumed the offensive, and by the column that was
scaling the plateau. He immediately directed decisive
movements to be effected.
.bn 084.png
.pn +1
A battery of light artillery and two squadrons, under
two brave officers, Leclerc and Laselle, were ordered
to the outlet of which the enemy had taken possession.
Joubert, who, with the extreme right, had this outlet
at his back, suddenly faced about with a corps of light
infantry. All charged at once. The artillery first
poured a discharge upon all that had debouched; the
cavalry and light infantry then charged with vigor.
Joubert’s horse was killed under him; he got up nowise
daunted, and rushed upon the enemy with a musket in
his hand. All that had debouched, grenadiers, cavalry,
artillery, all were hurled pell-mell headlong down the
winding road of Incanale. The confusion was awful;
some pieces of cannon firing down into the defile, augmented
the terror and confusion. At every step, the
French killed and made prisoners.
Having cleared the plateau of the assailants who had
scaled it, Bonaparte again returned to his attacks
against the infantry which was ranged in semicircle before
him, and set Joubert upon it with the light infantry,
and Laselle with two hundred hussars. On this new
attack, consternation seized that infantry, now deprived
of all hope of effecting a junction with the main body;
it fled in confusion. The French semicircular line then
moved from right to left, drove back the Austrians
against the amphitheatre of Monte Baldo, and pursued
them as far as possible into the mountains. Bonaparte
then returned, and proceeded to realize his prediction
upon Lusignan’s division. That body, on witnessing
the disasters of the Austrian army, soon perceived what
would be its own fate. Bonaparte, after firing upon it
.bn 085.png
.pn +1
with grape-shot, ordered the 18th and the 75th demi-brigades
to charge. These brave demi-brigades moved
onwards, singing the chant du départ, and drove Lusignan
back by the road which Rey was coming up with the
reserve. The Austrian corps at first made a stand,
then retreated, and came full butt upon the advanced
guard of Rey’s division. Terrified at this sight, it sought
the clemency of the conqueror, and laid down its arms,
to the number of four thousand men. Two thousand
had been taken in the defile of the Adige.
It was five o’clock. The Austrian army was almost
annihilated. Lusignan was taken. The infantry which
had advanced from the mountains, was flying over the
rugged declivities. The principal column was pent up
on the bank of the river, while the subordinate division
of Wukassovich was an idle spectator of the disaster,
separated by the Adige from the field of battle. The
French general had had several horses killed under him,
and had received several slight wounds, but in spite of
his constant activity and exposure, he was still ready
to follow up his victory immediately. The battle of
La Favorita ensued, in which the army of Provera was
annihilated. In three days, twenty-three thousand men
were captured. Massena’s troops had marched and
fought four days and nights, without any considerable
intermission. The intrepid general himself, afterwards
received the title of Duke of Rivoli. Mantua was at
the feet of Bonaparte, and Italy was won.
.il fn=i_b_078.jpg w=300px ew=60%
.bn 086.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i079 fn=i_b_079.jpg w=384px ew=75%
.ca BONAPARTE CROSSING THE ALPS AT TARWIS.
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE ON THE ALPS.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='epubonly'
.il fn=i_b_079_1.jpg w=200px ew=33% align=l
.dv-
.if-
.di i_b_079_1.jpg 200 207 0.8
Although Bonaparte had performed
amazing, and, in some
respects, unparalleled, exploits
in Italy, there was a general
disposition among both Frenchmen
and foreigners to set up
inferior commanders as his
rivals. Now it was Moreau,
then Massena; then Hoche, and then the young Archduke
.bn 087.png
.pn +1
Charles, of Austria. The last mentioned had attained
a high reputation by a campaign in which he
triumphed over Generals Moreau and Jourdan, but his
valor and skill, although great, were overrated, as Bonaparte
and Massena soon rendered evident.
The Archduke took command of the Austrian army
of Italy, and on the 6th of February, 1797, advanced
his head-quarter to . During that month, his
engineers visited the passes of the Julien and Noric
Alps, which it had been designed to fortify. Napoleon,
having about fifty-three thousand troops under his command,
resolved to astonish his enemy by a rapid and
daring march upon the passes of the Alps before they
could be fortified. He formed the plan of a campaign,
the great object of which was the Austrian capital, Vienna,
and the execution was as prompt as the conception
was bold. The Tagliamento was passed, and the
enemy completely defeated; the passes of the Alps
were carried, after a tremendous struggle. Joubert
beat the Austrians in the Tyrol, the Archduke’s reputation
was reduced to its proper dimensions, and Vienna
trembled, having no means of resisting the all-conquering
Bonaparte. Tarwis is the loftiest pass of the Noric
Alps. It is above the clouds and is generally covered
with snow and ice, which give it a desolate and terrible
aspect. It overlooks Germany and Dalmatia. At this
point the roads leading to Italy and Trieste separate;
the road to Italy running west, and that leading to
Trieste running south. At this place, Bonaparte fixed
his head-quarters, shortly after the pass had been captured
by the indomitable Massena. It was the last
.bn 088.png
.pn +1
day of March. The weather was intensely cold, and
and the body of troops accompanying the French general
suffered severely. Bonaparte and his aids were
snugly quartered in the rude chalets, which are the only
habitations upon the height of Tarwis. The soldiers
were grouped amid a cordon of fires, the fuel for which
they had brought from a great distance below, with a
vast amount of labor and difficulty. Yet they shivered
beside the crackling blaze. It was a wild and startling
scene. The night was cloudy—the wind, keen and furious.
The red glare of the fires was reflected by walls
of ice and blood-stained snow. As the soldiers wrapped
themselves in their blankets, crept as close to the fires
as they could get, and conversed with a French attempt
at gaiety, they were surprised to see their beloved general,
accompanied by Berthier and Duroc, come out
of a chalet, to examine their condition, and speak a
word of cheer.
“A freezing time, men; but it will be hot enough
soon,” he remarked to a group of veterans.
“The cold is more terrible than the Austrians, general,”
said one of them, with an attempt at a laugh.
“But it cannot conquer the conquerors of Italy,” replied
Bonaparte. Thus he went among the brave men
who followed his standard, and thus he communicated
his own spirit to all with whom he came in contact.
After traversing the whole ground occupied by the
troops, the French general returned to his quarters to
repose.
Beneath a kind of shed in the rear of the chalet, several
of the Guides were seated round a cheerful fire,
.bn 089.png
.pn +1
smoking pipes and conversing of the recent actions and
their thrilling incidents. Among them were Bessieres
and Lemarois. The wall of the chalet, which formed
the rear of the shed, served to keep off the fury of the
wind, so that this place was comfortable, compared with
the position of the soldiers. Besides, the hearts of
these veterans had been gladdened with abundance of
good eating at the chalet, and satisfaction was evident
in their faces. The manly face of Bessieres, wore that
expression of calm circumspection, which it never lost
in the thickest of battle.
“The passage of the Tagliamento,” said this brave
leader, “will take rank with any similar exploit, recorded
in history.”
“It must be acknowledged that the archduke had
posted his forces in an admirable style,” said young
Lemarois. “His artillery covered the level shingle of
the river, and his fine cavalry, deployed on the wings,
so as to be brought rapidly into service, was an admirable
disposition.”
“Yes,” said Bessieres, “but as usual, the character
of the man[oe]uvres which defeated the Austrians throws
all their dispositions into insignificance. Was there
ever a general so fertile of stratagem as Bonaparte?
See how quickly he determined upon a plan to diminish
the vigilance of the enemy! An immense number of
men might have been lost if he had attempted the passage
of the river as soon as he reached its banks. But
he valued the lives of his soldiers too much, to throw
them away, when a simple stratagem could save them.
The Austrians naturally supposed that after marching
.bn 090.png
.pn +1
all night, he wanted rest, and when the general ordered
us to halt and begin to partake of our soup, they were
completely deceived. How the archduke must have
opened his eyes, when he saw us get suddenly in motion
at noon!”
“The disposition of our forces was so admirable that
it made some of our own skilful officers open their eyes,”
said Lemarois. “Look at it! Guyeux’s division on
the left, and Bernadotte’s on the right, by which arrangement
the troops of Italy and the soldiers of the Rhine
were brought into a noble rivalry. Then battalions of
grenadiers were formed. At the head of each division
was placed the light infantry, ready to disperse as
sharp-shooters, then the grenadiers who were to charge,
and the dragoons who were to support them. Each
demi-brigade had its first battalions, deployed in line,
and the two others arranged in close column on the
wings of the first. The cavalry hovered on the wings.
A finer disposition could not have been made.”
“Crossing the river was a glorious scene!” said Bessieres.
“The light infantry covered the bank with a
cloud of sharp-shooters. Then the grenadiers entered
the water. ‘Soldiers of the exclaimed Bernadotte,
‘the army of Italy has its eyes upon you.’ Each
division displayed the utmost bravery in the charge; we
can make no distinction between them.”
“No, indeed,” observed a grim-visaged Guide, who
sat next to soldiers called the troops
of the Rhine the contingent, and treated them with the
greatest contempt before the battle. A number of sabre
cuts were exchanged on account of this raillery. But
.bn 091.png
.pn +1
the contingent proved themselves worthy of any army
at Tagliamento. They drove the Austrians before them
like a flock of
“All acted in a manner worthy of France,” said Lemarois.
“The archduke was routed and the line of the
Tagliamento cleared in a remarkably short time.”
“What is the name of that general of cavalry who
was captured?” inquired one of the Guides—a burly
fellow, with a good-humored cast of countenance.
“I forget his name,” replied Bessieres; “but I cannot
forget that he is a brave man, and that he fought
with a courage and resolution which put most of his
countrymen to shame.
“To be just, however,” observed Lemarois, “there
are many gallant officers in the Austrian army. It is
not their fault if they have not a Bonaparte to bring
victory to their standard. They have a large number
of hearts following their flag, as intrepid as old Wurmser.
But strange to say, they have never had a first class
general.
“That’s about the truth of the matter,” commented
the burly Guide.
“By the way, Jacques,” said Bessieres, “it seems to
be getting colder as the night advances. Put on a
little more of that wood. Its bad enough fuel, though,
for it smokes abominably.”
Jacques was the burly Guide previously alluded to.
He obeyed the order of his commander.
“The men outside ought to have plenty of provision
to console them amid their sufferings on such a night.
They will scarcely dare to sleep,” said Lemarois.
.bn 092.png
.pn +1
“I saw our general out among them a short time
ago,” replied Bessieres. “A few sympathetic words
from him will do more than any amount of provision.”
“That’s a fact,” said the grim veteran who sat next
to the commander of the Guides. “They know that
he feels for them, and that he would help them if he
could. See there at St. George, an outpost of Mantua,
where there was a necessity for constant vigilance,
to prevent Provera from surprising us, and relieving
Wurmser. The general visiting one of the outposts
at night, found a sentinel lying at the foot of a tree,
where he had fallen fast asleep from exhaustion. He
took the soldier’s musket and walked backwards and
forwards on sentry for more than half an hour. Suddenly
the soldier started up, and was terrified at seeing
General Bonaparte on duty; he expected nothing less
than death. But the general spoke kindly to him, told
him that after his great fatigues, he wanted sleep; but
cautioned him against chosing such a time. That is the
way for a general to make heroes out of soldiers. That
sentinel would have risked his life at any time to give
victory to General Bonaparte.”
“Bonaparte is every inch of a general, a soldier and
a man,” said Bessieres.
“Some miserable judges wish to set up this young
Archduke Charles as a rival to our general,” said
Lemarois. “Why, this battle of Tarwis, in which he
had every thing in his favor, proves that he is not by
a great deal, up to the measure of Massena.”
“Have you heard the full particulars of the struggle
at this pass?” inquired Bessieres. “Battles come so
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rapidly, that it is difficult to gain a complete knowledge
of them.”
“I was present when an officer of Massena’s division
who participated in the fight communicated the intelligence,”
replied Lemarois. “While we were advancing
to Gradisca, General Massena pressed forward, reached
this pass, and made himself master of it without much
difficulty. The division of Bayalitsch, proceeding across
the sources of the Izonzo to anticipate Massena at the
pass, would therefore find the outlet closed. The
Archduke Charles, foreseeing this result, left the rest
of his army on the Friule and Carniola road, with
orders to come and rejoin him behind the Alps at Klagenfurt;
he then himself made the utmost haste to
Villach, where numerous detachments were coming up
from the Rhine, to make a fresh attack on the pass, to
drive Massena from it, and to re-open the road for
Bayalitsch’s division. Bonaparte, on his side, left
Bernadotte’s division to pursue the divisions that were
retreating into Carniola, and with Guyeux’s and Serrurier’s
divisions, proceeded to harass the Bayalitsch
division in its rear, in its passage through the valley of
the Izonzo. Prince Charles, after rallying behind the
Alps the wrecks of Lusignan and Orksay, who had
lost the pass, reinforced them with six thousand grenadiers,
the finest and bravest soldiers in the imperial
service, and again attacked the pass, where Massena
had left scarcely a detachment. He succeeded in
recovering it, and posted himself here with the regiments
of Lusignan and Orksay, and the six thousand
grenadiers. Massena collected his whole division, in
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order to carry it again. Both generals were sensible of
the importance of this point. Tarwis retaken, the French
army would be masters of the Alps, and would make
prisoners of the whole of Bayalitsch’s division. Massena
rushed on headlong with his brave infantry, and
suffered as usual in person. Prince Charles was not
less chary of himself than the republican general, and
several times ran the risk of being taken by the French
riflemen. Whole lines of cavalry were thrown down
and broken on this frightful field of battle. At length,
after having brought forward his last battalion, the
Archduke Charles abandoned Tarwis to his pertinacious
adversary, and found himself compelled to sacrifice
Bayalitsch’s division. Massena, left master of Tarwis,
fell down upon that division which now came up,
attacked it in front, while it was pressed in the rear by
the divisions of Guyeux and Serrurier. That division
had no other resource than to be made prisoners; and
our army captured all the baggage, artillery and ammunition
of the enemy that had followed this route. For
my part, I think that a good general could have maintained
this pass against a greatly superior force.”
“It is a strong position, and it does not appear
to me that it could be turned,” observed Bessieres.
“However,” continued he, rising, “the pass is ours;
Joubert has beaten the enemy and will soon join us;
the archduke is completely beaten, and there is scarcely
an obstacle in the way of a march to Vienna. These
are the results of a march as daring and skilful as any
ever conceived by a general. So much glory for General
Bonaparte, and renown to the arms of France.
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Come, Lemarois, we will enter the chalet, and strive to
gain some repose. Keep up your spirits, men, and
above all keep up the fire. Good night!”
And keen and swiftly blew the Alpine wind, and
redly blazed the fires of Tarwis till the light of day
arose from the ashes of the night. Then the French
general pursued his march. He united his forces;
Vienna was threatened, and the treaty of Campo Formio
was extorted from Austria.
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.ca NAPOLEON’S ARRIVAL IN EGYPT p. 89
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THE CAMP-FIRE ON THE NILE.
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The evening of the 21st of
July, 1798, had cast its
shadows on the Nile. Although
the day had been
excessively warm, the air
was now cool and pleasant.
The full moon was gradually
deepening the placid
splendor of her light, and
giving a silvery sheen to the winding waters of the river.
On an elevated terrace, in the distance, could be distinguished
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the bold and gorgeous minarets and gilded
domes of Cairo. The villages of Bulak and Shoubra
were nestled on the river banks, overlooking a vast
extent of cultivated plain, rich in vineyards and grain.
The great obelisk of Heliopolis stood out against the
eastern sky; and the vast Lybian desert stretched
away in desolation to the west. In the midst of this
sea of sand, could be faintly distinguished the awful
forms of the great pyramids of Ghizeh, from which
that day, “forty centuries had looked down,” upon the
victory achieved by Bonaparte over the Mameluke
tyrants of Egypt.
The French were encamped upon the banks of the
Nile; and the light of their watch-fires could be seen
for a great distance along the river. The victorious
general was at Ghizeh, having fixed his quarters in the
country-seat of Murad Bey. But although the watch-fires
were burning, the soldiers of the conquering army
were not gathered around them. No; the spoils of
victory would not let them rest. They had suffered
much in the dreary march towards Cairo, and fought
bravely in overcoming the gallant cavalry of the
Egyptian army, and now very naturally sought to
repay themselves for their hardships and toils. The
field of battle was covered with the troops, who were
engaged in stripping the valuable articles from the
bodies of the slain Mamelukes. Among the spoils
thus obtained were splendid shawls, weapons of fine
workmanship, purses, some of which contained as many
as two and three hundred pieces of gold; for the
Mamelukes carried all their ready money on their
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persons. More than a thousand of these Egyptian
warriors had been drowned in the Nile; and even now,
by the light of the moon, the French troops were
engaged in dragging for the bodies, to swell the amount
of their booty. A more indefatigable set of spoil-seekers
never won a victory.
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.ca TURKISH ENCAMPMENT.
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The Mamelukes had sixty vessels on the Nile, containing
the bulk of their riches. In consequence of
the unexpected result of the battle, they lost all hope
of saving them, and set them on fire. The great blaze
suddenly rising to the sky, caused the French troops to
pause in the midst of their search for valuables. They
knew the contents of those vessels, and they beheld
the gradual destruction of those vast treasures with
feelings of disappointment not easily delineated. During
the whole night, through the volumes of smoke and
flame, the French could perceive the forms of the
minarets and buildings of Cairo and the City of the
Dead; and the red glare was even gloriously reflected by
the Pyramids. To increase the terrors of the scene, the
wild and treacherous populace of Cairo, learning the
disasters of their countrymen, set fire to the splendid
palaces of the Beys, and these great edifices blazed
and crackled up against the sky throughout the night.
About nine, in the evening, Bonaparte, accompanied
by Berthier, Desaix, Lannes, Regnier, and nearly all
his principal officers, and even a number of the privates,
entered the country-house of Murad Bey, at Ghizeh.
This residence presented a magnificent appearance at
a distance, and a close inspection disclosed many
additional beauties. But it was a point of some difficulty
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at first to make it serve for a lodging, or to comprehend
the distribution of the apartments. But what
chiefly struck the officers with surprise, was the great
quantity of cushions and divans covered with the finest
damasks and Lyons silks, and ornamented with gold
fringe. For the first time, they found the luxury and
arts of Europe in Egypt—the cradle of luxury and
arts. Bonaparte and his staff explored this singular
structure in every direction. The gardens were full of
magnificent trees, but without avenues, and not unlike
the gardens in some of the nunneries of Italy. The
soldiers were much elated at the discovery of large
arbors of vines, burdened with the finest grapes in the
world. The rapid vintage excited the laughter of the
French generals, who, themselves, joined in the scramble
for the delicious fruit.
In the meantime, the two divisions of Bon and
Menou, which had remained behind in an entrenched
camp, were equally well supplied. Among the baggage
taken, had been found a great number of canteens
full of preserves, both of confectionary and sweetmeats,
besides carpets, porcelain, vases of perfume, and a multitude
of little elegancies used by the Mamelukes. All
these luxuries had been purchased by the oppression
of the mass of the Egyptians, and it was but a stroke
of justice which took them from the oppressor.
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.ca COSTUMES OF CAIRO.
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The French troops, who had murmured much while
traversing the hot sands of the desert, now fell in
love with Egypt, and began to hope for a career of
easy conquest and rare enjoyment. Their general
was pleased at their change of tone, and permitted
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them to revel amidst the fruits of their labor and
endurance.
Bonaparte and his officers spent the greater part of
the night in exploring the residence of Murad Bey.
Towards morning they reclined upon its luxurious
couches, and while the conflagration raged without, and
the soldiers were revelling among the spoil, these
veteran officers indulged in repose. A short time previous
these gallant men had shared Bonaparte’s doubt
and anxiety as he stood upon the deck of a vessel, in
the harbor of Alexandria, viewing the shores of the
land of the Pharoahs. Now they could sleep in the
confidence of continued victory.
On the 20th of July, the young conqueror of the
Pyramids, entered Grand Cairo, receiving the humble
submission of the and the shouts of the thronging
populace. The capital of Egypt was in the power
of the French.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT MOUNT TABOR.
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In Lower Galilee, to the
north-east of the great
plain of Esdraelon, rises
an eminence rendered
intensely interesting by memories
sacred and profane. It
is Mount Tabor. Although
surrounded by chains of
mountains on nearly all sides,
it is the only one that stands
entirely aloof from its neighbors. The figure of the
mount approaches that of a semi-sphere, and presents a
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regular appearance. Its ground figure is usually described
as round; and, indeed, seems to be perfectly so to those
coming from the midst of the great plain, or from the
sea of Galilee. But, in reality, it is really somewhat
longer from east to west than broad, so that its true
figure is oval. The height of this mountain has never
been subjected to actual measurement. It appears, however,
that it occupies three hours to travel round the
base of the mountain; that an hour is generally required
to reach the summit by a circuitous path, and that the
plain upon the top of the eminence is seldom traversed
in less time than half an hour.
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The mountain is inaccessible except on the north,
where the ascent offers so little difficulty that there are
few parts which suggest to the traveler the prudence or
necessity of dismounting from his horse. This remarkable
mountain offers so rare a combination of the bold
and beautiful, that pilgrims of all ages have expatiated
upon its glories with untiring wonder and delight. The
trees of various species, and the bushes always green,
with which it is invested, and the small groves with
which it is crowned, contribute no less than its figure
to its perfect beauty. Ounces, wild boars, gazelles, and
hares, are among the animals which find shelter in its
more wooded parts; while the trees are tenanted by
“birds of every wing,” whose warblings and motions
beguile the fatigues of the ascent. “The path,” says Mr.
Stephens, “wound around the mountain, and gave us a
view from all its different sides, every step presenting
something new, and more and more beautiful, until all
was completely forgotten and lost in the exceeding loveliness
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of the view from the summit. Stripped of every
association, and considered merely as an elevation commanding
a view of unknown valleys and mountains, I
never saw a mountain which, for beauty of scene, better
repaid the toil of ascending it.”
The view it commands is magnificent. To the north,
in successive ranges, are the mountains of Galilee, backed
by the mighty Lebanon; and Safet, as always, stands
out in prominent relief. To the north-east is the Mount
of Beatitudes, with its peculiar outline and interesting
associations; behind which rise Great Hermon, and the
whole chain of Anti-Lebanon. To the east are the hills
of the Haouran, and the country of the Gadarenes, below
which the eye catches a glimpse of the Lake of Tiberius,
while to the south-east it crosses the valley of the
Jordan, and rests on the high land of Bashan. Due
south rise the mountains of Gilboa, and behind them
those of Samaria, stretching far to the west. On the
south-south-west the villages of Endor and Nain are seen
on the Little Hermon. Mount Carmel and the Bay of
Acre appear on the north-west; and towards them flows,
through the fertile plains of Esdraelon, “that great
river, the River Kishon,” now dwindled into a little
stream. Each feature in this prospect is beautiful: the
eye and mind are delighted; and, by a combination of
objects and associations, unusual to fallen man, earthly
scenes, which more than satisfy the external sense,
elevate the soul to heavenly contemplations.
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.ca JUNOT.
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The beautiful upper plain is inclosed by a wall,—probably
the same which was built by Josephus, when
Governor of Galilee,—and contains some ruins, which
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are probably those of the two monasteries, which, according
to William of Tyre, were built here by Godfrey
of Bouillon, in the place of others of earlier date which
the Moslems had destroyed. The plain has at different
times been under cultivation; but when, from oppression
or fear, abandoned by the cultivator, it becomes a
table of rich grass and wild flowers, which send forth a
most refreshing and luxurious odor. In summer the
dews fall copiously on Tabor, and a strong wind blows
over it all day.
Tabor is chiefly interesting to the Christian, however,
as the supposed scene of the Transfiguration,
when Christ appeared in glory, with Moses, and Elias.
To the reader of profane history and the student of
the career of Napoleon Bonaparte, it is also rendered
interesting as the scene of a decisive victory gained
by the French general over some of the bravest forces
of the East.
It was the night of the 16th of April. The victorious
French had encamped at the foot of Mount Tabor.
The evening had set in calmly and beautifully, above
a plain heaped with the dead of the annihilated army,
but the deep shadows of night had scarcely descended,
before the French general-in-chief ordered all the villages
of the Naplousians to be set on fire; and although
they were distant, their red light was so glaring, that
it illumined the field of battle and the camp of the
victors, and rendered evident many ghastly features
of the scene.
At the tent of General Kleber were assembled that
gallant officer, Junot, Murat and Bon. Bonaparte was
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in his tent, surrounded by his faithful Guides. Just
outside of the line of tents the watch-fires were
brightly burning, and the sentinels paced up and down
with solemn tread. Kleber, and his brothers in glory,
were seated on camp-stools around a table, on which
were several bottles of wine. After Napoleon himself,
Kleber was the most remarkable man of the army of
Egypt. See him there, with his large and powerful
frame—his great head of shaggy hair, his quick,
piercing eyes, prominent features, and slovenly costume.
Great-souled Jean Baptiste Kleber! The revolution
found him a peaceful architect. He entered the
ranks as a grenadier, and rose to be esteemed a military
genius indispensable to France, and a commander as
humane and generous as he was brave and skilful.
Always peevish, he yet was guilty of no bitterness of
action—mean conduct was with him an impossibility.
Opposite Kleber sat Andoche Junot. His mild, pleasant,
handsome features expressed nothing of the indomitable
spirit which he ever displayed in action; but his eyes
were quick and intelligent. His costume was much
cut and soiled by the desperate service he had performed
during the last two days. Murat was as usual
finely dressed. He seemed weary, and drank deeply
to revive his spirits. Most terrible had been the
slaughter of his sabres that day on the banks of the
Jordan. General Bon had nothing remarkable in his
appearance. The expression of his sun-burned countenance
was that of firmness, united with intelligence
and promptitude.
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“I wonder how things go on at Acre,” said Junot.
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“Bad as usual,” replied Kleber. “The place cannot
be taken, that is evident. It was clear to me long ago,
that Sidney Smith, and the engineer Philippeaux have
stimulated the troops to extraordinary exertions. They
repulse every assault; and as we have no siege trains,
where is our chance for taking the town. Nowhere,
nowhere—and so I told General Bonaparte—the stubborn
specimen of lean genius. We shall waste our
army before the walls of that place, and gain nothing;
whereas, if the siege were raised, we might yet do much
for Egypt.
“Then here must end our general’s grand project
for striking a blow at the English dominion in Asia,”
observed Bon.
“Aye,” said Kleber, “and it was folly to entertain
such projects after the destruction of our fleet at Aboukir,
by that confounded Englishman, Nelson. The most
we could hope to do after that was to consolidate our
empire in Egypt, and that would have been no ordinary
task. But this ‘Little Corporal,’ will not listen to any
one.”
“The march to El Arisch, across that burning desert
was bad enough; but I’m afraid that we shall have the
same thing to do again, under worse circumstances,”
said Murat.
“But this battle has won us glories enough to atone
for many hardships,” remarked Junot. “At first the
prospect was desperate enough.”
“You, Junot, have certainly increased your reputation,”
said Bon. “The advanced guard which you
commanded consisted of, at most, but five hundred men.
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Yet with that force you dared to encounter the enemy
on the 8th, and not only covered the field with their
dead, but took five stand of colors, and came off with
but little loss.”
“Very well, but that is scarcely worthy of mention
when we consider the long and successful defence
made by Kleber’s whole division on the ground.”
“If I had not arrived too late last night, I might
have surprised the Turkish army, and then that long
defence would have been unnecessary. I designed to
the surprise,” said Kleber.
“The number of the enemy surprised me this morning,
when they were drawn up in battle array,” said Junot.
“Fifteen thousand infantry occupied the village of
Fouli, and more than twelve thousand horse were drawn
up in the plain, while we had scarcely three thousand
infantry in square.”
“They made an imposing show, but they were met
with such steady bravery, and such a blaze of fire, that
their ranks seemed to melt away like mist before the
sun,” said Kleber. “However, it was well that General
Bonaparte came up. The furious charges of the
Turkish cavalry had begun to make an impression on
my ranks, and it is probable enough they might have
been broken in the course of the afternoon, if the
general-in-chief had not brought up your division, Bon,
and made those admirable dispositions, which placed
the enemy between two fires, and soon put them to the
rout. A tremendous fire discharged from three points
of the triangle, sent the Mamelukes away in heaps.
We took the village of Fouli—yes, Fouli, you call it—and
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then finished the enemy by putting them
to soak in the waters of the Jordan. It has been a
glorious day.”
“Six thousand French have destroyed an army which
the Naplousians stated could no more be numbered
than the stars in the heavens and the sands on the seashore,”
observed Junot. “Well, we may fail in the
conquest of the East, but this victory cannot be forgotten.”
“Besides glory,” said Kleber, “it may be as well
to mention that the booty taken is worth considerable.
The Turkish camp was well supplied with both necessaries
and luxuries. We have taken four hundred
camels, and the other booty is sufficient to satisfy our
soldiers.”
“And see,” said Bon, “the Naplousians will have
reason to remember us,” and he pulled aside the canvass
of the tent and pointed to the red light of the
burning villages.
At this moment, General Bonaparte appeared at the
door of the tent, in company with Bessieres. The
young general looked much worn and fatigued. His
figure was stouter than it had been during the campaign
of Italy; but his stern countenance still showed
the hollow cheeks and sunken eyes, caused by the constant
and powerful workings of his genius. His costume
was much soiled, and its appearance indicated his
want of attention to such matters during the press of
the business of life and death. He held some papers
in his hand.
“Generals, I hope I do not interrupt your conversation.
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But business like ours admits of no delay. I
set off at day-break for Acre, where I am determined
to press the siege with renewed vigor. I have reason
to dread that a large Turkish army will soon be landed
near the mouth of the Nile, and if Acre is to be taken
at all, we must accomplish the feat very speedily; and
it must be taken,” said Bonaparte, in his emphatic
way.
“Must be taken,” said Kleber, always outspoken.
“My opinion is that the siege will cost us many valuable
lives, and yet not be successful. Every day
increases the difficulties of our safe return to Cairo.”
“Yes, yes,” said Bonaparte, impatiently, “but it will
not do to let this Englishman, Sidney Smith, and his
Turks, baffle the conquerors of Italy and Egypt.
General Kleber, you will lead your division back to
Acre; and you, General Bon, will follow. We have
annihilated our foes in this quarter, and have nothing
more to fear from them. Hasten your march to Acre,
and, doubtless, with a few more determined efforts, that
town will be in our hands.” So saying, he bowed, and
hurried out of the tent.
“A man destined to do great things; but destined
to be mistaken in his present enterprise,” observed
Kleber.
Murat now proposed a ride over the field of battle,
before retiring to repose. The others agreed, and all
were soon mounted, and cantering away along the line
of the camp-fires, and among the heaps of the dead.
A large number of the French soldiers were engaged
in searching for valuables among the bodies of the
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Mamelukes, and to the inquiries of the generals, they
responded that they were reaping a full harvest.
Around the line occupied by the troops of Kleber’s
division, was seen the wall of carcasses which had
served as a protection to those gallant men, when they
had become extremely fatigued by the struggle against
the overwhelming numbers of the enemy. The light
of the burning villages, and the watch-fires, was quite
sufficient to enable them to pursue their spoil-seeking
occupation. After riding over the whole field, the
generals separated, and each sought his tent to stretch
himself for repose, and to dream of the glorious incidents
of the victory of Mount Tabor.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT ABOUKIR.
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The battle of Aboukir, was,
perhaps, the only instance
in the history of war, in
which a hostile army was
utterly annihilated by an
inferior force. The victory,
therefore, was one of the
most splendid which Bonaparte
ever achieved. The Turkish army, conveyed by
the squadron of Sir Sidney Smith, anchored in Aboukir
Bay on the 11th of July, 1799.
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The place fixed upon by the English for their landing,
was the peninsula which defends this road, and which
bears the same name. This narrow peninsula runs out
between the sea and Lake Madieh, and has a fort at its
extremity. Bonaparte had ordered Marmont, who commanded
at Alexandria, to improve the defences of the
fort, and to destroy the village of Aboukir, situated
around it. But, instead of destroying the village, he
thought it better to keep the place in order to lodge
the soldiers there; and it had merely been surrounded
by a redoubt to protect it on the land side. But the
redoubt not joining on both sides the sea, did not present
the appearance of a close work, and put the fort
on the same footing as a simple field-work. The Turks,
in fact, landed with great boldness, attacked the intrenchments
sword in hand, carried them, and made
themselves masters of the village of Aboukir, putting
the garrison to the sword. The village being taken, the
fort could no longer hold out, and it was obliged to
surrender. Marmont, who commanded at Alexandria,
had issued forth, at the head of twelve hundred men, to
hasten to the assistance of the troops at Aboukir. But
learning that the Turks had landed in considerable
numbers, he durst not attempt to drive them into the
sea by a bold attack. He returned to Alexandria, and
left them to quietly take up their position on the peninsula
of Aboukir.
The Turks amounted to nearly eighteen thousand
infantry. These were not the miserable Fellahs who
had composed the infantry of the Mamelukes; but
brave janizaries, carrying a musket without bayonet,
.bn 131.png
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slinging it at their back after firing, and rushing
pistol and sword in hand upon the enemy. They
had a numerous and well-served artillery, and were
under the direction of English officers. They had no
cavalry, for they had not brought more than three
hundred horses; but they expected Murad Bey, who
was to leave Upper Egypt, proceed along the desert,
cross the oasis, and throw himself into Aboukir with
two or three thousand Mamelukes.
When Bonaparte was informed of the particulars of
the landing, he left Cairo instantly, and made from that
city to Alexandria one of those extraordinary marches
of which he had given so many instances in Italy. He
took with him the divisions of Lannes, Bon, and Murat.
He had ordered Desaix to evacuate Upper Egypt, and
Kleber and Regnier, who were in the Delta, to bring
themselves nearer Aboukir. He had chosen the point
of Birket, midway between Alexandria and Aboukir,
in order to concentrate his forces thither, and to man[oe]uvre
according to circumstances. He was very
fearful lest an English army had landed with the
Turks.
Murad Bey, according to the plan settled with Mustapha
Pacha, had tried a descent into Lower Egypt;
but being met and beaten by Murat, he had been
obliged to regain the desert. There was now nothing
left but the Turkish army to fight, destitute as it was
of cavalry, but yet encamped behind intrenchments,
and disposed to stand its ground there with its usual
pertinacity. Bonaparte, after inspecting Alexandria
and the admirable works executed by Colonel Cretin,
.bn 132.png
.pn +1
and after reprimanding Marmont, his lieutenant, who
had not dared to attack the Turks at the moment of
landing, left Alexandria on the 6th Thermidor, Next day, the 7th, he was at the entrance of
the peninsula. His plan was to inclose the Turkish
army by intrenchments, and to await the arrival of all
his divisions, for all he had with him were no more than
the divisions of Lannes, Bon, and Murat, about six
thousand men. But on observing the arrangements
made by the Turks, he altered his intentions, and resolved
to attack them immediately, hoping to inclose
them in the village of Aboukir, and to overwhelm them
with bombs and howitzers.
The Turks occupied the furthest end of the peninsula,
which is very narrow. They were covered by two lines
of intrenchments. Half a league in advance of the village
of Aboukir, where their camp was, they had occupied
two round sand-hills, supported the one on the sea,
the other on Lake Madieh, and thus forming their right
and left. In the centre of these two hillocks was a
village, which they had likewise kept. They had one
thousand men on the hillock to the right, two thousand
on the hillock to the left, and three or four thousand
men in the village. Such was their first line. The
second was at the village of Aboukir itself. It consisted
of the redoubt constructed by the French, and was connected
with the sea by two trenches. It was there
that they had stationed their principal camp and the
bulk of their forces.
Bonaparte made his arrangements with his usual
promptitude and decision. He ordered General ,
.bn 133.png
.pn +1
with some battalions, to march to the hill on the
left, where one thousand Turks were posted; Lannes
to march to that on the right, where the two thousand
others were; and Murat, who was at the centre, to make
the cavalry file on the rear of the two hillocks. These
arrangements were executed with great precision. Destaing
marched to the hillock on the left, and boldly
climbed it; Murat contrived to get at its rear with a
troop of cavalry. The Turks, when they saw this, abandoned
their post, fell in with the cavalry, which cut
them in pieces, and drove them into the sea, into which
they chose rather to throw themselves than to surrender.
The same operation was executed on the right.
Lannes attacked the two thousand Mamelukes, Murat
got at their rear; and they were in like manner cut to
pieces and driven into the sea. Destaing and Lannes
then moved towards the centre, formed by a village, and
attacked it in front. The Turks there defended themselves
bravely, relying upon assistance from the second
line. A column in fact was detached from the camp of
Aboukir; but Murat, who had already filed upon the
rear of the village, cut this column in pieces, and drove
it back into Aboukir. Destaing’s infantry and that of
Lannes entered the village at the charge step, driving
the Turks out of it, who were dispersed in all directions,
and who obstinately refusing to surrender, had no other
retreat than the sea, wherein they were drowned.
Already four or five thousand had perished in this
manner. The first line was carried; Bonaparte’s object
was accomplished, and now, inclosing the Turks in
Aboukir, he could bombard them while waiting for the
.bn 134.png
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arrival of Kleber and Regnier. But he desired to make
the most of his success, and to complete his victory that
very moment. After giving his troops a little breathing
time, he marched upon the second line. The division
under Lanusse, which had been left as a reserve, supported
Lannes and Destaing. The redoubt which covered
Aboukir was difficult to carry; it had within it
nine or ten thousand Turks. On the right, a trench
joined it to the sea; on the left, another trench brought
it further out; but was not continued quite to Lake
Madieh. The open space was occupied by the enemy,
and swept by the fire of numerous gun-boats. Bonaparte,
having accustomed his soldiers to defy the most
formidable obstacles, sent them upon the enemy’s position.
His divisions of infantry marched upon the front
and the right of the redoubt. The cavalry, concealed
in a wood of palm-trees, had to make the attack on the
left, and then to cross, under the fire of the gun-boats,
the open space between the redoubt and Lake Madieh.
The charge was made; Lannes and Destaing urged forward
their brave infantry. The 32d marched with
their pieces on their arms towards the intrenchments,
and the 18th got at the rear of the intrenchments on
the extreme right. The enemy, without waiting for
them, advanced to meet them. They fought hand to
hand. The Turkish soldiers, having fired their pieces
and their two pistols, drew their flashing sabres. They
endeavored to grasp the bayonets, but received them in
their flanks before they could lay hold of them. Thus
a great slaughter took place in the intrenchments. The
18th was on the point of getting into the redoubt, when
.bn 135.png
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a tremendous fire of artillery repulsed it, and sent it
back to the foot of the works. The gallant Leturcq fell
gloriously, by desiring to be the last to retire; Fugieres
lost an arm. Murat on his part had advanced with his
cavalry, with a view to clear the space between the fire
of the redoubt and Lake Madieh. Several times he had
dashed forward, and had turned back the enemy; but
taken between the two fires of the redoubt, and that of
the gun-boats, he had been obliged to fall back on the
rear. Some of his horse-soldiers had advanced to the
ditches of the redoubt. The efforts of so many brave
fellows appeared likely to be entirely unavailable. Bonaparte
looked coolly on this carnage, waiting for a favorable
moment to return to the charge. Fortunately the
Turks, as they usually did, quitted the intrenchments
for the purpose of cutting off the heads of the slain.
Bonaparte seized this opportunity, launched forth two
battalions, one of the 22d, the other of the 69th, which
marched upon the intrenchments and carried them. On
the right, the 18th also took advantage of this opportunity,
and entered the redoubt. Murat, on his side,
ordered a fresh charge. One of his divisions of cavalry
traversed that most exposed space between the intrenchments
and the lake, and made his way into the village
of Aboukir. The Turks, affrighted, fled on all sides,
and a horrible slaughter of them ensued. They were
pressed by the point of the bayonet and driven into the
sea. Murat, at the head of his heroes, penetrated into
the camp of Mustapha Pacha. The latter, in a fit of
despair, snatched up a pistol and fired it at Murat, whom
he wounded slightly. Murat struck off two of his fingers
.bn 136.png
.pn +1
and sent him prisoner to Bonaparte. Such of the Turks
as were not killed or drowned retired into the fort of
Aboukir.[A]
.fm rend=ht
.fn A
Thiers.
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The proud army of the Turks was thus completely
overwhelmed, as if it had been entirely buried by an
avalanche. No wonder that the enthusiastic Kleber,
after witnessing the man[oe]uvres that gained this splendid
victory, clasped Bonaparte in his arms, and exclaimed,
“General, you are as great as the world
itself.”
It was the second night after the battle. The army
was encamped upon the field. Bonaparte was alone in
his tent. That day he had contrived to obtain from
Sir Sidney Smith a file of papers from Europe, from
which he eagerly sought information as to the condition
and prospects of France. He had dismissed all his
officers, and now, as they were either carousing in their
tents, or wandering among the camp-fires of the troops,
he sat in his tent to obtain that information which was
destined to lead to such great and decisive plans. See
him, as he sits there, with his eyes keenly fixed upon
the papers, and an occasional smile lighting up his features
of bronze! He learns the calamities which have
visited the armies of France, and then the smile is
turned to a terrible frown, and he exclaims, passionately,
“The imbeciles! the imbeciles! Why was I not
there?”
He perused the accounts of the overthrow of the
French armies in Italy and Germany; he saw that all
.bn 137.png
.pn +1
that he had gained for France, had been lost; he knew
that these disasters would not have occurred if he had
retained a European command; and he felt more
strongly than ever that he was destined to retrieve the
condition of affairs, to bind victory once more to the
tri-color standard. Perhaps, also, his mind perceived
the opportunity for gratifying the aspirations of a
selfish ambition, and that this perception caused the
frown to melt once more into a smile—a smile of triumph.
He saw that the disasters attending the French
arms had rendered the Directory unpopular, and that
power was within the reach of any bold, decisive man,
who would dare to attempt the overthrow of that
government; and he had faith enough in himself to
decide that he was the very man for the crisis. Long
he read, and long he pondered. Cæsar deliberated
upon the banks of the Rubicon. At length he started
up. The die was cast. He would return to France
and strike for the supreme authority. Having once
decided upon his movements, no man could have taken
his measures with more promptitude. He resolved to
sail secretly for Europe. He wrote a dispatch to
Admiral Gantheaume, directing him to get the Muiron
and Carrere frigates ready for sea. He determined
that as Kleber was very popular with the army, that
general should be left in command. There could be no
doubt of Klebers vigor, activity and skill. Bonaparte
then sat down, and, with astonishing rapidity and precision,
drew up a long list of instructions for the new
commander-in-chief. He then sent word to Berthier,
Lannes, Murat, Andreossy, Marmont, Berthollet, and
.bn 138.png
.pn +1
Monge, that he wished to see them in his tent. It was
late. But they came, without exception, at his summons.
Kleber and Menou were then at Cairo, or they,
also, would have been invited to this important conference.
In a few words, Bonaparte communicated his
sudden resolution to those officers he had assembled
around him. They were surprised, but when he told
them that he wished them to go with him, they were
glad; for in spite of the glory achieved in Egypt, they
were anxious to return to France. Berthier had been
suffering for some time from depression of spirits,
owing to a long standing matrimonial engagement; and
he fairly leaped from his seat when he heard of the
intention of the general-in-chief. Monge, that circumspect
votary of science, hinted that there was the
greatest danger of the whole party being captured by
the English cruisers, which were exceedingly vigilant
in the Mediterranean. The only reply was the brief
and emphatic “I must incur the risk.” The officers
cast significant glances at each other, but it was
extremely doubtful if they fathomed his designs.
“I have received ill news from Europe, my friends,”
said Bonaparte, toning over his papers, and seemingly
attending to several matters at once. “The Austrians
and Muscovites have gained the superiority. That
which we won with so much toil has been lost, and
France is threatened with the invasion of her territory.
We are wanted in Europe, and in spite of winds, waves,
and English cruisers, we must go thither.”
Soon afterwards the conference was broken up, and
the general-in-chief was again alone in his tent—nay,
.bn 139.png
.pn +1
not alone, for the images of ambition were fast crowding
around him, and they were companions whom he valued
more than the ordinary human realities of the camp.
And there this all-daring, all-achieving soldier sat till
the peep of day, perfecting his plans, the ultimate
reach of which was a throne above thrones; for it was
his habit of mind never to form a design which did not
extend to the farthest point. In war, it was the conquest
of a world at which he aimed; in politics, consul
nor king could satisfy the cravings of his soul—he
would be an emperor. Doubtless, his Rubicon was at
Aboukir, and there the die was cast which determined
him to be master of France.
.il fn=i_b_120.jpg w=450px ew=80%
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.il id=i121 fn=i_b_121.jpg w=450px ew=80%
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CAMP-FIRE IN THE VALLEY OF AOSTA.
.sp 2
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.di i_b_121_1.jpg 250 199 1.3
We are now to behold Bonaparte
as First Consul
of France—as the successful
rival of the Carthagenian
Hannibal in
the prodigious exploit
of leading an army
over the lofty and wintry
Alps—and as the
conqueror of his old enemies the Austrians.
The time was May, 1800. At Paris, Bonaparte had
formed the plan of the most astonishing of his campaigns,
with a precision so wonderful that it pointed to
the very spot on which the decisive battle should be
fought. While the intrepid Massena defended Genoa
.bn 141.png
.pn +1
with unwearied energy, and Moreau engaged the attention
of the Austrians on the line of the Danube, the
First Consul had created a third army, caused the
passes of the Alps to be explored, determined to take
that of the Great St. Bernard, and achieved the passage
as far as the vale of Aosta, where an unexpected
obstacle was found in the fortress of Bard.
The valley of Aosta is traversed by a river which
receives all the waters of the St. Bernard, and carries
them into the Po, under the name of Dora-Baltea. As
it approaches Bard, the valley narrows; the road lying
between the base of the mountains and the bed of the
river becomes gradually more contracted, until at length,
a rock, which seems to have fallen from the neighboring
crags into the middle of the valley, almost entirely
blocks it. The river then runs on one side of the rock,
and the road proceeds on the other. This road lined
with houses composes all the town of Bard. On the
top of the rock stands a fort, impregnable by its position,
though ill-constructed, which sweeps with its fire,
on the right, the whole course of the Dora-Baltea, and
on the left, the long street forming the little town of
Bard. Drawbridges close the entrance and the outlet
of this single street. A garrison, small in number, but
well commanded, occupied this fort.
The brave and persevering Lannes commanded the
advanced division of the French. He was not a man
to be easily stopped. He immediately put forward a
few companies of grenadiers, who broke down the drawbridge,
and, in the face of a sweeping fire, entered Bard.
The commandant of the fort then poured a storm of shot
.bn 142.png
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and shell upon the town, but was soon induced to cease,
by a feeling of compassion for the inhabitants. Lannes
stationed his division out of the town and under cover;
but it was impossible to pass the materiel of the army
under the fire of the fort. He then reported to General
Berthier, who, coming up, was dismayed at the
unexpected obstacle. General Marescot, the skilful
engineer of the army, was then brought forward.
He examined the fort, and declared it nearly impregnable,
not on account of its construction, which was
indifferent, but from its position, which was entirely isolated.
The escarpment of the rock did not admit escalading,
and the walls, though not covered by an embankment,
could not be battered in breach, as there was no
possibility of establishing a battery in a position suitable
for breaching them. Nevertheless, it was possible,
by strength of arm, to hoist a few guns of small calibre
to the top of the neighboring heights. Berthier gave
orders to this end. The soldiers, who were used to the
most difficult undertakings, went to work eagerly to
hoist up two four-pounders, and even two eight-pounders.
These they in fact succeeded in elevating to the
mountain of Albaredo, which overlooks the rock and
fort of Bard; and a plunging fire, suddenly opened,
greatly surprised the garrison, which, nevertheless, did
not lose courage, but replied, and soon dismounted one
of the guns, which were of too feeble a calibre to be
useful.
Marescot declared that there was no hope of taking
the fort, and that some other means must be devised
for overcoming this obstruction. Berthier, in great
.bn 143.png
.pn +1
alarm, instantly counter-ordered all the columns as they
successively came up; suspended the march of the men
and the artillery all along the line, in order to prevent
them from involving themselves further, should it be
necessary, after all, to retreat. An instant panic circulated
to the rear, and all the men thought themselves
arrested in this glorious enterprise. Berthier sent courier
after courier to the First Consul, to inform him of
this unexpected disappointment.
The latter tarried still at Martigny, not meaning to
pass over the St. Bernard, until he had seen, with his
own eyes, the last of the artillery sent forward. But
this announcement of an obstacle, considered insurmountable
at first, made a terrible impression on him;
but he recovered quickly, and refused positively to admit
the possibility of a retreat. Nothing in the world
should reduce him to such an extremity. He thought
that, if one of the loftiest mountains in the world had
failed to arrest his progress, a secondary rock could not
be capable of vanquishing his courage and his genius.
The fort, said he to himself, might be taken by bold
courage; if it could not be taken, it still could be turned.
Besides, if the infantry and the cavalry could pass by
it, with but a few four-pounders, they could then proceed
to Ivrea at the mouth of the gorge, and wait until
their heavy guns could follow them. And if the heavy
guns could not pass by the obstacle which had arisen;
and if, in order to get any, that of the enemy must be
taken, the French infantry were brave and numerous
enough to assail the Austrians and take their cannon.
Moreover, he studied his maps again and again, questioned
.bn 144.png
.pn +1
a number of Italian officers; and learning from
these that many other roads led from Aosta to the
neighboring valleys, he wrote letter after letter to Berthier,
forbidding him to stop the progress of the army,
and pointing out to him, with wonderful precision, what
reconnoissances should be made around the fort of Bard.
He would not allow himself to see any serious danger,
except from the arrival of a hostile corps, shutting up
the debouch of Ivrea; he instructed Berthier to send
Lannes as far as Ivrea, by the path of Albaredo,
and make him take a stronger position there, which
should be safe from the Austrian artillery and cavalry.
When Lannes guards the entrance of the valley, added
the First Consul, whatever may happen, it is of little
consequence, the only result may be a loss of time. We
have enough provisions to subsist ourselves awhile, and
one way or other we shall succeed in avoiding or overcoming
the obstacles which now delay us.
These instructions having been sent to Berthier, he
addressed his last orders to General Moncey, who should
debouch by the St. Gothard; to General Chabran, who
should come down by the Little St. Bernard, directly
in front of the fort of Bard; and then, at last, resolved
to cross the Alps in person. Before he set forth, he
received news from the Var, informing him that on the
14th of May—the 24th of Floreal—the Baron de Melas
was still at Nice. As it was now the 20th of May, it
could not reasonably be supposed, that the Austrian
general, in the space of six days, could have marched
from Nice to Ivrea. It was then on the 20th of May,
before daylight, that he set out to pass the defile. His
.bn 145.png
.pn +1
aid-de-camp Duroc, and his secretary Bourrienne, accompanied
him.
Behold him now ascending the rugged and difficult
St. Bernard, the rocks and precipices around him, and
above, the towering summits of perpetual snow! He
is mounted on a mule, conducted by a young, hardy
mountaineer. The grey great coat, which he always
wore during his campaigns of sleepless activity, is buttoned
closely around him. His cheeks are fuller than
when we saw him in Egypt; but he has the same pale,
olive complexion, the same firm-set mouth, the same
steady, piercing eyes, and the same air of constant
thought. Occasionally he turns to address a remark
to Duroc or Bourrienne; and he has many questions to
ask of those officers he meets upon the road. But,
strange to say, he converses the longest with that
simple-hearted mountaineer who leads his mule. The
young guide unrolls his little catalogue of troubles, to
which the First Consul listens as he would to a pastoral
romance. The great man learns that the mountaineer
is much grieved, because, for want of a little
money, he is unable to marry one of the maidens of
the valley who has won his heart. Thus proceeding,
the party at length arrived at the monastery of St.
Bernard, where the benevolent monks displayed much
pleasure at seeing the illustrious general. He alighted;
but before he partook of any refreshment, he wrote a
brief note, which he handed to his guide, and told him
to give it without delay to the administrator of the
army, who had remained on the other side of the St.
Bernard. In the evening, when the young mountaineer
.bn 146.png
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reached St. Pierre, he learned how great a person he
had conducted, and also that the First Consul had
given him a house and a field, as the means of marrying
the girl of his heart. A delightful pastoral episode
in the great warrior’s stormy career.
Bonaparte halted a short time with the monks,
thanked them for the care shown to his troops, made
them a noble gift, and then pursued his route. The
descent of St. Bernard was made very rapidly, the
First Consul descending on a sledge, which glided down
the glacier with almost fearful swiftness. The party
arrived the same evening at Etroubles. The following
morning, having spent some time in examining the
park of artillery and the provisions, he started for
Aosta and Bard.
The night of the 23d of May was clear, bright and
cold, in the valley of Aosta. Just beyond the town
of Bard—a long, narrow line of old, picturesque
houses—were encamped the troops of Lannes’s division,
the line of the encampment being indicated by the
watch-fires. In front of the large tent which had been
erected as the quarters of the First Consul, stood
Bonaparte, Berthier, Marescot, Lannes, Duroc, and
Bourrienne. Marescot stood next to the illustrious
commander-in-chief, who was examining the fort and
its surroundings with a glass.
“The report was perfectly correct; that is a serious
obstacle,” said the First Consul. “But I have no
doubt that we, who surmounted the difficulties of the
St. Bernard, will conquer this rocky position, either by
taking or turning it.”
.bn 147.png
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“The only hope of capturing the fort, is by an escalade,
on the outer ramparts, as you will perceive,”
remarked Marescot.
“True, we can place a battery on the heights of
Albaredo; but that will produce but little effect,” replied
Bonaparte.
“The fire of the fort sweeps the whole course of
the river, and that long street of the town,” observed
Berthier.
“We have made reconnoissances to the left, along
the sinuous flanks of the Albaredo mountain, and found
a path, which through vast dangers, more terrible than
those of the St. Bernard, rejoins the great road below
the fort at St. Donaz,” said Marescot.
“Can it be made practicable for infantry, cavalry,
and a few light guns?” quickly inquired Bonaparte.
“I think it can. With about fifteen hundred workmen,
it could soon be greatly altered,” replied Marescot.
“Enough; you shall have the workmen, and the
infantry, cavalry, and four-pounders shall be sent by
that road,” said the First Consul, decisively.
“The artillery horses may be sent by the same road,
and the only remaining difficulty will be to get the
heavy guns along beyond this fort,” remarked Duroc.
A short time previous, the officers of the advanced
division had been appalled by an unexpected obstruction.
But difficulties of all kinds seemed to vanish
before the First Consul’s burning faith in possibility.
No thought of retreat was now entertained.
“Come in, Marescot, and Bourrienne. Generals, you
.bn 148.png
.pn +1
shall hear from me either in the course of the night,
or at dawn,” said Bonaparte, and he entered his tent,
followed by Marescot and Bourrienne. Lannes and
Duroc followed General Berthier to his tent, where
they were soon seated and engaged in conversation.
“Come, Lannes, as this is the first time we have
met since we were at Dijon, let us know the particulars
of your march over Mount St. Bernard,” said
Duroc.
Lannes was much better fitted for doing a great
thing than giving an account of it, and it required a
short period of hard thinking to bring his ideas to the
proper point. However, he commenced.
“The march was no exploit of which an officer should
boast. You saw that I had under my command six
regiments of excellent troops—there are none better in
the army. To them belongs all the glory; for they
were heavily laden with provisions and ammunition,
and their task was one of great difficulty and hardship.
We started from St. Pierre, about midnight, in order to
get over the mountain before the period of danger from
tumbling avalanches. We calculated it would require
eight hours to reach the summit of the pass, and two
hours to descend to St. Remy. The troops went to
their work in high spirits. Burdened as they were,
they scaled the craggy paths, singing among the precipices,
and talking gaily, as if they were certain they
were marching to new victories in Italy. The labor of
the foot soldiers was not near so great as that of the
cavalry. The horsemen marched on foot, leading their
animals. In this, there was no danger while ascending;
.bn 149.png
.pn +1
but when they came to the descent, the narrowness of
the paths obliged each man to walk before his horse, so
that each was exposed at each tumble of his animal to
be dragged headlong down a precipice.”
“Did any of the men perish in that way?” inquired
Duroc.
“Yes, several,” replied Lannes, “and about a dozen
horses. The horse is not a sure-footed animal. Near
daybreak, we arrived at the hospital, where the First
Consul had ordered the monks to provide an agreeable
surprise for the troops, in the shape of refreshment.
Every soldier received a ration of bread, cheese, and
wine. We did not stop longer than was required to
dispatch this breakfast, and pursuing our march, we
reached St. Remy, without any other accidents than
those I have mentioned. While the other divisions of
the army were advancing, I received orders from the
First Consul to push forward to Aosta, then to Ivrea,
and by taking that town, secure the entrance to the
plains of Piedmont. On the 16th and 17th, I marched
upon Aosta. There I found some Croatians, whom I
drove down the valley. I reached Chatillon on the
18th, and routed a battalion of the enemy found there,
capturing a goodly number of them. I then marched
on down the valley, thinking that I would soon be upon
the fertile plains of Italy, when this confounded fort
suddenly appeared, and checked my march.”
“We have had a difficult task upon the other side
of the mountain,” said Duroc. “You know that it was
arranged that each day one division of the army should
pass over. The materiel had to be transported with
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each division. The provisions and the ammunition
were easily sent forward, for they could be divided into
small packages. But the heavier articles which could
not be divided and reduced, caused us a vast amount
of trouble. In spite of the liberal expenditure of money,
a sufficient number of mules could not be obtained.
The transportation of the artillery was the most difficult
task of all.
“The gun-carriages and caissons had been dismounted,
and loaded on the backs of mules. The cannon themselves
yet remained. For the twelve pounders and
howitzers, the difficulty was much greater than was at
first supposed. The sledges with rollers, which had
been constructed in the arsenals, were wholly useless.
Another mode was suggested, and immediately adopted;
and it proved successful. This was to split pine trunks
into two parts, hollow them out, secure a gun between
them, and drag the pieces thus protected along the slippery
ravines. Thanks to wise precautions, no shock
could occur to injure them. Mules were attached to
these strange loads, and succeeded in bringing a few
pieces to the top of the defile. But the descent was
more difficult: it was only to be achieved by manual
exertion, and by incurring imminent risk; as the pieces
had to be restrained and checked from rolling down the
precipices. Unfortunately, at this juncture, the mules
began to fail; the muleteers, too, who were now required
in great numbers, became exhausted, and in consequence
fresh means must be resorted to. A price as
high as a thousand francs was offered to the neighboring
peasants, for dragging a gun from St. Pierre to
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St. Remy. One hundred men were required for one
cannon, one day to bring it up, and one day to let it
down. Several hundred peasants presented themselves,
and, under the direction of artillerists, transported a
few pieces.
“But not even the allurement of such gain could
induce them to maintain this effort. All disappeared ere
long, and although officers were sent out to seek them,
lavishing money, so as to bring them back, it was in
vain; and it became necessary to call on the soldiers of
the several divisions to drag their own artillery themselves.
It seemed that nothing could be asked, too arduous,
of these devoted soldiers. The money which
the exhausted peasants would no longer earn, was offered
as a stimulus; but they refused it to a man, exclaiming
that it was a point of honor for all troops to save
their cannon; and they took charge of the abandoned
pieces. Parties, each of a hundred men, leaving the
ranks successively, dragged them, each in their turn.
Their bands struck up lively tunes in the more difficult
defiles, and animated them to surmount these novel obstacles.
Arrived at the mountain top, they found refreshments
prepared for them by the monks, and took
some brief repose, as a preparation for greater and more
perilous efforts to be exerted in descending. Thus the
divisions of Chambarlhac and Monnier were seen toiling
at their own artillery; and as the advanced hour of the
day did not permit them to descend, they preferred
bivouacking in the snow, to abandoning their cannon.
Fortunately the sky was clear; nor had they to endure
bad weather, in addition to the hard toils of the way.”
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.ca BONAPARTE AS FIRST CONSUL.
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“I am aware of much that you have been telling
us,” said Berthier, “having been unceasingly employed
in receiving the stores, and superintending the artillery
mounted again. The troops have fully communicated
their toils and sufferings, but they have borne up under
them with astonishing courage and fortitude. Their
faithful performance of duty has enabled the First Consul
to execute a grand campaign, which places him above
all the generals of antiquity.”
“The campaign is not yet decided. We must fight
at least one great battle, and the prospect is not favorable
to our getting near the Austrians in time to take
them by surprise,” said Lannes.
“I think not,” replied Duroc. “The First Consul
will either take or turn this fort within a few days at
the farthest. I have no doubt of it—and the Austrians
will be as much astonished as if we had dropped from
the clouds. The campaign will cover us with glory.”
Here Bourrienne entered the tent, and communicated
to the generals the plan which the First Consul had
formed, which was as follows:
He resolved to make his infantry, cavalry, and the
four-pounders, proceed by the path of Albaredo, which
would be possible, after repairs. All the troops should
be sent to take possession of the outlets of the mountains
before Ivrea; and the First Consul, meanwhile,
would attempt an attack on the fort, or find some means
of avoiding its obstruction, by sending his artillery
through one of the neighboring defiles. He ordered
General Lecchi, commanding the Italians, to proceed on
the left, advancing by the road to Grassoney in the
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of the Sesia, which extended to the Simplon and
the Lago Maggiore. This movement was intended to
clear the road of the Simplon, to form a junction with
the detachment which was coming down it, and lastly
to examine all the paths practicable to wheeled carriages.
After some further conversation, the generals separated
for the night.
The next day, it was apparent that the conqueror of
Italy was present, and among the French. All was
activity and resolution. The First Consul directed his
mind to the fort of Bard.
The single street, which composed this town, was in
possession of the French, but only passable, if passable
at all, under such a storm of fire as would make it
impossible to move artillery that way, even if the distance
had been only five or six hundred yards. The
commandant was summoned; but replied, with the
firmness of a man who appreciated fully the importance
of the post intrusted to his courage. Force, therefore,
alone, could make them masters of the passage. The
artillery, which had been placed in battery on the
heights of Albaredo, produced no great effect; an escalade
was attempted on the outer ramparts of the fort;
but some brave grenadiers and an excellent officer,
Dufour, were killed or wounded to no purpose. At this
time the troops were defiling by the path of Albaredo;
for fifteen hundred workmen had wrought the necessary
repairs on it. Places that were too narrow they had
enlarged by mounds of the earth; declivities too sudden
they had eased, by cutting steps for the feet;
trunks of trees they had thrown across other places, to
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form bridges over ravines, which were too broad to be
leaped.
The army defiled man by man in succession, the cavaliers
leading their horses by the bridles. The Austrian
officer commanding in the fort of Bard, seeing the
columns thus march past, was in despair that he could
not stop their progress; he, therefore, sent a message
to M. de Melas, informing him that he had seen the
passage of a whole army of infantry and cavalry, without
having any means to prevent it; but pledged his
head that they should arrive without a single piece of
cannon. During this time, the artillerymen made one
of the boldest of attempts. This was, under the cloud
of night, to carry a piece of cannon under the very fire
of the fort. Unfortunately, the enemy, aroused by the
noise, threw down fire-pots, which made the whole road
light as day, enabling him by that means to sweep it
with a hail-storm of deadly missiles. Out of thirteen
gunners who had run the risk of taking this piece forward,
seven were killed or wounded. There was in
that enough to discourage hardy spirits; yet it was not
long ere another way, ingenious, but still very perilous,
was devised. The street was strewn with straw and
litter; tow was fastened around all the cannon, to prevent
the slightest resonance of those huge metallic masses
on their carriages; the horses were taken out, and the
bold artillerists, dragging them with their own hands,
were so daring as to carry them under the batteries of
the fort, along the street of Bard. These means succeeded
to perfection. The enemy, who occasionally
fired as a precaution, wounded a few of the gunners;
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but soon, in spite of this fire, all the heavy artillery
was transported through the defile; and this formidable
obstruction, which had given the First Consul more
anxiety than the St. Bernard itself, was now entirely
overcome.
The Alps were passed, and victory already hovered
over the banner of Bonaparte.
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.il id=i139 fn=i_b_139.jpg w=500px ew=90%
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT MARENGO.
.sp 2
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The victory of Marengo was
the crowning glory of a
campaign unsurpassed in
the annals of war, as regards
the display of daring
genius and profound combination.
It was a stroke
which changed the face
of affairs in Europe, and
raised the conqueror to
the imperial height of his ambition.
The immense plain of Marengo extends between the
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Scrivia and the Bormida. In this place, the Po retreats
from the Appenine, and leaves a vast space, across
which the Bormida and the Tanaro roll their waters,
now become less rapid, till meeting near Alessandria,
they flow on together into the bed of the Po. The road,
leading along the foot of the Appenines to Tortona,
departs from it abreast of this place, turns to the right,
passes the Scrivia, and opens into a vast plain. The
stream it crosses at a first village, called San Giuliano,
runs forward to a second, named Marengo, and at length
crosses the Bormida, and terminates at the celebrated
fortress of Alessandria.
On the 13th of June, 1800, that army which had
surmounted the crags and snows of the Alps, debouched
into the plain. Here Bonaparte expected to find the
Austrians; but his cavalry scoured the plain without
finding a single corps, and the First Consul then concluded
that Melas had escaped. He then ordered the
wise and valiant Desaix, who had joined him a few
days previous, to march upon Rivolta and Novi with a
single division, that of Boudet, in order to check Melas,
if he had gone from Alessandria to Genoa. But the
division of Monnier, which was Desaix’s second, he
retained at head-quarters. Victor was left at the town
of Marengo, with two divisions; Lannes, the indomitable
Lannes, fresh from the glorious field of Montebello,
was left with one division on the plain, and Murat, with
his cavalry, was retained at the side of the general-in-chief,
with the splendid Consular Guard.
But the First Consul had been deceived. Melas had
not escaped; he expected to fight at Marengo, and
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had adopted measures to advance upon the French
army.
The French, marching from Placentia and the Scrivia,
would first come upon San Giuliano, and afterward, at
three quarters of a league farther, upon Marengo, which
almost touches the Bormida, and forms the principal
outlet which the Austrian army had to conquer, in order
to issue from Alessandria. Between San Giuliano and
Marengo extends, in a right line, the road which was
to be disputed; and on each side, wide spreads the plain
covered with fields of wheat and vineyards. Below
Marengo, to the right of the French, and left of the
Austrians, lay Castel-Ceriolo, a large borough, through
which General Ott intended to pass, in order to turn
the corps of General Victor, stationed in Marengo. It
was, therefore, upon Marengo that the principal attack
of the Austrians would be directed, as this village
commanded the entrance of the plain.
At day-break, the Austrian army passed the two
bridges of the Bormida. But its movement was slow,
because it had but one bridge-head, from which to
debouch. O’Reilly passed first, and encountered the
division of Gardanne, which General Victor, after having
occupied Marengo, had led forward. This division was
formed only of the 101st and 44th demi-brigades.
O’Reilly, supported by a numerous artillery, and with
double the force of his opponent, compelled him to fall
back, and shut himself up in Marengo. Fortunately,
he did not throw himself into the place after him, but
waited till the centre, under General Haddick, should
come to his support. The slowness of their march
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across the defile formed by the bridges, cost the Austrians
two or three hours. At length Generals Haddick
and Kaim deployed their forces in the rear of O’Reilly,
and General Ott passed the same bridges on his way to
Castel-Ceriolo.
Thus commenced the great battle of Marengo. The
advance, under Gardanne, was obliged to fall back upon
Victor. Victor held his position during two hours
against the enormous force opposed to him. He was
obliged to vacate Marengo, but retook it; and this
occurred twice or thrice. Napoleon now ordered Lannes
to advance to the support of Victor; but after a
long and obstinate contest, the cavalry of Elsnitz suddenly
appeared upon the right of Lannes, and both
lines were compelled to retreat. The Austrians had
fought the battle admirably. The infantry had opened
an attack on every point of the French line, while the
cavalry debouched across the bridge which the French
had failed to destroy, and assailed the right of their
army with such fury and rapidity, that it was thrown
into complete disorder. The attack was successful
every where; the centre of the French was penetrated,
the left routed, and another desperate charge of the
cavalry would have terminated the battle. The order
for this, however, was not given; but the retreating
French were still in the utmost peril. Napoleon had
been collecting reserves between Garafolo and Marengo,
and now sent orders for his army to retreat
towards these reserves, and rally round his guard,
which he stationed in the rear of the village of Marengo,
and placed himself at their head. The soldiers
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could all see the First Consul, with his staff, surrounded
by the two hundred grenadiers of the guard, in the
midst of the immense plain. The sight revived their
hopes. The right wing, under Lannes, quickly rallied;
the centre, reinforced by the scattered troops of the
left, recovered its strength; the left wing no longer
existed; its scattered remains fled in disorder, pursued
by the Austrians. The battle continued to rage, and
was obstinately disputed; but the main body of the
French army, which still remained in order of battle,
was continually, though very slowly, retreating, The
First Consul had now dispatched his aid-de-camp,
Bruyere, to Desaix, with an urgent message to hasten
to the field of battle. Desaix, on his part, had been
arrested in his march upon Novi, by the repeated discharges
of distant artillery: he had in consequence
made a halt, and dispatched Savary, then his aid-de-camp,
with a body of fifty horse, to gallop with all
possible haste to Novi, and ascertain the state of affairs
there, according to the orders of the First Consul, while
he kept his division fresh and ready for action. Savary
found all quiet at Novi; and returning to Desaix, after
the lapse of about two hours, with this intelligence,
was next sent to the First Consul. He spurred his
horse across the country, in the direction of the fire
and smoke, and fortunately met Bruyere, who was
taking the same short cut to find Desaix. Giving him
the necessary directions, Savary hastened to the First
Consul. He found him in the midst of his guard, who
stood their ground, on the field of battle; forming a
solid body in the face of the enemy’s fire, the dismounted
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grenadiers stationed in front, and the place of
each man who fell being instantly supplied from the
ranks behind. Maps were spread open before Napoleon:
he was planning the movement which decided the
action. Savary made his report, and told him of
Desaix’s position. “At what hour did you leave him?”
said the First Consul, pulling out his watch. Having
been informed, he continued, “Well, he cannot be far
off; go, and tell him to form in that direction (pointing
with his hand to a particular spot:) let him quit the
main road, and make way for all those wounded men,
who would only embarrass him, and perhaps draw his
own soldiers after them.” It was now three o’clock in
the afternoon.
The aged Melas, believing the victory his own, had
retired from the field, and left General Zach in command.
At this critical moment, the division of Desaix appeared
upon the plain. Outstripping the troops, this glorious
lieutenant galloped up to the First Consul. He said the
battle was lost, but there was yet time to gain another.
Bonaparte immediately set about availing himself of the
resources brought up by his beloved general.
Desaix’s three demi-brigades were formed in front of
San-Giuliano, a little way to the right of the main road.
The 30th deployed in line, the 9th and 59th in close
column, on the wings of the former. A slight undulation
of ground concealed them from the enemy. On
the right, rallying and somewhat recovered, were the
shattered relics of Chambarlhac’s and Gardanne’s divisions
under General Victor. To their right, in the
plain, Lannes, whose retreat had been stopped; next to
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him the Consular Guard, and next again to that, Carra
Saint-Cyr, who had maintained himself as near as
possible to Castel-Ceriolo. In this position the army
formed a long oblique line, from San-Giuliano to Castel-Ceriolo.
In an interval between Desaix and Lannes,
but somewhat more in the rear, was stationed Kellerman,
with his cavalry. A battery of twelve pieces, the
sole remains of the whole artillery of the army, was
spread out in front of Desaix’s line.
These dispositions made, the First Consul passed on
horseback along the lines of his soldiers, speaking to
several corps. “My friends,” said he to them, “you
have retreated far enough; recollect that I am in the
habit of sleeping on the field of battle.” After having
re-animated his troops, who were re-assured by the
arrival of their reserves, and burning to avenge the
events of the morning, he gave the signal. The charge
was beaten along the whole length of the lines.
The Austrians, who were rather in order of march
than of battle, kept the high road. The column directed
by M. de Zach came first; a little behind it came the
centre, half deployed on the plain and facing Lannes.
General Marmont suddenly unmasked his twelve pieces
of cannon. A heavy discharge of grape-shot fell upon
the head of the column, which was completely taken by
surprise, and suspecting nothing less than further resistance,
for they thought the French decidedly on their
retreat. They had not yet recovered from their surprise,
when Desaix put the 9th light infantry in movement.
“Go and inform the First Consul,” said he, to his ,
Savary, “that I am charging, and that I must
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be supported by the cavalry.” Desaix, on horseback,
charged in person at the head of his demi-brigade. He
led it over the slight inequality of ground which
concealed him from the view of the Austrians, and
made them aware of his presence by a discharge of
musketry at point blank distance. The Austrians
poured in an answering volley; and Desaix fell on
the instant, pierced by a bullet in the breast. “Conceal
my death,” said he to General Boudet, who was his
chief of division, for it might, he thought, produce a
panic among his men. Useless precaution of the young
hero. He was seen to fall, and his soldiers, like those
of Turenne, clamorously demanded to be led forward to
avenge the death of their leader. The 9th light infantry,
which on that day gained for itself the title of “The
Incomparable,” a distinction which it bore to the conclusion
of the war; the 9th light infantry, after pouring
its fire upon the enemy, formed in column, and fell upon
the deep mass of the Austrians. At the sight, the two
first regiments that led the march, surprised and
confounded, fell back in disorder upon the second line,
and disappeared amidst its ranks. Lattermann’s column
of grenadiers were now at the head, and received the
shock as chosen troops might be expected to receive it.
They were firm. The struggle extended to the two
sides of the main road. The 9th light infantry was
supported to the right by Victor’s troops, which had
rallied; to the left, by the 30th and 59th demi-brigades
of Boudet’s division, which followed the movement.
Lattermann’s grenadiers were defending themselves
stoutly, though hard pressed, when suddenly a storm
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burst on their heads. General Kellermann, who, at the
instance of Desaix, had received orders to charge, set
off at full gallop, and passing between Lannes and
Desaix, placed part of his squadron en potence to make
head against the Austrian cavalry, whom he saw before
him, and then, with the remainder, threw himself on the
flank of the column of grenadiers, already assailed in
front by Boudet’s infantry. By this charge, which was
executed with extraordinary vigor, the column was
cut in two. Kellermann’s dragoons sabred it to the right
and left, till, pressed on every side, the unfortunate
grenadiers threw down their arms. Two thousand of
them surrendered themselves prisoners. At their head,
General Zach himself was compelled to give up his
sword, and in this manner the Austrians were deprived
of any leader until the battle ended. But Kellermann
did not stop here; he dashed on the dragoons of Lichtenstein
and broke them! These recoiled in disorder
on the centre of the Austrians, as it was forming in the
plain, in front of Lannes, and there caused some
confusion. At this moment Lannes advanced, pressed
vigorously on the Austrians’ centre, which was shaken,
while the grenadiers of the Consular Guard and of Carra
Saint-Cyr again bore down upon Castel-Ceriolo, from
which they were not far distant. Along the whole line
from San-Giuliano to Castel-Ceriolo, the French had now
resumed the offensive; they marched forward, drunk
with joy and enthusiasm, at seeing the victory again
returning to their hands. Surprise and discouragement
had passed to the side of the Austrians.
From the Giuliano to Castel-Ceriolo, the oblique line
.bn 167.png
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of the French advancing at charging pace, pushed the
enemy back, and compelled them to strive to escape by
way of the bridges over the Bormida.
The slaughter of the Austrians was dreadful. Their
army was thus thrown into the utmost confusion in a
moment; and the victory, which had seemed quite
secure to them at three o’clock, was completely won by
the French at six. The pursuit continued far into the
night, the mixed deaths and mangling upon the dark
bridges being one confused and crowded horror; while
the whole of the Austrians who had remained on the
left bank were taken prisoners, or driven with headlong
devastation into the Bormida. The waters ran a deep
red with the blood of horses and of men, and presented
in some parts a clotted surface of their mangled remains.
Several entire battalions surrendered at discretion, and
General Zach and all his staff were made prisoners.
The greater part of the French army encamped on
the field of battle.
It was now about seven o’clock in the evening. The
storm of conflict was hushed; but the ghastly burden
of the field was revealed in all its horror by the glare
of the watch-fires, and the light of the moon. The
mangled dead were lying in heaps where the struggle
had been most desperate; and the Bormida was a river
of blood. Near the village of San Giuliano, a single
officer could be seen walking among the bodies of the
slain, leading his horse. For some time it seemed as
if his search would be vain. Many of the bodies had
been completely stripped by the enemy, and their
features were mangled so that it was almost impossible
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to recognise them. Suddenly, however, Savary halted.
In the midst of a circle of bodies, was stretched the
manly form of Desaix, which the aid-de-camp recognised
by the long, flowing hair which fell upon the neck, and
the noble expression of the countenance, which had not
altered in the agonies of death. The young man knelt
down and wept over that form, like a child; for he had
learned to look up to the heroic general as a father.
He loved Desaix with that noble devotion which only
the highest qualities can excite, and which is so admirable
as to make us proud of our human nature. Savary
gave free vent to his grief, and then, wrapping his cloak
around the body, he lifted it upon his horse, and slowly
returned with it to head-quarters. As he passed the
watch-fires, the troops, who were in the highest spirits
in consequence of the unexpected victory, recognised
the body of Desaix, ceased their talk, and respectfully
uncovered. At length, Savary brought his melancholy
burden to the head-quarters of General Bonaparte, at
Torre-di-Garofolo. Leaving the body in charge of some
soldiers, he entered the old mansion, which had been
selected for head-quarters, and was ushered into the
presence of the First Consul. Bonaparte was seated
amidst his principal officers, talking over the thrilling
incidents of the day, and complimenting those who had
particularly distinguished themselves, and there was
scarcely one who did not bear sanguine marks of the
fight.
“Your business, sir?” said Bonaparte, as Savary
appeared.
“Your excellency, I have found the body of General
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Desaix, and brought it here to await your
orders.”
“Ah! Desaix!” interrupted Bonaparte in a tone
full of sad feeling. He then appeared to indulge in
mournful reflection, and there was a silence of a few
minutes. He then continued, “This victory would
have been, indeed, glorious, could I this evening embrace
Desaix. I was going to make him a minister of
war. I would have made him a prince, had I been
able. As mild and modest in manners as he was firm
and heroic in battle, he deserves a monument from
France. You, and Rapp, are faithful
“General Desaix was our father,” said Savary.
“I will take you both for my aids.”
This Savary was afterwards Duke of Rovigo. He
was faithful to Napoleon to the end, and General Rapp
deserves the same praise.
The First Consul now gave directions to Savary as
to the immediate disposal of the body of Desaix. He
designed that it should be embalmed as soon as possible,
and placed in a fitting sarcophagus. Having
received full and accurate directions, Savary retired.
“Most of you will recollect the critical position of
affairs when Desaix arrived on the field,” said the
First Consul. “His coming was a happy thought. You
all know the worth of his opinion. You drew around
him and informed him of the events of the day. Yet
most of you advised a retreat. I demurred, and asked
the counsel of General Desaix. He cast his eye over
the field, and then, taking out his watch and looking at
the hour, replied, ‘Yes, the battle is completely lost;
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but it is only three o’clock. There is yet time to gain
another.’ These words encouraged me, and I immediately
ordered those movements which gave us the
victory. What is the loss of the enemy, according to
your estimate, M. de Bourrienne?”
“In my opinion, they have lost about one-third of
their army, which, before the battle, consisted of about
twenty-eight thousand men. Besides that, General
Haddick is killed, and a large number of their best
generals are disabled by severe wounds. General Zach
is a prisoner,” replied the secretary.
“Aye; then they have paid a portion of their debt,”
said Bonaparte.
“But,” said Victor, “our staff has suffered also;
Generals Mainomy, Rivaud, Mahler, and Champeaux
are wounded, and it is believed that Champeaux has
received his mortal stroke.”
“We have lost about one-fourth of the army, estimating
it at twenty-eight thousand men,” observed
Bourrienne.
“But we have gained a great victory, and the
Austrians are completely prostrated,” said Bonaparte,
quickly. “Let us now talk of our triumph. Little
Kellermann made a fine charge—he did it just at the
right time—we owe him much; see what trifles decide
these affairs!”
Just then, General Kellermann, a young-looking man,
of short stature and rather thin, but possessing a
manly countenance, entered the room. Strange to say,
the First Consul immediately changed his tone. As
the gallant young general, whose charge had decided
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the day, approached the table at which Bonaparte was
writing, he said, coldly, “You made a pretty good
charge,” and as a set off to this coldness, he turned to
Bessieres, who commanded the horse grenadiers of the
guard, and said to him audibly, “Bessieres, the guard
has covered itself with glory.” Kellermann bit his lips,
and his eyes flashed; but in spite of reports to the
contrary, he said nothing, and soon after retired from
the room. The reason of the treatment extended to
him by the First Consul has never been developed. It
certainly does no credit to the general-in-chief. Kellermann
had charged with about five hundred heavy
cavalry. It was this handful of brave men who had
cut in two the Austrian column. The guard made no
charge till night-fall. Yet Kellermann was never raised
to the rank of marshal.
Turning to Lannes, who seemed suffering from
fatigue, the First Consul said,
“You ought to be fatigued, General Lannes. Never
were witnessed efforts of bravery beyond those you
have shown this day. I saw you, with your four demi-brigades.
The enemy poured a storm of grape from
eighty pieces of artillery upon your troops; yet you
protracted your retreating fight three-quarters of a
league for two whole hours. Every battle adds to the
glory of the hero of Montebello.”
Lannes was pleased at receiving praise from Bonaparte,
who was the god of his idolatry. Yet it was
nothing more than his due. A short time previous, he
had defeated the Austrians at Montebello, in a long,
bloody, hand-to-hand struggle, against greatly superior
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numbers, and yet he had almost surpassed the achievements
of that desperate fight, when, to use his own
terrific expression, “the bones were cracking in his
division like hail upon a sky-light,” by his unparalleled
retreat at Marengo.
“I knew that so long as I maintained the right,”
said Lannes, “the army preserved a sure line of retreat
by Sale towards the banks of the Po. I compelled
the Austrians to fight, and lose a man for every inch
of ground. I blew up the caissons I could not bring
off.”
It was late when the generals retired to their respective
quarters, to sleep upon the laurels of Marengo.
Even then the cavalry which had pursued the enemy
had not all returned. The vanquished were allowed no
repose. The First Consul slept but little that night.
He knew that he should hear from the enemy, the next
morning, and sat up, with his secretary Bourrienne, to
fix upon the precise terms he should grant. He was
not mistaken. The watch-fires of the victorious French
had not been long extinguished, before Prince Lichtenstein,
bearing a flag of truce, reached head-quarters.
for a capitulation were commenced, and
the convention of Alessandria was signed on the 15th
of June.
It was agreed, in the first place, that there should be
a suspension of arms in Italy, until such time as an
answer should be received from Vienna. Should the
convention be accepted, the Austrians were free to
retire, with the honors of war, beyond the line of the
Mincio. They bound themselves, in withdrawing, to
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restore to the French all the strongholds which they
occupied. The castles of Tortona, Alessandria, Milan,
Arona, and Placentia, were to be surrendered between
the 16th and 20th of June—27th Prairial, and 1st of
Messidor—the castles of Ceva and Savona, the strongholds
of Coni and Genoa, between the 16th and the
24th, and the fort of Urbia, on the 26th of June. The
Austrian army was to be divided into three columns,
which were to withdraw one after the other, and proportionally
to the delivery of the strongholds. The
immense military stores accumulated by M. de Melas,
in Italy, were to be divided into two parts; the artillery
of the Italian foundries was granted to the French army;
the artillery of the Austrian foundries to the imperial
army. The Imperialists, after having evacuated Lombardy
as far as the Mincio, were to fall back behind the
following line:—the Mincio, La Fossa, Maestra, the left
bank of the Po, from Borgo-Forte to the mouth of that
river, on the Adriatic. Peschiera and Mantua were to
remain in possession of the Austrian army. It was
stated, without explanation, that the detachment of this
army, then actually in Tuscany, should continue to
occupy that province. There could be no allusion made,
in this capitulation, to the States of the Pope, or those
of the King of Naples, because these potentates were
strangers to the affairs of upper Italy. Should this
convention not receive the emperor’s ratification, ten
days’ notice was to be given of the resumption of hostilities.
In the meantime, no detachment on the one
side or the other, should be sent into Germany.
It is said that the First Consul was strongly affected
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at the sight of the field of Marengo, on which so many
brave men had fallen. Under the influence of these
feelings he wrote a letter to the Emperor of
Austria.
“It is on the field of battle,” said he to him, “amid
the sufferings of a multitude of wounded, and surrounded
by fifteen thousand corpses, that I beseech
your majesty to listen to the voice of humanity, and
not to suffer two brave nations to cut each other’s
throats for interests not their own. It is my part to
press this on your majesty, being upon the very theatre
of war. Your majesty’s heart cannot feel it so keenly
as does mine.”
He then argued with peculiar eloquence for the
cause of peace, and fortunately the conqueror of Marengo
could contend with much grace for the restoration
of tranquillity. He conquered the peace, and
returned to Paris, to receive the homage of an admiring
populace, who were now willing to concede to him the
imperial crown.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT ULM.
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Five years of peace, following
the battle
of Marengo, had
enabled Napoleon
Bonaparte to do
much for France,
and more for his
own elevation.
Under his wise
and vigorous administration,
the country made wonderful progress.
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But the price she paid was first the Consulship for
Life, and finally the imperial crown. Napoleon now
appears as Emperor of France. His old brothers-in-arms,
are Marshals. His beloved Josephine is an Empress.
Besides, he has cherished designs of placing his brothers
upon the thrones of Europe. Yet the man who has
achieved all this greatness, is only thirty-eight years
of age.
But now, (1805) the peace of Europe is again disturbed.
The treaty of Amiens is alleged by both parties
to have been violated, and once more vast armies
traverse the fertile fields seeking for conflict. A coalition
against Napoleon has been formed by Great
Britain, Austria, and Russia. Napoleon has formed
the plan of a campaign on a gigantic scale, and has
executed a part of the proposed scheme with a rapidity
and precision that has astonished the enemy. By a
brilliant series of man[oe]uvres, he has completely surrounded
the Austrian army, commanded by General
Mack, in the city of Ulm, (October 13.) In several
great actions, the French had already captured twenty
thousand Austrian troops, and Napoleon now has the
satisfaction of knowing that thirty thousand more are
within his reach.
On the 13th, Napoleon (who expected that Mack
would rouse himself with one last effort to avoid a surrender)
made an exciting address to the troops, on the
bridge of the Lech, amid the most intense cold, the
ground being covered with snow, and the troops sunk
to their knees in mud. He warned them to expect a
great battle, and explained to them the desperate condition
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of the enemy. He was answered with acclamations,
and repeated shouts of “Vive l’Empereur.”
In listening to his exciting words, the soldiers forgot
their fatigues and privations, and were impatient to
rush into the fight.
אליה
Bernadotte entered Munich on the 14th of October,
taking eight hundred prisoners. On the same day,
Marshal Ney forced the strong position of Elchingen,
taking three thousand prisoners and many pieces of
cannon; and the Emperor’s head-quarters were fixed
there, in the evening. The French soldiers were in a
state of great excitement from these rapid successes,
and were with difficulty restrained.
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.ca THE CAMP-FIRE AT ULM. Page 159.
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From the height of the Abbey of Elchingen, Napoleon
now beheld the city of Ulm at his feet, commanded
on every side by his cannon; his victorious
troops ready for the assault, and the great Austrian
army cooped up within the walls. He expected a
desperate sally, and prepared the soldiers for a general
engagement; but four days passed without any movement
whatever. Meanwhile, his own troops clamored
for the assault, but he chose to wait in vigilant patience
for the result. A scene of horrible carnage and the
probable destruction of a fine city would have been
the consequences of his acting differently; being what he
would have called “unnecessary evils,” and therefore
criminal in his eyes. The weather continued dreadful;
the rain fell incessantly, and the soldiers were often up
to their knees in mud. The Emperor only kept his
feet out of the water in his bivouac, by means of a
plank. He was in this situation when Prince Maurice
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Lichtenstein was brought before him, with a flag of
truce from General Mack. The looks of the prince
evidently showed that he did not expect to have found
the Emperor there in person; otherwise it is probable
he would not have brought such a proposition as that
which he delivered. He came commissioned to treat
for the evacuation of Ulm, with permission for the Austrian
army to return to Vienna. The Emperor could
not help smiling as he listened to him. “I have not
forgotten Marengo,” he replied; “I suffered M. de
Melas to go, and in two months Moreau had to fight
his troops, in spite of the most solemn promises to conclude
peace. You will be forced to surrender, for want
of provisions, in eight days. The Russians have scarcely
reached Bohemia. There is the capitulation of your
general at Memingen, his whole garrison becoming
prisoners of war: carry it to General Mack; I will accept
no other conditions.” The same evening General
Mack sent his surrender to the Emperor, and on the
following morning the capitulation was signed.
On the 20th of October, the French army was drawn
up on the heights, overlooking the fine city of Ulm, to
receive the surrender, according to the conditions.
The rain had ceased, and the sky was bright and clear.
The dress and accoutrements of the French troops, and
especially those of the cavalry, shone resplendent in
the sun. The Emperor was posted on a slight eminence
in front of the centre of his army. He had caused a
large fire to be kindled there, for the air was intensely
cold. A short distance in the rear, that faithful Mameluke
who always accompanied Napoleon after the Egyptian
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campaign, held the bridle of a restless horse. His
gaudy, Asiatic costume, was in singular contrast with
that of the French soldiers. The French marshals and
generals were grouped in the vicinity of the fire. Among
them were the commanding forms of Ney, Lannes,
Murat, Davoust, Duroc, Bernadotte, Bessiere, Soult and
Dupont—a brotherhood of daring valor. The calm,
immovable countenance of Marshal Soult was in strange
contrast with the more vivacious faces near him, and
bespoke the cool, steady mind of that skilful general.
The Emperor stood, as usual, with his hands behind
him, and his head slightly bent. His figure had grown
stout, and had a decided tendency to corpulency. The
countenance was stern, but the eyes were unquiet, and
his mind was evidently very busy, as usual. In every
lineament could be traced that keen, daring genius,
which had raised the lieutenant of artillery to an imperial
throne.
It was a glorious day for the French. Their drums
beat, and their bands poured forth the swelling strains
of triumph. The gates of Ulm were opened; and then
the long line of white uniforms marked the egress of the
Austrians. They advanced in silence, becoming the
dejection of the vanquished, filed off slowly, and went,
corps by corps, to lay down their arms upon the plain
between them and the heights on which the French
army appeared. The ceremony lasted the whole day.
In the morning, General Mack and his principal officers,
to the number of sixteen, advanced to meet the conqueror
at the fire near which he stood. He received the conquered
generals with respect, and addressed many
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remarks to them; but the officers were too deeply
humiliated to reply. To General Mack, he said—
“I must complain of the iniquitous proceeding of
your government, in coming without any declaration
of war to seize me by the throat. The Aulic Council
would have done better, if, instead of mixing up
Asiatic hordes in European quarrels, it had joined with
me to repel Russian encroachment.” Mack bowed, but
made no reply.
During the interview, a general officer, more remarkable
for his petulance than his wit, repeated aloud an
expression as coming from one of the soldiers, throwing
ridicule upon the vanquished. Napoleon, whose ear
was quick to catch the words, immediately sent Savary
to tell the officer to retire, saying then to those near
him, “He must have little respect for himself, who
insults men in misfortune!”
All the officers were allowed to return home, on giving
their word of honor not to serve against France until a
general exchange of prisoners should take place. The
men were to be marched into France, to be distributed
throughout the agricultural districts of the country,
where their work in the field might supply the place of
that of the conscripts required for the army. The
unfortunate Mack was immediately consigned to a dungeon
on the charge of treachery, upon his return to
Vienna.
The capitulation of Ulm gave Napoleon the remainder
of the Austrian army, which had numbered fifty thousand
men. The campaign was, perhaps, unexampled
in the annals of war. Of the French army, scarcely
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fifteen hundred men were killed and wounded; while
the enemy had lost an immense number of men in battle,
fifty thousand excellent troops by capitulation, two hundred
cannon, ninety flags, and a large number of horses.
Such were the glorious results of Napoleon’s skilful
man[oe]uvres and rapid movements.
The Emperor slept that night at Elchingen. Joy
pervaded the French camp. The troops were now more
strongly convinced than ever, that their Emperor was
invincible.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT AUSTERLITZ.
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The victory of Austerlitz is
considered by many competent
judges as the most
splendid triumph ever
gained by Napoleon; and
the “sun of Austerlitz,”
is a watchword with the
French soldiery to the
present day. The scene
of this great battle is in the vicinity of the small seignoral
.bn 185.png
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town of Austerlitz, situated on the Littawa, in
Moravia.
Napoleon, with that military tact which he had
received from nature, and which he had so greatly
improved by experience, had adopted, among other
positions which he might have taken about Brunn, one
which could not fail to insure to him the most important
results, under the supposition that he should be
attacked—a supposition which had become a certainty.
The mountains of Moravia, which connect the mountains
of Bohemia with those of Hungary, subside
successively towards the Danube, so completely that
near that river Moravia presents but one wide plain.
In the environs of Brunn, the capital of the province,
they are not of greater altitude than high hills, and are
covered with dark firs. Their waters, retained for
want of drains, form numerous ponds, and throw themselves
by various streams into the Morawa, or March,
and by the Morawa and the Danube.
All these characters are found together in the position
between Brunn and Austerlitz, which Napoleon has
rendered forever celebrated. The high road of Moravia,
running from Vienna to Brunn, rises in a direct line to
the northward, then, in passing from Brunn to Olmutz,
descends abruptly to the right, that is to the east, thus
forming a right angle with its first direction. In the
angle is situated the position in question. It commences
on the left towards the Olmutz road, with heights studded
with firs; it then runs to the right in an oblique direction
towards the Vienna road, and after subsiding
gradually, terminates in ponds full of deep water in
.bn 186.png
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winter. Along this position, and in front of it, runs a
rivulet, which has no name known in geography, but
which, in part of its course, is called Goldbach by the
people of the country. It runs through the little
villages of Girzikowitz, Puntowitz, Kobelnitz, Sokolnitz,
and Telnitz, and, sometimes forming marshes, sometimes
confined in channels, terminates in the ponds above
mentioned, which are called the ponds of Satschau and
Menitz.
Concentrated with all his forces on this ground, defended
on the one hand upon the wooded hills of Moravia,
and particularly upon a rounded knoll to which the
soldiers of Egypt gave the name of the Centon, defended
on the other, upon the ponds of Satschau and Menitz—thus
covering by his left the Olmutz road, by his right
the Vienna road—Napoleon was in a condition to accept
with advantage a decisive battle. He meant not, however,
to confine his operations to self-defence, for he was
accustomed to reckon upon greater results; he had divined,
as though he had read them, the plans framed at
great length by General Weirother. The Austro-Russians,
having no chance of wresting from him the point
d’appui which he found for his left in the high wooded
hills, would be tempted to turn his right, which was
not close to the ponds, and to take the Vienna road
from him. There was sufficient inducement for this
step; for Napoleon, if he lost that road, would have
no other resource but to retire into Bohemia. The
rest of his forces, hazarded towards Vienna, would be
obliged to ascend separately the valley of the Danube.
The French army, thus divided, would find itself
.bn 187.png
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doomed to a retreat, eccentric, perilous, nay, even disastrous,
if it should fall in with the Prussians by the
way.
Napoleon was perfectly aware that such must be the
plan of the enemy. Accordingly, after concentrating
his army towards his left and the heights, he left
towards his right, that is towards Sokolnitz, Telnitz,
and the ponds, a space almost unguarded. He thus
invited the Russians to persevere in their plans. But
it was not precisely there that he prepared the mortal
stroke for them. The ground facing him presented a
feature from which he hoped to derive a decisive
result.
Beyond the stream that ran in front of the position,
the ground spread at first, opposite to the left, into a
slightly undulated plain, through which passed the
Olmutz road; then, opposite to the centre, it rose successively,
and at last formed facing the right a plateau,
called the plateau of Pratzen, after the name of a village
situated half-way up, in the hollow of a ravine.
This plateau terminated on the right in rapid declivities
towards the ponds, and at the back in a gentle slope
towards Austerlitz, the chateau of which appeared at
some distance.
There were to be seen considerable forces; there a
multitude of fires blazed at night, and a great movement
of men and horses was observable by day. On
these appearances, Napoleon had no longer any doubt
of the designs of the Austro-Russians. They intended
evidently to descend from the position which they
occupied, and, crossing the Goldbach rivulet, between
.bn 188.png
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the ponds and the French right, to cut them off from the
Vienna road. But, for this reason, it was resolved to take
the offensive in turn, to cross the rivulet at the villages
of Girzikowitz and Puntowitz, to ascend to the plateau
of Pratzen while the Russians were leaving it, and to
take possession of it. In case of success, the enemy’s
army would be cut in two; one part would be
thrown to the left into the plain crossed by the Olmutz
road; the other to the right into the ponds.
Thenceforward the battle could not fail to be disastrous
for the Austro-Russians. But, for this effect, it was
requisite that they should not blunder by halves. The
prudent, nay even timid attitude of Napoleon, exciting
their silly confidence, would induce them to commit the
entire blunder.
Agreeably to these ideas, Napoleon made his dispositions.
Expecting for two days past to be attacked, he
had ordered Bernadotte to quit Iglau on the frontier of
Bohemia, to leave there the Bavarian division which he
had brought with him, and to hasten by forced marches
to Brunn. He had ordered Marshal Davoust to march
Friant’s and if possible Gudin’s division towards the
abbey of Gross Raigern, situated on the road from
Vienna to Brunn, opposite to the ponds. In consequence
of these orders, Bernadotte marched, and had
arrived on the 1st of December. General Friant, being
alone apprised in time, because General Gudin was at a
greater distance towards Presburg, had set out immediately,
and travelled in forty-eight hours the thirty-six
leagues which separate Vienna from Gross Raigern.
The soldiers sometimes dropped on the road, exhausted
.bn 189.png
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with fatigue; but at the least sound, imagining that
they heard the cannon, they rose with ardor to hasten
to the assistance of their comrades, engaged, they said,
in a bloody battle. On the night of the 1st of December,
which was extremely cold, they bivouacked at
Gross Raigern, a league and a half from the field of
battle. Never did troops on foot perform so astonishing
a march; for it is a march of eighteen leagues a day for
two successive days.
On the 1st of December, Napoleon, reinforced by
Bernadotte’s corps and Friant’s division, could number
sixty-five or seventy thousand men, present under arms,
against ninety thousand men, Russians and Austrians,
likewise present under arms.
At his left he placed Lannes, in whose corps Caffarelli’s
division supplied the place of Gazan’s. Lannes,
with the two divisions of Suchet and Caffarelli, was to
occupy the Olmutz road, and to fight in the undulated
plain outspread on either side of that road. Napoleon
gave him, moreover, Murat’s cavalry, comprising the
cuirassiers of Generals d’Hautpoul and Nansouty, the
dragoons of General Walther and Beaumont, and the
chasseurs of Generals Milhaud and Kellermann. The
level surface of the ground led him to expect a prodigious
engagement of cavalry on this spot. On the
knoll of the Centon, which commands this part of the
ground, and is topped by a chapel called the chapel of
Bosenitz, he placed the 17th light artillery, commanded
by General Claparede, with eighteen pieces of
cannon, and made him take an oath to defend this position
to the death.
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At the centre, behind the Goldbach rivulet, he ranged
Vandamme’s and St. Hilaire’s divisions, which belong
to the corps of Marshal Soult. He destined them to
cross that stream at the villages of Girzikowitz and
Puntowitz, and to gain possession of the plateau of
Pratzen, when the proper moment should arrive. A
little further behind the marsh of Kobelnitz and the
chateau of Kobelnitz, he placed Marshal Soult’s third
division, that of General Legrand. He reinforced it
with two battalions of tirailleurs, known by the names
of chasseurs of the Po and Corsican chasseurs, and by
a detachment of light cavalry, under General Margaron.
This division was to have only the third of the line and
the Corsican chasseurs at Telnitz, the nearest point to
the ponds, and to which Napoleon was desirous of
drawing the Russians. Far in rear, at the distance of
a league and a half, was posted Friant’s division at
Gross Raigern.
Having ten divisions of infantry, Napoleon, therefore,
presented but six of them in line. Behind Marshals
Lannes and Soult, he kept in reserve Oudinot’s
grenadiers, separated on this occasion from Lannes’s
corps, the corps of Bernadotte, composed of Drouet’s
and Rivaud’s divisions, and, lastly, the imperial guard.
He thus kept at hand a mass of twenty-five thousand
men, to move to any point where they might be needed,
and particularly to the heights of Pratzen, in order to
take those heights at any cost, if the Russians should
not have cleared them sufficiently.
Such were the skilful dispositions of the Emperor,
and having completed what may be called the foundation
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of victory, he issued a confident proclamation to his
soldiers, as follows:
.pm start_quote
“Soldiers—The Russian army appears before you
to avenge the Austrian army of Ulm. They are the
same battalions that you beat at Hollabrunn, and that
you have since been constantly pursuing to this spot.
“The positions which we occupy are formidable;
and while they are marching to turn my right, they
will present their flank to me.
“Soldiers, I shall myself direct your battalions. I
shall keep out of the fire, if, with your usual bravery,
you throw disorder and confusion into the enemy’s
ranks. But, if the victory should be for a moment
uncertain, you will see your Emperor the foremost to
expose himself to danger. For victory must not hang
doubtful on this day, most particularly, when the honor
of the French infantry, which so deeply concerns the
honor of the whole nation, is at stake.
“Let not the ranks be thinned upon pretence of carrying
away the wounded, and let every one be thoroughly
impressed with this thought, that it behoves us to conquer
these hirelings of England, who are animated with
such bitter hatred against our nation.
“This victory will put an end to the campaign, and
we shall then be able to return to our winter-quarters,
where we shall be joined by the new armies which are
forming in France, and then the peace which I shall
make will be worthy of my people, of you, and of
myself.
.ll 68
.rj
Napoleon.”
.ll
.pm end_quote
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Napoleon had passed the whole day on horseback,
and had himself placed every division in position,
inspecting every position. All his marshals dined with
him, and received his careful and precise orders for the
operations of the next day. He then once more glanced
at the position of the Russian and Austrian armies,
and a smile illumined his features as he said to his
marshals,
“Before to-morrow night that army will be in my
power. Since the Czar refuses to negotiate for a peace,
we must drub him into it.”
He then entered a rude hut, which his soldiers had
constructed for him, and stretched himself upon some
straw to repose. A hard couch for an emperor! Yet
there Napoleon fell into so deep a sleep that his aid-de-camp,
Savary, was obliged to shake him, in order to
wake him up, to listen to a report which he had ordered
to be brought to him. Rousing himself, he left the hut,
accompanied by his aid, and proceeded to visit the
bivouacs of the army. The night was cold and dark;
and the Emperor had reason to believe that he could
go among the soldiers without being noticed. But he
had only proceeded a few steps before he was discovered,
and in a few moments, the whole line was illuminated
with torches of straw, while the air was filled with
acclamations of “Vive l’Empereur!” It was a glorious
sight, and the glare of the torches must have astonished
the enemy. That tremendous shout must have told
Kutusoff, the Prussian general, that he would be compelled
to fight an enemy, full of spirit and confidence.
As Napoleon passed along, one of the old grenadiers,
.bn 195.png
.pn +1
a veteran of Italy, stepped forward, and accosted him
with an air of republican familiarity and kindly
patronage.
“Sire,” said this old soldier, “you will have no need
to expose yourself to danger; I promise you, in the
name of the grenadiers of the army, that you will only
have to fight with your eyes, and that we will bring
you all the flags and cannon of the Russian army, to
celebrate the anniversary of your coronation.”
The Emperor was delighted at the spirit displayed
by the troops, and, in accordance with their general
request, he promised to keep beyond the reach of the
enemy’s guns.
Sir Walter Scott finely remarks upon this: “Napoleon,”
says he, “promises that he will keep his person
out of the reach of the fire: thus showing the full
confidence that the assurance of his personal safety
would be considered as great an encouragement to the
troops as the usual protestations of sovereigns and
leaders, that they will be in the front, and share the
dangers of the day. This is, perhaps, the strongest
proof possible of the complete and confidential understanding
which subsisted between Napoleon and his
soldiers. Yet there have not been wanting those who
have thrown the imputation of cowardice on the victor
of a hundred battles, and whose reputation was so well
established amongst those troops, who must have been
the best judges, that his attention to the safety of
his person was requested by them, and granted by him,
as a favor to his army.”
The Emperor was on the field by one o’clock in the
.bn 196.png
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morning, to get an army under arms in silence. A thick
fog, through which the light of the torches could not
penetrate to the distance of ten paces, enveloped all
the bivouacs; but he knew the ground as well as the
environs of Paris. His army, amounting in all to about
seventy thousand men, was arranged as follows. The
two divisions of Marshal Soult, placed on a vast plateau,
formed the right; the division of united grenadiers,
drawn up in line behind, constituting the reserve
of the right. The two divisions of Marshal Bernadotte,
in line with the united grenadiers, formed the
centre of the army. The left wing was composed of
the two divisions of Marshal Lannes; the infantry of
the guard forming the reserve of the left. In advance
of the centre, and between the right and left wings, was
posted the whole of the cavalry, under the command
of Murat. The divisions of hussars and chasseurs were
entrusted to Kellermann; the dragoons, to Valther and
Beaumont. The cuirassiers and eighty pieces of light
artillery formed the reserve of the cavalry. The right
of the army rested on some long and narrow defiles
formed by ponds; the left, on the strongly fortified
position of the Centon. The two divisions of Marshal
Davoust were posted on the extreme right, beyond the
ponds, to face the left wing of the Russians, which had
been extended, as we have said, to a dangerous distance
from their centre, and intended, as the Emperor
perceived, to commence the battle with an attempt to
turn his right. The Emperor himself, with Berthier,
Junot, and the whole of his staff, occupied a commanding
position, as the reserve of the army, with ten battalions
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of the imperial guard, and ten battalions of
grenadiers, commanded by Oudinot and Duroc. This
reserve was ranged in two lines, in columns, by battalions,
having in their intervals forty pieces of cannon
served by the artillery of the guard. With this reserve,
equal to turning the fate of almost any battle, he held
himself ready to act wherever occasion should require.
As the day dawned, the mist which had overhung all
the dreadful show, began slowly to ascend, like a vast
curtain, from the broad plain below. The sun rose in
unclouded and majestic brilliancy; and dissipating all
remains of the vapors, disclosed to view the great Russian
army, commanded by Field-Marshal Kutusoff, to
the number of eighty thousand men, ranged in six
divisions, on the opposite heights of Pratzen. The
magnificence of the sunrise of this eventful morning,
enhanced at the time by the previous dense mist, and
by the national memories ever since, has caused the
“sun of Austerlitz” to become proverbial with the
people of France. The two emperors of Russia and
Austria were witnesses of the fierce contest; being
stationed on horseback on the heights of Austerlitz. As
the first rays of the sun were flung from the horizon,
the Emperor Napoleon appeared in front of his army,
surrounded by his marshals, and formed every division,
both of infantry and cavalry, into columns. A brisk
fire had just commenced on the extreme right, where
Davoust was already at his post; and the Russians
began to put themselves in motion to descend from the
heights upon the plain. The marshals who surrounded
the Emperor importuned him to begin. “How long
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will it take you,” said he to Soult, “to crown those
opposite heights which the Russians are now abandoning?”
“One hour,” answered the marshal. “In that
case, we will wait yet a quarter of an hour,” replied
the Emperor. The cannonade increased, denoting that
the attack had become serious. The extreme of the
Russian left had commenced its movement to turn the
right flank of the French army, but had encountered
the formidable resistance of Davoust’s two divisions,
with whom they were just engaged. Napoleon now
dismissed all the marshals to their posts, and ordered
them to begin.
The whole of the right and left wings at once moved
forward, in columns, to the foot of the Russian position.
They marched as if to exercise, halting at times
to rectify their distances and directions; while the
words of command of the individual officers were distinctly
heard. The two divisions of Marshal Soult
came first within reach of the enemy’s fire. The
division commanded by General Vandamme overthrew
the opposing column, and was master of its position
and artillery in an instant; the other, commanded by
General St Hilaire, had to sustain a tremendous fire,
which lasted for two hours, and brought every one of
its battalions into action. The Emperor now dispatched
the united grenadiers, and one of Marshal Bernadotte’s
division, to support those of Soult, while Lannes had
engaged the right of the Russians, and effectually prevented
them from moving to the assistance of their
left, which was wholly engaged by the tremendous
attack we have described, and entirely cut off from
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their centre. The extreme left of the Russians, which
had begun the battle, perceiving the fatal mistake which
had been made, attempted to re-ascend the Pratzer, but
were so desperately pressed by Davoust, that they were
compelled to fight where they stood, without daring
either to advance or retire.
Marshal Soult now ordered his division, under Vandamme,
supported by one of Bernadotte’s divisions, to
make a change of direction by the right flank, for the
purpose of turning all the Russian troops which still
resisted St. Hilaire’s division. The movement was
completely successful; and Soult’s two divisions crowned
the heights to which the Emperor had pointed before
the battle began.
The right wing of the Russian army was meanwhile
sustaining the tremendous onset of Lannes with both
his divisions. The fight raged in that quarter throughout
the whole of the operations we have detailed; but
at this point, Bernadotte’s division being no longer
required to support those of Soult, the Emperor ordered
the centre of the army to support the left. The Russian
right was now entirely broken; the French cavalry
by desperate and repeated charges completed the rout,
and pursued the fugitives, who took the road to Austerlitz,
till nightfall. Bernadotte, after pursuing the Russian
infantry a full league, returned to his former position;
nobody knew why. Had he, on the contrary, continued
marching another half hour, he would have entirely intercepted
the retreat, and taken or destroyed the whole
of the Russian right. As it was, their flight was disastrous
in the extreme: they were forced into a hollow,
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where numbers attempted to escape across a frozen lake;
but the ice proving too weak for them, gave way, and
the horrible scene which ensued—the crashing of the
broken fragments, the thundering of the artillery, and
the groans and shrieks of wounded and drowning men—baffles
the imagination.
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.ca THE BATTLE OF AUSTERLITZ. Page 177.
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Marshal Soult, now changing his position again by
the right flank, descended the heights, having traversed
a complete semi-circle, and took the Russian extreme
left in the rear. The Emperor of Russia, who perceived
the imminent danger of his whole army, dispatched his
fine regiment of Russian guards, supported by a strong
force of artillery, to attack Soult. Their desperate
charge broke one of the French regiments. It was at
this crisis that Napoleon brought his reserve into action.
Bessieres, at the head of the imperial guard, rushed
with irresistible fury into the fight. The Russians were
entirely broken; their army, surprised in a flank movement,
had been cut into as many separate masses as
there were columns brought up to attack it. They fled
in disorder, and the victory of Austerlitz was decided.
It was with the utmost difficulty that the two emperors
of Russia and Austria effected their personal escape.
The Emperor Alexander lost all his artillery, baggage,
and standards; twenty thousand prisoners, and upwards
of twenty thousand killed and wounded. In the precipitate
flight, the wounded were abandoned to their fate.
Kutusoff, however, with laudable humanity, left placards
in the French language, on the doors of the churches
and the barns towards which they had crept, inscribed
with these words:—“I recommend these unfortunate
.bn 203.png
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men to the generosity of the Emperor Napoleon, and the
humanity of his brave soldiers.”
In attempting to escape across some frozen ponds,
the Russians broke through, and a large number of
them were drowned. An eye-witness, General Langeron,
says, “I have previously seen some lost battles,
but I had no conception of such a defeat.”
Napoleon, who had participated in the pursuit, returned
about night-fall. He was received with shouts
by his triumphant troops, and they could scarcely be
prevented from taking him in their arms. He soon
commanded silence, and set about relieving the wounded,
who actually covered the field. He administered brandy
with his own hand to some suffering Russians, who
could only repay him with a blessing, and gave orders
that all the wounded should be attended to as speedily
as possible. The troops had already given a name to
the battle, that of the “Three Emperors.” But Napoleon
himself gave this great conflict the name of the
village near which it was fought. He issued the following
proclamation, immediately after victory had
been achieved.
.pm start_quote
“Soldiers—I am satisfied with you: in the battle of
Austerlitz you have justified all that I expected from
your intrepidity. You have decorated your eagles with
immortal glory. An army of one hundred thousand
men, commanded by the Emperors of Russia and
Austria, has been in less than four hours either cut in
pieces or dispersed. Those who escaped your weapons
are drowned in the lakes.
.bn 204.png
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“Forty colors, the standards of the imperial guard
of Russia, one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon,
more than thirty thousand prisoners, are the result of
this ever-celebrated battle. That infantry, so highly
vaunted and superior in number, could not withstand
your shocks, and thenceforward you have no rivals to
fear. Thus, in two months, this third coalition has
been vanquished and dissolved. Peace cannot now be
far distant, but, as I promised my people, before I
passed the Rhine, I will make only such a peace as
gives us guarantees and insures rewards to our allies.
“Soldiers, when all that is necessary to secure the
welfare and the prosperity of our country is accomplished,
I will lead you back to France: there you will
be the object of my tenderest concern. My people will
see you again with joy, and it will be sufficient to say,
I was at the battle of Austerlitz, for them to reply,
there is a brave man.
.ll 68
.rj
“Napoleon.”
.ll
.pm end_quote
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT PALENY.
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The disaster at Austerlitz
affected the Emperors
Francis and Alexander
very differently,
Alexander was deeply
dejected; but Francis
was tranquil. Under
the common misfortune,
he had at least
the consolation, that
the Russians could no
longer allege that the cowardice of the Austrians constituted
all the glory of Napoleon. The two emperors
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retreated precipitately over the plain of Moravia, amidst
profound darkness, separated from their household, and
liable to be insulted through the barbarity of their own
soldiers. Francis took it upon himself to send their
gallant Prince John of to Napoleon, to
solicit an armistice, with a promise to sign a peace in a
few days. He commissioned him, also, to express to
Napoleon, his wish to have an interview with him at
the advanced posts of the army. The French Emperor,
having returned to his head-quarters at Posoritz, there
received Prince John. He treated him as a conqueror
full of courtesy, and agreed to an interview with the
Emperor of Austria. But an armistice was not to be
granted until the Emperors had met and explained
themselves.
Napoleon hastened to recall his columns to Nasiedlowitz
and Goding. Marshal Davoust, reinforced by
the junction of Friant’s whole division, and by the
arrival in line of Gudin’s division, had lost no time,
thanks to his nearer position to the Hungary road. He
set out in pursuit of the Russians, and pressed them
closely. He intended to overtake them before the
passage of the Morava, and to cut off perhaps a part of
their army. After marching on the 3d, he was, on the
morning of the 4th, in sight of Goding and nearly up
with them. The greatest confusion prevailed in Goding.
Beyond that place there was a mansion belonging to the
Emperor of Germany, that of Holitsch, where the two
allied sovereigns had taken refuge. The perturbation
there was as great as at Goding. The Russian officers
continued to hold the most unbecoming language respecting
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the Austrians. They laid the blame of the
common defeat on them, as if they ought not to have
attributed it to their own presumption, to the incapacity
of their generals, and to the levity of their government.
The Austrians, moreover, had behaved quite as well as
the Russians on the field of battle.
The two vanquished monarchs were very cool towards
each other. The Emperor Francis wished to confer
with the Emperor Alexander, before he went to the
interview agreed upon with Napoleon. Both thought
that they ought to solicit an armistice and peace, for it
was impossible to continue the struggle. Alexander
was desirous, though he did not acknowledge it, that
himself and his army should be saved as soon as possible
from the consequences of an impetuous pursuit, such
as might be apprehended from Napoleon. As for the
conditions, he left his ally to settle them as he pleased.
The Emperor Francis alone having to defray the expenses
of the war, the conditions on which peace should
be signed concerned him exclusively. Some time before,
the Emperor Alexander, setting himself up for the
arbiter of Europe, would have insisted that those conditions
concerned him also. His pride was less exigent
since the battle of the 2d of December.
The Emperor Francis accordingly set out for Nasiedlowitz,
a village and there, near the mill of Paleny, between
Nasiedlowitz and Urschitz, amidst the French and the
Austrian advanced posts, he found Napoleon waiting
for him, before a bivouac fire kindled by his soldiers.
Napoleon had had the politeness to arrive first. He
went to meet the Emperor Francis, received him as he
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alighted from his carriage and embraced him. The
Austrian monarch, encouraged by the welcome of his
all-powerful foe, had a long conversation with him.
The principal officers of the two armies, standing aside,
beheld with great curiosity the extraordinary spectacle
of the successor of the Cæsars vanquished and soliciting
peace of the crowned soldier, whom the French Revolution
had raised to the pinnacle of human greatness.
Francis wore the brilliant costume of an Austrian
field-marshal, and was a monarch of dignified aspect.
Napoleon apologized to the Emperor Francis for
receiving him in such a place. “Such are the palaces,”
said he, “which your majesty has obliged me to inhabit
for these three months.”—“The abode in them,” replied
the Austrian monarch, “makes you so thriving, that
you have no right to be angry with me for it.” The
conversation then turned upon the general state of
affairs, Napoleon insisting that he had been forced into
the war against his will at a moment when he least expected
it, and when he was exclusively engaged with
England; the Emperor of Austria affirming that he had
been urged to take arms solely by the designs of France
in regard to Italy. Napoleon declared that, on the
conditions already specified to M. de Giulay, and which
he had no need to repeat, he was ready to sign a peace.
The Emperor Francis, without explaining himself on this
subject, wished to know how Napoleon was disposed in
regard to the Russian army. Napoleon first required
that the Emperor Francis should separate his cause
from that of the Emperor Alexander, and that the
Russian army should retire by regulated marches from
.bn 209.png
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the Austrian territories, and promised to grant him an
armistice on this condition. As for peace with Russia,
he added, that would be settled afterwards, for this
peace concerned him alone. “Take my advice,” said
Napoleon to the Emperor Francis, “do not mix up
your cause with that of the Emperor Alexander. Russia
alone can now wage only a fancy war in Europe. Vanquished,
she retires to her deserts, and you, you pay
with your provinces the costs of the war.” The forcible
language of Napoleon expressed but too well the state
of things in Europe between that great empire and the
rest of the continent. The Emperor Francis pledged
his word as a man and a sovereign not to renew the
war, and above all to listen no more to the suggestions
of powers which had nothing to lose in the struggle.
He agreed to an armistice for himself—and for the Emperor
Alexander, an armistice, the condition of which
was that the Russians should retire by regulated marches—and
that the Austrian cabinet should immediately
send negotiators empowered to sign a separate peace
with France.
The two emperors parted with reiterated demonstrations
of cordiality. Napoleon handed into his carriage
that monarch whom he had just called his brother, and
remounted his horse to return to Austerlitz.
General Savary was sent to suspend the march of
Davoust’s corps. He first proceeded to Holitsch, with
the suite of the Emperor Francis, to learn whether the
Emperor Alexander acceded to the proposed conditions.
He saw the latter, around whom every thing was much
changed since the mission on which he was sent to him
.bn 210.png
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a few days before. “Your master,” said Alexander to
him, “has shown himself very great. I acknowledge
all the power of his genius, and, as for myself, I shall
retire, since my ally is satisfied.” General Savary conversed
for some time with the young czar on the late
battle, explained to him how the French army, inferior
in number to the Russian army, had nevertheless
appeared superior on all points, owing to the art of
man[oe]uvring which Napoleon possessed in so eminent a
degree. He courteously added that with experience
Alexander, in his turn, would become a warrior, but that
so difficult an art was not to be learned in a day. After
these flatteries to the vanquished monarch, he set out
for Goding to stop Marshal Davoust, who had rejected
all the proposals for a suspension of arms, and was
ready to attack the relics of the Russian army. To
no purpose he had been assured in the name of the Emperor
of Russia himself that an armistice was negotiating
between Napoleon and the Emperor of Austria. He
would not on any account abandon his prey. But General
Savary stopped him with a formal order from Napoleon.
These were the last musket-shots fired during
that unexampled campaign. The troops of the several
nations separated to go into winter-quarters, awaiting
what should be decided by the negotiators of the belligerent
powers.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT JENA.
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Jena was one of Napoleon’s most
decisive fields. There, in
the conflict of a day, Prussia,
who had dared to defy
a power which had brought
Austria and Russia to the
dust, was completely annihilated.
There the descendants
of the great Frederick
reaped the bitter consequences of his weak presumption.
At Jena, the valley of the Saale begins to widen.
.bn 212.png
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The right bank is low, damp and covered with meadows.
The left bank presents steep heights, whose peaked
tops overlook the town of Jena, and are ascended
by narrow, winding ravines, overhung with wood. On
the left of Jena, a gorge more open, less abrupt, called
the Muhlthal, has become the passage through which
the high road from Jena to Weimar has been carried.
This road first keeps along the bottom of the ,
then rises in form of a spiral staircase, and opens upon
the plateaux in rear. It would have required a fierce
assault to force this pass.
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.ca NAPOLEON AT JENA. Page 186.
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The principal of the heights that overlook the town
of Jena is called Landgrafenberg, and, since the memorable
events of which it has been the theatre, it has
received from the inhabitants the name of Napoleonsberg.
It is the highest in these parts. Napoleon and
Lannes, surveying from that height the surrounding
country, with their backs turned to Jena, beheld on
their right the Saale running in a deep, winding, wooded
gorge, to , which is six or seven leagues from
Jena. Before them they saw undulated plateaux,
extending to a distance, and subsiding by a gentle slope
to the little valley of the Ilm, at the extremity of
which is situated the town of Weimar. They perceived
on their left the high road from Jena to Weimar, rising
by a series of slopes from the gorge of the Muhlthal to
these plateaux, and running in a straight line to Weimar.
These slopes, somewhat resembling a sort of snail’s shell,
have thence received in German the appellation of the
(snail.)
It was in September, 1806, that Napoleon, having
.bn 215.png
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set all his divisions in motion, left Paris and put himself
at the head of his grand army. The Prussians were
superior in numbers, well disciplined, and full of spirit.
They numbered between one hundred and thirty thousand
and one hundred and forty thousand men. The
cavalry especially, bore a high reputation, which, however,
as we shall see, it could not sustain. The French
Emperor had an army of one hundred and seventy
thousand men in the field, with a power of concentrating
one hundred thousand of them within a few hours.
On learning that the Prussian army was changing its
position and advancing from Erfurt upon Weimar, with
a view to approach the banks of the Saale, Napoleon
man[oe]uvred to meet the changes of the enemy.
They might be coming thither with one of the two following
intentions: either to occupy the bridge over the
Saale at Naumburg, over which passes the great central
road of Germany, in order to retire upon the Elbe, while
covering Leipzig and Dresden; or to approach the
course of the Saale, for the purpose of defending its
banks against the French. To meet this double contingency,
Napoleon took a first precaution, which was to
dispatch Marshal Davoust immediately to Naumburg,
with orders to bar the passage of the bridge there with
the twenty-six thousand men of the third corps. He
sent Murat, with the cavalry, along the banks of the
Saale, to watch its course, and to push reconnoisances
as far as Leipzig. He directed Marshal Bernadette
upon Naumburg, with instructions to support Marshal
Davoust in case of need. He sent Marshals Lannes
and Augereau to Jena itself. His object was to make
.bn 216.png
.pn +1
himself master immediately of the two principal passages
of the Saale, those at Naumburg and Jena, either to stop
the Prussian army there, if it should design to cross and
to retire to the Elbe, or to go and seek it on the heights
bordering that river, if it purposed to remain there on
the defensive. As for himself, he continued with Marshals
Ney and Soult, within reach of Naumburg and
Jena, ready to march for either point according to circumstances.
On the morning of the 13th, he learned by more circumstantial
accounts that the enemy was definitively
approaching the Saale, with the yet uncertain resolution
of fighting a defensive battle on its banks, or of crossing
and pushing on to the Elbe. It was in the direction
from Weimar to Jena that the largest assemblage
appeared. Without losing a moment, Napoleon mounted
his horse to proceed to Jena. He gave himself his instructions
to Marshals Soult and Ney, and enjoined
them to be at Jena in the evening, or at latest in the
night. He directed Murat to bring his cavalry towards
Jena, and Marshal Bernadotte to take at Dornburg an
intermediate position between Jena and Naumburg. He
set out immediately, sending officers to stop all troops
on march to Gera, and to make them turn back for Jena.
In the evening of the preceding day, Marshal Davoust
had entered Naumburg, occupied the bridge of the
Saale, and taken considerable magazines, with a fine
bridge equipage. Marshal Bernadotte had joined him.
Murat had sent his light cavalry as far as Leipzig, and
surprised the gates of that great commercial city.
Lannes had proceeded towards Jena, a small university
.bn 217.png
.pn +1
town, seated on the very banks of the Saale, and had
driven back pell-mell the enemy’s troops left beyond the
river, as well as the baggage, which encumbered the
road. He had taken possession of Jena, and immediately
pushed his advanced posts upon the heights
which command it. From these heights he had perceived
the army of the Prince of Hohenlohe, which,
after recrossing the Saale, encamped between Jena and
Weimar, and he had reason to suspect that a great
assemblage was collecting in that place.
Napoleon had arrived at Jena on the afternoon of the
13th of October. Marshal Lannes, who had outstripped
him, was waiting for him with impatience, like that of
a war-horse, snuffing the battle. Both mounted their
horses to reconnoitre the localities. We have described
the ground upon which the battle was fought. The
Prussians were posted on the heights which overlook
the town of Jena. The French were coming up on the
low ground on the opposite side of the river. The chief
difficulty was to reach the Prussians. There was but
one method that appeared practicable. The bold tirailleurs
of Lannes, entering the ravines which are met with
on going out of Jena, had succeeded in ascending the
principal eminence, and all at once perceived the Prussian
army encamped on the plateaux of the left bank.
Followed presently by some detachments of Suchet’s
division, they had made room for themselves by driving
in General Tauenzien’s advanced posts. Thus by force
of daring, the heights which commanded the left bank
of the Saale were gained; but by a route which was
scarcely practicable to artillery. Thither, Lannes conducted
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the emperor, amidst an incessant fire of tirailleurs
which rendered reconnoisance extremely dangerous.
Napoleon, having before him a mass of troops, the
force of which could scarcely be estimated, supposed
that the Prussian army had chosen this ground for a
field of battle, and immediately made his dispositions,
so as to debouch with his army on the Landgrafenberg,
before the enemy should hasten up, en masse, to hurl
him into the precipices of the Saale. He was obliged
to make the best use of his time, and to take advantage
of the space gained by the tirailleurs to establish himself
on the height. He had, it is true, no more of it than
the summit, for, only a few paces off, there was the
corps of General Tauenzien, separated from the French
only by a slight ridge of ground. This corps was stationed
near two villages, one on the right, that of Closewitz,
surrounded by a small wood, the other on the left,
that of Cospoda, likewise surrounded by a wood of
some extent. Napoleon purposed to leave the Prussians
quiet in this position till the next day, and meanwhile
to lead part of his army up the Landgrafenberg.
The space which it occupied was capable of containing
the corps of Lannes and the guard. He ordered them
to be led up immediately through the steep ravines
which serve to ascend from Jena to the Landgrafenberg.
On the left, he placed Gazan’s division. On the right,
Suchet’s division; in the centre, and a little in rear, the
foot-guard. He made the latter encamp in a square of
four thousand men, and in the centre of this square he
established his own bivouac.
But it was not enough to bring infantry upon the
.bn 219.png
.pn +1
Landgrafenberg—it was necessary to mount artillery
too upon it. Napoleon, riding about in all directions,
discovered a passage less steep than the others, and by
which the artillery might be dragged up with great exertion.
Unluckily, the way was too narrow. Napoleon
sent forthwith for a detachment of the engineers, and
had it widened by cutting the rock; he himself, in his
impatience, directed the works, torch in hand. He did
not retire till the night was far advanced, when he had
seen the first pieces of cannon rolled up. It required
twelve horses to drag each gun-carriage to the top of
the Landgrafenberg. Napoleon purposed to attack
General Tauenzien at day-break, and, by pushing him
briskly, to conquer the space necessary for deploying
his army. Fearful, however, of debouching by a single
outlet, wishing also to divide the attention of the enemy,
he directed Augereau towards the left, to enter the
gorge of the Muhlthal, to march one of his two divisions
upon the Weimar road, and to gain with the other
the back of the Landgrafenberg, in order to fall upon
the rear of General Tauenzien. On the right, he ordered
Marshal Soult, whose corps, breaking up from Gera, was
to arrive in the night, to ascend the other ravines, which,
running from Lobstedt and Dornburg, debouch upon
Closewitz, likewise for the purpose of falling upon the
rear of General Tauenzien. With this double diversion,
on the right and on the left, Napoleon had no doubt of
forcing the Prussians in their position, and gaining for
himself the space needed by his army for deploying.
Marshals Ney and Murat were to ascend the Landgrafenberg
by the route Lannes and the guard had followed.
.bn 220.png
.pn +1
The day of the 13th had closed; profound darkness
enveloped the field of battle. Napoleon had placed his
tent in the centre of the square formed by his guard,
and had suffered only a few fires to be lighted; but all
those of the Prussian army were kindled. The fires of
the Prince of Hohenlohe were to be seen over the whole
extent of the plateaux, and at the horizon on the right,
topped by the old castle of Eckartsberg, those of the
army of the Duke of Brunswick, which had all at once
become visible for Napoleon. He conceived that, so
far from retiring, the whole of the Prussian forces had
come to take part in the battle. He sent immediately
fresh orders to Marshals Davoust and Bernadotte. He
enjoined Marshal Davoust to guard strictly the bridge
of , even to cross it, if possible, and to fall
upon the rear of the Prussians, while they were engaged
in front. He ordered Marshal Bernadotte, placed immediately,
to concur in the projected movement, either
by joining Marshal Davoust, if he was near the latter,
or by throwing himself directly on the flank of the
Prussians, if he had already taken at Dornburg a position
nearer to Jena. Lastly, he desired Murat to arrive
as speedily as possible with his cavalry.
While Napoleon was making these dispositions, the
Prince of Hohenlohe was in complete ignorance of the
lot which awaited him. Still persuaded that the bulk
of the French army, instead of halting before Jena, was
hurrying to Leipzig and Dresden, he supposed that he
should at most have to deal with the corps of Marshals
Lannes and Augereau, which, having passed the Saale,
would, he imagined, make their appearance between
.bn 221.png
.pn +1
Jena and Weimar, as if they had descended from the
heights of the forest of Thuringia. Under this idea,
not thinking of making front towards Jena, he had on
that side opposed only the corps of General Tauenzien,
and ranged his army along the road from Jena to Weimar.
His left, composed of Saxons, guarded the summit
of the Schnecke; his right extended to Weimar,
and connected itself with General Ruchel’s corps. However,
a fire of tirailleurs, which was heard on the Landgrafenberg,
having excited a sort of alarm, and General
Tauenzien applying for succor, the Prince of Hohenlohe
ordered the Saxon brigade of Cerini, the Prussian
brigade of Sanitz, and several squadrons of cavalry, to
get under arms, and dispatched these forces to the
Landgrafenberg, to dislodge from it the French, whom
he conceived to be scarcely established on that point.
At the moment when he was about to execute this
resolution, Colonel de Massenbach brought him from the
Duke of Brunswick a reiterated order not to involve
himself in any serious action, to guard well the passages
of the Saale, and particularly that of Dornburg, which
excited uneasiness because some light troops had been
perceived there. The Prince of Hohenlohe, who had
become one of the most obedient of lieutenants when
he ought not to have been so, desisted at once, in compliance
with these injunctions from the head-quarters.
It was singular, nevertheless, that in obeying the order
not to fight, he should abandon the debouche by which,
on the morrow, a disastrous battle was to be forced
upon him. Be this as it may, relinquishing the idea of
retaking the Landgrafenberg, he contented himself with
.bn 222.png
.pn +1
sending the Saxon brigade of Cerini to General Tauenzien,
and with placing at Nerkwitz, facing Dornburg,
the Prussian brigade of Schemmelpfennig, lastly several
detachments of cavalry and artillery, under the command
of General Holzendorf. He sent some light horse
to Dornburg itself, to learn what was passing there.
The Prince of Hohenlohe confined himself to these dispositions:
he returned to his head-quarters at Capellendorf.
Napoleon, stirring before daylight, gave his last instructions
to his lieutenants, and orders for his soldiers
to get under arms. The night was cold, the country
covered to a distance with a thick fog, like that which
for some hours enveloped the field of Austerlitz. Escorted
by men carrying torches, Napoleon went along
the front of the troops, talking to the officers and soldiers.
He explained the position of the two armies,
demonstrated to them that the Prussians were as deeply
compromised as the Austrians in the preceding year;
that, if vanquished in that engagement, they would be
cut off from the Elbe and the Oder, separated from the
Russians, and forced to abandon to the French the
whole Prussian monarchy; that, in such a situation,
the French corps which should suffer itself to be beaten
would frustrate the grandest designs, and disgrace itself
for ever. He exhorted them to keep on their guard
against the Prussian cavalry, and to receive it in square
with their usual firmness. His words everywhere drew
forth shouts of “Forward! vive l’Empereur!” Though
the fog was thick, yet through its veil the enemy’s advanced
posts perceived the glare of the torches, heard
.bn 223.png
.pn +1
the acclamations of the French, and went to give the
alarm to General Tauenzien. At that moment, the
corps of Lannes set itself in motion, on a signal from
Napoleon. Suchet’s division, formed into three brigades,
advanced first. Claparede’s brigade, composed of the
17th light infantry, and a battalion of elite, marched at
the head, deployed in a single line. On the wings of
this line, and to preserve it from attacks of cavalry, the
34th and 40th regiments, forming the second brigade,
were disposed in close column, Vedel’s brigade,
deployed, closed this sort of square. On the left of
Suchet’s division, but a little in rear, came Gazan’s division,
ranged in two lines and preceded by its artillery.
Thus they advanced, groping their way through the
fog. Suchet’s division directed its course towards the
village of Closewitz, which was on the right, Gazan’s
division towards the village of Cospoda, which was on
the left. The Saxon battalions of Frederick Augustus
and Rechten, and the Prussian battalion of Zweifel,
perceiving through the fog a mass in motion, fired all
together. The 17th light infantry sustained that fire,
and immediately returned it. This fire of musketry
was kept up for a few minutes, the parties seeing the
flash and hearing the report, but not discerning one
another. The French, on approaching, at length discovered
the little wood which surrounded the village of
Closewitz. General Claparede briskly threw himself
into it, and, after a fight hand to hand, had soon carried
it, as well as the village of Closewitz itself. Having
deprived General Tauenzien’s line of this support, the
French continued their march amidst the balls that
.bn 224.png
.pn +1
issued from that thick fog. Gazan’s division, on its
part, took the village of Cospoda, and established itself
there. Between these two villages, but a little farther
off, was a small hamlet, that of Lutzenrode, occupied
by Erichsen’s fusiliers. Gazan’s division carried that
also, and was then able to deploy more at its ease.
At this moment the two divisions of Lannes were
assailed by fresh discharges of artillery and musketry.
These were from the Saxon grenadiers of the Cerini
brigade, who, after taking up the advanced posts of
General Tauenzien, continued to move forward, firing
battalion volleys with as much precision as if they had
been at a review. The 17th light infantry, which
formed the head of Suchet’s division, having exhausted
its cartridges, was sent to the rear. The 34th took its
place, kept up the fire for some time, then encountered
the Saxon grenadiers with the bayonet, and broke
them. The route having soon extended to the whole
corps of General Tauenzien. Gazan’s and Suchet’s divisions
picked up about twenty pieces of cannon and many
fugitives. From the Landgrafenberg, the undulated
plateaux, on which the French had just deployed,
gradually subsided to the little valley of the Ilm. Hence
they marched rapidly upon sloping ground, to the heels
of a fleeing enemy. In this quick movement they encountered
two battalions of Cerini, and also Pelet’s
fusiliers, which had been left in the environs of Closewitz.
These troops were flung back for the rest of the
day towards General Holzendorf, commissioned on the
preceding day to guard the debouche of Dornburg.
This action had not lasted two hours. It was nine
.bn 225.png
.pn +1
o’clock, and Napoleon had thus early realized the first
part of his plan, which consisted in gaining the space
necessary for deploying his army. At the same moment
his instructions were executed at all points with remarkable
punctuality. Towards the left, Marshal Augereau,
having sent off Heudelet’s division, and likewise his
artillery and cavalry, to the extremity of the Muhlthal,
on the high road from Weimar, was climbing with Desjardin’s
divisions, the back of the Landgrafenberg, and
coming to form on the plateaux to the left of Gazan’s division.
Marshal Soult, only one of whose divisions,
that of General St. Hilaire, had arrived, was ascending
from Lobstedt, in the rear of Closewitz, facing the positions
of Nerkwitz and Alten-Krone, occupied by the
relics of Tauenzien’s corps and by the detachment of
General Holzendorf. Marshal Ney, impatient to share
in the battle, had detached from his corps a battalion of
voltigeurs, a battalion of grenadiers, the 25th light
infantry, two regiments of cavalry, and had gone on
before with this body of elite. He entered Jena at the
very hour when the first act of the engagement was
over. Lastly, Murat, returning at a gallop, with the
dragoons and cuirassiers, from reconnoisances executed
on the Lower Saale, was mounting in breathless haste
towards Jena. Napoleon resolved, therefore, to halt
for a few moments on the conquered ground, to afford
his troops time to get into line.
Meanwhile, the fugitives belonging to General Tauenzien’s
force had given the alarm to the whole camp of
the Prussians. At the sound of the cannon, the Prince
of Hohenlohe had hastened to the Weimar road, where
.bn 226.png
.pn +1
the Prussian infantry was encamped, not yet believing
the action to be general, and complaining that the troops
were harassed by being obliged needlessly to get under
arms. Being soon undeceived, he took his measures
for giving battle. Knowing that the French had passed
the Saale at Saalfeld, he had expected to see them make
their appearance between Jena and Weimar, and had
drawn up his army along the road running from one to
the other of these towns. As this conjuncture was not
realized, he was obliged to change his dispositions, and
he did it with promptness and resolution. He sent the
bulk of the Prussian infantry, under the command of
General Grawert, to occupy the positions abandoned by
General Tauenzien. Towards the Schnecke, which
was to form his right, he left the Niesemuchel division,
composed of the two Saxon brigades of Burgsdorf and
Nehroff, of the Prussian Boguslawski battalion, and of a
numerous artillery, with orders to defend to the last
extremity the winding slopes by which the Weimar
road rises to the plateaux. To aid them, he gave them
the Cerini brigade, rallied and reinforced by four Saxon
battalions. In rear of his centre, he placed a reserve
of five battalions under General Dyherrn, to support
General Grawert. He had the wrecks of Tauenzien’s
corps rallied at some distance from the field of battle,
and supplied with ammunition. As for his left, he
directed General Holzendorf to push forward, if he
could, and to fall upon the right of the French, while he
would himself endeavor to stop them in front. He
sent General Ruchel information of what was passing,
and begged him to hasten his march. Lastly, he hurried
.bn 227.png
.pn +1
off himself with the Prussian cavalry and the artillery
horses, to meet the French, for the purpose of keeping
them in check and covering the formation of General
Grawert’s infantry.
It was about ten o’clock, and the action of the morning,
interrupted for an hour, was about to begin again
with greater violence, while, on the right, Marshal Soult,
debouching from Lobstedt, was climbing the heights with
St. Hilaire’s division; while in the centre Marshal
Lannes, with Suchet’s and Gazan’s divisions, was deploying
on the plateaux won in the morning; and while, on
the left, Marshal Augereau, ascending from the bottom
of the Muhlthal, had reached the village of Iserstedt,
Marshal Ney, in his ardour for fighting, had advanced
with his three thousand men of the elite, concealed by
the fog, and had placed himself between Lannes and
Augereau, facing the village of Vierzehn-Heiligen,
which occupied the centre of the field of battle. He
arrived at the very moment when the Prince of Hohenlohe
was hastening up at the head of the Prussian
cavalry. Finding himself all at once facing the enemy,
he engaged before the Emperor had given orders for
renewing the action. The horse artillery of the Prince
of Hohenlohe having already placed itself in battery,
Ney pushed the 10th chasseurs upon this artillery.
This regiment, taking advantage of a clump of trees to
form, dashed forward on the gallop, ascended by its
right upon the flank of the Russian artillery, cut down
the gunners, and took seven pieces of cannon, under the
fire of the whole line of the enemy. But a mass of
Prussian cuirassiers rushed upon it, and he was obliged
.bn 228.png
.pn +1
to retire with precipitation. Ney then dispatched the
3d hussars. This regiment, man[oe]uvring as the 10th
chasseurs had done, took advantage of the clump of
trees to form, ascended upon the flank of the cuirassiers,
then fell upon them suddenly, threw them into disorder,
and forced them to retire. Two regiments of light
cavalry, however, were not enough to make head against
thirty squadrons of dragoons and cuirassiers. The
chasseurs and hussars were soon obliged to seek shelter
behind the infantry. Marshal Ney then sent forward
the battalion of grenadiers and the battalion of voltigeurs
which he had brought, formed two squares, then
placing himself in one of them, opposed the charges of
the Prussian cavalry. He allowed the enemy’s cuirassiers
to approach within twenty paces of his bayonets,
and terrified them by the aspect of a motionless infantry
which had reserved its fire. At his signal, a discharge
within point-blank range strewed the ground with dead
and wounded. Though several times assailed, these
two squares remained unbroken.
Napoleon, on the top of the Landgrafenberg, had
been highly astonished to hear the firing recommence
without his order. He learned with still more astonishment
that Marshal Ney, whom he had supposed to
be in the rear, was engaged with the Prussians. He
hastened up greatly displeased, and on approaching Vierzehn-Heiligen,
perceived from the height Marshal Ney
defending himself, in the middle of two weak squares,
against the whole of the Prussian cavalry. This heroic
demonstration was enough to dispel all displeasure. Napoleon
sent General Bertrand with two regiments of
.bn 229.png
.pn +1
light cavalry, all that he had at hand, in the absence of
Murat, to assist in extricating Ney, and ordered Lannes
to advance with his infantry. During the time that
elapsed before relief arrived, the intrepid Ney was not
disconcerted. While, with four regiments of horse, he
renewed his charges of cavalry, he moved the 25th
infantry to his left, in order to station himself on the
wood of Iserstedt, which Augereau, on his part, was
striving to reach; he made the battalion of grenadiers
advance as far as the little wood which had protected
his chasseurs, and dispatched the battalion of voltigeurs
to gain possession of the village of .
But, at the same instant, Lannes, coming to his assistance,
threw the 21st regiment of light infantry into
the village of Vierzehn-Heiligen, and, putting himself at
the head of the 100th, 103d, 34th, 64th, and 88th of
the line, debouched in the face of the Prussian infantry
of General Grawert. The latter deployed before the
village of Vierzehn-Heiligen, with a regularity of movement
due to long exercises. It drew up in order of
battle, and opened a regular and terrible fire of small
arms. Ney’s three little detachments suffered severely;
but Lannes, ascending on the right of General Grawert’s
infantry, endeavored to turn it in spite of repeated
charges of the Prince of Hohenlohe’s cavalry, which
came to attack him in his march.
The Prince of Hohenlohe bravely supported his troops
amidst the danger. The regiment of Sanitz was completely
broken; he formed it anew under the fire. He
then purposed that the Zastrow regiment should retake
the village of at the point of the
.bn 230.png
.pn +1
bayonet, hoping thereby to decide the victory. Meanwhile
he was informed that more hostile columns began
to appear; that General Holzendorf, engaged with superior
forces, was incapable of seconding him; that
General Ruchel, however, was on the point of joining
him with his corps. He then judged it expedient to
wait for this powerful succor, and poured a shower of
shells into the village of Vierzehn-Heiligen, resolved to
try the effect of flames before he attacked it with his
bayonets. He sent at the same time officers to General
Ruchel, to urge him to hasten up, and to promise him
the victory if he arrived in time; for, according to him,
the French were on the point of giving way. At that
very hour fortune was deciding otherwise. Augereau
debouching at last from the wood of Iserstedt with Desjardin’s
division, disengaged Ney’s left, and began to
exchange a fire of musketry with the Saxons who were
defending the Schnecke, while General Heudelet attacked
them in column on the high road from Jena to
Weimar. On the other side of the field of battle, the
corps of Marshal Soult, after driving the remains of the
Cerini brigade, as well as the Pelet fusiliers, out of the
wood of Closewitz, and flinging back Holzendorf’s detachment
to a distance, opened its guns on the flank
of the Prussians. Napoleon, seeing the progress of his
two wings, and learning the arrival of the troops which
had been left in rear, was no longer afraid to bring into
action all the forces present on the ground, the guard
included, and gave orders for advancing. An irresistible
impulse was communicated to the whole line. The
Prussians were driven back, broken, and hurled down
.bn 231.png
.pn +1
the sloping ground which descends from Landgrafenberg
to the valley of the Ilm. The regiments of Hohenlohe
and the Hahn grenadiers, of Grawert’s division, were
almost entirely destroyed by the fire or by the bayonet.
The Cerini brigade, assailed with grape, fell back upon
the Dyherrn reserve, which in vain opposed its five
battalions to the movement of the French. That reserve,
being soon left uncovered, found itself attacked, surrounded
on all sides, and forced to disperse. Tauenzien’s
corps, rallied for a moment, and brought back into the
fire by the Prince of Hohenlohe, was hurried away, like
the others, in the general rout. The Prussian cavalry,
taking advantage of the absence of the heavy French
cavalry, made charges to cover its broken infantry; but
the chasseurs and hussars kept it in check; and though
driven back several times, returned incessantly to the
charge. A terrible carnage followed this disorderly retreat.
At every step prisoners were made; artillery
was taken by whole batteries.
In this great danger, General Ruchel at length made
his appearance, but too late. He marched in two fines
of infantry, having on the left the cavalry belonging to
his corps, and on the right the Saxon cavalry, commanded
by the brave General Zeschwitz, who had come of his
own accord and taken that position. He ascended at a
foot-pace those plateaux, sloping from the Landgrafenberg
to the Ilm. While mounting, Prussian and French
poured down around him like a torrent, the one pursued
by the other. He was thus met by a sort of tempest,
at the moment of his appearance on the field of battle.
While he was advancing, his heart rent with grief at
.bn 232.png
.pn +1
this disaster, the French rushed upon him with the impetuosity
of victory. The cavalry which covered his left
flank was first dispersed. That unfortunate general, an
unwise but ardent friend of his country, was the first
to oppose the shock in person. A ball entered his chest,
and he was borne off dying in the arms of his soldiers.
His infantry, deprived of the cavalry which covered it,
found itself attacked in flank by the troops of Marshal
Soult, and threatened in front by those of Marshals
Lannes and Ney. The battalions placed at the left extremity
of the line, seized with terror, dispersed, and
hurried along the rest of the corps in their flight. To
aggravate the disaster, the French dragoons and cuirassiers
came up at a gallop, under the conduct of Murat,
impatient to take a share in the battle. They surrounded
those hapless and dispersed battalions, cut in pieces all
who attempted to resist, and pursued the others to the
banks of the Ilm, where they made a great number of
prisoners.
On the field of battle were left only the two Saxon
brigades of Burgsdorf and Nehroff, which, after honorably
defending the Schnecke against Heudelet’s and Desjardin’s
division of Augereau’s corps, had been forced
in their position by the address of the French tirailleurs,
and effected their retreat, formed into two squares.
These squares presented three sides of infantry and one
of artillery, the latter being the rear side. The two
Saxon brigades retired, halting alternately, firing their
guns, and then resuming their march. Augereau’s artillery
followed, sending balls after them; a swarm of
French tirailleurs ran after them, harassing them with
.bn 233.png
.pn +1
their small arms. Murat, who had just overthrown the
relics of Ruchel’s corps, fell upon the two Saxon brigades,
and ordered them to be charged to the utmost
extremity by his dragoons and cuirassiers. The dragoons
attacked first without forcing an entrance; but
they returned to the charge, penetrated and broke the
square. General d’Hatpoul, with the cuirassiers, attacked
the second, broke it, and made that havoc which a
victorious cavalry inflicts on a broken infantry. Those
unfortunate men had no other resource but to surrender.
The Prussian battalion of Boguslawski was forced in its
turn, and treated like the others. The brave General
Zeschwitz, who had hastened with the Saxon cavalry
to the assistance of its infantry, made vain efforts to
support it, and was driven back, and forced to give way
to the general rout.
Murat rallied his squadrons, and hastened to Weimar,
to collect fresh trophies. At some distance from that
town were crowded together, pell-mell, detachments of
infantry, cavalry, artillery, at the top of a long and
steep slope, formed by the high road leading down to
the bottom of the valley of the Ilm. These troops,
confusedly huddled together, were supported upon a
small wood, called the wood of Webicht. All at once,
the bright helmets of the French cavalry made their
appearance. A few musket-shots were instinctively
fired by this affrighted crowd. At this signal, the
mass, seized with terror, rushed down the hill, at the
foot of which Weimar is situated: foot, horse, artillerymen,
all tumbled over one another into this gulf—a
new and tremendous disaster. Murat now sent
.bn 234.png
.pn +1
after them a part of his dragoons, who goaded on this
mob with the points of their swords, and pursued it
into the streets of Weimar. With the others he made
a circuit to the other side of Weimar, and cut off the
retreat of the fugitives, who surrendered by thousands.
Out of the seventy thousand Prussians who had
appeared on the field of battle, not a single corps
remained entire, not one retreated in order. Out of
one hundred thousand French troops, composed of the
corps of Marshals Soult, Lannes, Augereau, Ney, Murat,
and the guard, not more than fifty thousand had fought,
and they had been sufficient to overthrow the Prussian
army. The greater part of that army, seized with a
sort of vertigo, throwing away its arms, ceasing to know
either its colors or its officers, covered all the roads of
Thuringin. About twelve thousand Prussians and
Saxons, killed and wounded, about four thousand French
killed and wounded also, strewed the ground from Jena
to Weimar. On the ground were seen stretched a great
number—a greater number, indeed, than usual—of
Prussian officers, who had nobly paid for their silly
passions with their lives; Fifteen thousand prisoners,
two hundred pieces of cannon, were in the hands of the
French, intoxicated with joy. The shells of the Prussians
had set fire to the town of Jena, and from the
plateaux where the battle was fought, columns of flame
were seen bursting from the dark bosom of night.
French shells ploughed up the city of Weimar, and
threatened it with a similar fate. The shrieks of fugitives
while through the streets, the tramp of
Murat’s cavalry, dashing through them at a gallop,
.bn 235.png
.pn +1
slaughtering without mercy all who were not quick
enough in flinging down them arms, had filled with horror
that charming city—the noble asylum of letters.
At Weimar, as at Jena, part of the inhabitants had
fled. The conquerors, disposing like masters of their
almost deserted towns, established their magazines and
their hospitals in the churches and public buildings.
Napoleon, on returning from Jena, directed his attention,
according to his custom, to the collecting of the wounded,
and heard shouts of Vive l’Empereur! mingled with the
moans of the dying.
But Napoleon knew not yet the full measure of his
victory. In the course of the day, he had heard the
distant thundering of the cannon in the direction of
Naumberg, where he had posted Marshal Davoust.
He had the greatest confidence in the wisdom, valor,
and inflexible resolution of that great general, but he
did not know of the immensely superior forces the
Marshal had to fight, to maintain his position. The facts
were soon learned. Marshal Davoust, with only twenty-six
thousand men, had not only sustained his position
for many hours against the impetuous attack of seventy
thousand Prussians, commanded by the Duke of Brunswick,
and cheered by the presence of Frederick William
himself, but had routed his enemy, and thus achieved
the victory of Auerstadt. Never had there been a
grander display of heroic firmness by general and soldiers.
The Prussians had lost three thousand prisoners,
nine or ten thousand men, killed or wounded, besides
the Duke of Brunswick, Marshal Mollendorf and General
Schwettan mortally wounded, together with a prodigious
.bn 236.png
.pn +1
number of their gallant officers. Davoust had
suffered a loss of seven thousand men, killed or wounded,
and half the generals of brigade and colonels were placed
hors de combat. The king was denied the consolation
of his army retreating in good order. Nearly every
corps was broken and disbanded, being seized with a
panic. The roads were crowded with fear-stricken
fugitives.
During the terrible night, which followed the bloody
day of Jena and Auerstadt, the victors suffered not less
than the vanquished. The night was intensely cold,
and they were obliged to bivouac on the ground, having
scarcely any thing to eat. Many of them wounded, more
or less severely, were stretched on the cold earth beside
wounded enemies, mingling their groans. Napoleon
made every effort in his power to relieve their sufferings,
and many a poor soldier, almost fainting from loss of
blood, exerted his feeble strength to shout “Vive l’Empereur!”
But the Prussian army was annihilated. The road
to Berlin was open, and thither the French Emperor
hastened, in following up his decisive victory. A few
small actions were fought and the French made thousands
of prisoners almost every day. Frederick William solicited
an armistice, but the Emperor refused to grant it
for wise military reasons. He was destined to enter
the Prussian capital in triumph. Never did Europe
dread the name of Napoleon so notably as when that
Prussian army, upon which the last hope was founded,
vanished before his resistless arms.
.bn 237.png
.pn +1
.il id=i210 fn=i_b_210.jpg w=400px ew=80%
.sp 4
.h2
THE CAMP-FIRE ON THE NAREW.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='epubonly'
.il fn=i_b_210_1.jpg w=250px ew=33% align=l
.dv-
.if-
.di i_b_210_1.jpg 250 279 0.8
Napoleon, having vanquished
the Prussians, once
more turned his arms
against the Russians,
who, under the command
of Kamenski
and Bennigsen, numbered
about one hundred
and fifteen thousand
men. They were
posted upon the Vistula;
but as Napoleon
easily passed that great river, they retired behind the
.bn 238.png
.pn +1
Narew. The passage of this stream was one of the remarkable
achievements of the French, during this portion
of the Emperor’s splendid career.
Having arrived in the night, between the 18th and
19th of December, 1806, Napoleon reconnoitred the position
of Marshal Davoust on the Narew, but a thick
fog prevented him from attaining much accurate intelligence.
He made his dispositions for attacking the
enemy on the 22d or 23d of December. It is high
time, he wrote to Marshal Davoust, to take our winter
quarters; but this cannot be done till we have driven
back the Russians.
The four divisions of General Bennigsen first presented
themselves. Count Tolstoy’s division, posted at
Czarnowo, occupied the apex of the angle formed by the
junction of the Ukra and the Narew. That of General
Sacken, also placed in rear towards Lopaczym, guarded
the banks of the Ukra. The division of Prince Gallitzin
was in reserve at Pultusk. The four divisions of
General Buxhovden were at a great distance from those
of General Bennigsen, and not calculated to render
support to him.
It is easy to perceive that the distribution of the
Russian corps was not judiciously combined in the angle
of the Ukra and the Narew, and that they had not sufficiently
concentrated their forces. If, instead of having
a single division at the point of the angle, and one on
each side at too great a distance from the first, lastly,
five out of reach, they had distributed themselves with
intelligence over ground so favourable for the defensive;
if they had strongly occupied, first the conflux, then
.bn 239.png
.pn +1
the two rivers, the Narew from Czarnowo to Pultusk,
the Ukra from Pomichowo to Kolozomb; if they had
placed in reserve in a central position, at Nasielsk, for
example, a principal mass, ready to run to any threatened
point, they might have disputed the ground with
advantage. But Generals Bennigsen and Buxhovden
were on bad terms; they disliked to be near each other;
and old Kamenski, who had arrived only on the preceding
day, had neither the necessary intelligence nor
spirit for prescribing other dispositions than they had
adopted in following each of them his whim.
Napoleon, who saw the position of the Russians from
without only, certainly concluded that they were intrenched
behind the Narew and the Ukra, for the purpose
of guarding the banks, but without knowing how they
were established and distributed there. He thought
that it would be advisable to take, in the first place, the
conflux, where it was probable, they would defend
themselves with energy, and having carried that point,
to proceed to the execution of his plan, which consisted
in throwing the Russians, by a wheel from right to left,
into the marshy and woody country in the interior of
Poland. In consequence, having repeated the order to
Marshals Ney, Bernadotte and Bessieres, forming his
left, to proceed rapidly from Thorn to Biezun on the
upper course of the Ukra; to Marshals Soult and Augereau,
forming in his centre, to set out from Plock and
Modlin, and form a junction at Plonsk on the Ukra; he
put himself at the head of his right, composed of Davoust’s
corps, Lannes’s corps, of the guard, and the
reserves, resolved to force immediately the position of
.bn 240.png
.pn +1
the Russians at the conflux of the Ukra and the Narew.
He left in the works of Praga the Poles of the new
levy, with a division of dragoons, a force sufficient to
ward off all accidents, as the army was not to remove
far from Warsaw.
Having arrived on the morning of the 23d of December
at Okunin on the Narew, in wet weather, by muddy
and almost impassable roads, Napoleon alighted, to
superintend in person the dispositions of attack. This
general, who, according to some critics, while directing
armies of three hundred thousand men, knew not how
to lead a brigade into fire, went himself to reconnoitre
the enemy’s positions, and to place his forces on the
ground, down to the very companies of the voltigeurs.
The Narew had been already crossed at Okunin,
below the conflux of the Ukra and the Narew. To
penetrate into the angle formed by those two rivers, it
was necessary to pass either the Narew or the Ukra
above their point of junction. The Ukra, being the
narrower of the two, was deemed preferable for attempting
a passage. Advantage had been taken of an island
which divided it into two arms, near its mouth, in order
to diminish the difficulty. On this island the French
had established themselves, and they had yet to pass
the second arm to reach the point of land occupied by
the Russians between the Ukra and the Narew. This
point of land, covered with woods, coppices, marshes,
&c., looked like one very dense thicket. Further off,
the ground became somewhat clearer, then rose and
formed a steep declivity, which extended from the
Narew to the Ukra. To the right of this natural intrenchment
.bn 241.png
.pn +1
appeared the village of Czarnowo on the
Narew, to the left of the village of Pomichowo on the
Ukra. The Russians had advanced guards of tirailleurs
in the thicket, several battalions and a numerous artillery
on the elevated part of the ground, two battalions in
reserve, and all their cavalry in the rear. Napoleon
repaired to the island, mounted the roof of a barn by
means of a ladder, studied the position of the Russians
with a telescope, and immediately made the following
dispositions. He scattered a great quantity of tirailleurs
all along the Ukra, and to a considerable distance above
the point of passage. He ordered them to keep up a
brisk firing, and to kindle large fires with damp straw,
so as to cover the bed of the river with a cloud of smoke,
and to cause the Russians to apprehend an attack above
the conflux, towards Pomichowo. He even directed to
that quarter Gauthier’s brigade, belonging to Davoust’s
corps, in order the more effectually to draw the enemy’s
attention thither. During the execution of these orders,
he collected at dusk all the companies of voltigeurs of
Morand’s division, on the intended point of passage, and
ordered them to fire from one bank to the other, through
the clumps of wood, to drive off the enemy’s posts, while
the seamen of the guard were equipping the craft collected
on the Narew. The 17th of the line and the 13th
light infantry were in column, ready to embark by detachments,
and the rest of Morand’s division was assembled
in the rear, in order to pass as soon as the bridge was
established. The other divisions of Davoust’s corps
were at the bridge of Okunin, awaiting the moment for
acting. Lannes was advancing from Warsaw to Okunin.
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The seamen of the guard soon brought some boats, by
means of which several detachments of voltigeurs were
conveyed from one bank to the other. These penetrated
into the thicket, while the officers of the pontoniers and
the seamen of the guard were occupied in forming a
bridge of boats with the utmost expedition. At seven in
the evening, the bridge being passable, Morand’s division
crossed in close column, and marched forward, preceded
by the 17th of the line and the 13th light infantry, and
by a swarm of tirailleurs. They advanced under cover
of the darkness and the wood. The sappers of the regiment
cleared a passage through the thicket for the infantry.
No sooner had they overcome these first obstacles,
than they found themselves unsheltered, opposite to the
elevated plateau which runs from the Narew to the
Ukra, and which was defended either by abattis or by
a numerous artillery. The Russians, amidst the darkness
of the night, opened upon the French columns a
continuous fire of grape and musketry, which did some
mischief. While the voltigeurs of Morand’s division and
the 13th light infantry approached as tirailleurs, Colonel
Lanusse, at the head of the 17th of the line, formed in
column of attack on the right, to storm the Russian
batteries. He had already carried one of them, when the
Russians advancing in mass upon his left flank, obliged
him to fall back. The rest of Morand’s division came up
to the support of the two first regiments. The 13th light,
infantry having exhausted its cartridges, was replaced
by the 30th, and again they marched by the right to
attack the village of Czarnowo, while on the left, General
Petit proceeded with four hundred picked men to the
.bn 245.png
.pn +1
attack of the Russian intrenchments facing the Ukra,
opposite to Pomichowo. In spite of the darkness, they
with the utmost order. Two battalions of
the 30th and one of the 17th attacked Czarnowo, one
by going along the bank of the Narew, the two others
by directly climbing the plateau on which the village is
seated. These three battalions carried Czarnowo, and,
followed by the 51st and the 61st regiments, debouched
on the plateau, driving back the Russians into the plain
beyond it. At the same moment General Petit had assaulted
the extremity of the enemy’s intrenchments towards
the Ukra, and, seconded by the fire of artillery,
kept up by Gauthier’s brigade from the other side of
the river, had carried them. At midnight, the assailants
were masters of the position of the Russians from the
Narew to the Ukra, but, from the tardiness of their retreat,
which could be discerned in the dark, it was to
be inferred that they would return to the charge, and,
for this reason, Marshal Davoust sent the second brigade
of General Gudin’s division to the assistance of General
Petit who was most exposed. During the night, the
Russians, as it had been foreseen, returned three times
to the charge, with the intention of retaking the position
which they had lost, and hurling down the French from
the plateau towards that point of woody and marshy
ground on which they had landed. Thrice were they
suffered to approach within thirty paces, and each time
the French replying to their attack by a point-blank fire,
brought them to a dead stand, and then, meeting them
with the bayonet, repulsed them. At length, the night
being far advanced, they betook themselves in full retreat,
.bn 246.png
.pn +1
towards Nasielsk. Never was night action fought
with greater order, precision, and hardihood. The Russians
left, killed, wounded and prisoners, about eighteen
hundred men, and a great quantity of artillery. The
French had six hundred wounded, and about one
hundred killed.
Napoleon, at his evening camp-fire on the Narew, congratulated
General Morand and Marshal Davoust upon
their gallant conduct, and hastened to reap the benefits
of the victory. Then followed a series of actions in terrible
weather, and in a country now hardened with frost,
and then slushed with rain. In all these, the lieutenants
of the Emperor, and especially the indomitable Lannes,
gained unfading glory.
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CAMP-FIRE AT EYLAU.
.sp 2
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.di i_b_218_1.jpg 250 290 0.8
The Russians, under General
Bennigsen, were pursued and
harassed by the French
Marshals after the passage
of the Narew, until the evening
of the 7th of February,
1807, when they halted beyond
the village of Eylau,
and evinced a determination
to give battle on the following
day. The French army was worn with fatigue,
reduced in number by rapid marches and rear-guard
.bn 248.png
.pn +1
actions, pinched with hunger and suffering from cold.
But they were now to fight a great battle against a
superior number of brave and disciplined troops.
Napoleon, losing no time, dispatched the same evening
several officers to Marshals Davoust and Ney, to
bring them back, the one to his right, the other to his
left. Marshal Davoust had continued to follow the
Alle to Bartenstein, and he was not more than three or
four leagues off. He replied that he should arrive at
daybreak upon the right of Eylau (the right of the
French army) ready to fall upon the flank of the Russians.
Marshal Ney, who had been directed upon the
left, so as to keep the Prussians at a distance, and to be
able to rush upon Konigsberg, in case the Russians
should throw themselves behind the Pregel—Marshal
Ney was marching for Krentzburg. Messengers were
dispatched after him, though it was not so sure that he
could be brought back in time to the field of battle, as
it was that Marshal Davoust would make his appearance
there.
Deprived of Ney’s corps, the French army amounted
at most to fifty and some thousand men. If Marshal
Ney were to arrive in time, it would be possible to
oppose sixty-three thousand men to the enemy, all present
under fire. No expectation could be entertained
of the arrival of Bernadotte’s corps, which was thirty
leagues off.
Napoleon, who slept that night but three or four
hours in a chair in the house of the postmaster, placed
the corps of Marshal Soult at Eylau itself, partly within
the town, partly on the right and left of it, Augereau’s
.bn 249.png
.pn +1
corps and the imperial guard a little in rear, and all the
cavalry upon the wings, till daylight should enable him
to make his dispositions.
General Bennigsen had at last determined to give
battle. He was on level ground, or nearly so, excellent
ground for his infantry, not much versed in man[oe]uvres,
but solid, and for his cavalry, which was numerous.
His heavy artillery, which he had directed to make a
circuit, that it might not cramp his movements, had just
rejoined him.
His army, amounting to seventy-eight or eighty
thousand men, and to ninety thousand with the Prussians,
had sustained considerable losses in the late battles,
but scarcely any in marches, for an army in
retreat, without being in disorder, is rallied by the enemy
that pursues it, whereas the pursuing army, not having
the same motives for keeping close together, always
leaves part of its effective force behind. Deducting the
losses sustained at Mohrungen, Bergfried, Waltersdorf,
Hoff, Heilsberg, and at Eylau itself, one may say that
General Bennigsen’s army was reduced to about eighty
thousand men, seventy-two thousand of whom were
Russians, and eight thousand Prussians. Thus, in case
General Lestocq and Marshal Ney should not arrive,
fifty-four thousand French would have to fight seventy-two
thousand Russians. The Russians had, moreover,
a formidable artillery, computed at four or five hundred
pieces. That of the French amounted to two hundred
at most, including the guard. It is true that it was
superior to all the artilleries of Europe, even to that of
the Austrians. General Bennigsen, therefore, determined
.bn 250.png
.pn +1
to attack at daybreak. The character of his
soldiers was energetic, like that of the French soldiers,
but governed by other motives. The Russians had
neither that confidence of success nor that love of glory
which the French exhibited, but a certain fanaticism of
obedience, which induced them to brave death blindly.
Since debouching upon Eylau, the country appeared
level and open. The little town of Eylau, situated on
a slight eminence, and topped by a Gothic spire, was
the only conspicuous point. The ground gently sloping,
on the right of the church, presented a cemetery. In
front it rose perceptibly, and on this rise, marked by
some hillocks, appeared the Russians in a deep mass.
Several lakes, full of water in spring, frozen in winter,
at this time covered with snow, were not distinguishable
in any way from the rest of the plain. Scarcely
did a few barns united into hamlets, and lines of barriers
for folding cattle, form a point d’appui, or an obstacle on
this dreary field of battle. A gray sky, dissolving at
times into thick snow, added its dreariness to that of
the country, a dreariness which seized upon both the
eye and heart.
During the greater part of the night Napoleon was
employed in learning the force and position of the enemy,
and drawing a plan of the battle, as he reclined on the
snow by his dreary camp-fire. The four hours of sleep
in a chair was quite sufficient to refresh his energies,
and prepare him for the great struggle of the next day.
The troops who bivouacked in the vicinity of Eylau,
suffered severely from the cold. They had but few
fires, as fuel was scarce. Most of these gallant soldiers,
.bn 251.png
.pn +1
who had been marching and fighting for several
days, dared not trust themselves to slumber on the
ground for fear of freezing to death.
At break of the day, the position of the Russians
was discovered. They were drawn up in two lines,
very near to each other, their front being covered by
three hundred pieces of cannon, planted on the salient
points of the ground. In the rear, two close columns,
appuying, like two flying buttresses, this double fine of
battle seemed designed to support it, and to prevent its
breaking under the shock of a charge from the impetuous
French. A strong reserve of artillery was placed
at some distance. The cavalry was partly in the rear,
and partly on the wings. The Cossacks kept with the
body of the army.
Napoleon, on horseback, at daybreak, stationed himself
in the cemetery to the right of Eylau, where,
scarcely protected by a few trees from the cannonade
which the Russians had already commenced, he surveyed
the positions of the enemy. He could foresee that victory
would cost him dearly, from the solid and obstinate
mass which the Russian general had formed.
Owing to the position of Eylau, which stretched itself
out facing the Russians, Napoleon could give the less
depth to his line of battle, and consequently the less
scope to the balls of the artillery. Two of Marshal
Soult’s divisions were placed at Eylau, Legrand’s division
in advance and a little to the left, Leval’s division,
partly on the left of the town, upon an eminence topped
by a mill, partly on the right, at the cemetery itself. The
third division of Marshal Soult’s, St. Hilaire’s division,
.bn 252.png
.pn +1
was established still further to the right, at a considerable
distance from the cemetery, in the village of Rothenen,
which formed the prolongation of the position of
Eylau. In the interval between the village of Rothenen,
and the town of Eylau, an interval left vacant for the
purpose of making the rest of the army debouch there,
was posted a little in rear, Augereau’s corps, drawn up
in two lines, and formed of Desjardins’s and Heudelet’s
divisions. Augereau, tormented with fever, his eyes
red and swollen, but forgetting his complaints at the
sound of the cannon, had mounted his horse to put himself
at the head of his troops. Further in rear of that
same debouche came the infantry and cavalry of the
imperial guard, the divisions of cuirassiers and dragoons,
both ready to present themselves to the enemy by the
same outlet, and meanwhile somewhat sheltered from
the cannon by a hollow of the ground. Lastly, at the
extreme right of this field of battle, beyond and in
advance of Rothenen, at the hamlet of Serpallen, the
corps of Marshal Davoust was to enter into action in
such a manner as to fall upon the flank of the Russians.
Thus Napoleon was in open order, and his line having
the advantage of being covered on the left by the buildings
of Eylau, on the right by those of Rothenen, the
combat of artillery, by which he designed to demolish
the kind of wall opposed to him by the Russians, would
be much less formidable for him than for them. He
had caused all the cannon of the army to be removed
from the corps, and placed in order of battle. To these
he had ordered the forty pieces belonging to the guard,
and he was thus about to reply to the formidable artillery
.bn 253.png
.pn +1
of the Russians by an artillery far inferior in
number, but much superior in skill.
The Russians had commenced the firing. The French
had answered it immediately by a violent cannonade at
half cannon-shot. The earth shook under the tremendous
detonation. The French artillerymen, not only
more expert, but firing at a living mass, which served
them for a butt, made dreadful havoc. The balls swept
down whole files. Those of the Russians, on the contrary,
directed with less precision, and striking against
buildings, inflicted less mischief. The town of Eylau
and the village of Rothenen were soon set on fire.
The glare of the conflagration added its terrors to the
horrors of the carnage. Though there fell far fewer
French than Russians, still there fell a great many,
especially in the ranks of the imperial guard, motionless
in the cemetery. The projectiles, passing over the
head of Napoleon, and sometimes very close to him,
penetrated the walls of the church, or broke branches
from the trees at the foot of which he had placed himself
to direct the battle.
This cannonade lasted for a long time, and both armies
bore it with heroic tranquillity, never stirring, and
merely closing their ranks as fast as the cannon made
breaches in them. The Russians seemed first to feel a
sort of impatience. Desirous of accelerating the result
by the taking of Eylau, they moved off to carry the
position of the mill, situated on the left of the town.
Part of their right formed in column, and came to the
attack. Leval’s division gallantly repulsed it, and by
their firmness left the Russians no hope of success.
.bn 254.png
.pn +1
As for Napoleon, he attempted nothing decisive, for
he would not endanger, by sending it forward, the corps
of Marshal Soult, which had done so well to keep Eylau
under such a tremendous cannonade. He waited for
acting till the presence of Marshal Davoust’s corps,
which was coming on the right, should begin to be felt
on the flank of the Russians.
This lieutenant, punctual as he was intrepid, had
actually arrived at the village of Serpallen. Friant’s
division marched at the head. It debouched the first,
encountered the Cossacks, whom it had soon driven
back, and occupied the village of Serpallen with some
companies of fight infantry. No sooner was it established
in the village and in the grounds on the right,
than one of the masses of cavalry posted on the wings
of the Russian army detached itself, and advanced towards.
General Friant, availing himself with intelligence
and coolness of the advantages afforded by the
accidents of the locality, drew up the three regiments
of which his division was then composed behind the
long and solid wooden barrier, which served for folding
cattle. Sheltered behind this natural intrenchment, he
kept up a fire within point-blank range upon the Russian
squadrons, and forced them to retire. They fell
back, but soon returned, accompanied by a column of
nine or ten thousand infantry. It was one of the two
close columns, which served for flying buttresses to the
Russian fine of battle, and which now bore to the left
of that fine, to retake Serpallen. General Friant had
but five hundred men to oppose to it. Still, sheltered
behind the wooden barrier with which he had covered
.bn 255.png
.pn +1
himself, and able to deploy without apprehension of
being charged by the cavalry, he saluted the Russians
with a fire so continuous and so well directed, as to
occasion them considerable loss. Their squadrons having
shown an intention to turn him, he formed the 33d
into square on his right, and stopped them by the imperturbable
bearing of his foot-soldiers. As he could
not make use of his cavalry, which consisted of some
horse chasseurs, he made amends for it by a swarm of
tirailleurs, who kept up such a fire upon the flanks of
the Russians, as to oblige them to retire towards the
heights in rear of Serpallen, between Serpallen and
Klein-Sausgarten. On retiring to these heights, the
Russians covered themselves by a numerous artillery,
the downward fire of which was very destructive.
Morand’s division had arrived in its turn on the field of
battle. Marshal Davoust, taking the first brigade, that
of General Ricard, went and placed it beyond and on
the left of Serpallen; he then posted the second, composed
of the 51st and the 61st, on the right of the
villages, so as to support either Ricard’s brigade or
Friant’s division. The latter had proceeded to the right
of Serpallen, towards Klein-Sausgarten. At this very
moment, Gudin’s division was accelerating its speed to
get into line. Thus the Russians had been obliged by
the movement of the French right to draw back their
left from Serpallen towards Klein-Sausgarten.
The expected effect on the flank of the enemy’s
army was therefore produced. Napoleon, from the position
which he occupied, had distinctly seen the Russian
reserves directed towards the corps of Marshal Davoust.
.bn 256.png
.pn +1
The hour for acting had arrived; for, unless he interfered,
the Russians might fall in mass upon Marshal
Davoust and crush him. Napoleon immediately gave
his orders. He directed St. Hilaire’s division, which
was at Rothenen, to push forward and to give a hand
to Morand’s division about Serpallen. He commanded
the two divisions of Augereau’s corps, to debouch by the
interval between Rothenen and Eylau, to connect themselves
with St. Hilaire’s division, and to form all together
an oblong line from the cemetery of Eylau to Serpallen.
The result expected from this movement was to overturn
the Russians, by throwing their right upon their
centre, and thus break down, beginning at its extremity,
the long wall which he had before him.
It was ten in the morning. General St. Hilaire
moved off, left Rothenen, and deployed obliquely in the
plain, under a terrible fire of artillery, his right at Serpallen,
his left towards the cemetery. Augereau moved
nearly at the same time, not without a melancholy foreboding
of the fate reserved for his corps d’armee, which
he saw exposed to the danger of being dashed to pieces
against the centre of the Russians, solidly appuyed upon
several hillocks. While General Corbineau was delivering
the orders of the Emperor to him, a ball pierced the
side of that gallant officer. Marshal Augereau marched
immediately. The two divisions of Desjardins and
Heudelet debouched between Rothenen and the cemetery,
in close columns; then, having cleared the defile,
formed in order of battle, the first brigade of each division
deployed, the second in square. While they were
advancing, a squall of wind and snow, beating all at
.bn 257.png
.pn +1
once into the faces of the soldiers, prevented them from
seeing the field of battle. The two divisions, enveloped
in this kind of cloud, mistook their direction, and bore
a little to the left, leaving on their right a considerable
space between them and St. Hilaire’s division. The
Russians, but little incommoded by the snow, which
they had at their backs, seeing Augereau’s two divisions
advancing towards the hillocks on which they appuyed
their centre, suddenly unmasked a battery of seventy-two
pieces, which they kept in reserve. So thick was
the grape poured forth by this formidable battery, that
in a quarter of an hour half of Augereau’s corps was
swept down. General Desjardins, commanding the
first division, was killed; General Heudelet, commanding
the second, received a wound that was nearly mortal.
The staff of the two divisions was soon hors de combat.
While they were sustaining this tremendous fire, being
obliged to re-form while marching, so much were their
ranks thinned, the Russian cavalry, throwing itself into
the space which separated it from Morand’s division,
rushed upon them en masse. Those brave divisions,
however, resisted—but they were obliged to fall back
towards the cemetery of Eylau, giving ground without
breaking, under the repeated assaults of numerous
squadrons. The snow having suddenly ceased, they
could then perceive the melancholy spectacle. Out of
six or seven thousand combatants, about four thousand
killed or wounded strewed the ground. Augereau,
wounded, himself, but more affected by the disaster of
his corps d’armee than by his personal danger, was carried
into the cemetery of Eylau to the feet of Napoleon, to
.bn 258.png
.pn +1
whom he complained, not without bitterness, of not having
been timely succored. Silent grief pervaded every
face in the imperial staff. Napoleon, calm and firm,
imposing on others the impassibility which he imposed
on himself, addressed a few soothing words to Augereau,
then sent him to the rear, and took his measures for
repairing the mischief. Dispatching, in the first place,
the chasseurs of his guard and some squadrons of dragoons
which were at hand, to drive back the enemy’s
cavalry, he sent for Murat, and ordered him to make a
decisive effort on the line of infantry which formed the
centre of the Russian army, and which, taking advantage
of Augereau’s disaster, began to press forward.
At the first summons, Murat came up at a gallop.
“Well,” said Napoleon, “are you going to let those fellows
eat us up?” He then ordered that heroic chief of
his cavalry to collect the chasseurs, the dragoons, the
cuirassiers, and to fall upon the Russians with eighty
squadrons, to try what effect the shock of such a mass
of horse, charging furiously, would have on an infantry
reported not to be shaken. The cavalry of the guard
was brought forward, ready to add its shock to the cavalry
of the army. The moment was critical, for, if the
Russian infantry were not stopped, it would go and
attack the cemetery, the centre of the position, and
Napoleon had only six foot battalions of the imperial
guard to defend it.
Murat galloped off, collected his squadrons, made
them pass between the cemetery and Rothenen, through
the same debouch by which Augereau’s corps had
already marched to almost certain destruction. General
.bn 259.png
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Grouchy’s dragoons charged first, to sweep the ground,
and clear it of the enemy’s cavalry. That brave officer,
whose horse fell with him, put himself, on rising, at the
head of a second brigade, and effected his purpose of
dispersing the groups of cavalry which preceded the
Russian infantry. But, for overturning the latter, nothing
short of the heavy iron-clad squadrons of General
d’Hautpoul was required. That officer, who distinguished
himself by consummate skill in the art of
managing a numerous cavalry, came forward with twenty-four
squadrons of cuirassiers, followed by the whole
mass of dragoons. These cuirassiers, ranged in several
lines, started off and threw themselves upon the Russian
bayonets. The first lines, arrested by the fire, could
not penetrate, and falling back to right and left, went
to form afresh behind those who followed them, in order
to charge anew. At length, one of them, rushing on
with more violence, broke the enemy’s infantry at one
point, and opened a breach, through which cuirassiers
and dragoons strove which should penetrate first. As
a river, which has begun to break down a dike, soon
carries it away entirely, so the masses of the squadrons,
having once penetrated the infantry of the Russians,
finished in a few moments the overthrow of their first
line. The horse then dispersed to slaughter. A most
horrible fray ensued between them and the Russian
foot soldiers. They went, and came, and struck on all
sides those obstinate antagonists. While the first line
of infantry was thus overturned and cut in pieces, the
second fell back to a wood that bounded the field of
battle. A last reserve of artillery had been left there.
.bn 260.png
.pn +1
The Russians placed it in battery, and fired confusedly
at their own soldiers and at the French, not caring
whether they slaughtered friends or foes, if they only
got rid of the formidable horse. General d’Hautpoul
was mortally wounded by a rifle ball. While the cavalry
was thus engaged with the second line of the
Russian infantry, some parties of the first rallied and
renewed their fire. At this sight the horse grenadiers
of the guard, headed by General Lepic, one of the heroes
of the army, came forward in their turn to second Murat’s
efforts. Dashing off at a gallop, they charged the
groups of infantry which they perceived to be still on
their legs, and crossing the ground in all directions,
completed the destruction of the centre of the Russian
army, the wrecks of which at last fled for refuge to the
patches of wood which had served them for an asylum.
During this scene of confusion, a fragment of that
vast line of infantry had advanced to that same cemetery.
Three or four thousand Russian grenadiers,
marching straight forward with the blind courage of
braver and more intelligent troops, came to throw themselves
on the church of Eylau, and threatened the
cemetery occupied by the imperial staff. The foot
guard, motionless till then, had endured the cannonade
without firing a piece. With joy it beheld an occasion
for fighting arrive. A battalion was called for; two
disputed the honor of marching. The first in order,
led by General Dorsenne, obtained the advantage of
measuring its strength with the Russian grenadiers,
went up to them without firing a shot, attacked them
with the bayonet, and threw one upon another, while
.bn 261.png
.pn +1
Murat dispatched against them two battalions of chasseurs
under General Bruyere. The Russian grenadiers,
hemmed in between the bayonets of the grenadiers of
the guard and the swords of the chasseurs, were
almost all taken or killed, before the face of Napoleon,
and only a few paces from him.
This cavalry action, the most extraordinary perhaps
of any in the great wars, had for its result to overthrow
the centre of the Russians, and to drive it back to a
considerable distance. It would have been requisite to
have at hand a reserve of infantry, in order to complete
the defeat of troops which, after being laid on
the ground, rose again to fire. But Napoleon durst
not venture to dispose of Marshal Soult’s corps, reduced
to half of its effective, and necessary for keeping Eylau.
Augereau’s corps was almost destroyed.
Napoleon, in the cemetery, in which were heaped the
bodies of a great number of his officers among the time-browned
tombstones, was graver than usual; but his
countenance was inflexible as ever, and no thought of
retreat crossed his resolute soul. Crowds of his bravest
veterans were lying mangled around him; and the prospect
of the field must have been gloomy, indeed. But
his iron will did not bend; he had confidence that the
star of his fortune had not yet begun to descend.
Marshal Davoust and General St. Hilaire justified
the confidence of their chief, and not only maintained
their own position against the enemy, but had even
pushed detachments upon their rear. But the event
which Napoleon dreaded had occurred.
General Lestocq, perseveringly pursued by Marshal
.bn 262.png
.pn +1
Ney, appeared on that field of carnage, with seven or
eight thousand Prussians, eager to revenge themselves
for the disdain of the Russians. General Lestocq, only
an hour or two ahead of Marshal Ney’s corps, had
merely time to strike one blow before he was struck
himself. He debouched upon the field of battle at
Schmoditten, passed behind the double line of the
Russians, now broken by the fire of the artillery, by
the swords of the horse, and presented himself at Kuschitten,
in front of Friant’s division, which, passing beyond
Klein-Sausgarten; had already driven back the
left of the enemy upon its centre. The village of Kuschitten
was occupied by four companies of the 108th,
and by the 51st, which had been detached from Morand’s
division for the support of Friant’s division.
The Prussians, rallying the Russians around them,
dashed impetuously on the 51st, and on the four companies
of the 108th, without being able to break them,
though they obliged them to fall back to a considerable
distance, in rear of Kuschitten. The Prussians, after
this first advantage, pushed on beyond Kuschitten, in
order to recover the positions of the morning. They
marched, deployed in two lines. The Russian reserves,
being rallied, formed two close columns on their wings.
A numerous artillery preceded them. In this manner
they advanced across the rear of the field of battle, to
regain the lost ground, and to beat back Marshal Davoust
upon Klein-Sausgarten, and from Klein-Sausgarten
to Serpallen. But Generals Friant and Gudin,
having Marshal Davoust at their head, hastened up.
Friant’s entire division, and the 12th, 21st and 25th
.bn 263.png
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regiments, belonging to Gudin’s division, placed themselves
foremost, covered by the whole of the artillery
of the third corps. To no purpose did the Russians
and Prussians exert themselves to overcome the formidable
obstacle; they were unsuccessful. The French,
appuyed on woods, marshes and hillocks, here deployed
in line, there dispersed as tirailleurs, opposed an invincible
obstinacy to this last effort of the allies. Marshal
Davoust, passing through the ranks till dark, kept up
the firmness of his soldiers, saying, “Cowards will be
sent to die in Siberia; the brave will die here like men
of honor.” The Prussians and the raided Russians desisted
from the attack. Marshal Davoust remained firm
in that position of Klein-Sausgarten, where he threatened
the rear of the enemy.
The two armies were exhausted. That day, so
sombre, was every moment becoming more sombre
still, and about to terminate in a tremendous night.
More than thirty thousand Russians, struck by the
balls and the swords of the French, strewed the ground,
some dead, others wounded more or less severely.
Many of the soldiers began to abandon their colors.
General Bennigsen, surrounded by his lieutenants, was
deliberating whether to resume the offensive, and try
the effect of one more effort. But, out of an army of
eighty thousand men, not more than forty thousand
were left in a state to fight, the Prussians included. If
he were worsted in this desperate engagement, he would
not have wherewithal to cover his retreat. However,
he was still hesitating, when intelligence was brought
him of a last and important incident. Marshal Ney,
.bn 264.png
.pn +1
who had closely followed the Prussians, arriving in the
evening on the left, as Marshal Davoust had arrived in
the morning on the right, debouched at length near
Althof.
Thus Napoleons combinations, retarded by time,
had, nevertheless, brought upon the two flanks of the
Russian army the forces that were to decide the victory.
The order for retreat could no longer be deferred; for
Marshal Davoust, having maintained himself at Klein-Sausgarten,
would not have much to do to meet Marshal
Ney, who had advanced to Schmoditten; and the junction
of these two Marshals would have exposed the
Russians to the risk of being enveloped. The order
for retreating was instantly given by General Bennigsen;
but, to insure the retreat, he purposed to curb Marshal
Ney, by attempting to take from him the village of
Schmoditten. The Russians marched upon that village,
under favor of the night, and in profound silence, in
hopes of surprising the troops of Marshal Ney, who
had arrived late on the field of battle, when it was difficult
to recognise one another. But the latter were on
their guard. General Marchand, with the 6th light
infantry, and the 39th of the line, allowing the Russians
to approach, then receiving them with a point-blank
fire, stopped them short. He then rushed upon them
with the bayonet, and obliged them to renounce all
serious attack. From that moment they definitely
commenced their retreat.
Napoleon knew that he was master of the field of
battle. He occupied the slightly rising plain beyond
Eylau, having his cavalry and his guard before him and
.bn 265.png
.pn +1
at the centre, and his other corps in possession of the
positions which the Russians had occupied in the
morning.
Certain of being victorious, but grieved to the bottom
of his heart, the Emperor had remained amidst his
troops, and ordered them to kindle fires, and not leave
the ranks, even to go in quest of provisions. A small
quantity of bread and brandy was distributed among the
soldiers, and, though there was not enough for all, yet
no complaints were heard. Less joyous than at Austerlitz
and at Jena, they were full of confidence, proud of
themselves, ready to renew that dreadful struggle, if
the Russians had the courage and the strength to do so.
Whoever had given them, at this moment, bread and
brandy, which they were in want of, would have found
them in as high spirits as usual. Two artillerymen of
Marshal Davoust’s corps having been absent from their
company during this engagement, and arrived too late
to be present at the battle, their comrades assembled
in the evening at the bivouac, tried them, and not liking
their reasons, inflicted upon them, on that frozen and
blood-stained ground, the burlesque punishment which
the soldiers call the savate.
There was no great abundance of any thing but ammunition.
The service of the artillery, performed with
extraordinary activity, had already replaced the ammunition
consumed. With not less zeal was the service
of the medical and surgical department performed. A
great number of wounded had been picked up; to the
others relief was administered on the spot, till they
could be removed in their turn. Napoleon, overwhelmed
.bn 266.png
.pn +1
with fatigue, was still afoot, and superintending the
attentions that were paid to his soldiers.
In the rear of the army, so firm a countenance was
not every where presented. Many stragglers, excluded
from the effective in the morning, in consequence of the
marches, had heard the din of that tremendous battle,
had caught some hourras of the Cossacks, and fallen
back, circulating bad news along the roads. The brave
collected to range themselves beside their comrades, the
others dispersed in the various routes which the army
had traversed.
Daybreak next morning threw a light upon that
frightful field of battle, and Napoleon himself was
moved to such a degree as to betray his feelings in the
bulletin which he published. On that icy plain, thousands
of dead and dying, cruelly mangled, thousands of
prostrate horses, an infinite quantity of dismounted
cannon, broken carriages, scattered projectiles, burning
hamlets, all this standing out from a ground of snow,
exhibited a thrilling and terrible spectacle. “This
spectacle,” exclaimed Napoleon, “is fit to excite in
princes a love of peace and a horror of war!”
This singularity struck all eyes. From a propensity
for returning to the things of past times, and also from
economy, an attempt had been made to introduce the
white uniform again into the army. The experiment
had been made with some regiments, but the sight of
blood on the white dress decided the question. Napoleon,
filled with disgust and horror, declared that he
would have none but blue uniforms, whatever might be
the cost.
.bn 267.png
.pn +1
The Russians had left upon the field, about seven
thousand dead, and five thousand wounded, and they
took with them fifteen thousand more wounded. They
had consequently twenty-seven thousand men placed
hors de combat. Besides this loss, four thousand prisoners
were made by the French, who also captured twenty-four
pieces of cannon and sixteen colors. The loss of
the French was about three thousand killed and four
thousand wounded. Several eagles had been carried
away by Bennigsen. It was a terrible, but indecisive
battle. The victor was too much grieved to listen to
the pæans of triumph, although his valor and skill had
been nobly displayed in defeating a superior enemy.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT FRIEDLAND.
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.di i_b_239_1.jpg 200 203 0.8
After the bloody struggle of Eylau, in
which thirty thousand men were
placed hors de combat, the Russians
seemed desirous of avoiding
a conflict until they had
received large reinforcements.
In the mean time, Napoleon
collected about two hundred
thousand men between the Vistula, and the Memel,
besieged and captured Dantzic, and was again in a condition
to strike a tremendous blow at the inferior forces
of the enemy. Early in June, 1807, the Russian
.bn 269.png
.pn +1
general, Bennigsen, made the first offensive movement.
The division of Marshal Ney, stationed at Gustadt,
was attacked by a superior force, and that intrepid
officer retreated, fighting, as far as Deppen. But on
the 8th of June, Napoleon moved forward to extricate
his lieutenant, and the Russians then fell back upon
Heilsberg. There a desperate action occurred, in
which both armies suffered terribly. The Russians
were compelled to retreat, but they retired unmolested.
On the 13th, Bennigsen approached the town of Friedland,
situated on the west bank of the Alle, communicating
with the eastern bank by long wooden bridges.
Here the decisive battle of the next day was fought.
The course of the Alle, near the spot where the two
armies were about to meet, exhibits numerous windings.
The French came up by the woody hills, beyond which
the ground gradually sinks to the banks of the Alle.
The ground at this season was covered with rye of
great height. To the right of the French, the river
was seen pursuing its way through the plain, then turning
round Friedland, coming to the left, thus forming
an elbow. At daybreak on the morning of the 14th,
Lannes, who commanded the advanced division of the
French army, reached Posthenen, whence he could see
the Russians marching across the bridges to deploy into
the plain, and drawing up in a line of battle facing the
heights. A rivulet, called the Mill Stream, there formed
a small pond, after dividing the plain into two unequal
halves. Bennigsen imagined that he had to contend
with but one division of the French army, and, for the
time, he had this advantage. But the whole force under
.bn 270.png
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Napoleon’s immediate command was coming up to support
the gallant Lannes, and by crossing the bridges, the
Russian general fairly placed himself in the power of
the Emperor. For this Napoleon had man[oe]uvred
several days, and he now saw that the victory would
be one of that complete, decisive kind he loved.
Marshal Lannes, in his haste to march, had brought
with him only Oudinot’s voltigeurs and grenadiers, the
9th hussars, Grouchy’s dragoons, and two regiments of
Saxon cavalry. He could not oppose more than ten
thousand men to the enemy’s advanced guard, which,
successively reinforced, was treble that number, and
was soon to be followed by the whole Russian army.
Fortunately for the French, the soil afforded numerous
resources to the skill and courage of their illustrious
marshal. In the centre of the position which it was
necessary to occupy, in order to bar the way against
the Russians, was a village, that of Posthenen, through
which ran the Mill Stream to pursue its course to
Friedland. Somewhat in rear rose a plateau, from
which the plain of the Alle might be battered. Lannes
placed his artillery there, and several battalions of
grenadiers to protect it. On the right, a thick wood,
that of Sortlack, protruded in a salient, and divided
into two the space comprised between the village of
Posthenen and the banks of the Alle. There Lannes
posted two battalions of voltigeurs, which, dispersed as
tirailleurs, would be able to stop for a long time troops
not numerous and not very resolute. The 9th hussars,
Grouchy’s dragoons, the Saxon cavalry, amounted to
three thousand horse, ready to fall upon any column
.bn 271.png
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which should attempt to penetrate that curtain of tirailleurs.
On the left of Posthenen, the line of woody
heights extended, gradually lowering in the village of
Heinrichsdorf, through which ran the high road from
Friedland to Konigsberg. This point was of great importance,
for the Russians, desirous to reach Konigsberg,
would, of course, obstinately dispute the road
thither. Besides, this part of the field of battle being
more open, was naturally more difficult to defend.
Lannes, who had not yet troops sufficient to establish
himself there, had placed on his left, taking advantage
of the woods and heights, the rest of his battalions,
thus approaching the houses of Heinrichsdorf without
being able to occupy them.
The fire, commenced at three in the morning, became
all at once extremely brisk. The artillery, placed on
the plateau of Posthenen, under the protection of Oudinot’s
grenadiers, kept the Russians at a distance, and
made considerable havoc among them. On the right,
the voltigeurs, scattered on the skirt of the wood of
Sortlack, stopped their infantry by an incessant tirailleur
fire, and the Saxon horse, directed by General Grouchy,
had made several unsuccessful charges against their
cavalry. The Russians having become threatening
towards Heinrichsdorf, General Grouchy, moving from
the right to the left, galloped thither, to dispute with
them the Konigsberg road, the important point for the
possession of which torrents of blood were about to be
spilt.
Though, in these first moments, Marshal Lannes had
but ten thousand men to oppose twenty-five or thirty
.bn 272.png
.pn +1
thousand, he maintained his ground, thanks to great
skill and energy, and also to the able concurrence of
General Oudinot, commanding the grenadiers, and of
General Grouchy, commanding the cavalry. But the
enemy reinforced himself from hour to hour, and General
Bennigsen, on arriving at Friedland, had suddenly
formed the resolution to give battle—a very rash resolution,
for it would have been much wiser for him to
have continued to descend the Alle to the junction of
that river with the Pregel, and to take a position
behind the latter, with his left to Wehlau, his right to
. It would have taken him, it is true,
another day to reach Konigsberg; but he would not
have risked a battle against an army superior in number,
in quality, better officered, and in a very unfavorable
situation for him, since he had a river at his back,
and he was very likely to be pushed into the elbow of
the Alle, with all that vigor of impulsion of which the
French army was capable.
He lost no time in having three bridges thrown over
the Alle, one above and two below Friedland, in order
to accelerate the passage of his troops, and also to
furnish them with means of retreat. He lined with
artillery the right bank, by which he arrived, and
which commanded the left bank. Then, nearly his
whole army having debouched, he disposed it in the
following manner:—In the plain around Heinrichsdorf,
on the right for him, on the left for the French, he
placed four divisions of infantry, under Lieutenant-General
Gortschakoff, and the better part of the cavalry
under General Ouwarroff. The infantry was formed in
.bn 273.png
.pn +1
two lines. In the first were two battalions of each regiment
deployed, and a third drawn up in close column
behind the two others, closing the interval which
separated them. In the second, the field of battle gradually
narrowing the further it extended into the angle
of the Alle, a single battalion was deployed and two
were formed in close column. The cavalry, ranged on
the side and a little in advance, flanked the infantry.
On the left (the right of the French,) two Russian divisions,
of which the imperial guard formed part, increased
by all the detachments of chasseurs, occupied the portion
of the ground comprised between the Mill Stream
and the Alle. They were drawn up in two lines, but
very near each other, on account of the want of room.
Prince Bagration commanded them. The cavalry of
the guard was there, under General Kollogribow. Four
flying bridges had been thrown across the Mill Stream,
that it might interrupt the communications between
the two wings as little as possible. The fourth Russian
division had been left on the other side of the
Alle, on the ground commanding the left bank, to collect
the army in case of disaster or to come and decide
the victory, if it obtained any commencement of success.
The Russians had more than two hundred pieces
of cannon upon their front, besides those which were
either in reserve or in battery on the right bank.
Their army, reduced to eighty or eighty-two thousand
men after Heilsberg, separated at this time from
Kamenski’s corps and from some detachments sent to
Wehlau to guard the bridges of the Alle, still amounted
to seventy-two or seventy-five thousand men. General
.bn 274.png
.pn +1
Bennigsen caused the mass of the Russian army to be
moved forward in the order just described, so that, on
getting out of the elbow of the Alle, it might deploy,
extend its fires, and avail itself of the advantages of
number which it possessed at the beginning of the
battle.
The situation of Lannes was perilous, for he had the
whole Russian army upon his hands. Fortunately, the
time which had elapsed had procured him some reinforcements.
General Nansouty’s division of heavy
cavalry, composed of three thousand five hundred cuirassiers
and carbineers, Dupas’s division, which was
the first of Mortier’s corps, and numbered six thousand
foot soldiers, lastly, Verdier’s division, which contained
seven thousand, and was the second of Lannes’s corps,
marched off successively, had come with all possible
expedition. It was a force of twenty-six or twenty-seven
thousand men, to fight seventy-five thousand.
It was seven in the morning, and the Russians, preceded
by a swarm of Cossacks, advanced towards Heinrichsdorf,
where they already had infantry and cannon.
Lannes, appreciating the importance of that post, sent
thither the brigade of Albert’s grenadiers, and ordered
General Grouchy to secure possession of it at any cost.
General Grouchy, who had been reinforced by the cuirassiers,
proceeded immediately to the village. Without
stopping to consider the difficulty, he dispatched
the brigade of Milet’s dragoons to attack Heinrichsdorf,
while Carrie’s brigade turned the village, and the cuirassiers
marched to support this movement. Milet’s
brigade passed through Heinrichsdorf at a gallop, drove
.bn 275.png
.pn +1
out the Russian foot-soldiers at the point of the sword,
while Carrie’s brigade, going round it, took or dispersed
those who had saved themselves by flight. Four pieces
of cannon were taken. At this moment, the enemy’s
cavalry, coming to the assistance of the infantry, expelled
from Heinrichsdorf, rushed upon the dragoons and
drove them back. But Nansouty’s cuirassiers charged
it in their turn, and threw it upon the Russian infantry,
which in this fray was obliged to withhold its fire.
During these occurrences, Dupas’s division entered
into line. Marshal Mortier, whose horse was killed by
a cannon-ball, the moment he appeared on the field of
battle, placed that division between Heinrichsdorf and
Posthenen, and opened on the Russians a fire of artillery
which, poured upon deep masses, made prodigious
havoc in their ranks. The arrival of Dupas’s division
rendered disposable those battalions of grenadiers
which had at first been drawn up to the left of Posthenen.
Lannes drew them nearer to him, and could oppose
their closer ranks to the attacks of the Russians, either
before Posthenen or before the wood of Sortlack. General
Oudinot, who commanded them, taking advantage of
all the accidents of ground, sometimes from clumps of
wood scattered here and there, sometimes from pools
of water, produced by the rains of the preceding days,
sometimes from above the corn, disputed the ground
with equal skill and energy. By turns he hid or exhibited
his soldiers, dispersed them as tirailleurs, or
exposed them in a mass, bristling with bayonets, to all
the efforts of the Russians. Those brave grenadiers,
notwithstanding their inferiority in number, kept up the
.bn 276.png
.pn +1
fight, supported by their general, when, luckily for them,
Verdier’s division arrived. Marshal Lannes divided it
into two movable columns, to be sent alternately to the
right, to the centre, to the left, wherever the danger
was most pressing. It was the skirt of the wood of
Sortlack and the village of the same name, situated on
the Alle, that were the most furiously disputed. In
the end, the French remained masters of the village,
the Russians of the skirts of the wood.
Lannes was enabled to prolong till noon this conflict
of twenty-six thousand men against seventy-five thousand.
But it was high time for Napoleon to arrive
with the rest of his army. Lannes, anxious to apprize
him of what was passing, had sent to him almost all
his aides-de-camp, one after another, ordering them to
get back to him without loss of time, if they killed
their horses. They found him coming at a gallop to
Friedland, and full of a joy that was expressed in his
countenance. “This is the 14th of June,” he repeated
to those whom he met; “it is the anniversary of
Marengo; it is a lucky day for us!” Napoleon, outstripping
his troops through the speed of his horse,
had successively passed the long files of the guard, of
Ney’s corps, of Bernadotte’s corps, all marching for
Posthenen. He had saluted in passing, Dupont’s fine
division, which from Ulm to Braunsberg, had never
ceased to distinguish itself, though never in his presence,
and he had declared that it would give him great
pleasure to see it fight for once.
The presence of Napoleon at Posthenen fired his
soldiers and his generals with fresh ardor. Lannes,
.bn 277.png
.pn +1
Mortier, Oudinot, who had been there since morning,
and Ney, who had just arrived, surrounded him with
the most lively joy. The brave Oudinot hastening up
with his coat perforated by balls, and his horse covered
with blood, exclaimed to the Emperor: “Make haste,
Sire, my grenadiers are knocked up; but, give me a
reinforcement, and I will drive all the Russians into the
water.” Napoleon, surveying with his glass the plain,
where the Russians, backed in the elbow of the Alle,
were endeavoring in vain to deploy, soon appreciated
their perilous situation and the unique occasion offered
him by Fortune, swayed, it must be confessed, by his
genius; for the fault which the Russian army were
committing had been inspired, as it were, by him, when
he pushed them from the other side of the Alle, and
thus forced them to pass in before him, in going to the
relief of Konigsberg. The day was far advanced, and
it would take several hours to collect all the French
troops. Some of Napoleon’s lieutenants were, therefore,
of opinion that they ought to defer fighting a
decisive battle till the morrow. “No, no,” replied Napoleon,
“one does not catch an enemy twice in such a
scrape.” He immediately made his dispositions for the
attack. They were worthy of his marvellous perspicacity.
To drive the Russians into the Alle was the aim
which every individual, down to the meanest soldier,
assigned to the battle. But how to set about it, how
to ensure that result, and how to render it as great as
possible, was the question. At the farthest extremity
of the elbow of the Alle, in which the Russian army
.bn 278.png
.pn +1
was engulphed, there was a decisive point to occupy,
namely, the little point of Friedland itself, situated on
the right, between the Mill Stream and the Alle. There
were the four bridges, the sole retreat of the Russian
army, and Napoleon purposed to direct his utmost
efforts against that point. He destined for Ney’s corps
the difficult and glorious task of plunging into that
gulf, of carrying Friedland at any cost, in spite of the
desperate resistance which it would not fail to make, of
wresting the bridges from them, and thus barring against
them the only way of safety. But at the same time
he resolved, while acting vigorously on his right, to
suspend all efforts on his left, to amuse the Russian
army on that side with a feigned fight, and not to push
it briskly on the left till, the bridges being taken on the
right, he should be sure, by pushing it, to fling it into a
receptacle without an outlet.
Surrounded by his lieutenants, he explained to them,
with that energy and that precision of language which
were usual with him, the part which each of them had
to act in that battle. Grasping the arm of Marshal
Ney, and pointing to Friedland, the bridges, the Russians
crowded together in front, “Yonder is the goal,”
said he; “march to it without looking about you:
break into that thick mass whatever it costs you; enter
Friedland, take the bridges, and give yourself no concern
about what may happen on your right, on your
left, or on your rear. The army and I shall be there
to attend to that.” Ney, boiling with ardor, proud of
the formidable task assigned to him, set out at a gallop
to arrange his troops before the wood of Sortlack.
.bn 279.png
.pn +1
Struck with his martial attitude, Napoleon, addressing
Marshal Mortier, said, “That man is a lion!”
On the same ground, Napoleon had his dispositions
down from his dictation, that each of his
generals might have them bodily present to his mind,
and not be liable to deviate from them. He ranged,
then, Marshal Ney’s corps on the right, so that Lannes,
bringing back Verdier’s division upon Posthenen, could
present two strong lines with that and the grenadiers.
He placed Bernadotte’s corps (temporarily Victor’s)
between Ney and Lannes, a little in advance of Posthenen,
and partly hidden by the inequalities of the
ground. Dupont’s fine division formed the head of
this corps. On the plateau, behind Posthenen, Napoleon
established the imperial guard, the infantry in
three close columns, the cavalry in two lines. Between
Posthenen and Henrichsdorf was the corps of Marshal
Mortier, posted as in the morning, but more concentrated
and augmented by the young fusiliers of the
imperial guard. A battalion of the 4th light infantry,
and the regiment of the municipal guard of Paris, had
taken the place of the grenadiers of the Albert brigade
in Heinrichsdorf. Dumbrowski’s Polish division
had joined Dupas’s division, and guarded the artillery.
Napoleon left to General Grouchy the duty of which
he had already so ably acquitted himself, that of defending
the plain of Heinrichsdorf. To the dragoons and
the cuirassiers commanded by that general he added
the light cavalry of Generals Beaumont and Colbert, to
assist him to rid himself of the Cossacks. Lastly,
having two more divisions of dragoons to dispose of,
.bn 280.png
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he placed that of General Latour Maubourg, reinforced
by the Dutch cuirassiers, behind the corps of Marshal
Ney, and that of General La Houssaye, reinforced by
the Saxon cuirassiers, behind Victor’s corps. The
French in this imposing order amounted to no fewer
than eighty thousand men. The order was repeated to
the left not to advance, but merely to keep back the
Russians till the success of the right was decided. Napoleon
required that before the troops recommenced
firing, they should wait for the signal from a battery of
twenty pieces of cannon placed above Posthenen.
The Russian general, struck by this deployment, discovered
the mistake which he had committed in supposing
that he had to do with but the single corps of
Marshal Lannes; he was surprised, and naturally hesitated.
His hesitation had produced a sort of slackening
in the action. Scarcely did occasional discharges of
artillery indicate the continuance of the battle. Napoleon,
who desired that all his troops should have got
into line, rested for at least an hour, and being abundantly
supplied with ammunition, was in no hurry to
begin, and resisted the impatience of his generals, well
knowing that, at this season, in this country, it was light
till ten in the evening, he should have time to subject
the Russian army to the disaster that he was preparing
for it. At length, the fit moment appeared to him to
have arrived, he gave the signal. The twenty pieces
of cannon of the battery of Posthenen fired at once;
the artillery of the army answered them along the
whole line; and at this impatiently awaited signal,
Marshal Ney moved off his corps d’armee.
.bn 281.png
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From the wood of Sortlack issued Marchand’s
division, advancing the first to the right, Bisson’s
division the second to the left. Both were preceded by
a storm of tirailleurs, who, as they approached the
enemy, fell back and returned into the ranks. These
troops marched resolutely up to the Russians, and took
from them the village of Sortlack, so long disputed.
Their cavalry, in order to stop the offensive movement,
made a charge on Marchand’s division. But Latour
Maubourg’s dragoons and the Dutch cuirassiers, passing
through the intervals of the battalions, charged that
cavalry in their turn, drove it back upon its infantry,
and, pushing the Russians against the Alle, precipitated
a great number into the deeply embanked bed of that
river. Some saved themselves by swimming; many
were drowned. His right once appuyed on the Alle,
Marshal Ney slackened his march, and pushed forward
his left, formed by Bisson’s division, in such a manner
as to thrust back the Russians into the narrow space
comprised between the Mill Stream and the Alle.
When arrived at this point, the fire of the enemy’s
artillery redoubled. The French had to sustain not
only the fire of the batteries in front, but also the fire
of those on the right bank of the Alle; and it was
impossible to get rid of the latter by taking them, as
they were separated from them by the deep bed of the
river. The columns, battered at once in front and
flank by the balls, endured with admirable coolness
this terrible convergence of fires. Marshal Ney, galloping
from one end of the line to the other, kept up
the courage of his soldiers by his heroic bearing.
.bn 282.png
.pn +1
Meanwhile, whole files were swept away, and the fire
became so severe that the very bravest of the troops
could no longer endure it. At this sight, the cavalry
of the Russian guard, commanded by General Kollogribow,
dashed off at a gallop, to try to throw into disorder
the infantry of Bisson’s division, which appeared
to waver. Staggered for the first time, that valiant
infantry gave ground, and two or three battalions threw
themselves in rear. General Bisson, who, from his
stature, overlooked the lines of his soldiers, strove in
vain to detain them. They retired, grouping themselves
around their officers. The situation soon became
most critical. Luckily, General Dupont, placed at some
distance on the left of Ney’s corps, perceived this commencement
of disorder, and without waiting for directions
to march, moved off his division, passing in front
of it, reminding it of Ulm, Dirnstein and Halle, and
taking it to encounter the Russians. It advanced,
in the finest attitude, under the fire of that tremendous
artillery, while Latour Maubourg’s dragoons, returning
to the charge, fell upon the Russian cavalry,
which had scattered in pursuit of the foot soldiers, and
succeeded in the attempt to drive it back. Dupont’s
division, continuing its movement on that open ground,
and, supporting its left on the Mill Stream, brought
the Russian infantry at a stand. By its presence it
filled Ney’s soldiers with confidence and joy. Bisson’s
battalions formed anew, and the whole line, re-invigorated,
began to march forward again. It was necessary to
reply to the formidable artillery of the enemy, and
Ney’s artillery was so very inferior in number, that it
.bn 283.png
.pn +1
could scarcely stand in battery before that of the Russians.
Napoleon ordered General Victor to collect all
the guns of his division, and to range them in mass on
the front of Ney. The skilful and intrepid General
Senarmont commanded that artillery. He moved it off
at full trot, joined it to that of Marshal Ney, took it
some hundred paces ahead of the infantry, and, daringly
placing himself in front of the Russians, opened upon
them a fire, terrible from the number of the pieces and
the accuracy of aim. Directing one of his batteries
against the right bank, he soon silenced those which the
enemy had on that side. Then, pushing forward his
line of artillery, he gradually approached to within
grape-shot range, and, firing upon the deep masses,
crowding together as they fell back into the elbow of
the Alle, he made frightful havoc among them. The
line of infantry followed this movement, and advanced
under the protection of General Senarmont’s numerous
guns. The Russians, thrust further and further back
into this gulf, felt a sort of despair, and made an effort
to extricate themselves. Their imperial guard, placed
upon the Mill Stream, issued from that retreat, and
marched, with bayonet fixed, upon Dupont’s division,
also placed along the rivulet. The latter, without
waiting for the imperial guard, went to meet it, repulsed
it with the bayonet, and forced it back to the ravine.
Thus driven, some of the Russians threw themselves
beyond the ravine, the others upon the suburbs of Friedland.
General Dupont, with part of his division, crossed
the Mill Stream, drove before him all that he met, found
himself on the rear of the right wing of the Russians
.bn 284.png
.pn +1
engaged with the left in the plain of Heinrichsdorf,
turned Friedland, and attacked it by the Konigsberg
road; while Ney, continuing to march straight forward,
entered by the Eylau road. A terrible conflict ensued
at the gates of the town. The assailants pressed the
Russians in all quarters; they forced their way into the
street in pursuit of them; they drove them upon the
bridges of the Alle, which General Senarmont’s artillery,
left outside, enfiladed with its shot. The Russians
crowded upon the bridges to seek refuge in the ranks of
the fourteenth division, left, in reserve, on the other
side of the Alle, by General Bennigsen. That unfortunate
general, full of grief, had hurried to this division,
with the intention of taking it to the bank of the river
to the assistance of his endangered army. Scarcely
had some wrecks of his left wing passed the bridges,
when those bridges were destroyed—set on fire by the
French, and, by the Russians themselves, in their anxiety
to stop pursuit. Ney and Dupont, having performed
their task, met in the heart of Friedland in
flames, and congratulated one another on this glorious
success.
Napoleon, placed in the centre of the divisions which
he kept in reserve, had never ceased to watch this
grand sight. While he was contemplating it attentively,
a ball passed at the height of the bayonets, and a soldier,
from an instinctive movement, stooped his head. “If
that ball was intended for you,” said Napoleon, smiling,
“though you were to burrow a hundred feet under
ground, it would be sure to find you there.” Thus he
wished to give currency to that useful belief that Fate
.bn 285.png
.pn +1
strikes the brave and the coward without distinction,
and that the coward who seeks a hiding-place disgraces
himself to no purpose.
On seeing that Friedland was occupied and the bridges
of the Alle destroyed, Napoleon at length pushed forward
his left upon the right wing of the Russian army,
deprived of all means of retreat, and having behind it
a river without bridges. General Gortschakoff, who
commanded that wing, perceived the danger with which
he was threatened, and, thinking to dispel the storm,
made an attack on the French line, extending from
Posthenen to Heinrichsdorf, formed by the corps of
Marshal Lannes, by that of Mortier, and by General
Grouchy’s cavalry. But Lannes, with his grenadiers,
made head against the Russians. Marshal Mortier,
with the 15th and the fusiliers of the guard, opposed
to them an iron barrier. Mortier’s artillery, in particular,
directed by Colonel Balbois and an excellent
Dutch officer, M. Vanbriennen, made incalculable havoc
among them. At length, Napoleon, anxious to take
advantage of the rest of the day, carried forward his
whole line. Infantry, cavalry, artillery, started all at
once. General Gortschakoff, while he found himself
thus pressed, was informed that Friedland was in
the possession of the French. In hopes of retaking
it, he dispatched a column of infantry to the gates of
the town. That column penetrated into it, and for a
moment drove back Dupont’s and Ney’s soldiers; but
these repulsed in their turn the Russian column. A
new fight took place in that unfortunate town, and the
possession of it was disputed by the light of the
.bn 286.png
.pn +1
flames that were consuming it. The French finally
remained masters, and drove Gortschakoff’s corps into
that plain without thoroughfare which had served it for
field of battle. Gortschakoff’s infantry defended itself
with intrepidity, and threw itself into the Alle rather
than surrender. Part of the Russian soldiers were
fortunate enough to find fordable passages, and contrived
to escape. Another drowned itself in the river.
The whole of the artillery was captured. A column,
the furthest on the right (right of the Russians) fled and
descended the Alle, under General Lambert, with a
portion of the cavalry. The darkness of the night and
the disorder of victory facilitated its retreat, and enabled
it to escape.
It was half-past ten at night. The victory was complete
on the right and on the left. Napoleon, in his
vast career, had not gained a more splendid one. He
had for trophies eighty pieces of cannon, few prisoners,
it is true, for the Russians chose rather to drown themselves,
than to surrender, but twenty-five thousand men,
killed, wounded, or drowned, covered with their bodies
both banks of the Alle. The right bank, to which
great numbers of them had dragged themselves, exhibited
almost as frightful a scene of carnage as the left
bank. Several columns of fire, rising from Friedland
and the neighboring villages, threw a sinister light
over that place, a theatre of anguish for some, of joy
for others. The French had to regret upwards of
eight thousand men, killed or wounded. The Russian
army, deprived of twenty-five thousand combatants,
weakened, moreover, by a great number of men who had
.bn 287.png
.pn +1
lost their way, was thenceforward incapable of keeping
the field.
The French Emperor slept near the camp-fire,
surrounded by his soldiers, who continued to shout
“Vive l’Empereur!” They had eaten nothing but a
ration of bread, which they had carried in their knapsacks,
during their hurried march. But their souls had
drunk deeply of the intoxicating nectar of glory, and
they felt not the pang of hunger. The night was
clear and beautiful. The Russians were not pursued.
If Napoleon had had his entire cavalry, with Murat at
their head, he could have captured the whole force
which, under command of General Lambert, descended
the Alle. But only half the cavalry were with the
army, and the Russians were left to escape as speedily
as possible.
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.ca THE CAMP-FIRE AT FRIEDLAND. Page 258.
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Friedland was a decisive field. Konigsberg surrendered
soon afterwards; and the Russians were pursued
till they took refuge beyond the Niemen. Here
ended that daring march of the French Emperor—the
new Alexander—from Boulogne to the Niemen, to
crush the only power which could offer any effectual
resistance to his arms. In the transport of triumph,
the Emperor issued the following noble proclamation to
his soldiers:
.pm start_quote
Soldiers—On the 5th of June we were attacked in
our cantonments by the Russian army. The enemy
had mistaken the causes of our inactivity. He perceived
too late that our repose was that of the lion: he
repents of having disturbed it.
.bn 288.png
.bn 289.png
.bn 290.png
.pn +1
“In the battles of Guttstadt and Heilsberg, and in
that ever memorable one of Friedland, in a campaign of
ten days; in short, we have taken one hundred and
twenty pieces of cannon, seven colors, killed, wounded,
or made prisoners, sixty thousand Russians, taken from
the enemy’s army all its magazines, its hospitals, its
ambulances, the fortress of Konigsberg, the three hundred
vessels which were in that port, laden with all kinds of
military stores, one hundred and sixty thousand muskets
which England was sending to arm our enemies.
“From the banks of the Vistula, we have come with
the speed of the eagle to those of the Niemen. You
celebrated at Austerlitz the anniversary of the coronation;
this year you have worthily celebrated that of
the battle of Marengo, which put an end to the war of
the second coalition.
“Frenchmen, you have been worthy of yourselves
and of me. You will return to France covered with
laurels, and, after obtaining a glorious peace, which carries
with it the guarantee of its duration. It is high
time for our country to live in quiet, screened from the
malignant influence of England. My bounties shall
prove to you my gratitude, and the full extent of the
love I feel for you.”
.pm end_quote
Then followed the interview of Napoleon and Alexander
upon the Niemen, and the treaty of Tilsit, by
which the two emperors parcelled out Europe as if it
were their own. The star of Napoleon had reached its
zenith, and truly its lustre dazzled the eyes of the
world.
.bn 291.png
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT MADRID.
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The war of the Peninsula and
the invasion of Russia were
the great sources of Napoleon’s
overthrow. Having summarily
dethroned Ferdinand VII.
of Spain, he placed the crown
of that kingdom upon the head
of his elder brother Joseph.
But the Spaniards resisted
this transfer from Bourbon to
Bonaparte, and having taken the field, with enthusiasm,
.bn 292.png
.pn +1
they defeated and captured a French army, commanded
by General Dupont, and drove King Joseph
beyond the Ebro. Napoleon then left Paris, (October,
1808,) and placed himself at the head of two hundred
thousand men, to crush all opposition in Spain.
In the meantime, the Spaniards had vested the management
of their affairs in a central or supreme junta,
stationed at their recovered capital of Madrid. The
determined spirit of opposition to French interference
continued as strong as ever; but the power to act in
concert, or maintain well directed efforts in a common
cause, already appeared doubtful. The Supreme Junta
found it difficult, sometimes impossible, to enforce obedience
on their generals; and the provincial juntas
were too apt to act independently, and assert their own
right to separate command. The English government,
at the same time, though promising aid, and making
large preparations to afford it, yet continually procrastinated;
and when Napoleon invaded the country, the
native forces alone were in the field. Three armies had
been formed, all intended to co-operate, and amounting
to about one hundred thousand men, but, unfortunately,
all under independent generals. Blake commanded
the army on the western frontier, which extended from
Burgos to Bilbao. General Romana, who commanded
one of the auxiliary divisions of Spanish soldiers in
the French service, had dexterously contrived to escape
from the Island of Funen, and had been landed in
Spain, with ten thousand men, by British ships. His
corps was attached to that of General Blake. The
head-quarters of the central army under Castanos, were
.bn 293.png
.pn +1
at Soria; those on the eastern side, under Palafox,
extended between Saragossa and Sanguesa. The Spanish
armies were therefore arranged in the form of a
long and weak crescent, the horns of which advanced
towards France. The fortresses in the north of Spain
were all in the possession of the French, and strongly
garrisoned.
Napoleon was at Bayonne on the 3d of November,
and by the 8th, he had directed the movements of the
last columns of his advancing army across the frontier:
on the same evening, he arrived at Vittoria,
where Joseph held his court. The civil and military
authorities met him at the gates, and prepared to conduct
him with pomp to the house prepared for his
reception; but he leaped off his horse, entered the first
inn he observed, and called for maps and detailed
reports of the position of the armies. In two hours, he
had arranged the plan of the campaign; and by daybreak
on the 9th, Soult took the command of Bessieres’s
corps, and began to push forward his columns
upon the plains of Burgos, against an auxiliary corps,
under the Count de Belvidere, designed to support the
right flank of Blake’s army. Belvidere was completely
defeated at Gomenal; one of his battalions, composed
entirely of students from Salamanca and Leon, refused
to fly, and fell in their ranks. Blake was then routed
at Espinosa, by General Victor, and again at Reynosa,
by Soult, whence the wreck of his army fled in disorder,
and took refuge in Santander. Nearly the whole
of Romana’s corps perished in the cliffs of Espinosa,
after the battle. Palafox and Castanos had, mean
.bn 294.png
.pn +1
time, united their forces, and waited the attack of the
French under Lannes, at Tudela, on the 22d of November.
The Spaniards were on this occasion, also,
utterly defeated, with the loss of four thousand killed,
and three thousand prisoners. Castanos fled, after the
action, in the direction of Calatayud; and Palafox once
more threw himself and the remains of his troops into
Saragossa, where he was immediately invested closely
by Lannes.
The road to Madrid was now open to Napoleon. He
advanced at the head of his guards and the first division
of the army, and reached the strong pass of the Somosierra
Chain, about ten miles distant from the city, on
the 30th of November. The way lies through a very
steep and narrow defile, and twelve thousand men,
with sixteen pieces of cannon, which completely swept
the road, were strongly posted to dispute his passage.
On the 1st of December, the French began the attack
at daybreak, with an attempt to turn the flanks of the
Spaniards. Napoleon rode into the mouth of the pass,
and surveyed the scene. His infantry were straggling
along the sides of the defiles, and making no efficient
progress; but the smoke of the sharp skirmishing
fire, mingling with the morning fog, was curling up the
rocks, and almost hid the combatants from view. Under
this veil, he ordered the Polish lancers of the guard to
charge up the road in face of the artillery. They
obeyed with impetuous courage. The Spanish infantry,
panic struck, fired, threw down their arms, and fled:
the Poles dashing onward, seized the cannon in an
instant. The whole of the Spanish force fled.
.bn 295.png
.pn +1
On the 2d of December, the French soldiers celebrated
the anniversary of the coronation of King Joseph
under the walls of Madrid. The city had been prepared
for defence. A strong, but irregular force were
in array within the gates. The pavement had been taken
up to form barricades; the houses on the out-skirts loop-holed;
and a spirit of desperate resolution, similar to
that which had immortalized the people of Saragossa,
was displayed. The French officer sent to summon
the town, narrowly escaped being torn to pieces by the
mob. The Emperor then made his dispositions for
attack, and long after the camp-fires of his troops had
encircled Madrid with flame, and scared the darkness
of the night, the work of investure proceeded. The
French were in high spirits. Their invincible Emperor
was with them, and they had the greatest contempt for
the Spaniards. About midnight, Napoleon again summoned
the city to surrender; but an answer of defiance
was returned; and then, dispositions were made for
storming. There was but little sleep that night among
besieged or besiegers. The clangor of arms, “the dreadful
note of preparation,” resounded on the air until the
dawn, when the Emperor was on horseback to direct
operations. The Retiro and the palace of the Duke of
Medina Celi were stormed, and as terror began to fill
the breasts of the citizens, Napoleon again summoned
the authorities to surrender. The governor came out
to the French, and said he desired a suspension of arms,
but was afraid of openly talking of surrender. Napoleon,
wishing to avert the horrors of assault, gave a
little longer time to the distracted city, whence there
.bn 296.png
.pn +1
issued, throughout the night, “a sound,” says Napier,
with vivid force, “as if some mighty beast was struggling
and howling in the toils.” At eight or nine in the
morning of the 4th of December, the gates were opened
to the conqueror, and the French took possession of
Madrid.
Joseph was now restored to his authority in the capital.
Corunna followed, and the English were driven
out of Spain. Napoleon then returned to Paris. But
the subjection of the Spaniards was not complete, and
was destined never to be completed by his arms. His
ablest lieutenants, although successful for a time, were
at length overthrown by the British and Spaniards,
under Wellington, and the contest proved but an exhausting
struggle, in which were developed the influences
which brought the imperial throne to the dust.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT RATISBON.
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Napoleon could never trust his
allies. Completely beaten,
they submitted to the conqueror;
and yet they hated as
deeply as they feared him, and
therefore took advantage of
every opportunity to rupture
the peace of Europe, and attack
his power. No wonder that he lost patience, and
treated their representations, when humbled, with contempt.
These old legitimates proved themselves as
false as they were imbecile, and they deserved the
.bn 298.png
.pn +1
contempt of a man who was an Emperor by nature.
After the peace of Tilset, Napoleon turned his attention
to Spanish affairs, and placed his brother Joseph
upon the throne of Spain. The Spaniards immediately
took up arms to restore Ferdinand VII. to the crown
of his ancestors, although they had long suffered from
the misrule of the Bourbons. They resisted the armies
of France, and being aided by the English, threatened
the invaders with a terrible overthrow. This spectacle
caused the faithless house of Austria to break all its
engagements. Once more the Austrian Emperor resolved
to make an effort to destroy the dominion of
Napoleon. He collected an army of one hundred and
fifty thousand men, which was placed under the command
of the brave and skilful Archduke Charles.
Napoleon collected an army much inferior in number
to that of the enemy, and with his usual rapidity
advanced to the attack. The Empress Josephine accompanied
him as far as Strasburg, and there watched
the event of the campaign, although its termination
was destined to be so melancholy for herself.
The Archduke Charles’s plan was to act upon the
offensive. His talents were undoubted, his army greatly
superior in numbers to the French, and favorably
disposed, whether for attack or defence; yet, by a series
of combinations, the most beautiful and striking, perhaps,
which occur in the life of one so famed for his
power of forming such, Buonaparte was enabled, in the
short space of five days, totally to defeat the formidable
masses which were opposed to him. Napoleon found
his own force unfavorably disposed, on a long line, extending
.bn 299.png
.pn +1
between the towns of Augsburg and Ratisbon,
and presenting, through the incapacity, it is said, of
Berthier, an alarming vacancy in the centre, by operating
on which the enemy might have separated the
French army into two parts, and exposed each to a
flank attack. Sensible of the full, and perhaps fatal
consequences, which might attend this error, Napoleon
determined on the daring attempt to concentrate his
army by a lateral march, to be accomplished by the two
wings simultaneously. With this view he posted himself
in the centre, where the danger was principally
apprehended, commanding Massena to advance by a
flank movement from Augsburg to Pfaffenhoffen, and
Davoust to approach the centre by a similar man[oe]uvre
from Ratisbon to Neustadt. These marches must necessarily
be forced, that of Davoust, being eight, that of
Massena between twelve and thirteen leagues. The
order for this daring operation was sent to Massena on
the night of the 17th, and concluded with an earnest
recommendation of speed and intelligence. When the
time for executing these movements had been allowed,
Bonaparte, at the head of the centre of his forces,
made a sudden and desperate assault upon two Austrian
divisions, commanded by the Archduke Louis
and General Hiller. So judiciously was this timed,
that the appearance of Davoust on the one flank
kept in check those other Austrian corps d’armee, by
whom the divisions attacked ought to have been supported;
while the yet more formidable operations of
Massena, in the rear of the Archduke Louis, achieved
the defeat of the enemy. The victory, gained at Abensberg,
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upon the 20th of April, broke the line of the
Austrians, and exposed them to farther misfortunes.
The Emperor attacked the fugitives the next day at
Landshut, where the Austrians lost thirty pieces of
cannon, nine thousand prisoners, and much ammunition
and baggage.
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.ca MARSHAL LANNES.
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On the 22d of April, Napoleon man[oe]uvred so as to
bring his entire force, by different routes upon Eckmuhl,
where the Archduke had collected full one hundred
thousand men. Here, perhaps, was one of the most
splendid triumphs of military combination ever displayed.
The Austrians were attacked on all sides
about two o’clock in the afternoon. They fought with
stubborn courage, and the Archduke displayed great
bravery. But nothing could avail against the overwhelming
attack of a scientific adversary, and about
dusk the Austrians were completely defeated. All the
Austrian wounded, a great part of their artillery, and
twenty thousand prisoners, remained in the hands of
the French, and many more prisoners were taken during
the pursuit. Davoust, whose services were conspicuous
on this occasion, was created Prince of Eckmuhl.
On the 23d, the Austrians made an attempt to cover
the retreat of their army, by defending Ratisbon. Six
regiments occupied the town, and seemed determined
upon a vigorous defence. The Emperor himself came
up to order the attack. Ratisbon is situated on the
Upper Danube, across which it communicates with its
suburb Stadt-an-Hop, by a bridge a thousand German
feet in length. It is one of the oldest towns in Germany,
and has an antique aspect. Its streets are narrow
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and irregular, and its houses, although lofty, are old
fashioned and inconvenient. Many have tall battlemented
towers, loop-holed for musketry, etc. Among
the most striking public buildings are the cathedral,
an old Roman tower, and the bishop’s palace. The
ramparts are dilapidated, and scarcely useful for defence.
The French soon effected a breach in the ancient
walls, but again and again were they repulsed by a
tremendous fire of musketry. At length there was difficulty
to find volunteers to renew the attack. Such
a storm of death appalled even brave men. But nothing
could daunt the impetuous Lannes. His courage was
of the kind that rose with the danger. He rushed to
the front, seized a ladder, and fixed it against the wall.
“I will show you!” he shouted, “that your general is
still a grenadier!” In spite of the tremendous fire, the
troops followed the example of their glorious leader,
for whom there were never laurels enough—scaled the
walls, and continued the fight in the streets of the town,
which was set on fire.
A detachment of French, rushing to charge a body
of Austrians, which still occupied one end of a burning
street, were interrupted by some wagons belonging to
the enemy’s train. “They are tumbrils of powder,”
cried the Austrian commanding, to the French. “If
the flames reach them, both sides perish.” The combat
ceased, and the two parties joined in averting a calamity
which must have been fatal to both, and finally, saved
the ammunition from the flames. At length the Austrians
were driven out of Ratisbon, leaving much cannon,
baggage, and prisoners, in the hands of the French.
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In the middle of this last melee, Bonaparte, who was
speaking with his adjutant, Duroc, observing the affair
at some distance, was struck on the foot by a spent
musket-ball, which occasioned a severe contusion.
“That must have been a Tyrolese,” said the Emperor,
coolly, “who has aimed at me from such a distance.
These fellows fire with wonderful precision.” Those
around remonstrated with him for exposing his person;
to which he answered, “What can I do? I must needs
see how matters go on.” The soldiers crowded about
him in alarm at the report of his wound; but he would
hardly allow it to be dressed, so eager was he to get
on horseback, and show himself publicly among the
troops.
That night the Emperor fixed his quarters in Ratisbon,
and the watch-fires of his victorious troops
illumined the air for miles around. There was much
revelry that night. A glorious, decisive campaign of
five days had prostrated the foes of the Emperor, and
why should not the soldiers rejoice? The following
proclamation was issued by the Emperor:
.pm start_quote
“Soldiers—You have justified my expectations; you
have made up for numbers by your courage; you have
gloriously marked the difference which exists between
the soldiers of Cæsar and the armies of Xerxes.
“In a few days, we have triumphed in the three
battles of Tann, Abensberg and Eckmuhl, and the
affairs of Peissing, Landshut and Ratisbon. One hundred
pieces of cannon, fifty thousand prisoners, three
equipages, three thousand baggage wagons, all the funds
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of the regiments, are the result of the rapidity of your
your courage.
“The enemy intoxicated by a perjured cabinet,
appeared to have lost all recollection of us; they have
been promptly awakened; you have appeared to them
more terrible than ever. But lately, they had crossed
the Inn, and invaded the territory of our allies; but
lately they had promised themselves to carry the war
into the bosom of our country. Now, defeated, dismayed
they fly in disorder; already my advance-guard has
passed the Inn; before a month we shall be at Vienna.”
.pm end_quote
As Sir Walter Scott says: “It was no wonder that
others, nay, that he himself, should have annexed to his
person the degree of superstitious influence claimed for
the chosen instruments of Destiny, whose path must
not be crossed, and whose arms cannot be arrested.”
When before had Europe witnessed such a campaign?
So much glory was enough to intoxicate even Napoleon,
and we have yet to see that his deep draught of the
nectar was fatal.
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CAMP-FIRES AT ASPERN AND ESSLING.
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After the taking of Ratisbon, Napoleon
advanced upon Vienna, which
offered but a feeble resistance, and
was easily occupied. But the Austrian
army, in abandoning the
capital of the empire, had not
given up the struggle.
Sheltered by the Danube, the
bridges over which they had destroyed
at Vienna, and the surrounding
places, they awaited a
favorable opportunity of taking
the offensive. The bridge of Lintz was the first object
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of their attacks; but Vandamme opposed to them a
vigorous resistance, and Bernadotte, arriving, completely
routed them. On his side, Napoleon was also impatient
to force the passage of the river, in order to finish this
glorious campaign. The reconstruction of the bridge,
was, therefore, his first care. Massena had thrown
several over the arms of the Danube, which bathe the
island of Lobau; Napoleon resolved to make use of it
for the passage of the whole army. In three days, the
corps of Lannes, Bessieres, and Massena had taken up
a position on the island. The communication with the
right bank, was by a bridge of boats, five hundred yards
in length, and extending over three arms of the river.
Another bridge, which was not more than sixty-one
yards in length, connected the island with the left
bank. It was here, that on the 21st of May, thirty-five
thousand men crossed without opposition, to give battle
between Aspern and Essling.
The reports brought to the French during the night
were contradictory. Many lights were seen on the
heights of Bisamberg; but nearer to the French and in
their front, the horizon exhibited a pale streak of about
a league in length, the reflected light of numerous
watch-fires, which a rising ground between prevented
from being themselves visible. From such indications
as could be collected, Lannes was of opinion that they
were in presence of the whole Austrian army. Napoleon
was on horseback by break of day on the 21st, to
judge for himself; but clouds of light troops prevented
his getting near enough to reconnoitre accurately. Presently
the skirmishers were withdrawn, and the Austrians
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were seen advancing with their whole force,
double in number to the French, and with two hundred
and twenty pieces of artillery. Yet with this vast disproportion
of odds, they were strangely astonished at
the stand which they made on this occasion, as the
French were mortified and reproached with having suffered
a repulse or made only a drawn battle of it instead
of a complete victory. The conflict commenced about
four in the afternoon with a furious attack on the village
of Aspern, which was taken and retaken several times,
and at the close of the day remained (except the church
and church-yard) in the possession of Massena, though
on fire with the bombs and choked up with the slain.
Essling was the object of three general attacks, against
all which the French stood their ground. Lannes was
at one time on the point of being overpowered, had not
Napoleon by a sudden charge of cavalry come to his
relief. Night separated the combatants.
The hundred thousand Austrians of the Archduke
had not been able to gain an inch of ground from the
thirty-five thousand French of Massena, Lannes and
Bessieres. After the camp-fires were kindled among
the dead of Aspern and Essling, both armies received
reinforcements. The grenadiers of Oudinot, the division
of St. Hilaire, two brigades of light cavalry, and
the train of artillery passed the bridges, and took up a
position on the line of battle. Napoleon confidently
expected to achieve a decisive victory on the following
day.
At four o’clock in the morning, the signal for battle
was again given by the enemy against the village of
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Aspern; but Massena was there to defend it. This
illustrious warrior, whose intrepidity, coolness and military
talents, never appeared to better advantage than
in difficult positions, did not content himself with repulsing
the Austrians each time they attacked; he soon
took upon himself the defensive, and completely overthrew
the columns which were opposed to him. At the
same moment, Lannes and the young guard fell impetuously
on the centre of the Austrian army, in order to
cut off the communication with the two wings. Every
thing gave way before the heroic marshal, and the victory
became certain and decisive, when, about seven
o’clock in the morning, it was announced to the Emperor,
that a sudden increase of the Danube, which had carried
away trees, vessels and even houses, had also borne
away the great bridge which joined the island of Lobau
with the right bank, and which formed the only method
of communication between the troops engaged on the
left bank, and the rest of the French army. At this
news, Napoleon, who had scarcely fifty thousand men
with him, to make head against a hundred thousand,
suspended the movement in advance, and ordered his
marshals merely to retain their position, in order, afterwards
to effect their retreat in good order to the island
of Lobau. This order was executed. Generals and
soldiers valorously upheld the honor of the French flag.
The enemy informed of the destruction of the bridges,
which had kept back the park of reserve of the French
army, and which thus deprived the cannon and
infantry of cartridges, became so emboldened as to
resume the offensive on all points. They attacked Aspern
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and Essling, three times at the same moment, and
were three times repulsed. General Mouton distinguished
himself at the head of the fusileers of the guard.
Marshal Lannes, whom the Emperor had charged to
maintain the field of battle, valiantly fulfilled his task;
he powerfully contributed to save this fine portion of
the French army, the existence of which a stroke of fate
had nearly compromised. But this striking service was
the last which this illustrious soldier was to render to
his country and to the great captain who was rather his
friend than his master. A bullet struck him in the
thigh towards the close of the day. Amputation was
immediately performed, and with such success as
caused hopes to be conceived which were not to be
realized.
Lannes was borne on a litter before the Emperor, who
wept at the sight of the companion of all his victories
mortally wounded.
“Was it requisite,” said he in a tone of anguish, “that
my heart on this day should have been struck so severe
a blow, to force me to give way to other cares than those
of my army!”
Lannes was conveyed to the island of Lobau. He
had fainted. But he recovered his senses in the presence
of Napoleon, the god of his idolatry: he clung
around his neck, and said—
“In an hour you will have lost him who dies with
the glory and conviction of having been your best
friend!”
But Lannes lingered in agony for ten days. He did
not want to die. He had not drank deep enough of
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glory. He said the man who could not cure a Marshal
and a Duke of Montebello ought to be hanged!
“It is at the moment of quitting life,” said Napoleon,
later, “that one clings to it with all one’s strength.
Lannes, the bravest of all men, Lannes, deprived of both
legs, wished not to die. Every moment, the unfortunate
man asked for the Emperor; he clung to me for the rest
of his life; he wished but for me, thought of me only.
A species of instinct! Assuredly he loved his wife and
children better than me; and yet he spoke not of them;
it was because he expected nought from them; it was
he who protected them, whilst, on the contrary, I was
his protector. I was for him something vague, superior;
I was his providence; he prayed to me! It was impossible,”
added Napoleon, “impossible to be more brave
than Lannes and Murat. Murat remained brave only.
The mind of Lannes would have increased with his
courage; he would have become a giant. If he had
lived in these times, I do not think it would have been
possible to have seen him fail either in honor or duty.
He was of that class of men who change the face of
affairs by their own weight and influence.”
The illustrious marshal expired at Viluna on the 31st
of May. He was lamented as the Roland of the army,
and one of the greatest generals France had produced.
General St. Hilaire, also, an excellent officer, was mortally
wounded in this bloody struggle. He was highly
esteemed by the Emperor, and if he had lived would
doubtless have risen to the rank of marshal.
Napoleon was now cooped up in the island of Lobau.
He had fought two indecisive battles. But that they
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were indecisive, when he contended with an army double
his own in number, was a triumph, of which any other
commander would not have ceased to boast. However,
the Emperor prepared himself to strike a blow as decisive
as was Friedland after Eylau.
In the meantime, Napoleon ordered the funeral obsequies
of the illustrious Lannes to be celebrated in a
style which astonished all Europe, and showed how a
man should be honored who had risen from the ranks
by force of talent, to be a marshal and a Duke of Montebello.
It was a funeral procession of an army of thirty
thousand men, detailed for this service, who escorted
the remains of the illustrious warrior from Germany to
France. They remind us of Alexander honoring the
remains of his friend H[oe]phestion. Paris had never
witnessed a grander procession than that which conveyed
the remains of Lannes from the Invalides to the
Pantheon. It was not a cortege; it was a whole army
marching in mourning for a hero, with arms lowered and
flags bound with crape, and bearing a magnificent cenotaph.
The funeral march was composed by the greatest
composer of Germany, the peerless Beethoven, and it
was performed by a band, the like of which had never
been heard in Paris. Occasionally, the mournful strains
were interrupted by the solemn roll of three hundred
drums, and the firing of many guns reminded those
who listened, of those tremendous storms of battle, in
which the lion-hearted Lannes had so often bled for
France. The whole funeral ceremony was eminently
worthy of the Emperor and his illustrious friend.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT WAGRAM.
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After the bloody conflicts of Essling
and Aspern, Napoleon
remained stationary
for a considerable time.
The Archduke, uneasy at
the movements of Marshal
Davoust before Presburg,
dared not assume
the offensive, and employed
himself in fortifying
his position between
Aspern and Ebersdorf.
Napoleon labored at the reconstruction of the bridges,
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and the communication between the island and the right
bank was re-established. Soon afterwards, the Emperor
learned that the army of Italy, under the command of
Prince Eugene, had defeated the Austrians, and that
the victors had effected a junction with the army of
Germany, on the heights of Simmering. On the 14th
of June, the Prince gained another victory over the
Austrians at Raab. Marmont, after some successes in
Dalmatia, came to re-unite himself with the Grand
Army, and to place himself within the circle of the Emperor’s
operations. Napoleon’s eagle eye saw that the
moment for a decisive stroke had arrived, and he immediately
began the advance movement, which led to the
famous battle of Wagram.
About ten o’clock at night, on the 4th of July, the
French began to cross the Danube. Gunboats, prepared
for the purpose, silenced some of the Austrian batteries.
Others were avoided by passing the river out of reach
of their fire, which the French were enabled to do by
their new bridges. At daybreak, on the morning of the
5th, the Archduke Charles was astonished to see the
whole French army on the left bank of the Danube,
and so posted as to render the fortifications which he
had constructed with so much labor utterly useless for
defence.
Greatly frightened at the progress of the French
army, and at the great results obtained by it, almost
without effort, the Archduke ordered all the troops to
march, and at six o’clock in the evening, occupied the
following position:—the right, from Stradelau to Gerasdorf;
the centre, from Gerasdorf to Wagram, and the
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left, from Wagram to Neusiedel. The French army
had their left at Gros-Aspern, their centre at Rachsdorf,
and their right at Glinzendorf. In this position, the
day had almost closed, and a great battle was expected
on the morrow; but this would be avoided, and the
position of the enemy destroyed, by preventing them
from conceiving any system, if, in the night, possession
were taken of Wagram; then their line, already immense,
taken by surprise and exposed to the chances of battle,
would allow the different bodies of the army to err without
order or directions, and they would thus become an
easy prey without any serious engagement. The attack
on Wagram took place; the French carried this place;
but a column of Saxons and another of French mistook
each other in the obscurity for hostile troops, and so
the operation failed.
When the bloody and indecisive struggle was relinquished
for the night, only one house was left standing
of the village of Wagram, which had been taken and
retaken, and at length destroyed by the furious cannonade.
As the movement designed by the Emperor had
failed, it remained to prepare for the struggle of the
next day. It appeared that the dispositions of the
French and Austrian generals was reversed. The
Emperor passed the whole night in strengthening his
centre, where he was in person within cannon-shot of
Wagram. To effect this, the lion-hearted Massena
marched to the left of Aderklau, leaving a single division
at Aspern, which had orders to fall back if hard pressed,
upon the island of Lobau. The intrepid and inexorable
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Davoust received orders to leave the village of Grosshoffen
to approach the centre. The Austrian general,
on the contrary, committed the time-condemned error
of weakening his centre in order to strengthen his wings.
All night could be seen the far-extending lines of the
blazing fires, which seemed to join each other in the
distance; and all night could be heard the heavy tread
of the troops, marching to take up positions under the
vigilant eye of the Emperor. Brave, confident hearts,
how many of them were destined to be swept to earth
by the storm of the Austrian artillery!
At length, the day of the 6th dawned upon the plain
of Wagram, and exhibited the two vast bodies of men,
whose accoutrements glittered in the light, who were
about to be hurled together in deadly conflict. At the
first peep of day, Bernadotte occupied the left, leaving
Massena in the second line. Prince Eugene, with the
laurels of Raab freshly enwreathing his brow, connected
him with the centre, where the corps of Oudinot, Marmont,
those of the imperial guard, and the divisions of
the cuirassiers, formed eight lines of battle-scarred veterans,
eager for the fray. Davoust marched from the
right in order to reach the centre.
The enemy, on the contrary, ordered the corps of
Bellegarde to march upon Stradelau. The corps of
Colowrath, Lichtenstein, and Hiller, connected this right
with the position of Wagram, where the Prince of Hohenzollern
was, and to the extremity of the left, at Neusiedel,
to which extended the corps of Rosemberg, in
order to fall upon Davoust. The corps of Rosemberg
and that of Davoust, making an inverse movement, met
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with the first rays of the sun, and gave the signal for
battle. The Emperor made immediately for this point,
reinforced Davoust with the divisions of cuirassiers, and
took the corps of Rosemberg in flank with a battery of
twelve pieces of General Count Nansouty. In less
than three quarters of an hour, the fine corps of Davoust
had defeated Rosemberg’s troop, and driven it
beyond Neusiedel, with great loss.
In the meantime the cannonade commenced throughout
the line, and the dispositions of the enemy became
developed every moment; the whole of their left was
studded with artillery; one would have said that the
Austrian general was not fighting for the victory, but
that the only object he had in view, was how to profit
by it. This disposition of the enemy appeared so
absurd, that some snare was dreaded, and the Emperor
hesitated some time before ordering the easy dispositions
which he had to make, in order to annul those of the
enemy, and render them fatal to him. He ordered
Massena to make an attack on a village occupied by the
foe, and which somewhat pressed the extremity of the
centre of the army. He ordered Davoust to turn the
position of Neusiedel, and to push from thence upon Wagram;
and bade Massena and General Macdonald form
in column, in order to carry Wagram the moment Davoust
should march upon it.
While this was going forward, word was brought that
the enemy was furiously attacking the village which
Massena had carried; that the left had advanced about
three thousand yards; that a heavy cannonade was
already heard at Gross-Aspern, and that the interval
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from Gros-Aspern to Wagram appeared covered by an
immense line of artillery. It could no longer be doubted:
the enemy had committed an enormous fault, and it only
remained to profit by it. The Emperor immediately
ordered General Macdonald to dispose the divisions of
Broussier and Lamarque in attacking columns; they
were supported by the division of General Nansouty,
by the horse guards, and by a battery of sixty pieces
of the guard and forty pieces of different corps. General
Count de Lauriston, at the head of this battery of a
hundred pieces of artillery, galloped towards the enemy,
advanced without firing to within half cannon-shot, and
then commenced a prodigious cannonade which soon
silenced that of the enemy, and carried death into their
ranks. General Macdonald marched forward to the
charge. And such a charge had never before been
witnessed upon the field of battle. Macdonald advanced,
as it were, in the face of a volcano pouring forth
a red tide of death. Whole squadrons were swept to
the earth, but, led by a man without fear, the guards
never even faltered; but on, on—still on—they advanced,
like a decree of fate, which nothing could check.
To sustain them, Bessieres charged with the cavalry
of the old guard, but was hurled from his horse by a
cannon-shot, which damped the enthusiasm of his troops,
and rendered their onset weak. Napoleon, who, riding
on a splendid white charger, was a conspicuous mark
for the balls of the enemy, seeing his faithful Bessieres
fall, turned away, saying, “Let us avoid another scene!”
alluding to the incidents attending the death of the illustrious
Lannes. But Macdonald continued his rapid
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advance, attacked and broke the centre of the Austrians,
and captured their guns. But here he was compelled
to halt; the column which he had led to the charge
had been reduced to between two and three thousand
effective men. Its path was piled with the slain. But
the centre of the enemy was broken. Their right,
seized with a panic, fell back in haste, and Massena
then attacked in front, while Davoust, who had carried
Neusiedel and Wagram, attacked and penetrated the
left. It was but ten o’clock, and yet the victory already
clung to the eagles of the French. From that time
until noon, the Archduke only fought for a safe retreat.
The French continued to gain ground; until, when the
sun had reached the meridian, the dispirited Austrian
general gave the order for retreat. The French pursued.
But Murat, to Napoleon’s regret, was not at the
head of the cavalry, and many of the advantages of
such a glorious victory were lost. Long before night’s
shadows descended, the Austrians were out of sight, and
the French encamped upon the field of their victory,
although the cavalry had posts advanced as far as Soukirchen.
At dark, the Emperor could sum up the results of
this terrible battle, in which between three and four
hundred thousand men, with from twelve to fifteen hundred
pieces of artillery, did the work of death. Ten
flags, forty pieces of cannon, twenty thousand prisoners,
of whom three or four hundred were officers, were the
trophies. Besides these, the Austrians left upon the
field about nine thousand men wounded, and an immense
number of slain. The Archduke himself was wounded
.bn 322.png
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in this bloody struggle. The French had suffered a
severe loss. Besides a great number of brave men who
had been swept into the sea of death by the storm of
the Austrian artillery, there were six thousand wounded,
among whom were Marshal Bessieres, and the Generals
Sahuc, Seras, Defranc, Grenier, Vignoble and Frere.
It was a fitting time to do honor to the unrivalled
commanders of the army. Macdonald had been in a
kind of disgrace. But the Emperor now forgot all but
his unequalled charge. He advanced to that intrepid
general, and said, “Shake hands, Macdonald; no more
animosity between us: let us henceforth be friends!”
That night, by the camp-fire of Wagram, three new
marshals of the empire were created, viz.:—Macdonald,
Oudinot and Marmont.
The troops were excessively fatigued, and were glad
when they received orders from the Emperor to cease
the pursuit, and bivouac on the plain of Wagram. The
Emperor then entered his tent to seek repose. But he
had not tasted its sweets more than half an hour, when
an aid-de-camp came in hurriedly, crying, “Up! up!
to arms!” This cry was caught up and repeated throughout
the whole army, startling the quiet night. “In
five minutes,” says the author of Travels in Moravia,
“the troops were in position and ready for action, and
the Emperor was on horseback, with all his generals
around him. This rapid and regular movement was
unparalleled. And certainly it was an astonishing display
of perfect discipline and promptitude. The cause
of this alarm was the approach of an Austrian corps,
numbering three thousand men, under the Archduke
.bn 323.png
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John. But that body, having failed in an attempt at
surprise, retreated, and the French returned to their
bivouacs, much amused with the incident of the night.
In a short time, all was silent again upon the bloody
plain of Wagram.
Then followed the treaty of Sch[oe]nbrunn, which
once more prostrated the coalition, and secured Maria
Louisa, a daughter of the proud house of Hapsburg-Lorraine,
in the place of the beloved Josephine, as Empress
of France. Thus the child of the people had
conquered an alliance with the daughter of emperors.
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.ca MURAT.
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THE CAMP-FIRE ON THE NIEMEN.
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The oppressive continental policy
of Napoleon caused the
rupture of the peace of Tilsit,
and led to the grand, but
disastrous invasion of Russia.
Alexander gave the
first offence by not fulfilling
the condition of his treaty
with Napoleon. The French
Emperor then began to see
the error of that treaty. It should have secured the
independence of Poland. The czar pressed Napoleon
for a declaration that Poland should never be
.bn 325.png
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re-established, but the Emperor refused to make this
concession. Both rulers then prepared for a struggle on
a gigantic scale. Napoleon determined to invade, and
Alexander was resolved to make a resolute defence.
Napoleon determined to concentrate an army of four
hundred thousand men upon the banks of the Niemen.
He was thoroughly informed of the vast resources of
France and of the condition of the country through
which he would be compelled to march. As far as human
calculation could reach, his views were clear and
accurate.
It was from the bosom of that France, of which he
had made a “citadel,” which appeared impregnable, and
across that Germany whose sovereigns were at his feet,
that Napoleon wended his way towards the frontier of
the Russian empire, in order to place himself at the
head of the most formidable army which the genius of
conquest had ever led. Fouche, Cardinal Fesch, and
other noted councillors strove to dissuade Napoleon from
the impending war; but the Emperor was confident,
and seems to have entertained no doubt of his success.
“The war,” he said, “is a wise measure, called for by
the true interests of France and the general welfare.
The great power I have already attained, compels me
to assume an universal dictatorship. My views are not
ambitious. I desire to obtain no further acquisition;
and reserve to myself only the glory of doing good,
and the blessings of posterity. There must be but one
European code; one court of appeal; one system of
money, weights and measures; equal justice and uniform
laws throughout the continent. Europe must constitute
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but one great nation, and Paris must be the capital of
the world.” Grand but premature conception!
The signal for the advance of the Grand Army was
now sounded. It moved forward in thirteen divisions,
besides the Imperial Guard, and certain chosen troops.
The first division was headed by the stern and intrepid
Davoust; the second, by Oudinot; the third, by the
indomitable Ney; the fourth, by the skilful Prince Eugene;
the fifth, by the devoted Poniatowski; the sixth,
by that cool and skilful general, Gouvion St. Cyr; the
seventh, by the veteran Regnier; the eighth, by the
brave but reckless Jerome Bonaparte; the ninth, by
the resolute Victor; the tenth, by the hero of Wagram,
Macdonald; the eleventh, by the old veteran of Italy,
Augereau; the twelfth, by the bold and brilliant Murat;
and the thirteenth by Prince Schwartzenberg. The
Old Guard—that solid and impenetrable phalanx—was
commanded by Bessieres, Le Febre and Mortier.
Long before daybreak, on the 23d of June, the
French army approached the Niemen. It was only
two o’clock in the morning, when the Emperor, accompanied
only by General Hays, rode forward to reconnoitre.
He wore a Polish dress and bonnet, and thus
escaped observation. After a close scrutiny, he discovered
a spot near the village of Poineven, above
Kowno, favorable to the passage of the troops, and gave
orders for three bridges to be thrown across, at nightfall.
The whole day was occupied in preparing facilities
for the passage of the river, the line which separated
them from the Russian soil.
The first who crossed the river were a few sappers
.bn 327.png
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in a boat. The day had been very warm, and the night
was welcomed by the weary soldiers, who knew they
had yet a difficult task to perform. Napoleon, who
had been somewhat depressed all day, now seemed to
regain his cheerful spirits. He posted himself upon a
slight eminence, where he could superintend operations.
The sappers found all silent on the Russian soil, and no
enemy appeared to oppose them, with the exception of
a single Cossack officer on patrole, who asked, with an
air of surprise, who they were, and what they wanted.
The sappers quickly replied, “Frenchmen!” and one of
them briskly added, “Come to make war upon you; to
take Wilna, and deliver Poland.” The Cossack fled
into the wood, and three French soldiers discharged
their pieces at him without effect. These three shots
were the signals for the opening of this ever-memorable
campaign. Their echoes roused Napoleon from the
lethargy into which he had fallen, and he immediately
planned the most active measures.
Three hundred voltigeurs were sent across to protect
the erection of the bridges. At the same time, the dark
masses of the French columns began to issue from the
valleys and forests, and to approach the river, in order
to cross it at dawn of day.
All fires were forbidden, and perfect silence was enjoined.
The men slept with their arms in their hands,
on the green corn, heavily moistened with dew, which
served them for beds, and their horses for provender.
Those on watch, passed the hours in reading over the
Emperor’s proclamation, and speculating on the prospect
which the daylight would disclose. The night was
.bn 328.png
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keen, and pitch dark. The silence maintained amidst
such a prodigious mass of life—felt to be there, whilst
nothing could be seen—rendered the hours unspeakably
solemn.
Before dawn, the whole array was under arms; but
the first beams of the sun shewed no opposing enemy;
nothing but dry and desert sand, and dark silent forests.
On their own side of the river, men and horses, and
glittering arms, covered every spot of ground within the
range of the eye, and the Emperor’s tent in the midst
of them stood on an elevation. At a given signal, the
immense mass began to defile in three columns towards
the bridges. Two divisions of the advanced guard, in
their ardor for the precedence, nearly came to blows.
Napoleon crossed among the first, and stationed himself
near the bridges to encourage the men by his presence.
They saluted him with their usual acclamations. He
seemed depressed, for a time, partly owing to his previous
exertions and want of rest, partly from the
excessive heat of the day, but no doubt still more from
the passive desolation which met his forces, when he
had expected a mortal enemy to contend with him in
arms. This latter feeling was presently manifested in
its reaction, and with a fierce impatience he set spurs
to his horse, dashed into the country, and penetrated
the forest which bordered the river; “as if,” says Segur,
“he were on fire to come in contact with the enemy
alone.” He rode more than a league in the same direction,
surrounded throughout by the same solitude. He
then returned to the vicinity of the bridges, and led the
army into the country, while a menacing sky hung
.bn 329.png
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black and heavy over the moving host. The distant
thunder began to roar and swell, and the storm soon
descended. The lightning flamed across the whole expanse
above their heads; they were drenched with torrents
of rain; the roads were all inundated; and the
recently oppressive heat of the atmosphere was suddenly
changed to a bitter chilliness. Some thousands
of horses perished on the march, and in the bivouacs
which followed: many equipages were abandoned on the
sands; and many men fell sick and died.
The Emperor found shelter in a convent, from the
first fury of the tempest, but shortly departed for
Kowno, where the greatest disorder prevailed. The
passage of Oudinot had been impeded by the bridge
across the Vilia having been broken down by the Cossacks.
Napoleon treated this circumstance with contempt,
and ordered a squadron of the Polish guard to
spur into the flood, and swim across. This fine picked
troop instantly obeyed. They proceeded at first in good
order, and soon reached the centre of the river; but
here the current was too strong, and their ranks were
broken. They redoubled their exertions, but the
horses became frightened and unmanageable. Both
men and horses were soon exhausted. They no longer
swam, but floated about in scattered groups, rising and
sinking, while some among them went down. At
length, the men, finding destruction inevitable, ceased
their struggles, but as they were sinking, they turned
their faces towards Napoleon, and cried out, “Vive
l’Empereur!” Three of these noble-spirited patriots
uttered this cry, while only a part of their faces were
.bn 330.png
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above the waters. The army was struck with a mixture
of horror and admiration. Napoleon watched the
scene apparently unmoved, but gave every order he
could devise for the purpose of saving as many of them
as possible, though with little effect. It is probable
that his strongest feeling, even at the time, was a presentiment
that this disastrous event was but the beginning
of others, at once tremendous and extensive.
Marshal Oudinot with the second corps crossed the
Vilia, by a bridge at Keydani. Meanwhile the rest of
the army was still crossing the Niemen, in which operation
three entire days were consumed.
After the first night of the arrival upon the Niemen,
camp-fires were permitted, and their vast line illumined
the sky to a great distance. The troops suffered severely
from the sudden changes of the weather—from oppressive
heat to piercing cold. But when we learn their
sufferings in the rest of the campaign, we forget this
first taste of misery. Before the army had entirely
crossed the Niemen, Napoleon reached the plain of
Wilna, which he found the Russians had deserted.
However, he was received by the inhabitants of Wilna
as a deliverer, and the restorer of the nationality of Poland.
Still the steady movement of retreat, laying
waste the country—the plan which the Russian generals
had adopted—caused the Emperor to be gloomy, and it
seemed as if the cloud of adversity had already begun
to obscure his star.
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.ca MASSENA.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT WITESPSK.
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The first combat of importance
during the Russian campaign
was fought at Ostrowna.
On the 18th of
July, Napoleon reached
Klubokoe. There he was
informed that the Russian
general, Barclay de Tolly,
had abandoned the camp
at Drissa, and was marching
towards Witepsk. He
immediately ordered all
his corps upon Beszenkowici;
and so admirable and precise were his combinations,
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that the whole of his immense mass of armies
reached the place in one day. Segur has graphically
described the apparent chaos of confusion which seemed
to result from that very regularity itself. The columns
of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, presenting themselves
on every side; the rush, the crossing, the jostling; the
contention for quarters, and for forage and provisions;
the aides-de-camp bearing important orders vainly
struggling to open a passage. At length, before mid
night, order had taken the place of this apparent
anarchy. The vast collection of troops had flowed off
towards Ostrowno, or been quartered in the town, and
profound silence succeeded the tumult. The Russian
army had got the start of Napoleon, and now occupied
Witepsk.
The first combat of Ostrowno took place on the 25th
of July. The Russian infantry, protected by a wood,
fiercely contested the ground, but were beaten back at
every point by the repeated charges of Murat, seconded
by the eighth regiment of infantry, and the divisions of
Bruyeres and St. Germains; and at length the division of
Delzons coming up completed the victory of the French.
On the 26th, the Russians who had been reinforced,
and had occupied a very strong position, seemed disposed
to renew the struggle. Barclay had thrown forward
this portion of his force to retard the French advance,
while he daily looked for the junction of Bagration.
The French van had also been reinforced;
Prince Eugene with the Italian division having joined
in the night. The numbers and strong position of the
Russians gave them an immense superiority in the beginning
.bn 333.png
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of the day. They attacked with fury, issuing in
large masses out of their woods with deafening war
cries. The French regiments opposed to this onset
were mowed down, beaten back, and in danger of an
irretrievable rout. At this critical moment, Murat
placed himself at the head of a regiment of Polish lancers,
and with word and gesture incited them to an
unanimous and energetic rush. Roused by his address,
and inspired with rage at the sight of their oppressors,
they obeyed with impetuosity. His object had been to
launch them against the enemy, not to mingle personally
in the torrent of the fight, which must disqualify
him for the command; but their lances were in their
rests, and closely filed behind him; they occupied the
whole width of the ground; they hurried him forwards
at the full speed of their horses, and he was absolutely
compelled to charge at their head, which he did, as the
eye-witnesses affirm, “with an admirable grace,” his
plumed hat and splendid uniform giving him on this
occasion, and numberless others in which he displayed
a most joyous and reckless courage, the air of some
knight of romance. This impetuous onset was seconded
by the other French leaders. Eugene, General Girardin,
and General Pire attacked at the head of their columns,
and finally the wood was gained. The Russians retreated,
and disappeared from view in a forest two
leagues in depth, into the recesses of which even the
impetuosity of Murat hesitated to follow. The forest
was the last obstacle which hid Witepsk from their
view. At this moment of uncertainty, Napoleon appeared
with the main body of the army, and all difficulties
.bn 334.png
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and uncertainties soon vanished. After hearing
the report of the two princes, he went without delay to
the highest point of ground he could reach. There he
observed long and carefully the nature of the position,
and calculated the movements of his enemies; he then
ordered an immediate advance. The whole army
rapidly traversed the forest, and began to debouch upon
the plain of Witepsk before night-fall. The approaching
darkness, the multitude of Russian watch-fires
which covered the open ground, and the time requisite
to complete the extrication of his several divisions from
the defiles of the forest, obliged Napoleon to halt at this
point. He believed himself to be in presence of the
main Russian army, and on the eve of the great battle
he so ardently desired. He left his tent, and repaired
to his advanced posts before daybreak on the 27th, and
the first rays of the sun shewed him the whole of Barclay’s
forces encamped on an elevated position, commanding
all the avenues of Witepsk. The deep channel
of the river Lucszissa marked the foot of this position,
and ten thousand cavalry and a body of infantry
were stationed in advance of the river to dispute its
approaches; the main body of the Russian infantry
was in the centre on the high road; its left, on woody
eminences; its right, supported by cavalry, resting on
the Dwina.
Napoleon took his station on an insulated hill in view
of both armies. Here, surrounded by a circle of chasseurs
of his guard, he directed the movements of his
troops as they successively advanced to form in line of
battle. Two hundred Parisian voltigeurs of the ninth
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regiment of the line, were the first who debouched, and
were ranged on the left in front of the Russian cavalry,
and resting, like it, on the Dwina; they were followed
by the sixteenth chasseurs and some artillery. The
Russians looked on with coolness, offering no opposition.
This favorable state of inaction was suddenly interrupted
by Murat. Intoxicated at the brilliant and imposing
assemblage of so many thousands of spectators,
he precipitated the French chasseurs upon the whole
Russian cavalry. They were met by an overwhelming
opposition; broken, put to flight, and the foremost cut
to pieces. The King of Naples, stung to the quick at
this result, threw himself into the thickest of the rout
and confusion, sword in hand. His life had nearly been
forfeited to his headstrong valor. A furious and well-directed
blow was just descending on his head, aimed
from behind by a Russian trooper, and it was only
averted by a sudden slash from the sabre of the orderly
who attended Murat, which cut off the trooper’s arm.
The consequences of these rash proceedings did not stop
here. The successful resistance of the Russian cavalry
impelled them to advance nearly as far as the hill on
which Napoleon was posted, and his guard with great
difficulty drove them back by repeated discharges of
their carbines. The two hundred Parisian voltigeurs,
left in an isolated position by the disorder into which
the chasseurs had been thrown, were next placed in
imminent peril. The Russian cavalry in returning to
the main body, attacked and surrounded the voltigeurs.
Both armies, spectators of this sudden and unequal
conflict, regarded that small band of men as utterly
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lost. To the amazement of both French and Russians,
however, this handful of apparent victims was presently
seen to emerge unhurt from the dense cloud of assailants,
who continued their original movement upon their
own position. The voltigeurs had rapidly thrown
themselves into square on a woody and broken space of
ground, close to the river. Here the Russian cavalry
could not act, while the steady fire of the voltigeurs
made such havoc that their assailants were glad to leave
them as they found them. Napoleon sent the cross of
the Legion of Honor to every one of them on the spot.
The remainder of the day was spent by Napoleon in
stationing his army; in waiting for the successive
arrivals of different corps,—to be brief, in preparing for
a decisive battle on the morrow. The more ardent of
his generals wished that he had not waited till “the
morrow,” and when he took leave of Murat with the
words, “To-morrow you will see the sun of Austerlitz,”
the King of Naples incredulously shook his head, saying,
that “Barclay only assumed that posture of defiance,
the better to ensure his retreat;” and then, with a temerity,
verging on the ludicrous, gave vent to his impatient
irritation by ordering his tent to be pitched on the
banks of the Lucszissa, nearly in the midst of the enemy,
that he might be the first to catch the sounds of their
retreat.
Murat was right. The Russians retreated while the
Emperor was preparing to make Witepsk the scene of
a decisive battle. At daybreak, Murat came to inform
the Emperor that he was going in pursuit of the Russians
who were no longer in sight. Napoleon would
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not at first credit the report, but their empty camp soon
convinced him of the truth. There was not even a
trace to indicate the route Barclay had taken. The
army then entered Witepsk, and found it deserted.
They then followed in pursuit for six leagues, through
a deep and burning sand, and during the march the soldiers
suffered dreadfully from thirst. At last, night
put an end to their progress at Agliaponorchtchina.
While the troops were busy in procuring some muddy
water to drink, Napoleon held a council, the result of
which was, that it was useless to pursue the Russian
army any further at present, and that it was advisable
to halt where they were, on the borders of Old Russia.
As soon as the Emperor had formed this resolution, he
returned to Witepsk with his guards. On entering his
head-quarters in that city on the 28th, he took off his
sword, and laid it down on the maps which covered his
table. “Here!” said he, “I halt. I want to reconnoitre,
to rally, to rest my army, and to organize Poland.
The campaign of 1812 is over; that of 1813 will do the
rest.” Ah! well for him would it have been, had he
been content with the laurels that were heaped upon
his head, and fallen back then to devote himself to the
restoration of Poland. But his faith in his star had not
yet been weakened, and on, on—he would press, till
checked by obstacles which no human power could
overcome.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT SMOLENSKO.
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Napoleon halted two weeks at
Witepsk. He felt that if he could
not find the Russian army, it was
necessary to make a conquest that
would end the campaign with substantial
glory. Now, more than
ever the idea of capturing the
ancient Moscow entered his head, and he quickly decided
to advance. Already full of the plan, which was
to crown him with success, he ran to his maps. There
he saw nothing but Smolensko and Moscow.
.bn 339.png
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“At the sight of them,” says Hazlitt, “he appeared
inflamed by the genius of war. His voice became
harsh; his glance fiery, and his whole air stern and
fierce. His attendants retired from his presence,
through fear as well as respect; but at length his mind
was fixed, his determination taken, and his line of
march traced out. Immediately after, the tempest was
calmed, and having given consistency and utterance to
his great conceptions, his features resumed their wonted
character of placidity and cheerfulness.” He did all in
his power to gain over his officers to his purposes, and
redoubled his attentions to his soldiers. The latter
soon displayed a spirit of heroic devotion to his person.
The column of advance consisted of one hundred and
eighty-five thousand men; not one half of the complement
of the vast army which had entered Russia on
the 23d of June.
It must be remembered that the great tract of country
already passed was now occupied by his army, and
necessarily expended a force, amounting perhaps to
nearly eighty thousand men; but it is computed that in
addition to this diminution of his army engaged in actual
service, he had lost one-third of his original numbers
by desertion, wounds, or death, either from fatigue or
disease, or in the field of battle. Numbers of his hospital
wagons, pontoons, and provision wagons, also, were
far in the rear. Still, all these considerations gave way
before his ardent desire to hurry the war to a termination,
and the exertions he made at Witepsk were all
with a view to an advance. Several actions, occurred
between his generals and the different divisions of the
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Russian army during the period in which he held his
head-quarters at Witepsk. Schwartzenberg conquered
Tormazoff at Gorodeczna; Barclay retreated before
Ney at Krasnoi; and Oudinot defeated Witgenstein
near Polotsk, in a second combat,—the first in which
they encountered was indecisive. It was at this moment
that Napoleon received news of the conclusion of
peace between Russia and Turkey, an event which much
more than counterbalanced these successes.
During the first week of August, intelligence reached
Witepsk, that the advanced guard, led by Prince
Eugene, had obtained some advantages near Suraij;
but that, in the centre, at Tukowo, near the Dnieper,
Sebastiani had been surprised, and conquered by
superior numbers. This information, together with the
march of Barclay upon Rudnia, decided Napoleon. He
conjectured that the whole Russian army was united
between the Dwina and the Dnieper, and was marching
against his cantonments. His conjecture proved to be
perfectly correct. The Russian commander-in-chief
conceiving that the French army at Witepsk lay considerably
more dispersed than his own, had resolved to
attempt a surprise. The utmost activity now pervaded
head-quarters. On the 10th of August, Napoleon was
observed to write eight letters to Davoust, and nearly
as many to each of his commanders. “If the enemy
defends Smolensko,” he said, in one of his letters to
Davoust, “as I am tempted to believe he will, we shall
have a decisive engagement there, and we cannot have
too large a force. Orcha will become the central point
of the army. Every thing induces me to believe that
.bn 341.png
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there will be a great battle at Smolensko.” Barclay
having laid a plan for the surprise of Napoleon, the
latter by a daring man[oe]uvre avoided it, and almost
succeeded in an attempt to turn the very same plan of
surprise upon his enemy. Allowing the skirmishing to
continue on the advanced posts, he changed his line of
operations, and turning the left of the Russians instead
of their right, which was expected by Barclay, he
gained the rear of their army, and endeavored to
occupy Smolensko, and act upon their lines of communication
with Moscow. To effect this, he had withdrawn
his forces from Witepsk and the line of the
Dwina, with equal skill and rapidity, and throwing
four bridges across the Dnieper, made a passage for
Ney, Eugene Beauharnais, and Davoust, with Murat
at the head of two large bodies of cavalry. They
were supported by Poniatowski and Junot, who advanced
in different routes. The attack was led by
Ney and Murat, who bore down all opposition till they
reached Krasnoi, where a battle was fought on the 14th
of August. He had thus suddenly changed his line
of operations from the Dwina to the Dnieper, and the
man[oe]uvre has been the subject of much admiration
and criticism among French and Russian tacticians.
The Russian general, Newerowskoi, who commanded
at Krasnoi, finding himself attacked by a body of infantry
stronger than his own, and two large bodies of
cavalry besides, retreated upon the road to Smolensko.
This road being favorable for the action of cavalry, he
was hotly pressed by Murat, who led the pursuit in full
splendor of attire, and with all the reckless valor which
.bn 342.png
.pn +1
characterised him. He also dispatched some of his light
squadrons to alarm if not attack the front of the retreating
corps, while he made furious onsets upon their flank
and rear. Newerowskoi, however, effected a skilful and
gallantly-conducted retreat, availing himself of a double
row of trees on the high road to Smolensko, by which
he evaded the charges of the cavalry, and was enabled
to pour in a heavy fire. He made good his retreat into
Smolensko, with the loss of four hundred men.
The day on which the combat at Krasnoi was fought,
happened to be the Emperor’s birth-day. There was no
intention of keeping it in these immense solitudes, and
under the present circumstances of peril and anxiety.
There could be no heartfelt festival without a complete
victory. Murat and Ney, however, on giving in the
report of their recent success, could not refrain from
complimenting the Emperor on the anniversary of his
nativity. A salute from a hundred pieces of artillery
was now heard, fired according to their orders. Napoleon,
with a look of displeasure, observed, that in Russia
it was important to be economical of French powder.
But he was informed in reply, that it was Russian
powder, and had been taken the night before. The
idea of having his birth-day celebrated at the expense
of the Russians made Napoleon smile. Prince Eugene
also paid his compliments to the Emperor on this occasion;
but was cut short by Napoleon saying, “Every
thing is preparing for a battle. I will gain that, and
then we will see Moscow.”
While Newerowskoi was intrenched in Smolensko,
the generals, Barclay and Bagration, who were stationed
.bn 343.png
.pn +1
towards Inkowo, between the Dnieper and Lake Kasplia,
hesitated whether to attack the French army,
which they believed to be still in their front. But
when they heard of the situation of Newerowskoi, the
question of forcing the French lines was superseded by
the necessity of hurrying to the rescue of Smolensko.
Murat had already commenced an attack on the city.
Ney had attempted to carry the citadel by a coup de
main, but was repulsed with the loss of two or three
hundred men, and was himself slightly wounded. He
withdrew to an eminence on the river’s bank, to examine
the various positions, when on the other side of the
Dnieper he thought he could discern some large masses
of troops in motion. He hastened to inform the Emperor.
Napoleon was presently on the spot, and distinguished,
amidst clouds of dust, long dark columns which
seemed electric with the intermittent glancing of innumerable
arms. These masses were advancing with
rapidity. It was Barclay and Bagration at the head of
a hundred and twenty thousand men. At this sight,
Napoleon clapped his hands for joy, exclaiming,—“At
last I have them!” The moment that was to decide
the fate of Russia or the French army, had apparently
arrived.
Napoleon passed along the line, and assigned to each
commander his station, leaving an extensive plain unoccupied
in front, between himself and the Dnieper. This
he offered to the enemy as a field of battle. The French
army in this position was backed by defiles and precipices;
but Napoleon had no anxiety about retreat, so
certain felt he of victory.
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Instead, however, of accepting the challenge to a
decisive battle, Barclay and Bagration were seen next
morning in full retreat towards Elnia; a movement
which was so bitterly disappointing to Napoleon that
he for some time refused to credit the fact. Various
plans were contemplated by the Emperor for partially
cutting off their retreat, but could not be brought into
operation. He instantly ordered the storming of Smolensko,
inferring that it should be considered as a mere
passage through which he would force his way to Moscow.
It appears that Murat was very anxious to
dissuade him from this attempt, but finding his efforts
in vain, the King of Naples was so exasperated that
he rode in front of the most formidable of the Russian
batteries while it was in full play upon the French;
and having dismounted, remained standing immoveable,
while the balls were cutting down men on all sides.
The storming proceeded with success, except in the
attack made by Ney upon the citadel, which repulsed
him with loss. One battalion happening to present itself
in flank before the Russian batteries, lost the entire row
of a company by a single ball, which thus killed twenty-two
men at the same instant. In the mean time, the
main army, on an amphitheatre of hills, surveyed in
anxiety the struggles of their comrades in arms, and
occasionally applauded them with loud clapping hands
as in a theatre, while they made good any fresh onset,
dashing through a maze of balls and grape-shot which
shadowed the air.
The troops were drawn off as night came on, and
Napoleon retired to his tent. Count Lobau, having
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obtained possession of the ditch, ordered some shells to
be thrown into the city, to dislodge the enemy. Almost
immediately were seen rising thick and black
columns of smoke, with occasional gleams of light;
then sparks and burning flakes; and at length pyramids
of flame, which ascended from every part. These distinct
and distant fires soon became united in one vast
conflagration, which rose in whirling and destructive
grandeur,—hung over nearly the whole of Smolensko,
and consumed it amidst ominous and awful crashes.
This disaster, which Count Lobau very naturally
attributed to his shells, though it was the work of the
Russians, threw him into great consternation. Napoleon,
seated in front of his tent, viewed the terrific spectacle
in silence. Neither the cause nor the result could
as yet be ascertained, and the night was passed under
arms. About three in the morning, a subaltern officer,
belonging to Davoust, had ventured to the foot of the
wall, and scaled it, without giving the least alarm. Emboldened
by the silence which reigned around him, he
made his way into the city, when suddenly hearing a
number of voices speaking with the Sclavonian accent,
he gave himself up for lost. But at this instant, the
level rays of the sun discovered these supposed enemies
to be the Poles of Poniatowski. They had been the
first to penetrate the city, which Barclay had just
abandoned to the flames. Smolensko having been
reconnoitred, the army entered within its walls. The
remarks of Segur on this occasion are very fine:—“They
passed over the smoking and bloody ruins in
martial order, and with all the pomp of military music
.bn 346.png
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and displayed banners; triumphant over deserted
ruins, and the solitary witness of their own glory. A
spectacle without spectators; a victory scarcely better
than fruitless; a glory steeped in blood; and of which
the smoke that surrounded them, and that seemed
indeed to be the only conquest, was the best and most
characteristic emblem.”
Here Napoleon found, as at the Niemen, at Wilna,
and at Witepsk, that phantom of victory which had
decoyed him onward, had again eluded his grasp; and
with mute and gloomy rage he walked along the city
over heaps of smoking ruins and the naked bodies of
the slain. He sat down in front of the citadel, on a
mat at the door of a cottage, and here he held forth for
an hour on the cowardice of Barclay, while bullets from
the citadel walls were whizzing about his head. He
dwelt upon the fine field for action he had offered him,
the disgrace it was to have delivered up the keys of
Old Russia without a struggle; the advantages he had
given him in a strong city to support his efforts or to
receive him in case of need. Without taking the
slightest notice of the bullets from the Russian riflemen
in the citadel, he thus continued to sit and vent his passionate
disappointment, uttering the most bitter sarcasms
upon the Russian general and army. “He was not yet
in the secret,” laconically observes Hazlitt, “of the new
Scythian tactics of defending a country by burning its
capitals.” At length, he remounted his horse. One
of his marshals remarked, as soon as he was out of
hearing, that “if Barclay had been so very wrong in
refusing battle, the Emperor would not have taken so
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much time to convince us of it.” The truth was, he
had no patience with the Russians for not staying—to
be beaten.
The Russians still retained the suburbs of Smolensko,
on the right bank of the Dnieper. During the night,
Napoleon caused the bridges to be repaired, and a heavy
cannonade to be kept up; and by the morning, the
suburb had been deserted after being first set on fire.
Ney and Junot immediately pressed forward through
the burning labyrinth, and halted on the spot at which
the roads to Petersburg and Moscow diverge, uncertain
in which direction to continue the pursuit. At length,
the French scouts brought information that Barclay had
retreated in the direction of Moscow, taking at first a
circuitous route through marshy and woody defiles.
Ney came up with the rear guard at Stubna, where he
dislodged them from a strong position, without difficulty;
and next at Valoutina, where a desperate conflict took
place, in which thirty thousand men were successively
engaged on either side. Encumbered as he was by a
long line of artillery and baggage, and hard pressed by
Ney, Barclay was in extreme danger of losing his whole
army, but he was saved by the unaccountable remissness
of Junot, who had absolutely got into his rear, yet
suspended his attack. Junot was a favorite with Napoleon,
but he lost his command for this indecision. It
was transferred to Rapp, who had just joined the army.
The action had been sanguinary, and among other severe
losses, the French general Gudin was mortally wounded.
Napoleon visited the field of battle, which would probably
have been a decisive one had he been present to
.bn 348.png
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direct the man[oe]uvres. The soldiers were ranged round
the dead bodies of French and Russians which covered
the ground; the ghastly nature of their wounds, and
the wrenched and twisted bayonets scattered about,
bearing witness to the violence of the conflict. Napoleon
felt that the time was come when his men required
the support both of praise and rewards. Accordingly,
he suppressed his chagrin at the indecisive result of the
victory. His looks were never more impressive and
affectionate. He declared this battle was the most
brilliant exploit in their military history. In his
rewards, he was munificent. The division of Gudin
alone received eighty-seven decorations and promotions.
He watched over and secured the care of the wounded,
and left the field amidst the enthusiastic acclamations
of his soldiers. He then returned to Smolensko. His
carriage jolted over the grisly ruins of the fight, and
his eyes were met on every side by all that is odious
and horrible in fields of battle. Long lines of wounded
were dragging themselves, or being borne along, and
retarded his progress; when he entered the ruined
city, carts were conveying out of sight the streaming
heap of amputated limbs. Smolensko seemed one vast
hospital, and its groans of anguish prevailed over and
obliterated the glories and acclamations of Valoutina.
The situation of the French army had now become
grave and critical. There could no longer be a doubt
of the plan which Barclay was pursuing, and disastrous
apprehensions crowded upon Napoleon’s mind.
The burning of Smolensko was evidently one result of a
deep laid design; it could not be attributed to accident.
.bn 349.png
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What must have been his reflections on the evening
of this disastrous day, when, with a burning city for a
camp-fire, he at length discovered the settled policy of
his enemy—the policy, namely, by which Robert Bruce,
in his last will, directed his countrymen how to conquer
the ever-invading English—the policy by which
Francis the First baffled his great rival, Charles the
Fifth, in his attempt to conquer France—the policy
of laying waste the country, burning the cities, retreating
without a pitched battle and leaving famine, cold
and disease to destroy the invading force?
Whatever misfortune awaited him, the Emperor was
resolved to meet it without delay. He really dared
fate to do its worst.
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.ca NAPOLEON AT WIAZMA. Page 317.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT WIAZMA.
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Even after quitting Smolensko,
Napoleon did not penetrate
the designs of the Russian
general, Barclay de Tolly. He
called the retreat, flight; their
circumspection, pusillanimity.
Barclay had retreated to
Dorogobouje, without attempting
any resistance; but here
he renewed his junction with Bagration, and Murat
wishing to reconnoitre a small wood, met with a vigorous
resistance, and pressing forwards found himself in
front of the whole Russian army. He immediately
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sent word to Napoleon, who was in the rear. Davoust
also, who disapproved of Murat’s dispositions, wrote to
hasten the Emperor’s advance, “if he did not wish
Murat to engage without him.” Napoleon received the
news with transport, and pressed on with his guard
twelve leagues without stopping; but on the evening
before he arrived, the enemy had disappeared. Barclay
persevered in his retreat amidst imputations of treachery
from Bagration, and discord and impatience throughout
his camp. Rage at the continual falling back before the
invaders had produced so many complaints, that Alexander
had at last resolved to supersede Barclay by Kutusoff,
who was shortly expected. Meantime, the
French army advanced, marching three columns abreast;
the Emperor, Murat, Davoust, and Ney, in the middle,
along the great road to Moscow; Poniatowski on the
right, and the army of Italy on the left.
It was not likely that the centre column could obtain
any supplies on a road where the advanced guard had
found nothing to subsist upon but the leavings of the,
Russians. They could not in so rapid a march find
time to deviate from the direct route; besides which,
the right and left columns were collecting and devouring
all they could find on each side of the road. It
seemed that a second army would have been required
to follow them with the requisite necessaries; but as it
was, they were obliged to carry everything with them.
The existence of the army was a prodigy. With the
French and Polish corps, the difficulties were not so
great, owing to their excellent arrangements in packing
their knapsacks, and by every regiment having attached
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to it a number of dwarf-horses, carts, and a drove of
oxen. Their baggage was conducted by soldiers as
drivers. But with the other chiefs in command, the
case was very different. They had none of these excellent
arrangements among them, and only existed by
sending out marauding detachments on every side, who
devoured their fill, and then returned to their respective
bodies with the remainder—if any remained. Napoleon
had not paid sufficient attention to these distinctions,
in the arrangements of the various divisions, and
the consequences were highly injurious. Very great distress,
and very disorderly conduct incessantly occurred
in the course of the march, particularly at Slawokowo.
But Napoleon seemed only possessed by the idea of
Moscow, and victory. He evidently took a great pleasure
in frequently dating decrees and dispatches from
the middle of Old Russia, which he knew would find
their way even into the smallest hamlets throughout
France, and make him appear present every where in
full power.
Murat and Davoust had frequent misunderstandings
at this period, which on one occasion came to an open
quarrel. Davoust had been placed under the orders of
the King of Naples, but the latter having brought the
troops into the greatest peril by his headstrong valor
and love of personal display and prowess, Davoust
showed an unwillingness to support him. This presently
led to a violent altercation in presence of the Emperor.
Murat upbraided Davoust with slow and dilatory circumspection,
and with a personal hostility towards himself
ever since they were in Egypt. He became more
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vehement as he proceeded, and finally challenged the
Prince of Eckmuhl. At this last provocation, the deliberate
Davoust gave way to his feelings, and began a
long history of the extraordinary pranks played by the
King of Naples in pursuing the Russians. He said it
was high time that the Emperor should be made acquainted
with what passed every day in the management
of his advanced guard. He showed that Murat
wasted lives by useless attacks upon the Russians, for
the sake of gaining a few acres of ground, although it
invariably happened that the enemy left the ground of
their own accord, whenever a sufficient force came up
with them; that Murat was in the constant habit of
losing men by slaughterous follies in the front to no
purpose, after which he began to think of the propriety
of reconnoitering; that he kept the whole of the advanced
guard in a state of restless activity during sixteen
hours of the twenty-four, with no cause, and finally
chose the worst quarters for the night; so that the soldiers,
instead of taking their food and rest, were groping
about for provisions and forage, and calling to each
other in the dark, in order to find their way back to the
bivouacs: and that the king did nothing else but storm
and rage through the ranks, and then ride close to the
enemy’s lines in all directions.
Napoleon listened to the whole of this in silence,
pushing a Russian bullet backwards and forwards under
the sole of his foot. When they were both quite out of
breath, he mildly told them that under present circumstances
he preferred impetuosity to methodical caution;
that each had his merits; it was impossible for one man
.bn 356.png
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to combine all descriptions of merit; and enjoining them
to be friends for the future, dismissed them to their
tents.
On the 28th of August, the army traversed the great
plains of Wiazma. They passed hastily onwards,
several regiments abreast, over the fields. The high
road was given up to the train of artillery, and the hospital
wagons. The Emperor appeared among them in
all directions. He was occupied in calculating, as he
went forward, how many thousands of cannon-balls
would be required to destroy the Russian army. He
ordered all private carriages to be broken up, as they
might tend to impede their progress, and be in the way
when a battle occurred. The carriage of his aid-de-camp,
General Narbonne, was the first that was
demolished. The baggage of all the corps was collected
in the rear, comprised of a long train of bat-horses, and
of carriages called kibics, drawn by rope-traces. These
were loaded with provisions, plunder, military stores,
sick soldiers, and the arms of these soldiers, and of
those who acted as drivers and guards. In this heterogeneous
column were seen tall cuirassiers, who had lost
their horses, and were mounted on horses not much
larger than asses. Among such a confused and disorderly
multitude, the Cossacks might have made most
harassing attacks; but Barclay seemed cautious to
avoid disheartening the French too much. His object
was to impede and delay the progress of the invaders,
by contests with the advanced guard only, and without
inducing them to abandon their design.
This protracted state of affairs, the fatigued condition
.bn 357.png
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of the army, the quarrels among the chiefs, and
the approach of yet more dangerous circumstances,
filled the mind of Napoleon with distrust and apprehension.
He had for some time hoped and expected that
Alexander would open some negotiation with him, or at
least send him a letter. At length, he gave the opportunity
himself, by causing Berthier to write to Barclay;
and the letter concluded with these words:—“The Emperor
commands me to entreat you to present his compliments
to the Emperor Alexander, and to say to him
that neither the vicissitudes of war, nor any other circumstances,
can ever impair the friendship which he
feels for him.” Napoleon’s sincerity in this profession
was probably of the same value as the previous good
faith of Alexander. No answer was returned. On the
very day the letter was sent, the advanced guard of
the French drove the Russians into Wiazma. The
army was so exhausted by fatigue, heat, and thirst,
that the soldiers fought among themselves for precedence
in obtaining water from some muddy pools.
Napoleon himself was very glad to obtain a little of this
thick puddle to allay his thirst. In the course of the
night, the Russians destroyed the bridges of the
Wiazma; and, after pillaging the town, set fire to it,
and decamped. Murat and Davoust, after some opposition,
succeeded in making an entrance and extinguishing
the flames. Various reports now made to the
Emperor left him no longer in the least doubt as to
who were the incendiaries, and he clearly perceived
the regular plan on which the Russians were acting.
Entering Wiazma, he found a few resources had been
.bn 358.png
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left in the town, but that his soldiers had wasted them
all by pillage. This so exasperated him that he rode
in among them, and threw several of them down. Seeing
a suttler who had been very busy in this wasteful
disorder, he ordered him to be shot. But it is well
known of Napoleon, that his fits of passion were of
short duration, and always followed by a disposition to
clemency. Those, therefore, who heard this order,
placed the suttler a few minutes afterwards, in a place
which the Emperor would have to pass; and making
the man kneel, they got a woman and several children
to kneel at his side, who were to appear as his wife
and family. Napoleon inquired what they wanted, and
granted the offender his pardon.
Belliard, at this time the head of Murat’s staff, now
rode up to him in a very excited state. He reported
that the enemy had shown himself in full force, in an
advantageous position, beyond the Wiazma, and ready
to engage; that the cavalry on both sides had immediately
come to action; and that the infantry becoming
necessary, the King of Naples had placed himself at
the head of one of Davoust’s divisions, and ordered
the advance—when Davoust hastened to the spot and
commanded them to halt, as he did not approve of the
intended man[oe]uvre, and told the king that it was
absurd and ruinous. Murat had therefore sent to the
Emperor, declaring that he would no longer hold a disputed
command. Napoleon was enraged at this renewal
of the quarrel at such a moment, and sent off Berthier
to place under the command of Murat that division
which he had intended to lead. Meantime, the contest
.bn 359.png
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was over, and Murat, now reverting to the conduct of
Davoust, was boiling with indignation. He asked of
what use was his royal rank? It could not obtain him
obedience, or even protect him from insult. But as his
sword had made him a king, to that alone would he
appeal. It was with the greatest difficulty that he was
restrained from going to attack Davoust. He then
cursed his crown, and shed a torrent of tears. Davoust
did not attempt to excuse the insubordination of his
conduct, but persisted that Murat had been misled by
his own temerity, and that the Emperor had been misinformed
as to the whole affair with the Russians.
Napoleon re-entered Wiazma, and here intelligence
was brought him from the interior of Russia, that the
government deliberately appropriated all his successes
to themselves, and that Te Deum had been repeatedly
celebrated at Petersburg for the Russian “victories”
of Witepsk and Smolensko! “Te Deum!” ejaculated
Napoleon, in amazement—“then they dare to tell lies,
not only to man but to God!” He also learned, that
while their towns were in flames there was nothing
but ringing of bells in Petersburg, hymns of gratitude,
and publications of the triumph of the Russian arms.
Yet he did not perceive the plan of the Russian
general. For a time, at least, his usual penetration
seemed to have been dulled. He remained among the
smoking ruins of Wiazma, which might have conveyed
to his mind an ominous lesson of the result of a system
of tactics to which he was unaccustomed. But now
this system, having accomplished its purpose, was to
be abandoned. Barclay had persisted in carrying out
.bn 360.png
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his plan against all the clamor and imputations of the
Russians. He was now superseded by Kutusoff, a
general of the school of Suwarrow; but the skilful De
Tolly willingly served under that general. This alteration
of plan, and change of commanders, Napoleon
learned while at Wiazma. He could now expect a
battle, and he prepared to render it decisive. He
advanced to the bloody field of Borodino.
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THE CAMP-FIRE OF BORODINO.
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Napoleon esteemed the battle of
Borodino, or Moskwa, his “greatest
feat of arms.” But his conduct
during the conflict has been
the subject of much animadversion,
and many critics agree with
Segur that he did not display upon
that field his usual splendor and
power of genius.—But to the incidents of Borodino.
The Russian army halted at Borodino, and intelligence
was brought to the Emperor of the French that
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they were breaking up the whole plain and forming
intrenchments in every part. Napoleon then announced
to his troops the approaching battle, and allowed them
two days rest to prepare their arms and collect their
provision.
Napoleon was leading his army onwards farther and
farther, through pathless deserts, or over ruined fields,
or towns laid in ashes; fatigue, famine, and war, were
reducing his numbers, and he was at every step increasing
his distance from his resources, while his enemies
were in the heart of their own country. Even at
Wilna, a deficiency had been discovered in the hospital
department; the evil increased at Witepsk. At Smolensko,
there was no want of hospitals; fifteen large
brick buildings, saved from the flames, had been set
apart for this purpose, and there was plenty of wine,
brandy, and medicines, but there was a dearth of dressings
for the appalling number of wounds. The surgeons
had already used all that could be procured—had torn
up their own linen, and at length were obliged to substitute
the paper found in the city archives. One hospital,
containing a hundred wounded men, was forgotten,
in the stress of difficulties, for the space of three
whole days. The state of its wretched inmates when
it was accidentally discovered by Rapp, none of the
chroniclers of these events have ever attempted to
describe, and the imagination recoils with horror from
the attempt to realise it. Napoleon sent them his own
stock of wine, and many pecuniary gratuities. The
alarming decrease of numbers noticed at Witepsk was
still more perceptible now. The army at Smolensko
.bn 363.png
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might be computed at about one hundred and fifty-seven
thousand men, part of the deficiency being caused
by the occupation of additional territory; the rest by
desertion, wounds, sickness, or death. With such a
force, however, Napoleon had no reason for apprehension,
if he could bring his enemies to a battle; but it
was evident that Barclay had discovered and resolutely
pursued a more efficient plan. It seems certain, therefore,
that Napoleon did entertain thoughts of establishing
winter-quarters at Smolensko; of intrenching
himself strongly, bringing up his reinforcements and
supplies, and in this central point commanding the
roads to both the capitals of Russia; waiting proposals
of peace, or preparing for a fresh campaign in the
spring. The danger of so long an absence from France;
the difficulty of holding together an army composed of
many different nations; the news of fresh successes
achieved by his various leaders in different directions;
above all, the impetuosity of his own temperament,
decided the point. The only doubt which long existed
was on which of the two capitals to advance. By the
24th of August, all was decided, and the French army
was in full march towards Moscow.
Sixteen thousand recruits, and a vast multitude of
peasants, joined the ranks of Kutusoff. On the 4th of
September, the French left Gjatz. The heads of their
columns were now more than ever annoyed by troops
of Cossacks, and the frequent necessity of making his
cavalry deploy against so temporary and random an
obstacle, provoked Murat to such a degree that he
once clapped spurs to his horse, and dashing alone to
.bn 364.png
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the front of their line, halted within a few paces, and
waving his sabre with the most indignant and menacing
authority, signified his command for them to withdraw.
The sudden apparition of this splendid figure in front
of their ranks, with the air of one who possessed the
power of annihilating them with a blow, so took these
barbarians by surprise that they instantly withdrew in
vague astonishment. They shortly, however, returned,
and received the charge of the Italian chasseurs.
Platoff has since related that in this affair, a Russian
officer, who had brought a sorcerer with him, was
wounded; whereupon he ordered the sorcerer to be
soundly drubbed, as he had expressly directed him
to turn aside all the balls by his conjurations.
Napoleon now surveyed the whole country from an
eminence, and displayed marvellous sagacity in the conclusions
he drew as to the positions and intentions of
the enemy. Vast numbers of troops were posted in
front of their left, and he concluded that this must be
the point where their ground was most accessible, and
that they had there constructed a formidable redoubt.
It was, therefore, necessary to carry this. The attack
was general, and the Russian rear-guards were driven
back upon Borodino. This curtain being removed, the
first Russian redoubt was discovered. The division of
Compans attacked it, and the 61st regiment took it at
the point of the bayonet. Bagration sent reinforcements,
and it was retaken. It was again taken by the
61st, and this occurred three times, till finally, with the
loss of half the regiment, it remained in possession of
the French. But a neighboring wood was swarming
.bn 365.png
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with Russian riflemen, and it required the efforts of
Morand, Poniatowski, and Murat, to complete the conquest.
Firing, nevertheless, continued till nightfall.
Not a single prisoner had been taken. When Napoleon
heard this, he asked many questions impatiently.
Were the Russians determined to conquer or die? He
was answered, that their priests and chiefs had wrought
them up to a state of fanaticism in their love for their
country and their abhorrence of their invaders. The
Emperor at this fell into meditation, and concluded that
a battle of artillery would be the only efficient mode to
adopt. On that night, a thin, cold rain, began to fall,
and autumn proclaimed its approach by violent gusts
of wind. The French slept without fires.
On the morning of the 6th of September, the two
armies were again visible to each other, in the same
position as the preceding day had left them. This
excited a general joy among the French. At last, this
desultory, vagrant, and irritating war, in which so many
brave men had perished, to so little advantage, seemed
about to come to a satisfactory issue. The Emperor
rode forth at the earliest dawn, and surveyed the whole
front of the enemy’s army, by passing along a succession
of eminences that rose between the two antagonist
powers.
The Russians were in possession of all the heights,
on a semi-circle of two leagues extent from the Mosqua
to the old Moscow road. Their centre, commanded by
Barclay, formed the salient part of their line; it was
protected by the Kalogha, by a ravine, and by two
strong redoubts at its extremities. Their right and
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left receded. Their right rested on the precipitous and
rocky bank of the Kalogha, and was defended by deep
and muddy ravines. A strong redoubt also crowned
the height, which was lined with eighty pieces of cannon.
Bagration commanded the left; it was stationed
on a less elevated crest than the centre, and having lost
the protection of its great redoubt was the most accessible
point of their army. Two small hills crowned
with redoubts protected its front. It was flanked by a
wood, beyond which, on the extreme left, was a corps
commanded by Tutchkoff, but stationed at so great a
distance as to permit the possibility of man[oe]uvring on
the intervening ground without previously overwhelming
this detached corps.
Having concluded his observation, Napoleon made
his plan. “Eugene,” he said, “should be the pivot;
the battle must be begun by the right. As soon as the
right, advancing under the protection of the wood, shall
have carried the redoubts of the Russian left wing, it
must turn to the left, march on the Russian flank, overthrowing
and driving back their whole army upon their
right wing, and into the Kalogha.” Napoleon was still
on the heights, taking a last view of the ground, and
considering the details of the grand plan he had formed,
when Davoust hastily approached him. The marshal
had a proposal of his own to make, by which he
expected to turn the enemy’s left in the night, and by
surprise. The Emperor listened to him with great
attention, but after silently considering the proposition
for a few minutes, rejected it, and persisted in his rejection,
notwithstanding the confidence with which it was
.bn 367.png
.pn +1
urged by Davoust. He then re-entered his tent, when
Murat pertinaciously strove to persuade him that the
Russians would again retreat before he commenced his
attack. The Emperor in some agitation returned to the
heights of Borodino, where, however, every indication
of an intention to remain and fight was observable
among the Russians. He had taken very few attendants,
to avoid being recognized by the enemy’s batteries;
but at the moment he was pointing out the signs he had
observed to Murat, the discharge of one of their cannon
broke the silence of the day;—“for it is frequently
the case,” observes Segur, “that nothing is so calm as
the day which precedes a great battle.”
The Emperor now returned to his tent to dictate the
order of battle. The two armies were nearly equal,—about
a hundred and twenty thousand men, and six
hundred pieces of cannon on each side. The Russians
had the best position, and the additional advantages of
speaking the same language, wearing the same uniform,
and fighting for a common cause; and of being near,
their resources, and in their own country; but they had
too many raw recruits in their ranks. The army of
Napoleon had just completed a long and harassing
march; was made up of many nations, and in the midst
of a hostile people; but it was entirely composed of
tried soldiers, who had fought their way through many
a desperate battle, and held their ranks through every
hardship. The proclamation issued by Napoleon was
suited to the men and the circumstances. It was grave,
simple, and energetic. “Soldiers,” said he, “you have
now before you the battle which you have so long
.bn 368.png
.pn +1
desired. From this moment, the victory depends upon
yourselves. It is necessary for us; it will bring us
abundance, good winter quarters, and a speedy return
to our country.” It happened that the Emperor had
that day received the portrait of his son from Paris. He
himself exhibited the picture in front of his tent.
Kutusoff, on his part, had worked upon the feelings
of the Russians by means suited to their condition. He
had induced the chief priests or popes of the Greek
church, dressed in their richest robes, to walk in splendid
procession before his army. They carried the symbols
of their religion, and foremost of all a sacred image of
the Virgin, withdrawn from Smolensko by a miracle.
He then addressed the soldiers on the subject of heaven,
“the only country which slaves have left to them,”—and
incited the serfs to defend their master’s property
in the name of the Great Teacher of universal brotherhood.
The whole ceremony worked the effect which
he intended, and roused his hearers to the highest pitch
of courage and fanaticism.
During the night, the whole French army was stationed
in order of battle, and three batteries, of sixty
pieces each, were opposed to the Russian redoubts.
Poniatowski commanded the right wing, which was
destined to commence the attack on the Russian left.
The whole of the artillery were to support his attack.
Davoust and Ney, supported by Junot, with the Westphalians,
and Murat with the cavalry, were in the
centre, and ready to precipitate themselves upon the
Russians after the opening of the battle by Poniatowski.
Prince Eugene, with the army of Italy, and
.bn 369.png
.pn +1
the Bavarian cavalry, formed the left. The Emperor
held his guard in reserve. He appeared very unwell,
depressed in spirits, and unable to sleep. He was
oppressed with fever and excessive thirst, probably the
result of over fatigue and anxiety. The news of the
defeat of his troops at Salamanca, had just been
brought to him by Fabvier, an aid-de-camp of Marmont;
but he received the account with great firmness
and temper. Present events only seemed to weigh
on his mind. He repeatedly called to ascertain the
hour, and to inquire whether any sounds indicative of a
retreat had been heard in the opposite army. On one
occasion his aid-de-camp found him resting his head on
his hands, and the few words he said indicated that his
thoughts were dwelling on the vanity of human glory.
He asked Rapp, whether he thought they should gain
the victory? “Undoubtedly,” answered Rapp, “but
it will be a bloody one!” On which Napoleon replied,
“I know it; but I have eighty thousand men. I shall
lose twenty thousand of them, and with sixty thousand
shall enter Moscow. The stragglers will there rejoin
us, and afterwards the battalions of recruits now on
their march, and we shall be stronger than before
the battle.” He seemed neither to comprehend the
guard nor the cavalry in this calculation. Before daybreak,
one of Ney’s officers announced the Russians
still in view, and asked leave to begin the attack. These
words restored the Emperor. He rose; summoned his
officers; and leaving his tent exclaimed, “At last we
have them! March!—We will to-day open for ourselves
the gates of Moscow!”
.bn 370.png
.pn +1
It was half-past five in the morning, when Napoleon
took his station near the great redoubt which had been
taken on the 5th. As the sun rose, he pointed to the
east, saying, “There is the sun of Austerlitz!” The
artillery were employed in pushing forward the batteries
which had been placed too far back. The Russians
made no opposition; they seemed fearful of being
the first to break the awful silence. While waiting for
the sound of Poniatowski’s fire on the right, Napoleon
ordered Eugene to take the Tillage of Borodino, on the
left. The 106th regiment accordingly opened the
attack; gained the village; rushed across the bridge,
in the ardor of success, and would have been cut off
had not the 92d come up to their relief. During this
action, sounds on the right announced that Poniatowski
had commenced his attack, and Napoleon immediately
gave the signal of battle. “Then, suddenly,” says
Segur, “from the previously peaceful plain and silent
hills, burst forth flashes of fire and clouds of smoke,
which were instantly followed by a multitude of explosions
and the whizzing of innumerable bullets which
rent the air on every side. In the midst of this thunder,
Davoust, with the divisions of Compans and
Desaix, and thirty cannon, advanced rapidly upon the
first redoubt of the enemy.” The fusillade of the
Russians now commenced, and was answered by the
French cannon. The French infantry advanced at
a quick pace, without firing; but General Compans,
who headed the column, fell wounded with the foremost
of his men, and the rest halted under the storm
of balls. Rapp instantly took the post of Compans,
.bn 371.png
.pn +1
and urged the troops forward at a running pace with
charged bayonets, when he also fell. It was the
twenty-second wound that he had received. He was
conveyed to the Emperor, who exclaimed, “What!
Rapp! always wounded! but how are they going on
above there?” The aid-de-camp replied, that the guard
was wanted to finish the business. “No,” said Napoleon,
“I will take good care of that; I will not have
that destroyed. I will gain the battle without it.”
A third general, who succeeded Rapp, likewise fell;
and Davoust himself was struck. At this moment,
Ney, with his three divisions of ten thousand men,
threw himself into the plain to support Davoust, and
the Russian fire was thus diverted. Ney rushed
on; Davoust’s columns continued their advance with
renewed confidence; and almost at the same time both
of the French divisions scaled the heights; overthrew
or killed their defenders, and obtained possession of
both the redoubts of the Russian left. Napoleon then
ordered Murat to charge and complete the victory.
The king was on the heights in an instant; but the
Russians, reinforced by their second line, now advanced
with rapidity to regain their redoubts. The French
were taken by surprise in the first disorder of their
success, and retreated. Murat, endeavoring in vain
to rally the troops, found himself nearly surrounded,
and alone amidst the enemy’s cavalry. They were
even stretching out their arms to take him prisoner,
when he escaped by throwing himself into one of the
redoubts. There he found only a few soldiers in utter
disorder. They were running backwards and forwards
.bn 372.png
.pn +1
upon the parapet in consternation; but he seized the
first weapon he could find, and fought with one hand,
while he waved his plumed hat in the air with the
other. His presence and his rallying calls to duty soon
restored the courage of the men. Ney quickly reformed
his divisions; his fire threw the Russians into
disorder; Murat was extricated; and the heights reconquered.
Murat was no sooner freed from this danger
than he furiously and repeatedly charged the enemy at
the head of the French cavalry, and in another hour
the Russian left wing was entirely defeated.
In the meantime, a dreadful conflict had raged unceasingly
on the French left. After Eugene had taken
the village of Borodino, he had passed the Kalogha, in
front of the great Russian redoubt, which was lined
with eighty pieces of cannon, and protected by a ravine.
General Bonnamy, at the head of eighteen hundred
men of the 30th regiment, carried this strong position
by one sudden charge, at six o’clock in the morning.
But the Russians recovered from their first panic; and,
rallying before their assailants could be supported, they
were headed by Kutusoff and Yermdof in person, and
made an attack in their turn. Bonnamy’s regiment
was surrounded, overwhelmed, and driven from the
redoubt, with the loss of its commander and one-third
of its numbers. Eugene, however, maintained his
station on the sloping sides of the heights for four
hours, under a terrific fire, and, until he was relieved by
the turn of the battle, when Kutusoff was obliged to
defend the left of his centre, now exposed in consequence
of the defeat of his left wing by the divisions of Ney,
.bn 373.png
.pn +1
Davoust, and Murat as already detailed. The defence
of Kutusoff was then carried on at two points. He
poured a tremendous fire, with devastating effect, upon
the troops of Ney and Murat, from the heights of the
ruined village of Semenowska. It became necessary to
carry that position. Maubourg swept the front of it
with his cavalry; Friand and Dufour, with their infantry,
mounted the acclivity, dislodged the Russians, and
secured the position. The Russians had now lost every
one off their intrenchments except the great redoubt,
on which Prince Eugene was preparing for a decisive
attack. He had already sent to Napoleon for assistance,
but received the reply, that “he could give him no
relief; it depended on him alone to conquer; that the
battle was concentrated on that point.” Murat and
Ney, exhausted with their efforts, also sent for reinforcements;
but Napoleon concluded that the presence of
Friand and Maubourg on the heights would maintain
them, and he saw that the battle was not yet won.
Amidst all the excitement of these repeated and most
urgent messages, he steadily refused to compromise his
reserve.
The Russians now rallied en masse. Kutusoff commanded
all his reserves, and even the Russian guard,
to the assistance of his uncovered left. Infantry, artillery,
and cavalry, all advanced for one grand and mighty
effort. Ney and Murat, with intrepidity and firmness,
sustained the rushing tempest. It was no time for
them to think of following up their previous successes;
all their strength was required to maintain their position.
Friand’s soldiers, ranged in front of the armed
.bn 374.png
.pn +1
heights of Semenowska, were swept off in whole ranks
by a storm of grape-shot. The survivors were dismayed,
and one of their brave commanders ordered a retreat;
when Murat suddenly rode up to him, and catching
hold of his collar, exclaimed,—“What are you doing?”
The colonel, pointing to the ground on which half of
his men lay dead or wounded, replied—“You see we
can stay here no longer!” Murat hastily rejoined—“I
can stay here very well myself!” The colonel looked
steadily at him, and calmly replied—“It is right. Soldiers!
let us advance to be slain!”
Murat had again sent to Napoleon for assistance, and
he now gave it promptly and efficiently. The artillery
of the guard were ordered to advance. Eighty pieces
of cannon quickly crowned the heights, and discharged
their contents at once. The Russian cavalry first
charged against this tremendous barrier, but retired in
confusion to escape destruction. The infantry exhibited
a spectacle of stolid indifference to death, or devotion
to their country and their leaders, perhaps unparalleled
in the history of war,—affording a picture of the inherent
powers of human nature, worthy of study, while most
horrible to contemplate in their present misapplication.
“The infantry,” says Segur, “advanced in thick masses,
in which our balls from the first made wide and deep
openings; yet they constantly came on nearer and
nearer, when the French batteries redoubling the rapidity
of their fire, absolutely mowed them down with grape-shot.
Whole platoons fell at once. Their soldiers
struggled to preserve their compactness under this terrible
fire; and, divided every instant by death, they still
.bn 375.png
.pn +1
closed their ranks over it, trampling it with defiance
under their feet. At last they halted, not daring to
advance any farther, and yet resolved not to go back;
whether they were appalled, and as it were petrified
with horror in this tremendous gulph of destruction;
or whether it was owing to Bagration being at that time
mortally wounded; or whether it might be that a first
arrangement being attended with failure, their generals
felt incompetent to change it,—not possessing, like
Napoleon, the art of moving such vast bodies at once,
with unity, harmony, and order. In short, these heavy
and stationary masses stood to be crushed and destroyed
in detail for two entire hours, without any other movement
than that of the falling of the men. It was in truth
a deplorable and frightful massacre; and the intelligent
valor of the French artillerymen admired the firm,
resigned, but infatuated courage of their enemies.”
Scott describes the scene to the same effect. “Regiments
of peasants, who till that day had never seen
war, and who still had no other uniform than their
grey jackets, formed with the steadiness of veterans,
crossed their brows, and having uttered their national
exclamation ‘Gospodee pomiloui nas!’ (God have mercy
upon us,) rushed into the thickest of the battle, where
the survivors, without feeling fear or astonishment,
closed their ranks over their comrades as they fell.”
The problem, of whether that mass of men would
have stood to be utterly destroyed to the last individual,
was never worked out; for a fresh movement in the
French army, bringing upon them a new form of peril,
at last restored them to a sense of their human conditions,
.bn 376.png
.pn +1
and put them to flight. Ney extended his right,
pushed it rapidly forward, and, seconded by Davoust
and Murat, turned the left of the Russian centre, and
dispersed them. The battle still raged on the Russian
right,—where Barclay, intrenched in the great redoubt,
obstinately struggled with Prince Eugene,—and on their
extreme left, where Poniatowski had as yet failed to
make himself master of the great Moscow road. When
another pressing demand for guard, to complete
the destruction of the Russian army, was brought to
Napoleon from Ney and Murat, who burned to follow
up the retreat of the defeated infantry, he pointed in
silence to those two conflicting bodies. The Emperor’s
words ought to be satisfactory as to the cause of his
refusal to send his reserve, which has occasioned so
many animadversions. “The case,” he said, “was not
sufficiently extricated and conclusive to induce him
yet to part with his reserves; and that he must see
more clearly the state of his chess-board.” When
Count Daru, at the pressing solicitation of Berthier,
repeated the request, and said in a low tone “that on
all sides the cry now was that the moment for the guard
to act was come,” Napoleon replied, “And if there
should be a second battle on the morrow, what shall I
have to carry it on with?”
Kutusoff was still unconquered. He rallied for the
third time, and resting his right on the great redoubt,
formed a fresh line in front of Ney and Murat; but it
was a last effort. General Caulaincourt, at the head of
the fifth French cuirassiers, made a desperate charge
on the rear of the redoubt, while Eugene maintained
.bn 377.png
.pn +1
his ground in the front. The last words of Caulaincourt,
as he left Murat to open the attack, had been,
“You shall see me there immediately, dead or alive!”
He charged at the head of his regiment, overthrew all
opposition, and was the first man who penetrated into
the redoubt, where, almost at the instant, he fell mortally
wounded; but that decisive charge determined
the victory. The troops of Prince Eugene were pressing
onwards, and had nearly reached the mouth of the
battery, when suddenly its fire was extinguished, its
smoke dispersed, and above the now silent engines of
destruction appeared the moveable and polished brass
which covered the French cuirassiers. The Russians
had been driven from their last entrenchment. They
returned with one more desperate effort to retake this
position, as if determined to die rather than endure
defeat. Their column advanced to the very mouths of
the cannon, but at the terrible discharge of thirty pieces
of artillery, which were directed against them, they
appeared to be whirled round by the shock, and retired
without being able to deploy. Officers now came in
from every part of the field. Poniatowski, supported
by Sebastiani, had conquered on the left, after a
desperate struggle. The sounds of firing became weaker
and less frequent. The Russians had retreated to a
new position, where they appeared to be intrenching
themselves. The day was drawing to a close, and the
battle was ended.
Napoleon had remained nearly on the same spot
throughout the whole of the battle, seated on the edge
of a trench, or walking backwards and forwards on an
.bn 378.png
.pn +1
elevated platform. He now mounted his horse, and
slowly passed amidst the heaps of dead and wounded
till he reached the heights of Semenowska. He said
little; but the few words he uttered implied that he
felt his victory had cost him too dear. He then repaired
to his tent to write the bulletin of the battle, and made
a point of announcing to France that neither himself
nor his reserve had been subject to the least danger,—thus
manifesting the confidence he felt in the opinion
entertained of him by the French; and, at the same
time, informing Europe that notwithstanding his distance
from France, and while surrounded by enemies in
a hostile country, he was still safe and powerful.
“It has been frequently asserted,” says Count Mathieu
Dumas, intendant general of the army, “that
Napoleon did not display his customary activity on this
day.
“His apparent indifference has excited astonishment;
it has been intimated that he labored under bodily exhaustion;
that he was not able to call into action all
the resources of his genius; in short, that his star began
to grow dim, even in the midst of victory. Napoleon
certainly appeared to be indisposed; he had
undergone excessive fatigue during the two preceding
nights, which he had employed in person in reconnoitering
the positions of the enemy, in placing the corps of
the army, and in determining the point of attack.
Having formed his plans to compel the enemy to abandon
their strong position, he would not consent to make
any change in the arrangements which he had resolved
upon after profound consideration. He placed himself
.bn 379.png
.pn +1
at a short distance from his right wing, against which
it was probable that the Russian general would direct
his principal effort, in order to take the attacking
columns in the rear, while they should be stopped by
the fire of the redoubts. The station which Napoleon
had chosen, was, in fact, the best point of observation.
It commanded a view of the whole field of battle, and
if any man[oe]uvre, any partial success of the enemy,
had required new measures, the vigilance of Napoleon
would not have failed to meet the urgency of the case.
He would have gone to the spot in person, as he did at
the battle of Wagram.
“About nine o’clock in the evening, Count Daru and
myself were summoned to the Emperor. His bivouac
was in the middle of the square battalion of his guard,
a little behind the redoubt. His supper had just been
served; he was alone, and made us sit down on his
right and left hand. After having heard the account of
the measures taken for the relief of the wounded, &c.,
he spoke to us of the issue of the battle; a moment
afterwards he fell asleep for about twenty minutes;
then, suddenly waking, he continued thus: ‘People
will be astonished that I did not bring up my reserves
to obtain more decisive results; but it was necessary
to keep them, in order to strike a decisive blow in the
great battle which the enemy will offer us before Moscow:
the success of the day was secured; I had to
think of the success of the campaign, and it is for that
I keep my reserves.’”
The Emperor was mistaken in supposing that there
would be another great battle before Moscow; but in all
.bn 380.png
.pn +1
other particulars, his sagacity was admirably displayed.
Still, Borodino was far from decisive. Before daybreak
the next morning, there was an alarm among
the French, which penetrated even to the tent of the
Emperor, and the old guard was called to arms. This
was mortifying after a victory, and carried with it an
air of insult. As soon as morning dawned, the losses of
the armies were ascertained by Napoleon.
Ten thousand men had been killed, and the wounded
amounted to no less than twenty thousand. Forty-three
generals had been killed or wounded. Among
the Russians, there had been fifteen thousand killed,
including the gallant Prince Bagration, and thirty thousand
wounded. The French carried their wounded two
leagues in the rear, to the large monastery of Kolotskoi.
The chief surgeon, Larrey, had taken assistants from all
the other regiments, and the hospital wagons had arrived—but
all that could be done for the conveyance was
insufficient. Larrey subsequently complained that not
sufficient troops had been left to enable him to obtain
the necessary articles from the surrounding villages.
When the Emperor inspected the field of battle,
every thing concurred to increase its horrors. A gloomy
sky, a cold rain, a violent wind, habitations in ashes, a
plain absolutely torn up and covered with fragments
and ruins, rendered the scene of carnage yet more
appalling. The dark and funereal verdure of the north
was seen all round the horizon. Soldiers were roaming
like wild beasts among the bodies of their dead comrades,
and emptying their knapsacks to procure subsistence
for themselves. The wounds of the slain were
.bn 381.png
.pn +1
of the most hideous description, occasioned by the
large bullets used by the Russians. The bivouacs were
mournful; no songs of triumph, no lively narrations,—all
dreary and silent. Around the eagles were the rest
of the officers and subalterns, and a few soldiers,—barely
sufficient to guard the colours. Their uniforms
were torn by the violence of the conflict, blackened
with powder, and stained with blood; yet even amidst
their rags, their misery, and destitution, they displayed
a lofty bearing, and on the appearance of Napoleon
welcomed him with acclamations.
Many wounded men were found in the bottom of
ravines, where the French troops had been precipitated,
or where they had dragged themselves for shelter from
the enemy or the storm. Some of the younger soldiers
in sighs and groans were calling upon the name of their
country, or of their mother; but most of the veterans
awaited death either with an impassive or a sardonic
air, neither imploring or complaining. The anguish of
some of the wounded made them beg of their comrades,
as a mercy, to kill them instantly. Among the Russians,
the enormous number of wounded presented on
every side a spectacle of moving horrors. Many of
these mutilated objects were seen dragging themselves
with bloody trails along the ground, towards places
where they might find shelter among a heap of dead
bodies. Napoleon’s horse chancing to tread upon the
body of one apparently dead, a cry of anguish startled
him, and excited his compassion. Somebody remarked
that “it was only a Russian;”—upon which Napoleon
angrily reproved the speaker, and observed that, “after
.bn 382.png
.pn +1
a battle, none were enemies,—but all were men.” The
Emperor ordered the prisoners that had been taken, to
be again numbered, and a few dismounted cannon to be
collected. Between seven and eight hundred prisoners,
and a score of unserviceable cannon, were the sole
trophies of this most sanguinary and imperfect victory.
.il fn=i_b_347.jpg w=250px ew=50%
.bn 383.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i348 fn=i_b_348.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT MOSCOW.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='epubonly'
.il fn=i_b_348_1.jpg w=200px ew=25% align=l
.dv-
.if-
.di i_b_348_1.jpg 200 131 0.8
The Russians themselves
kindled Napoleon’s campfire
at Moscow. They
lighted his bivouacs with
the flames of their ancient
capital, and thus gave him
an awful proof of their invincible opposition to the
invader.
After the battle of Borodino, Napoleon found the road
to Moscow open, and advanced rapidly towards the
conquest he had so long desired. The city of his
hopes has been thus described:
“Moscow was an immense and singular assemblage
.bn 384.png
.pn +1
of two hundred and ninety-five churches, and fifteen
hundred splendid habitations, together with their gardens
and offices. These palaces, built of brick, with the
grounds attached to them, intermingled with handsome
wooden houses, and even with cottages, were scattered
over several square leagues of unequal surface, and
were grouped around a lofty, triangular palace, whose
vast and double inclosure, comprising two divisions,
and about half a league in circumference, included—one
of them—several palaces and churches, and a quantity
of uncultivated and stony ground; the other, a vast
bazaar—a city of merchants—exhibiting the opulence
of the four quarters of the world. These buildings,
shops as well as palaces, were all covered with polished
and colored plates of iron. The churches, which were
each of them surmounted by a terrace, and by several
steeples terminating in gilded globes, the crescent, and
finally the cross, recalled to mind the history of the
people. They represented Asia and her religion, first
triumphant, then subdued; and finally the crescent of
Mahomet under the dominion of the cross of Christ.
A single sunbeam made this superb city glitter with a
thousand varied colors; and the enchanted traveller
halted in ecstacy at the sight. It recalled to his mind
the dazzling prodigies with which oriental poets had
amused his infancy.”
Count Rostopchin had been appointed governor of
Moscow.
As the French army approached the capital, terror
began to prevail among the inhabitants; and, after the
taking of Smolensko, many of the wealthy classes
.bn 385.png
.pn +1
removed their most valuable effects, and left the city.
The governor secretly encouraged this gradual emigration,
though he ostensibly maintained a complete confidence
of success in the Russian cause, and kept up the
spirits of the people by false reports and loyal declarations.
Among other contrivances, he employed a number
of females in the construction of an immense balloon,
out of which, as he made the people believe, he would
pour down a shower of fire upon the French army.
Under this pretence, he is said to have collected a
quantity of combustibles destined for a purpose widely
different from this aeronautic fiction. The panic at Moscow
at length became general, and not only the nobility
and higher classes in general, but tradesmen, mechanics,
and even the poor, left it by thousands. The public
archives and treasures were removed; the magazines
emptied, as far as time permitted. The roads, especially
those to the south, were covered with a long train of
carriages of every description, and with successive
crowds of fugitives on foot, the priests leading the way
laden with the symbols of their religion, and singing
mournful hymns of lamentation.
Kutusoff, with his retreating army, now appeared
without the walls, and intrenched himself strongly in
the position of Fili. He had ninety thousand men
under his command, of whom six thousand were Cossacks,
large numbers of recruits having been added to
his ranks since the great battle; and it appears certain
that he still entertained some intention of defending the
capital. This purpose, however, was speedily relinquished.
On the 14th of September, he broke up his
.bn 386.png
.pn +1
camp, and his army continued its retreat, passing
through Moscow, which was to be abandoned to its fate.
The troops marched along the deserted streets with
furled banners and silent drums; and passed out at the
Kalomna gate. Some of the officers were observed to
shed tears of rage and shame. With an army of ninety
thousand men, in their own country, and with the constant
power of retreating upon their resources, it is no
wonder that all the braver spirits among the Russians
felt this humiliating policy most deeply.
The long columns of retreat were followed by the
garrison and all the remaining population, with the
exception of one class, left there for a special purpose.
Before his own departure, Rostopchin opened the
prisons, and let loose their miserable and degraded
inmates, to the number of three or four hundred, having
given them a secret task to perform. The pumps of
the city had all been removed or destroyed, and torches
and combustibles in great quantities collected. Rostopchin
then left the city.
Napoleon subsequently made the calculation that a
hundred thousand of the inhabitants, thus abandoned
and forced to fly from Moscow, perished in the woods
of the neighborhood for want of food and shelter. In
the midst of their despair at the very last, the multitude
had been roused to an excitement of hope and
confidence by the sight of a vulture caught in the
chains which supported the cross of the principal
church. This, they hailed as an omen that God was
about to deliver Napoleon into their hands. “What,”
says Hazlitt, “can subdue a nation who can be thus
.bn 387.png
.pn +1
easily deluded by the grossest appearances; and whose
whole physical strength, to inflict or to endure, can be
wielded mechanically, and in mass, in proportion to
their want of understanding? Certainly, ignorance is
power.”
On the same day that the Russian army retreated
through Moscow, and even before their rear-guard had
cleared the city, Murat penetrated the suburbs, and
Eugene and Poniatowski opened an attack at the gates.
Napoleon himself with his guard gained the summit of
the “Mount of Salvation,” the last height which hid
his long desired conquest from his view, about two
o’clock in the afternoon, and saw the immense city glittering
with a thousand colors in the sun,—a strange
and magnificent sight in the midst of the desert. The
troops halted involuntarily, struck with admiration, and
loudly exclaimed,—“Moscow! Moscow!” in a transport
of joy. The marshals crowded with congratulations
around the Emperor. He, also, had suddenly paused,
in evident exultation. His first exclamation was,—“There
at last, then, is that famous city!”—presently
adding,—“It was high time!”
A flag of truce from Miloradowitch, who commanded
the Russian rear-guard, met the Emperor at this point.
He came to announce that his guard would set fire to
Moscow if he were not allowed time to evacuate it. An
armistice of two hours were granted him immediately.
Napoleon’s eager eye was fixed on the city, as on a
vision he was just about to realise. He expected every
moment to see a deputation issue from the gates to lay
its wealth, its population, its senate, and its nobility at
.bn 388.png
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his feet. The troops of the two nations were intermingled
for a few minutes. Murat was soon surrounded
by a crowd of Cossacks, extolling his personal prowess
by signs and gesticulations, and intoxicating him with
their admiration. He distributed the watches of his
officers among these barbarian warriors, one of whom
denominated him his “Hetman.” It began to look like
an almost immediate peace; and Napoleon indulged in
dreams of success and glory for two hours. In the
mean time, the day was drawing to a close, and Moscow
remained sad, silent, and death-like. Napoleon became
anxious; the soldiers almost uncontrollably impatient.
A few officers penetrated into the city, and a rumor
began to spread that “Moscow was deserted!” Napoleon
repelled the intelligence with irritation; he, however,
descended the hill, and advanced towards the
Dorogomilow gate. Here he again halted, but in vain;
all remained motionless as before. Murat urged him to
penetrate into the city; he refused for some time,
shrinking perhaps from having the truth forced upon his
conviction. At last he gave the order, “Enter then,
since they will have it so!”—recommending, at the same
time, the strictest discipline. Calling Daru to his side,
he said aloud, “Moscow deserted! a most unlikely
event! We must enter it, and ascertain the fact. Go
and bring the boyars (landed proprietors) before me.”
Daru went, and returned. Not a single Muscovite was
to be found:—“No smoke,” says Segur, “was seen
ascending from the meanest hearth; nor was the slightest
noise to be heard throughout that populous and extensive
city, its three hundred thousand inhabitants seeming all
.bn 389.png
.pn +1
dumb and motionless as by enchantment. There was
the silence of the
After Daru, another officer, earnest to accomplish
whatever the Emperor desired, appeared, driving before
him five or six of those miserable beings who had been
freed from prison, and left in Moscow for an important
purpose. Then it was that Napoleon ceased to doubt
the truth. Murat, with his long and close column of
cavalry, had entered Moscow upwards of an hour since.
They found it as yet uninjured, but without signs of
life. Awed by the silence of this immense solitude,
the troops passed onwards without uttering a word,
listening to the hollow sound of their horses’ feet re-echoed
from the walls of these deserted palaces. They
never appeared even to think of plundering. Suddenly
the report of small arms was heard. The column halted.
The discharge had been made from the walls of the
Kremlin, the gates of which were closed. It was
defended by a squalid rout of men and women of most
disgusting and villanous aspect, who were in a state of
bestial drunkenness, uttering savage yells and the most
horrible imprecations. As they would listen to no
terms, the gates were forced, and these ferocious miscreants
were immediately driven away. Five hundred
recruits, who had been forgotten, were left behind in
the Kremlin, but they offered no resistance, and dispersed
at the first summons. Several thousand stragglers
and deserters also surrendered themselves voluntarily
to the advanced guard. Murat scarcely bestowed
a minute’s delay on the Kremlin. After marching over
so many leagues, and fighting so many battles to reach
.bn 390.png
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Moscow, he passed through that magnificent city without
once halting to notice it; and, ardent in his pursuit
of the Russians, dashed forwards into the road to
Voladimir and Asia. Several thousand Cossacks were
retreating in that direction; and upon these Murat
ordered a discharge of carbines.
Napoleon did not enter Moscow before night. He
appointed Mortier governor of the city. “Above all,”
said he, “no pillage.” During the night, many reports
were brought him of the intended burning of the
capital, but he would not credit the statements. He
was, however, unable to sleep, and continually called
his attendants to repeat to him what they had heard.
About two o’clock in the morning he was apprised that
the flames had broken out at the merchants’ palace, or
exchange, which was in the centre of the city. He
gave orders, and dispatched messages with the greatest
rapidity. At daylight, he hurried to Mortier, who
showed him houses covered with iron roofs, and closely
shut up, from which a black smoke was already issuing.
They had not been broken into, but were evidently
fired from the inside. Napoleon entered the Kremlin
thoughtful and melancholy; yet when beholding this
stupendous palace of the ancestral sovereigns of Russia,
his ambition was gratified by the conquest, and he
murmured after a pause—“I am at length then in Moscow!—in
the ancient City of the Czars!—in the
Kremlin!” In this brief moment of satisfaction, he
wrote a pacific overture to the Emperor Alexander, and
dispatched it by a Russian officer who had been discovered
in the great hospital.
.bn 391.png
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The flames had been checked by the exertions of the
Duke of Treviso. Meantime, the incendiaries kept
themselves so well concealed that their existence was
much doubted. Regulations were now issued; order
established; and officers and men proceeded to take
possession of some convenient house, or sumptuous
palace, wherein to rest and recruit themselves after so
many hardships, dangers, and privations. Two officers,
however, having taken up their quarters in one of the
buildings of the Kremlin, were awoke about midnight
by an overpowering glare of light in the room. Starting
up, they looked out and saw palaces in flames. The
wind was driving the flames directly towards the
Kremlin. Presently the wind changed, and the devouring
element was carried in an opposite direction.
Observing this, the officers, rendered selfish by long
fatigue and privation, fell asleep again. But they were
once more aroused by a new burst of still fiercer light.
They observed flames rising in a totally different
quarter, which the changed wind was now urging
directly towards the Kremlin. Three times the wind
changed, and three times did new flames burst out
from different quarters of the city, and blaze onwards
towards the Kremlin.
The Kremlin contained a magazine of powder, of
which the French were not aware, and the guards,
overpowered by wine and fatigue, had left a whole
park of artillery under the Emperor’s windows. Soon
the flames licked the palace from all sides, and the air
was filled with flakes of fire. Mortier and his brother
officers, exhausted by their efforts to subdue the conflagration,
.bn 392.png
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returned to the Kremlin, and fell down in
despair. The real cause of the fire was soon placed
beyond all doubt. The reports agreed that a globe of
fire had been lowered upon the palace of one of the
Russian princes, which had consumed it, on the first
night of their entrance, and that this was a signal to
the incendiaries.
Men of atrocious look and tattered garments, and
frantic women, had been seen roaming amidst the
flames, and thus completing a hideous resemblance of
the infernal world. They were the malefactors whom
Rostopchin had let loose from the prisons, and commissioned
to execute this tremendous deed as the price
of their liberation and pardon. Most thoroughly did
they fulfil their trust: and, becoming delirious with
intoxication, with excitement, and entire success, they
no longer concealed themselves, but ran to and fro with
diabolical yells, like furies, waving lighted brands round
their heads. The French could not make them drop
their torches, except by slashing at their naked arms
with sabres. Orders were instantly given to shoot
every incendiary on the spot. The army was drawn
out. The old guard, which had been quartered in the
Kremlin, took arms, and their horses and baggage
quickly filled the courts. Masters of Moscow, they
were obliged to seek their bivouac outside its gates.
Napoleon was awoke by the blaze and uproar of the
conflagration. It was impossible for him any longer to
fortify himself with incredulity and scorn. On perceiving
that the city was really on fire, in almost every
quarter, he gave way to his first feelings of rage, and a
.bn 393.png
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passionate resolve to master the devouring element;
but he presently recovered himself, and silently yielded
to what he saw was inevitable. His inward agitation,
however, was excessive. He seemed parched by the
flames as he gazed at their fury. He continually sat
down, and then abruptly started up, and traversed his
apartments with rapidity. Again he seated himself,
and began to transact most urgent business; yet every
now and then he started up, and ran to the windows,
uttering short and broken exclamations as he traced the
progress of the flames: “What a frightful spectacle!
To have done it themselves! Such a number of palaces!
What extraordinary resolution!” There is something
extremely fine in this power of standing apart from the
scene, even while in the midst of such an excitement
and danger, and admiring the forces brought into action,
even though to his own utter destruction.
A report was now circulated that the Kremlin was
undermined. Several Russian prisoners had affirmed
this; certain writings attested it. Some of the attendants
lost their senses with terror; the military awaited
with firmness whatever Napoleon and their destiny
should decide; but he noticed the alarm only by a smile
of incredulity. Meantime, the conflagration raged with
increasing violence, and they all began to inhale the
smoke and ashes. Still Napoleon would not depart.
He walked to and fro with convulsive energy.
Night was again approaching. The glare of the
flames became more brilliant as the shades closed round,
and he saw the devouring element seizing upon all the
bridges, and all the accesses to the fortress which
.bn 394.png
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inclosed him, while the wind blew with redoubled violence.
At this crisis, Prince Eugene and Murat arrived
in breathless haste, most earnestly, and even on their
knees, beseeching Napoleon to leave the palace. All
their efforts, however, were in vain. Suddenly, a cry
was heard,—“The Kremlin is on fire!” The words
were echoed from every part of the building. The Emperor
left his apartment that he might himself judge of
the danger. A Russian soldier of police had been
detected in the act. He had received a signal, and
given the watchword. The exasperated grenadiers put
an end to him with their bayonets. It was evident
that there had been an organized plan to burn even the
Kremlin. This incident decided Napoleon, and he
rapidly descended the northern staircase.
A guide had been called to conduct Napoleon and his
attendants through the Kremlin and out of the city.
Segur has given a terrific description of the dangers
which they had to encounter on their way. According
to him, they were besieged in the midst of an ocean of
flames, which enveloped all the gates of the citadel.
But the description is simply a piece of imagination.
Napoleon proceeded slowly and calmly to the outer
circuit of the city, and took up his quarters in the
imperial castle of Petrowsky, situated about a league
on the road to St. Petersburg. Count Dumas, who
remained on duty within the walls until nightfall, says
that he and Daru “left Moscow under a real rain of
fire;” but he mentions nothing of such perils with
regard to the Emperor.
On the following morning, September 17th, the
.bn 395.png
.pn +1
Emperor directed his first glances towards Moscow,
hoping to find the fire subdued. It continued with all
the violence of the previous night. The whole city
now seemed to him “one vast fire-spout, ascending in
awful whirls towards the sky.” He was long absorbed
in the contemplation of this scene of horror and ruin.
Moscow had been the very centre of all his projects—the
object of all his hopes in Russia. At length, he
broke his melancholy silence merely by observing,
“This forbodes us no common calamities.”
The fire raged throughout the 18th and 19th of September,
when it slackened for want of fuel. The
greater part of the Kremlin, a few palaces, and all the
churches built of stone, remained standing. All else
was laid in ruins. The destruction of property was
enormous. The flight of the nobility had been so sudden,
that the French officers on their entrance found
even the jewels of the ladies left behind. But there
are other consequences of the burning of Moscow
which are too horrible to dwell upon. Dumas states,
that he found six thousand wounded Russians in the
hospitals, which he examined by order of Napoleon,
when the French army entered. Their fate cannot be
doubtful. Napoleon returned to the Kremlin on the
20th. He passed towards the city through the camps
of his army, which exhibited a very singular appearance.
“They were situated,” says Segur, “in the midst
of fields, in a thick and cold mire; and contained immense
camp-fires, fed by rich mahogany furniture, and
gilded sashes and doors. Around these fires, with a
litter of damp straw, sheltered only by a few miserable
.bn 396.png
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planks fastened together, his soldiers, with their officers,
were to be seen, splashed with dirt, and stained with
smoke, seated upon superb arm-chairs, or reclining on
sofas covered with silk. At their feet, carelessly opened
or thrown in heaps, lay Cashmere shawls, the finest furs
of Siberia, the gold stuffs of Persia, and plates of solid
silver, from which they had nothing to eat but a black
dough baked in ashes, and half-broiled and bloody
steaks of horse-flesh.” The ground between the camps
and the city was covered with marauders laden with
booty. On his way through the ruined streets, Napoleon
had passed heaps of furniture piled up for removal,
and stalls where soldiers were exchanging showy and
valuable commodities for common necessaries; and the
richest wines, liquors, and bales of costly merchandise,
for a loaf of bread. He had permitted this license at
first; but hearing that the excesses increased, and that
the peasantry who had formerly brought provisions
were now prevented by fear, he issued severe orders,
and commanded his guard to keep close to their quarters.
He was obeyed at the first word. The plundering
continued, but was conducted regularly, and every
effort made to protect the peasants; nevertheless few
appeared, and at length not one was to be seen.
.bn 397.png
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.pb
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CAMP-FIRE AT MALO-YAROSLAVETZ.
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Napoleon had left the ruins of Moscow,
like a funeral pyre, smouldering,
behind him, and taken up the line of
march for Kalouga. He had with him
a hundred thousand effective men—troops
in whom he still could place the
deepest confidence. But the first snow
had fallen! The ghostly terror of a
Russian winter hovered over the army,
and vexed the dreams of the Emperor.
In a weaver’s hut, where he
passed the night of the 24th of October, he heard that
.bn 398.png
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Kutusoff had anticipated him, and had taken up a
position upon the road to Kalouga, which could not be
assailed; that Prince Eugene, with only eighteen thousand
troops had fought a bloody battle with fifty thousand
Russians, and gained a dear but glorious victory.
In the early part of the night, when the faithful troops
were shivering round their fires, and the Emperor was
seated in a comfortless hovel, divided into two apartments
by a tattered cloth, came the intrepid Marshal
Bessieres, with the terrible intelligence. The Emperor
looked pale and worn with anxiety.
“Did you see rightly?” he exclaimed. “Are you
sure? Will you vouch for what you say?”
“All that I have told you, sire, is truth,” replied
the marshal, calmly.
Napoleon crossed his arms upon his breast, his head
fell, and for a few moments he seemed lost in thought.
Bessieres respectfully retired. The Emperor seemed
greatly agitated, but nothing except restless actions
betrayed his feverish state of mind. He lay down and
arose incessantly, called for his attendants, and when
they came, had nothing to say to them. About four
o’clock in the morning, while the camp-fires were still
burning, the Prince D’Aremberg came into the hovel,
and informed him that a horde of Cossacks, under
cover of the night, and the woods, were gliding between
him and the advanced posts. The Emperor, however,
seemed to pay no attention to the intelligence, and as
soon as the sun was above the horizon, mounted his
horse and proceeded towards Malo-Yaroslavetz.
In crossing the plain, a confused clamor startled the
.bn 399.png
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imperial party, and suddenly the Cossack Murat, Platoff,
led his wild horsemen among the baggage and fires of
the army, and overturning every thing in their course,
they pressed onward with wild hourras. Rapp seized
the Emperor’s bridle, and exclaimed,—
“It is they! turn back!”
Napoleon’s pride would not stoop to a retreat. His
hand moved to his sword. Berthier and the grand
equerry followed his example, and placing themselves
on the left of the wood, the little party awaited the
approach of the Cossacks. They came on rapidly, and
were within forty paces of the Emperor. Rapp was
wounded by one of their spears. About twenty horsemen
and chasseurs then attacked the horde, and by
their desperate bravery saved the Emperor. The
cavalry of the guard then came up, and drove the Cossacks
across the plain. The Emperor halted until the
plain was cleared, and then rode forward to ,
in the neighborhood of which the main body of
the army encamped. The Emperor occupied the afternoon
in reconnoitering the position of Kutusoff, and as
the shades of a sombre evening fell, returned to his
head-quarters, the wretched hovel of an artisan. There
he was joined by Murat, Berthier, Davoust, Bessieres,
and the heroic Prince Eugene, who came to give Napoleon
an account of the action of the day before. A
cheerful fire was kindled on the hearth of the lowly hut,
and an emperor, two kings, and three marshals sat down
to the rough table. Without, the camp-fires of the
soldiers were blazing; but the fierce wind was already
blowing the requiem of the army. The Emperor sat,
.bn 400.png
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with his head resting in his hands, which concealed his
features. Eugene was the first to speak.
“It is to be hoped that we shall not have many such
conflicts as that of yesterday, sire, or however glorious
the results, we shall only have a miserable remnant of
the grand army to lead back to France.”
“But it was a glorious battle, Prince; was it not?
Tell me of it yourself,” said the Emperor, without
removing his hands from his face.
“Sire, it was briefly thus,” replied Eugene. “On
the night of the 23d, Delzons and his division were in
possession of this place. At four in the morning, his
bivouacs were surprised by Kutusoff. I heard the
firing at three leagues distance, and hastened to his
relief. As I drew near, a vast amphitheatre rose before
me. The river Lonja marked its foot; from the opposite
height, a cloud of Russian sharp-shooters and their
artillery poured down their fire on Delzons. On the
plain beyond, Kutusoff’s whole army advanced rapidly
by the Lectazowo road. A severe and desperate conflict
ensued. Delzons and his brother were killed.
We were enabled to maintain our ground by the wise
man[oe]uvres of Guilleminot, who threw a hundred
grenadiers into a churchyard, in the walls of which
they made holes for their muskets. Five times the
Russians attempted to pass, and five times they were
thrown into disorder and repulsed by a well-directed and
murderous fire. The whole day the struggle wavered,
and many times, I thought our troops could not be
kept to the ground. But the fourteenth and fifteenth
divisions held the Russians at bay, and maintained the
.bn 401.png
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bridge which was our road to retreat, against all
assault. At length, being reduced to my last reserve,
I came into battle myself, and by exerting myself to
the utmost, rallied the troops and once more carried
them up the heights. The Russians, wearied out, fell
back, and concentrated themselves on the Kalouga
road, between the woods and this place. We gained
the victory, but we have lost many brave men, whom,
in our present situation, we cannot with safety spare.”
During this recital, Napoleon’s eyes kindled with
enthusiasm, and when Eugene had finished, he exclaimed,—
“Then you, Prince, with eighteen thousand men,
huddled together in the bottom of a ravine, defeated
fifty thousand Russians, posted above your heads, and
seconded by every advantage which a town built on a
steep acclivity could present! I have been over the
ground, and know your difficulties, and appreciate the
nature of your triumphs. Prince, the glory of this
victory belongs entirely to you.”
The Prince shook his head,—
“Sire, the French troops are brave—courage alone
won this field. But leaving that affair, the question is,
whether we shall march upon Smolensk by way of
Kalouga, Medyn or Mojaisk.”
“That is easily settled,” said Murat, quickly. “The
Russians are nothing. Let us pursue the route to Kalouga,
and cut our way through them.”
“Tut—tut! King of Naples, you speak rashly!”
said Napoleon, quickly. “The course you counsel is
the violent impulse of your heart.”
.bn 402.png
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“Entirely unwise!” said Bessieres. “The King of
Naples is governed by his all-daring temper.”
“With deference, Sire,” said the stern Davoust, “I
would recommend that we proceed to Medwysick. We
can reach that point without loss; and permit me to
remark, sire, that our present circumstances, every man
is of almost indispensable value.”
“But,” interrupted Murat, “it is certain that we shall
have to lose men; and it is better to lose them now, in
beating the Russians, than to drop them upon a march,
without having effected any thing. Marshal Davoust
is ever recommending timid, half-way measures.”
A quarrel between Murat and Davoust had occurred
some time previous, and it was only by the interposition
of the Emperor himself, that bloodshed had been
prevented. They were always ready to renew the
contest.
“Timid and half-way measures!” exclaimed the harsh
voice of Davoust. “I recommend the measures of a
general who cares for the safety of his army, as well as
victory. The King of Naples counsels like a mere hot-headed,
inexperienced conscript.”
Here Napoleon, raising his head, extinguished all
this fire by saying that “we had exhibited temerity
enough, already; that we had done but too much for
glory, and it was now high time to give up thinking of
any thing but how to save the rest of the army.”
Bessieres, either because his pride revolted at the
idea of being put under the command of the King of
Naples, or from a desire to preserve uninjured the
cavalry of the guard, which he had formed, and for
.bn 403.png
.pn +1
which he was answerable to Napoleon, and which he
exclusively commanded, then ventured to add, that
“neither the army nor even the guard had sufficient
spirit left for such efforts. It was already said in both,
that, as the means of conveyance were wholly inadequate,
henceforth the victor, if overtaken, would fall a
prey to the vanquished; that of course every wound
would be mortal. Murat would therefore be but feebly
seconded. And in what a position! its strength had
just been but too well demonstrated. Against what
enemies! had they not remarked the field of the previous
day’s battle, and with what fury the Russian
recruits, only just armed and clothed, there fought
and fell!” The marshal concluded by giving his opinion
in favor of retreat, which the Emperor approved by his
silence.
The Prince of Eckmuhl then immediately said that,
“as a retreat had been decided upon, he proposed that
it should be by Medyn and Smolensk.” But Murat here
interrupted him; and, whether from enmity, or from
that discouragement which usually succeeds the rejection
of a rash measure, he declared himself astonished “that
any one should dare propose so imprudent a step to the
Emperor. Had Davoust sworn the destruction of the
army? Would he have so long and so heavy a column
trail along in utter uncertainty, without guides, and on
an unknown track, within reach of Kutusoff, presenting
its flank to all the attacks of the enemy? Would he,
Davoust, defend it? When in our rear Borowsk and
Vereria would lead us without danger to Mojaisk, why
reject that safe route? There provisions must have
.bn 404.png
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been already collected, there everything was known to
us, and we could not be misled by any traitor.”
At these words, Davoust, burning with a rage which
he could scarcely repress, replied that “he proposed a
retreat through a fertile country, by an untouched,
plentiful, and well-supplied route, where the villages
were still standing, and by the shortest road, that the
enemy might not be able to cut us off, as on the route
by Mojaisk to Smolensk, recommended by Murat.
And what a route! a desert of sand and ashes, where
convoys of wounded would increase our embarrassment,
where we should meet with nothing but ruins,
traces of blood, skeletons, and famine!
“Moreover, though he deemed it his duty to give
his opinion when it was asked, he was ready to obey
orders contrary to it, with the same zeal as if they were
consonant with his suggestions; but that the Emperor
alone had a right to impose silence on him, and not
Murat, who was not his sovereign, and never should be!”
The quarrel growing warm, Bessieres and Berthier
interposed. As for the Emperor, still absorbed and in
the same attitude, he appeared insensible to what was
passing. At length he broke up the council with the
words, “Well, gentlemen, I will decide.”
“Enough, it is well, sirs. I will decide,” said Napoleon
calmly, and the King of Naples resumed his seat,
biting his lips from the effects of passion. “Sirs,”
continued the Emperor, “I decide to retreat.” Here
he paused, as if such a decision was costing him a
dreadful effort. “I decide to retreat by way of Mojaisk.
We cannot afford to fight, and that is the road
.bn 405.png
.pn +1
which will lead us most speedily from the enemy.”
This decision was extremely distasteful to Murat;
but not more so than it was to the Emperor, who, after
he had announced it, looked as though he wished that
it had not been uttered. However, the resolution, fatal
as it proved, was taken, and nothing could induce the
Emperor to revoke it. Had he but known, that at the
moment when this decision was made, Kutusoff, stunned
by the defeat at Malo-Yaroslavetz, was retiring with his
forces by the bridge over the Oka, offering a fair mark
for the French, he might have changed his design, and
delivered such a crushing blow to the enemy, as would
have secured his retreat unmolested. But this knowledge
came not to the Emperor’s mind; and as he
stretched himself for repose amid his faithful generals,
and by the side of the blazing fire, he had nothing to
relieve the prospect of a disastrous retreat.
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THE CAMP-FIRE IN SNOW.
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The pen has no colors to depict
the horrors of the
grand army’s retreat
amid the
fierce storms of a
Russian winter.
Though “horrors
upon horror’s head”
accumulate, there is always lacking something which
.bn 407.png
.pn +1
shall picture to the heart the full truth of that disastrous
march.
The Emperor reached Wiazma in two days’ march
from Gjatz. Here he halted for the arrival of Prince
Eugene and Davoust; and to reconnoitre the road from
Medyn and Juknof. Hearing no tidings of the Russians,
he set off after thirty-six hours’ stay, leaving Ney at
Wiazma to relieve Davoust, who was accused of dilatoriness;
but he said that the artillery and wagons were
constantly precipitated into deep ravines which crossed
the road, and that it was nearly impossible to drag them
up the opposite icy slope, the horses’ shoes not having
been turned. Nevertheless, both he and the Viceroy
arrived within two leagues of Wiazma on the 2d of
November, and might have passed through it; but
neglecting to do so, the Russian advanced-guard under
Miloradowich (called the Russian Murat) turned their
bivouacs in the night, and posted themselves along the
left bank of the road, between the French generals and
Wiazma. On the 3d of November, Prince Eugene was
preparing to take the road to that town, when the first
dawn of day showed him his situation, his rear-guard
cut off, and Ney, who was to have come to his assistance,
fighting in his own defence in the direction of
Wiazma. He immediately took his resolution. He
stopped, faced about, formed in line along the main-road,
and kept the foremost of the enemy’s troops in check,
till Ney marched up one of his regiments, and attacking
them in the rear, compelled them to retire. At the
same time, Compans, one of Davoust’s generals, joined
his division to the Italian guard; and while they fought
.bn 408.png
.pn +1
together, Davoust passed, and got between Wiazma and
the Russians. The battle was not over, but begun.
The French amounted to thirty thousand, but were in
great disorder. The Russian artillery, superior in
number, advanced at a gallop, and mowed down their
lines. Davoust and his generals were still surrounded
with many of their bravest men. Several of the officers
who had been wounded at the Mosqua were still seen,
one with his arm in a sling, another with his head covered
with bandages, encouraging the soldiers, keeping them
together, throwing themselves upon the enemy’s field-pieces
and seizing them, and thus preventing the effects
of bad example by good. Miloradowich saw that his
prey would escape him, and sent the Englishman
Wilson to summon Kutusoff to his aid; but the old
general laughed at him. The fight had already lasted
seven hours; when night approached, the French
began to retire. This retrogade movement encouraged
the enemy; and had it not been for a signal effort of
the 25th, 57th, and 85th regiments, Davoust’s corps
would have been turned, broken, and destroyed. Prince
Eugene made good his retreat to Wiazma; Davoust
followed, but Morand’s division, which entered first,
found a number of Russians there before them, and had
to cut their way through them. Compans, who brought
up the rear, put an end to the affair by facing about,
and making a furious assault upon Miloradowich. The
bivouacs were set up by the light of the burning of
Wiazma, and amidst repeated discharges of artillery.
During the night the alarm continued. Several times
the troops thought they were attacked, and groped
.bn 409.png
.pn +1
about for their arms. On the following morning, when
they returned to their ranks, they were astonished at
the smallness of their numbers.
Nevertheless, the example of the chiefs and the
hope of finding rest at Smolensk kept up the men’s
spirits. Besides, so far they had been cheered by the
sight of the sun; but on the 6th of November, the
snow came on, and every thing underwent a total
change. The consequences were most disastrous. The
troops marched on without knowing where, and without
distinguishing any object; and while they strove to
force their way through the whirlwinds of sleet, the
snow drifted in the cavities where they fell, and the
weakest rose no more. The wind drove in their faces
not only the falling snow, but that which it raised in
furious eddies from the earth. The Muscovite winter
attacked them in every part, penetrated through their
thin dress and ragged shoes. Their wet clothes froze
upon them; this covering of ice chilled their bodies,
and stiffened all their limbs. A cutting and violent
wind stopped their breath or seized upon it as it was
exhaled, and converted it into icicles, which hung from
their beards. The unhappy men crawled on with
trembling limbs and chattering teeth till the snow, collecting
round their feet in hard lumps, like stones, some
scattered fragment, a branch of a tree, or the body of
one of their companions, made them stagger and fall.
Their cries and groans were vain; soon the snow covered
them, and small hillocks marked where they lay. Such
was their sepulture. The road was filled with these
undulations, like a burying-place. A number of them
.bn 410.png
.pn +1
froze as they stood still, and looked like posts, covered
with snow. The most intrepid or obdurate were affected;
they hurried past with averted eyes. But before them,
around them, all was snow; the horizon seemed one
vast winding-sheet, in which nature was enveloping the
whole army. The only objects which came out from
the bleak expanse were a few gloomy pines skirting the
plain, and adding to the horror of the scene with their
funeral green and the motionless of their
black trunks! Even the weapons of the soldiers were
a weight almost insupportable to their benumbed limbs.
In their frequent falls they slipped out of their hands
and were broken or lost in the snow. Many others had
their fingers frozen on the musket they still grasped.
Some broke up into parties; others wandered on alone.
If they dispersed themselves in the fields, or by the
cross-paths, in search of bread or a shelter for the
night, they met nothing but Cossacks and an armed
population, who surrounded, wounded, and stripped
them, and left them with ferocious laughter to expire
naked upon the snow. Then came the night of sixteen
hours. But on this universal covering of snow, they
knew not where to stop, where to sit, where to lie,
where to find a few roots for food, or dry sticks to light
their fires. At length fatigue, darkness, and repeated
orders induced a pause, and they tried to establish
themselves for the night; but the storm scattered the
preparations for the bivouacs, and the branches of the
pines covered with ice and snow only melted away, and
resisted the attempts of the soldiers to kindle them into
a blaze. When at length the fire got the better, officers
.bn 411.png
.pn +1
and soldiers gathered round it, to cook their wretched
meal of horse-flesh, and a few spoonfuls of rye mixed
with snow-water. Next morning, circles of stiffened
corpses marked the situation of the bivouacs, and the
carcasses of thousands of horses were strewed round
them. From this time disorder and distrust began to
prevail. A few resisted the strong contagion of insubordination
and despondency. These were the officers,
the subalterns, and some of the soldiers, whom nothing
could detach from their duty. They kept up each
other’s spirits by repeating the name of Smolensk,
which they were approaching, and looked forward to as
the end of their sufferings.
At the lake of Semlewo, it was found necessary to
sacrifice the spoils of Moscow. Cannon, armor, the
ornaments of the Kremlin, and the cross of the Great
Iwan, all sunk at once in the waters of the lake. On
the 6th of November, just as the snow was beginning
to fall, Napoleon had reached Mikalewska. There he
took up his quarters in a palisaded house. He had
scarcely arrived, before news of Mallet’s conspiracy in
Paris reached him, and added new trouble to his already
perturbed spirit. Under all the gloomy circumstances
of the time, when the fabric of his power, which he
had reared with so much skill, and maintained with
such vast energy, seemed to “totter to its fall,” the
fortitude of the Emperor was remarkable. He preserved
a firm countenance, and strove to induce those
around him to believe that his star had not yet begun
to decline.
As the Emperor sat in his cheerless hut, with the
.bn 412.png
.pn +1
white storm howling far around, he was aroused by the
entrance of Dalbignac, one of Ney’s aid-de-camps.
From Wiazma that general had commenced protecting
the retreat, which, though fatal to so many others, conferred
immortal renown upon him. As far as Dorogobouje,
he had been molested only by some bands of
Cossacks, troublesome insects, attracted by the dying,
and the forsaken carriages, flying away the moment a
hand was lifted against them, but still annoying from
their continual return.
It was not these that were the subject of Ney’s message.
On approaching Dorogobouje, he was shocked at
the traces of disorder left behind them by the corps
which had preceded him, and which it was not in his
power to efface. He had made up his mind to leave
the baggage to the enemy; but he blushed with shame
at the sight of the first pieces of cannon abandoned
before Dorogobouje.
The marshal had halted there. After a dreadful
night, during which snow, wind, and famine had driven
most of his men from the fires, the dawn, which is
always waited for with so much impatience in a bivouac,
brought with it at once a tempest, the enemy, and the
spectacle of an almost general defection. In vain he
fought in person at the head of what men and officers
he had left; he had been obliged to retreat precipitately
behind the Dnieper; and of this he now sent to apprise
the Emperor.
He wished him to know the worst. His aid-de-camp,
Colonel Dalbignac, was instructed to say that “the first
movement of retreat from Malo-Yaroslawetz, for soldiers
.bn 413.png
.pn +1
who had never yet fallen back, had greatly dispirited
the army; that the affair at Wiazma had shaken its
firmness; that the deluge of snow, and the increased
cold which it had brought with it, had completed its disorganization;
and that a multitude of officers, having
lost everything, their platoons, battalions, regiments,
and even divisions, had joined the roving masses; so
that generals, colonels, and officers of all ranks were
seen mingled with the privates, and marching at random,
sometimes with one column, sometimes with
another; that, as order could not exist in the midst
of disorder, this example was seducing even the veteran
regiments, which had served through all the wars of
the revolution; and that, accordingly, the best soldiers
were heard asking one another why they alone were
required to fight to secure the escape of the rest; and
how it could be expected that they should keep up
their courage, when they heard the cries of despair
issuing from the neighboring woods, in which the large
convoys of them wounded, who had been dragged to no
purpose all the way from Moscow, had just been abandoned?
Such, no doubt, was the fate which awaited
themselves; what had they, then, to gain by remaining
with their colors? Incessant toils and combats by
day, and famine at night, with shelterless bivouacs,
still more destructive than battle; hunger and cold
effectually drove sleep from their eyes; or if, perchance,
fatigue got the better of these for a moment, the repose
which should refresh them put a period to their lives.
In short, the eagles had ceased to protect them—they
only destroyed. Why, then, remain around them to
.bn 414.png
.pn +1
perish by battalions, by masses? It would be better
to disperse; and, since there was no other course than
flight, to try who could run the fastest. It would not
then be the bravest and best that would fall; the poltroons
behind them would no longer have a chance to
eat up the relics of the high road.” Lastly, the aid-de-camp
was commissioned to explain to the Emperor all
the horrors of the marshal’s situation, the responsibility
of which that commander absolutely refused to assume.
But Napoleon saw enough around himself to judge of
the rest. The fugitives were that moment passing by
him; he was sensible that nothing could now be done
but to sacrifice the army successively, part by part,
beginning at the extremities, in order to save the head.
When, therefore, the aid-de-camp was beginning to state
farther particulars, he sharply interrupted him with
these words: “Colonel, I do not ask you for these
details.” The colonel said no more; aware that, in the
midst of these terrible disasters, now irremediable, and
in which every one had occasion for all his energies, the
Emperor was afraid of complaints, which could have no
other effect than to discourage as well those who
indulged in them as those who listened to them.
He remarked the attitude of Napoleon, the same as
he retained throughout the whole of this dismal retreat.
It was grave, silent, and resigned; suffering much less
in body than others, but far more in mind, and brooding
with speechless agony over his misfortunes. At that
moment General Carpentier sent him from Smolensk a
convoy of provisions. Bessieres wished to take possession
of them; but the Emperor instantly ordered
.bn 415.png
.pn +1
them to be forwarded to the Prince of Moskwa, saying
that “those who were fighting ought to eat before the
rest.” At the same time, he sent word to Ney to “defend
himself long enough to allow him some stay at
Smolensk, where the army should eat, rest, and be reorganized.”
But if this hope kept some still to their duty, many
others abandoned every thing to hasten towards that
promised goal of their sufferings. As for Ney, he saw
that a sacrifice was required, and that he was marked
out as the victim; he nobly resigned himself, therefore,
prepared to meet the whole of a danger great as his
courage; and thenceforward he neither attached his
honor to baggage, nor to cannon, which the winter alone
wrested from him. An elbow of the Borysthenes stopped
and kept back part of his guns at the foot of its icy
slopes: he sacrificed them without hesitation, passed
that obstacle, faced about, and made the hostile river,
which crossed his route, serve him as the means of
defence.
The Russians, however, advanced under favor of a
wood and of the forsaken carriages, whence they kept
up a fire of musketry on Ney’s troops. Half of the
latter, whose icy arms froze their stiffened fingers,
became discouraged; they gave way, excusing themselves
by their want of firmness on the preceding day;
and fleeing because they had before fled, which, but for
this, they would have considered as impossible. But
Ney, rushing in among them, seized one of their muskets,
and led them back to action, which he was himself
the first to renew; exposing his life like a private
.bn 416.png
.pn +1
soldier, with a firelock in his hand, the same as though
he had been neither possessed of wealth, nor power,
nor consideration; in short, as if he had still every
thing to gain, when in fact he had every thing to lose.
But, though he had again turned soldier, he ceased not
to be general: he took advantage of the ground, supported
himself against a height, and covered his approach
by occupying a palisaded house. His generals
and colonels, among whom he particularly remarked
Fezenzac, strenuously seconded him; and the enemy,
who had expected to pursue, was obliged to retreat.
By this action Ney afforded the army a respite of
twenty-four hours; and it profited by it to proceed
towards Smolensk. The next day, and every succeeding
day, he displayed the same heroism. Between
Wiazma and Smolensk he fought ten whole days.
On the 13th of November, Ney was approaching that
city, which he was not to enter till the ensuing day,
and had faced about to beat off the enemy, when all at
once the hills upon which he intended to support his
left were seen covered with a multitude of fugitives.
In their terror, these unfortunate wretches fell, and
rolled down to where he was, upon the frozen snow,
which they stained with their blood. A band of Cossacks,
which was soon perceived in the midst of them, sufficiently
accounted for this disorder. The astonished
marshal, having caused this horde of enemies to be dispersed,
discovered behind it the army of Italy, returning
completely stripped, without baggage and without
cannon.
Platoff had kept it besieged, as it were, all the way
.bn 417.png
.pn +1
from Dorogobouje. Near that town Prince Eugene
had quitted the high road, and, in order to proceed
towards Witepsk, had taken that which, two months
before, had brought him from Smolensk; but the Wop,
which, when he had crossed it before, was a mere brook
and had scarcely been noticed, he now found swollen
into a river. It ran over a muddy bed, and was bounded
by two steep banks. It was found necessary to cut
a passage in these precipitous and frozen banks, and to
give orders for the demolition of the neighboring
houses during the night, for the purpose of building
a bridge with the materials. But those who had taken
shelter in them opposed their being destroyed; and, as
the viceroy was more beloved than feared, his instructions
were not obeyed. The pontonniers became disheartened,
and when daylight, with the Cossacks,
appeared, the bridge, after being twice broken down,
was at last abandoned.
Five or six thousand soldiers still in order, twice the
number of disbanded men, the sick and wounded,
upward of a hundred pieces of cannon, ammunition
wagons, and a multitude of vehicles of every kind,
lined the bank and covered a league of ground. An
attempt was made to ford the river, through the floating
ice which was carried along by its current. The first
guns that were attempted to be got over reached the
opposite bank; but the water kept rising every moment,
while at the same time the bed of the stream at
the place of passage was continually deepened by the
wheels and by the efforts of the horses, and at length
the stoppage became general.
.bn 418.png
.pn +1
Meanwhile the day was advancing; the men were
exhausting themselves in vain efforts; hunger, cold,
and the Cossacks became pressing, and the viceroy
finally found himself compelled to order his artillery
and all his baggage to be left behind. A distressing
spectacle ensued. The owners were allowed scarcely
a moment to part from their effects; while they were
selecting from them such articles as they most needed,
and loading their horses with them, a multitude of soldiers
came rushing up; they fell in preference upon
the vehicles of luxury; these they broke in pieces and
rummaged every part, avenging their poverty on the
wealth, and their privations on the superfluities they
here found, and snatching them from the Cossacks, who
were in the meantime looking on at a distance.
But it was provisions of which most of them were in
quest. They threw aside embroidered clothes, pictures,
ornaments of every kind, and gilt bronzes for a few
handfuls of flour. In the evening it was a strange sight
to behold the mingled riches of Paris and of Moscow,
the luxuries of two of the largest cities in the world,
lying scattered and despised on the snow of the desert.
At the same time, most of the artillerymen spiked
their guns in despair, and scattered their powder about.
Others laid a train with it as far as some ammunition
wagons, which had been left at a considerable distance
behind the baggage. They waited till the most eager
of the Cossacks had come up to them, and when a great
number, greedy of plunder, had collected about them,
they threw a brand from a bivouac upon the train. The
fire ran, and in a moment reached its destination; the
.bn 419.png
.pn +1
wagons were blown up, the shells exploded, and such
of the Cossacks as were not killed on the spot, dispersed
in dismay.
A few hundred men, who were still called the 14th
division, were opposed to these hordes, and sufficed to
keep them at a respectful distance till the next day.
All the rest, soldiers, sutlers, women, and children, sick
and wounded, driven by the enemy’s balls, crowded the
bank of the river. But at the sight of its swollen current,
of the sharp and massive fragments of ice floating
down its stream, and the necessity of aggravating their
already intolerable sufferings from cold by plunging into
its chilling waves, they all started back.
Colonel Delfanti, an Italian, was obliged to set the
example and cross first. The soldiers then moved, and
the crowd followed. The weakest, the least resolute,
and the most avaricious, stayed behind. Such as could
not make up their minds to part from their booty, and
to forsake fortune which was forsaking them, were surprised
in the midst of their hesitation. The next day,
amid all this wealth, the savage Cossacks were seen
still covetous of the squalid and tattered garments
of the unfortunate creatures who had become their
prisoners: they stripped them, and then, collecting
them in troops, drove them along over the snow,
hurrying their steps by hard blows with the shafts of
their lances.
The army of Italy, thus completely dismantled,
soaked in the waters of the Wop, without food, without
shelter, passed the night on the snow near a village
where its officers expected to have found lodgings for
.bn 420.png
.pn +1
themselves. Their soldiers, however, beset its wooden
houses. They rushed like madmen, and in swarms, on
every habitation, profiting by the darkness, which prevented
them from recognising their officers or being
known by them. They tore down every thing, doors,
windows, and even the woodwork of the roofs, feeling
but little compunction in compelling others, be they
who they might, to bivouac like themselves.
Their generals attempted in vain to drive them off:
they took their blows without a murmur or the least
opposition, but without desisting—even the men of the
royal and imperial guards; for, throughout the whole
army, such were the scenes that occurred every night.
The unfortunate fellows kept silently but actively at
work on the wooden walls, which they pulled in pieces
on every side at once, and which, after vain efforts,
their officers were obliged to relinquish to them, for
fear they would fall upon their own heads. It was an
extraordinary mixture of perseverance in their design
and of respect for the anger of their superiors.
Having kindled good fires, they spent the night in
drying themselves, amid the shouts, , and
groans of those who were still crossing the torrent,
or who, slipping from its banks, were precipitated into
it, and drowned.
It is a fact by no means creditable to the enemy,
that during this disaster, and in sight of so rich a booty,
a few hundred men, left at the distance of half a league
from the viceroy, on the other side of the Wop, were
sufficient to curb for twenty hours not only the courage,
but even the cupidity of Platoff’s Cossacks.
.bn 421.png
.pn +1
It is possible, indeed, that the hetman made sure of
destroying the viceroy on the following day. In fact,
all his measures were so well planned, that at the
moment when the army of Italy, after an unquiet and
disorderly march, came in sight of Dukhowtchina, a
town yet uninjured, and was joyfully hastening forward
to shelter itself there, several thousand Cossacks sallied
forth from it with cannon, and suddenly stopped its
progress; while at the same time Platoff, with all his
hordes, came up and attacked its rear guard and both
flanks.
Several eye-witnesses assert that a complete tumult
and confusion then ensued; that the disbanded men,
the women, and the attendants ran headlong over each
other, and broke quite through the ranks; that, in
short, there was a moment when this unfortunate army
was but a shapeless mass, a mere rabble rout hurrying
to and fro. All seemed to be lost; but the coolness of
the prince and the efforts of his officers, saved all. The
best men disengaged themselves, and the ranks were
again formed. They advanced, and, firing a few volleys,
the enemy, who had every thing on his side excepting
courage, the only advantage yet left the French,
opened and retired, confining himself to a useless demonstration.
The army occupied his quarters still warm in that
town, while he went beyond to bivouac, and to prepare
for similar surprises to the very gates of Smolensk.
For this disaster at the Wop had made the viceroy give
up the idea of separating from the Emperor, near to
whom these hordes became still bolder; they surrounded
.bn 422.png
.pn +1
the 11th division. When Prince Eugene
would have gone to its relief, his men and officers,
stiffened with a cold of twenty degrees, which the wind
rendered most piercing, remained stretched on the warm
ashes of the fires. To no purpose did he point out to
them their comrades surrounded, the enemy approaching,
the bullets and balls which were already reaching
them; they refused to rise, protesting that they would
rather perish where they were than any longer endure
such cruel hardships. The videttes themselves had
abandoned their posts. Prince Eugene nevertheless
contrived to save his rear guard.
It was in returning with it towards Smolensk that
his stragglers had been driven back on Ney’s troops, to
whom they communicated their panic; all hurried
confusedly towards the Dnieper, where they crowded
together at the entrance of the bridge, without thinking
of defending themselves, when a charge made by the
4th regiment stopped the advance of the enemy.
Its colonel, young Fezenzac, contrived to infuse fresh
life into these men, who were half perished with cold.
There, as in every thing that can be called action, was
manifested the triumph of the sentiments of the soul
over the sensations of the body; for every physical
feeling tended to encourage despondency and flight;
Nature advised it with her hundred most urgent voices;
and yet a few words of honor alone were sufficient to
produce the most heroic devotedness. The soldiers of
the 4th regiment rushed like furies upon the enemy,
against the mountains of snow and ice of which he had
taken possession, and in the teeth of the northern hurricane,
.bn 423.png
.pn +1
for they had every thing against them. Ney himself
was obliged to moderate their impetuosity.
Such fighting could only be the work of heroes, who
were determined to triumph or perish. Ney proved
himself worthy to command the rear guard, upon which
the safety of the army depended. He was equal to a
host, and around his stalwart form the troops rallied,
as they would around a rock of salvation. He seemed
even determined to conquer the Russian storm.
At length the army once more came in sight of
Smolensk: it had reached the goal so often announced
to it of all its sufferings. The soldiers exultingly
pointed it out to each other. There was that land of
promise where their hunger was to find abundance,
their fatigue rest; where bivouacs in a cold of nineteen
degrees would be forgotten in houses warmed by good
fires. There they would enjoy refreshing sleep; there
they might repair their apparel; there they would be
furnished with new shoes, and clothing adapted to the
climate.
But Smolensk was a heap of blackened ruins, and
the commissary found there, was compelled to own that
he had not enough provisions to supply half the army
for the required time, fifteen days. If any thing was
wanted to increase the wretchedness of this doomed
army it was this disastrous disappointment. Napoleon
himself displayed a consciousness of the terrors by
which he was surrounded, and seemed to apprehend
the destruction of his entire army.
.bn 424.png
.bn 425.png
.pb
.il id=i389fp fn=i_b_389fp.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.ca NAPOLEON AT KRASNOE. Page 389.
.pb
.bn 426.png
.pn +1
.il id=i389 fn=i_b_389.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.sp 4
.h2 nobreak
THE CAMP-FIRE AT KRASNOE.
.sp 2
.if h
.dv class='epubonly'
.il fn=i_b_389_1.jpg w=175px ew=25% align=l
.dv-
.if-
.di i_b_389_1.jpg 175 175 0.8
Upon the retreat from Smolensk,
the grand army, reduced
to thirty-six thousand
effective men, had been divided
into four columns, commanded
by Napoleon, Eugene, Davoust
and Ney. These were separated
by the march of a few
days from each other. The
Emperor reached the town of Krasnoe without difficulty;
.bn 427.png
.pn +1
but the second division, under Prince Eugene,
was compelled to fight against forces immensely superior
in numbers.
It was the night of the 16th of November. The
weather was bitter cold; and though Krasnoe fairly
blazed with camp-fires, the soldiers of the guard shivered
in spite of the sternest efforts of their wills.
The Emperor had waited for the viceroy during the
whole of the preceding day. The noise of an engagement
had agitated him. An effort to break through the
enemy, in order to join him, had been ineffectually
attempted; and when night came on without his making
his appearance, the uneasiness of Napoleon was at its
height. “Eugene and the army of Italy, and this
long day of baffled expectation, had they then terminated
together?” Only one hope remained, and that was,
that the viceroy, driven back towards Smolensk, had
there joined Davoust and Ney, and that on the following
day they would, with united forces, attempt a decisive
effort.
In his anxiety, the Emperor assembled the marshals
who were with him. These were Berthier, Bessieres,
Mortier and Lefebvre; they were safe; they had
cleared the obstacles; they had only to continue their
retreat through Lithuania, which was open to them;
but would they abandon their companions in the midst
of the Russian army? No, certainly; and they determined
once more to enter Russia, either to deliver or to
perish with them.
No sooner was this resolution taken, than Napoleon
coolly made his arrangements to carry it into effect.
.bn 428.png
.pn +1
He was not at all shaken by the great movements
which the enemy was evidently making around him.
He saw that Kutusoff was advancing in order to surround
and take him prisoner in Krasnoe. The very
night before he had learned that Ojarowski, with a
vanguard of Russian infantry, had got beyond him, and
taken a position at Maliewo, a village on his left. Irritated
instead of being depressed by misfortune, he
called his aid-de-camp Rapp, and told him “that he
must set out immediately, and during the darkness
attack that body of the enemy with the bayonet; this
was the first time of his exhibiting so much audacity,
and that he was determined to make him repent it, in
such a way that he should never again dare approach
so near to his head-quarters.” Then instantly recalling
him, he exclaimed, “But no: let Roguet and his
division go alone. As for you, remain where you are;
I don’t wish you killed here; I shall have occasion for
you at Dantzic.”
Rapp, as he was carrying this order to Roguet, could
not help feeling astonished that his chief, surrounded
by eighty thousand of the enemy, whom he was going
to attack the next day with nine thousand, should have
so little doubt about his safety as to be thinking of
what he should have to do at Dantzic, a city from
which he was separated by the winter, two hostile
armies, famine, and a hundred and eighty leagues of
distance.
The nocturnal attack on Ojarowski at Chirkowa and
Maliewo proved successful. Roguet formed his idea
of the enemy’s position by the direction of their fires:
.bn 429.png
.pn +1
they occupied two villages, connected by a causeway,
defended by a ravine. He disposed his troops into three
columns of attack: those on the right and left were to
advance silently, as close as possible to the Russians;
then, at the signal to charge, which he himself would
give them from the centre, they were to rush into the
midst of the hostile corps without firing a shot, and
make use only of their bayonets.
Immediately the two wings of the young guard commenced
the action. While the Russians, taken by
surprise, and not knowing on which side to defend themselves,
were wavering from their right to their left,
Roguet, with his column, rushed suddenly upon their
centre, and into the midst of their camp, which he
entered pell-mell along with them. Thus divided, and
in utter confusion, they had barely time to throw the
best part of their cannon and small arms into a neighboring
lake, and to set fire to their tents, the flames of
which, instead of saving them, only gave light to their
destruction.
This check stopped the movements of the Russian
army for four-and-twenty hours, put it in the Emperor’s
power to remain at Krasnoe, and enabled Eugene to
rejoin him during the following night. He was received
by Napoleon with the greatest joy; whose uneasiness,
however, respecting Davoust and Ney, now became proportionably
greater.
Around the French, the camp of the Russians presented
a spectacle similar to what it had done at
Vinkowo, Malo-Yaroslawetz, and Wiazma. Every evening,
close to the general’s tent, the relics of the Russian
.bn 430.png
.pn +1
saints, surrounded by an immense number of wax tapers,
were exposed to the adoration of the soldiers. While
these, according to their custom, were giving proofs of
their devotion by endless crossings and genuflexions,
the priests were employed in exciting their fanaticism
with exhortations that would have been deemed barbarous
and absurd by a civilized nation.
It is asserted that a spy had represented to Kutusoff,
Krasnoe as being filled with an immense number of the
imperial guard, and that the old marshal was afraid of
hazarding his reputation by attacking it. But the sight
of the distress emboldened Bennigsen; this officer, who
was chief of the staff, prevailed upon Strogonoff, Gallitzin,
and Miloradowitch, with a force of more than fifty
thousand Russians, and one hundred pieces of cannon,
to venture to attack at daylight, in spite of Kutusoff,
fourteen thousand famished, enfeebled, and half-frozen
French and Italians.
This was a danger, the imminence of which Napoleon
fully comprehended. He might have escaped from it,
for the day had not yet appeared. He was still at
liberty to avoid this fatal engagement; by rapid
marches along with Eugene and his guard, he might
have gained Orcha and Borizoff; there he could have
rallied his forces, and strengthened himself with thirty
thousand French, under Victor and Oudinot, with the
corps of Dombrowski, Regnier, and Schwartzenberg,
been within reach of all his depots, and, by the following
year, have made himself as formidable as ever.
On the 17th, before daylight, he issued his orders,
armed himself, and going out on foot at the head of his
.bn 431.png
.pn +1
Old Guard, began his march. But it was not towards
Poland, his ally, that he directed it, nor towards France,
where he would still be received as the head of a new
dynasty, and the Emperor of the West. His words
on grasping his sword on this occasion were, “I have
sufficiently acted the emperor; it is time I should
become the general.” He turned back upon eighty
thousand of the enemy, plunging into the thickest of
them, in order to draw all their efforts against himself,
to make a diversion in favor of Davoust and Ney, and
to rescue them from a country, the gates of which were
closed against them.
Daylight at last appeared, exhibiting on the one part
the Russian battalions and batteries, which on three
sides, in front, on the right, and in the rear, bounded
the horizon, and on the other Napoleon, with his six
thousand guards, advancing with a firm step, and proceeding
to take his place in the centre of that terrible
circle. At the same time, Mortier, a few yards in front
of the Emperor, deployed, in the face of the whole
Russian army, with the five thousand men still remaining
to him.
Every moment strengthened the enemy and weakened
Napoleon. The noise of artillery, as well as Claparede,
apprized him that in the rear of Krasnoe and his
army, Bennigsen was proceeding to take possession of
the road to Liady, and entirely cut off his retreat. The
east, the west, and the south were flashing with the
enemy’s fires; one side alone remained open, that of
the north and the Dnieper, towards an eminence, at the
foot of which were the high road and the Emperor.
.bn 432.png
.pn +1
The French fancied they saw the enemy already covering
this eminence with their cannon. In that situation
they would have been just over Napoleon’s head, and
might have crushed him at a few yards’ distance. He
was apprized of his danger, cast his eyes for an instant
towards the height, and uttered merely these words,
“Very well, let a battalion of my chasseurs take possession
of it!” Immediately afterward, without giving
farther heed to it, his whole attention was directed to
the perilous situation of Mortier.
Then, at last, Davoust made his appearance, forcing
his way through a swarm of Cossacks, whom he
dispersed by a precipitate movement. At the sight of
Krasnoe this marshal’s troops disbanded themselves,
running across the fields to get beyond the right of the
enemy’s line, in the rear of which they had come up;
and Davoust and his generals could only rally them at
that place.
The first corps was thus preserved; but it was learned
at the same time that the rear guard could no longer
defend itself at Krasnoe; that Ney was probably still
at Smolensk, and that they must give up waiting for
him any longer. Napoleon, however, still hesitated:
he could not determine on making this great sacrifice.
But at last, as all were likely to perish, his resolution
was taken. He called Mortier, and pressing his
hand sorrowfully, told him “that he had not a moment
to lose; that the enemy were overwhelming him in all
directions; that Kutusoff might already reach Liady,
perhaps Orcha, and the last elbow of the Borysthenes
before him; and that he would therefore proceed thither
.bn 433.png
.pn +1
rapidly, with his Old Guard, in order to occupy that passage.
Davoust would relieve him, Mortier, but both
of them must endeavor to hold out in Krasnoe until
night, after which they must advance and rejoin him.”
Then, with his heart full of Ney’s misfortune, and of
despair at abandoning him, he withdrew slowly from the
field of battle, traversed Krasnoe, where he again
halted, and thence cleared his way to Liady.
.il fn=i_b_396.jpg w=500px ew=90%
.bn 434.png
.pn +1
.pb
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT BORYSTHENES.
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Ney, “the bravest of the brave,”
the commander of the rearguard
of the grand army, had
been given up as lost by most
of his heroic brethren in arms.
But Napoleon could not believe
it. He knew that the
chances were those of desperation,
but he expected all things from the lion-hearted
marshal. The Emperor had reached Orcha, on the
Borysthenes, with ten thousand men. He found there
.bn 435.png
.pn +1
abundance of provisions and his troops encamped by
ample fires. But his anxiety for the fate of Ney
rendered him very much dejected. He could not bring
his mind to the idea of quitting the Borysthenes.
It appeared to him that this would be like a second
abandonment of the unfortunate Ney, and a final casting
off of his intrepid companion in arms. There, as at
Liady and Dombrowna, he was calling every hour of
the day and night, and sending to inquire if no tidings
had been received of that marshal. But nothing was
heard of him through the intervening Russian army;
and four days this fatal silence had lasted, and yet the
Emperor still continued to hope.
Being at length, on the 20th of November, compelled
to quit Orcha, he left there Eugene, Mortier, and Davoust,
and halted after a march of two leagues from
that place, still inquiring for Ney, and still expecting
him. The same feeling of grief pervaded the portion
of the army remaining at Orcha. As soon as the most
pressing wants allowed a moment’s rest, the thoughts
and looks of every one were directed towards the
Russian bank. They listened for any warlike sounds
which might announce the arrival of Ney, or, rather,
his last desperate struggle with the foe; but nothing
was to be seen but parties of the enemy, who were
already menacing the bridges of the Borysthenes.
One of the three marshals now proposed to destroy
them, but the others would not consent, as this would
be separating themselves still more widely from their
companion in arms, and acknowledging that they
despaired of saving him, an idea which, from their
.bn 436.png
.pn +1
unhappiness at the thought, they could not bear to
entertain.
But with the fourth day all hope had vanished, and
night only brought with it an agitated repose. They
blamed themselves for Ney’s misfortune, forgetting
that it was utterly impossible to have waited longer for
him in the plains of Krasnoe, there to fight for another
twenty-four hours, when they had scarcely strength
and ammunition left for one.
Already, as is always the case in such painful losses,
they began to seek for some soothing recollections.
Davoust was the last who had quitted the unfortunate
marshal, and Mortier and the viceroy were inquiring
of him what were his last words. At the first reports
of the cannonade of the enemy on the 15th, it would
seem that Ney was anxious to evacuate Smolensk immediately,
in the suite of the viceroy; but Davoust
refused, pleading the orders of the emperor, and their
obligation to destroy the ramparts of the town. The
two chiefs became warm; and Davoust insisting to
remain until the following day, Ney, who had been
appointed to bring up the rear, was compelled to wait
for him.
It is true that on the 16th, Davoust sent to warn
him of his danger; but Ney, either from change of
opinion, or from feelings of resentment against Davoust,
returned for answer “that all the Cossacks in the universe
should not prevent him from executing his
instructions.”
After exhausting these recollections and all their
conjectures, they had relapsed into a gloomy silence,
.bn 437.png
.pn +1
when suddenly they heard the steps of horses, and then
the joyful cry, “Marshal Ney is safe! here are some
Polish cavalry come to announce his approach!” One
of his officers now galloped in, and informed them that
the marshal was advancing on the right bank of the
Borysthenes, and had sent him to ask for assistance.
Night had just set in; and Davoust, Eugene, and
Mortier were allowed only its short duration to revive
and animate the soldiers, who had hitherto constantly
bivouacked. For the first time since they left Moscow,
these poor fellows had received a sufficient supply of
provisions; and they were about to prepare them and
to take their rest, warm and under cover. How was it
possible, then to make them resume their arms, and
turn them from their comfortable asylums during that
night of rest, whose inexpressible sweets they had just
begun to taste! Who could persuade them to interrupt
it, to trace back their steps, and once more, in the
midst of darkness, return into the frozen deserts of
Russia?
Eugene and Mortier disputed the honor of making
this effort, and the first carried it only in right of his
superior rank. Shelter and the distribution of provisions
had effected that which threats would have
failed to do. The stragglers were rallied, and the
viceroy again found himself at the head of four thousand
men; all were ready to march at the idea of
Ney’s danger; but it was their last effort.
They proceeded in the darkness, by unknown roads,
and had marched two leagues at random, halting every
few minutes to listen. Their anxiety instantly increased.
.bn 438.png
.pn +1
Had they lost their way? Were they too
late? Had their unfortunate comrades fallen? Was
it the victorious Russian army they were about to
meet? In this uncertainty Prince Eugene directed
some cannon-shot to be fired. Immediately after, they
fancied they heard signals of distress on that sea of
snow: they were not mistaken; they proceeded from
the third corps, which having lost all its artillery, could
answer the cannon of the fourth only by some volleys
of platoon firing.
The two corps were thus directed towards their
meeting. Ney and Eugene were the first to recognise
each other: they ran up, Eugene the most eagerly, and
threw themselves into each other’s arms. Eugene
wept, but Ney only let fall some angry words. The
first was delighted, melted, and elevated at the sight of
the chivalrous hero whom he had just had the happiness
to save. The latter still heated from the combat,
irritated at the dangers which the honor of the army
had run in his person, and blaming Davoust, whom he
wrongfully accused of having deserted him.
Some hours afterwards, when the latter sought to
justify himself, he could draw nothing from Ney but a
severe look and these words, “Monsieur le Marechal, I
have no reproaches to make you: God is our witness
and your judge!”
As soon as the two corps had fairly recognised each
other, they could no longer be kept in their ranks.
Soldiers, officers, generals, all rushed forward together.
The soldiers of Eugene, eagerly grasping the hands of
those of Ney, held them with a joyful mixture of
.bn 439.png
.pn +1
astonishment and curiosity, and embraced them with
the tenderest sympathy. They lavished upon them
the refreshments which they had just received, and
overwhelmed them with questions. Then they proceeded
in company towards Orcha, all burning with
impatience, Eugene’s soldiers to hear, and Ney’s to
relate, their story. There they were soon gathered
around the cheerful camp-fire, and resting from their
toils.
The officers of Ney stated that on the 17th of
November they had quitted Smolensk with twelve cannon,
six thousand infantry, and three hundred cavalry,
leaving there five thousand sick to the mercy of the
enemy; and that, had it not been for the noise of Platoff’s
artillery and the explosion of the mines, their
marshal would never have been able to draw from the
ruins of that city seven thousand unarmed stragglers
who had taken shelter among them. They dwelt upon
the attentions which their leader had shown to the
wounded, and to the women and their children, proving
upon this occasion that the bravest are also the most
humane.
Ney’s officers continued to speak in the most enthusiastic
terms of their marshal; for even his equals could
not feel the slightest jealousy of him. He had, indeed,
been too much regretted, and his preservation had
excited emotions far too grateful to allow of any feelings
of envy; besides, Ney had placed himself completely
beyond its reach. As for himself, he had in all
this heroism gone so little beyond his natural character,
that, had it not been for the eclat of his glory in the
.bn 440.png
.pn +1
eyes, the gestures, and the acclamations of every one,
he would never have imagined that he had performed
an extraordinary action.
And this was not an enthusiasm of surprise, for each
of the few last days had had its remarkable men: that
of the 16th, for instance, had Eugene, and that of the
17th, Mortier; but from this time forward Ney was
universally proclaimed the hero of the retreat.
When Napoleon, who was two leagues farther on,
heard that Ney had again made his appearance, he
leaped and shouted for joy, exclaiming, “Then I have
saved my eagles! I would have given three hundred
millions from my exchequer sooner than have lost such
a man.”
Such a man! Where else in history shall we find
such a man? Davoust, Mortier, Junot, Murat, and
other celebrated officers of that army were brave—wonderful
men, indeed—but Ney towered above them
all, in a courage which was full of sublimity—a courage
which found resource when others saw nothing left for
them but a resignation to death.
That night the marshal slept beside the camp-fire of
his beloved Emperor—the sweet sleep which grows
from the consciousness of duty performed.
.bn 441.png
.pn +1
.pb
.il id=i404 fn=i_b_404.jpg w=500px ew=90%
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THE LAST CAMP-FIRES IN RUSSIA.
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.di i_b_404_1.jpg 200 181 0.8
At Malodeczno, Napoleon
suddenly determined to
leave the wretched remnant
of his army, and,
accompanied by a few
faithful officers, to return
to France. Murat was
left to command the army,
and the greatest hopes of
speedy relief and fresh triumph were excited by the
Emperor before he departed. He journeyed very
rapidly, and reached Paris on the 19th of December,
two days after his memorable twenty-ninth bulletin had
.bn 442.png
.pn +1
told France the disasters of the campaign. But the
remains of the grand army—what was their fate?
On the 6th of December, the very day after Napoleon’s
departure, the sky exhibited a more dreadful
appearance. Icy particles were seen floating in the
air, and the birds fell stiff and frozen to the earth. The
atmosphere was motionless and silent; it seemed as if
every thing in nature which possessed life and movement,
even the wind itself, had been seized, chained,
and, as it were, congealed by a universal death. Not a
word or a murmur was then heard; there was nothing
but the gloomy silence of despair, and the tears which
proclaimed it.
“We flitted along,” says Segur, “in the midst of
this empire of death like doomed spirits. The dull and
monotonous sound of our steps, the crackling of the
frost and the feeble groans of the dying, were the only
interruptions to this doleful and universal silence.
Anger and imprecations there were none, nor any thing
which indicated a remnant of warmth; scarcely was
strength enough left to utter a prayer; and most of
them even fell without complaining, either from weakness
or resignation, or because people complain only
when they look for kindness, and fancy they are pitied.
“Such of our soldiers as had hitherto been the most
persevering here lost heart entirely. Some times the
snow sunk beneath their feet, but more frequently, its
glassy surface refusing them support, they slipped at
every step, and tottered along from one fall to another.
It seemed as though this hostile soil were leagued
against them; that it treacherously escaped from under
.bn 443.png
.pn +1
their efforts; that it was constantly leading them into
snares, as if to embarrass and retard their march, and
to deliver them up to the Russians in pursuit of them,
or to their terrible climate.”
And, in truth, whenever, for a moment, they halted
from exhaustion, the winter, laying his icy hand upon
them, was ready to seize his victims. In vain did
these unhappy creatures, feeling themselves benumbed,
raise themselves up, and, already deprived of the
power of speech, and plunged into a stupor, proceed a
few steps like automatons; their blood froze in their
veins, like water in the current of rivulets, congealing
the heart, and then flying back to the head; and these
dying men staggered as if they had been intoxicated.
From their eyes, reddened and inflamed by the constant
glare of the snow, by the want of sleep, and the smoke
of the bivouacs, there flowed real tears of blood; their
bosoms heaved with deep and heavy sighs; they
looked towards heaven and on the earth, with an eye
dismayed, fixed, and wild, as expressive of their farewell,
and, it might be, of their reproaches against the
barbarous nature which was tormenting them. It was
not long before they fell upon their knees, and then
upon their hands; their heads still slowly moved for a
few minutes alternately to the right and left, and from
their open mouth some sounds of agony escaped; at
last, in its turn, it fell upon the snow, which it reddened
with livid blood, and their sufferings were at an
end.
Their comrades passed by them without moving a
step out of their way, that they might not, by the
.bn 444.png
.pn +1
slightest curve, prolong their journey, and without
even turning their heads; for their beards and hair
were so stiffened with ice that every movement was
painful. Nor did they even pity them; for, in fact,
what had they lost by dying? who had they left behind
them? They suffered so much, they were still so
far from France, so much divested of all feelings of
country by the surrounding prospect and by misery,
that every dear illusion was broken, and hope almost
destroyed. The greater number, therefore, had become
careless of dying, from necessity, from the habit of
seeing death constantly around them, and from fashion,
sometimes even treating it with contempt; but more
frequently, on seeing these unfortunates stretched upon
the snow, and instantly stiffened, contenting themselves
with the thought that they had no more wants,
that they were at rest, that their sufferings were
over. And, indeed, death, in a situation quiet, certain,
and uniform, may be felt as a strange event, a frightful
contrast, a terrible change; but in this tumult, this
violent and ceaseless movement of a life of action,
danger, and suffering, it appeared nothing more than a
transition, a slight alteration, an additional removal,
which excited little alarm.
Such were the last days of the grand army: its last
nights were still more frightful. Those whom they
surprised marching together, far from every habitation,
halted on the borders of the woods: there they lighted
their fires, before which they remained the whole night,
erect and motionless, like spectres. They seemed as
if they could not possibly have enough of the heat;
.bn 445.png
.pn +1
they kept so close to it as to burn their clothes, as well
as the frozen parts of their body, which the fire
decomposed. The most dreadful pain then compelled
them to stretch themselves on the ground, and the next
day they attempted in vain to rise.
In the meantime, such as the winter had almost
wholly spared, and who still retained some portion of
courage, prepared their melancholy meal. It had consisted,
ever since they left Smolensk, of some slices of
horseflesh broiled, and a little rye meal made into a sort
of gruel with snow water, or kneaded into paste, which
they seasoned, for want of salt, with the powder of
their cartridges.
The sight of these fires was constantly attracting
fresh spectres, who were driven back by the first comers.
Many of them, destitute of the means and the strength
necessary to cut down the lofty fir trees, made vain
attempts to set fire to them as they were standing; but
death speedily surprised them, and they might be seen
in every sort of attitude, stiff and lifeless about their
trunks.
Under the vast pent-houses erected by the sides of
the high road in some parts of the way, scenes of still
greater horror were witnessed. Officers and soldiers
all rushed precipitately into them, and crowded together
in heaps. There, like so many cattle, they pressed
upon each other around the fires, and as the living could
not remove the dead from the circle, they laid themselves
down upon them, there to expire in their turn,
and serve as a bed of death to some fresh victims. In
a short time additional crowds of stragglers presented
.bn 446.png
.pn +1
themselves, and, being unable to penetrate into these
asylums of suffering, they completely besieged them.
It frequently happened that they demolished their
walls, which were formed of dry wood, in order to feed
their fires; at other times, repulsed and disheartened,
they were contented to use them as shelters to their
bivouacs, the flames of which very soon communicated
to the buildings, and the soldiers who were within them,
already half dead with the cold, perished in the conflagration.
At Youpranoui, the same village where the Emperor
only missed by an hour being taken by the Russian
partisan Seslawin, the soldiers burned the houses as
they stood, merely to warm themselves for a few
minutes. The light of these fires attracted some of
those miserable wretches, whom the excessive severity
of the cold and their sufferings had rendered delirious;
they ran to them like madmen, they threw themselves
into these furnaces, where they perished in horrible
convulsions. Their famished companions looked on
unmoved; and there were some who drew out these
bodies, blackened and broiled by the flames, and, shocking
to relate, they ventured to pollute their mouths with
this dreadful food!
This was the same army which had been formed from
the most civilized nation of Europe; that army, formerly
so brilliant, which was victorious over men to its
last moment, and whose name still reigned in so many
conquered capitals. Its strongest and bravest warriors,
who had recently been proudly traversing so many
scenes of their victories, had lost their noble bearing;
.bn 447.png
.pn +1
covered with rags, their feet naked and torn, and supporting
themselves with branches of fir, they dragged
themselves painfully along; and the strength and perseverance
which they had hitherto put forth in order to
conquer, they now made use of only to flee.
In this state of physical and moral distress, the
remnant of the grand army reached the city of Wilna,
the Mecca of their hopes. There food and shelter were
obtained; but the Russians soon came up and told, in
the thunder of their artillery, that Wilna was not a
place of rest for the French. They were driven from
the town, and Ney, with a handful of men, could
scarcely protect their flight. Who can ever do sufficient
honor to the lion-hearted marshal? This was the
order of retreat which he adopted:
Every day, at five o’clock in the evening, he took his
position, stopped the Russians, allowed his soldiers to
eat and take some rest, and resumed his march at ten
o’clock. During the whole of the night, he pushed the
mass of the stragglers before him, by dint of cries, of
entreaties, and of blows. At daybreak, which was
about seven o’clock, he halted, again took position, and
rested under arms and on guard until ten o’clock; the
enemy then usually made his appearance, and he was
compelled to fight until the evening, gaining as much
ground in the rear as possible. This depended at first
on the general order of march, and at a later period
upon circumstances.
For a long time this rear guard did not consist of
more than two thousand, then of one thousand, afterward
of about five hundred, and finally it was reduced
.bn 448.png
.pn +1
to sixty men; and yet Berthier, either designedly, or
from mere routine, made no change in his instructions.
These were always addressed to the commander of a
corps of thirty-five thousand men; in them he coolly
detailed all the different positions which were to be
taken up and guarded until the next day, by divisions
and regiments which no longer existed. And every
night, when pressed by Ney’s urgent warnings, he was
obliged to go and awake the King of Naples, and compel
him to resume his march, he testified the same
astonishment.
In this manner did Ney support the retreat from
Wiazma to Eve, and a few wersts beyond it. He
attempted in vain to rally a few of them; and he who
had hitherto been almost the only one whose commands
had been obeyed, was now compelled to follow it.
He arrived along with it at Kowno, which was the
last town of the Prussian empire. Finally, on the
13th of December, after marching forty-six days under
the most terrible sufferings, they once more came in
sight of a friendly country. Instantly, without halting
or looking behind them, the greater part plunged into,
and dispersed themselves in, the forests of Prussian
Poland. Some there were, however, who, on their
arrival on the friendly bank of the Niemen, turned
round, and there, when they cast a last look on that
land of horrors from which they were escaping, and
found themselves on the same spot whence, five months
before, their countless legions had taken their victorious
flight, tears gushed from their eyes, and they broke out
into exclamations of the most poignant sorrow.
.bn 449.png
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Two kings, one prince, eight marshals, followed by a
few officers, generals on foot, dispersed, and without
attendants; finally, a few hundred men of the old guard,
still armed—these were its remains—these alone represented
the grand army.
The camp-fires of the invaders in Russia were at an
end. From Moscow to the Niemen they could be
traced in circles of death. Every bivouac had its
throng of victims, conquered more by the climate than
the troops of Russia. Like a vast stream, which gradually
disappears in the ground as it flows, the grand
army of four hundred thousand men had vanished
amid the snows of Russia. Upon the banks of the
Niemen, it lived only in Marshal Ney.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT LUTZEN.
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We have seen Napoleon,
with the wreck of an
army, a fugitive amid
the frozen plains of
Russia. A few months
have scarcely elapsed.
It is April, 1813; and
the Emperor of the
French has taken the
field at the head of
three hundred and
fifty thousand men, to beat back the enemies who have
.bn 451.png
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arisen against him in the hour of his adversity. Once
more, in spite of the retreat from Moscow, Europe
trembles at his name.
The allies have posted themselves between Leipsic
and Dresden. Napoleon, with a hundred and fifteen
thousand men under his immediate command, advances
to the attack with his customary confidence and decision.
Skirmishes took place at Weissenfels and Posen
on the 29th of April, and the first of May. On the
last day, the French approached the town of Lutzen,
where Gustavus Adolphus had gained his final victory.
The foremost column came upon the advanced guard of
the allies, posted on the heights of Posen, and commanding
a defile through which it was necessary to
pass. Marshal Bessieres, the commander of the Old
Guard—the companion of Napoleon in so much glory—dashed
forward to reconnoitre the enemy’s position,
when a cannon ball struck one of his aids, and killed
him upon the spot. The marshal reined in his fiery
charger.
“Inter that brave man,” said he, coolly; but scarcely
had the words passed his lips, when he was struck by
a spent cannon ball, and he fell from his horse, a corpse.
A white sheet was thrown over him to conceal his features
from the soldiers whom he had so often led to
glory. The body was conveyed to a neighboring
house, and there it lay during the battle of the next
day, when the Guard looked in vain for the manly
form of their commander. Napoleon deeply regretted
Bessieres. He ordered the body to be embalmed and
sent to the Hotel des Invalides, whence he designed to
.bn 452.png
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have it interred with great honors; but his fall prevented
the execution of his intention.
On the night of the first of May, the army under
Napoleon encamped in order of battle, within sight of
the camp-fires of the allies, near Lutzen. The centre
was at a village called Kaya, under the command of
Ney. It consisted of the young conscripts, supported
by the Imperial Guard, with its new parks of artillery
drawn up before the well known town of Lutzen.
Marmont commanded the right. The left reached
from Kaya to the Elster. The silence of night settled
down upon the camp of the French. But the allies,
encouraged by the presence of the Czar and the King
of Prussia, had determined to take the offensive—a
very unusual course for any enemy in the face of Napoleon.
While the French were reposing around their
camp-fires, the Prussian general, Blucher, crossed the
Elster. At daybreak, before Napoleon was stirring in
his quarters, the French, in the centre, were startled by
the furious assault of the enemy, who pushed their
way through all obstacles, and were on the point of
gaining possession of Kaya. The crisis was imminent.
Napoleon, roused from slumber by intelligence of the
attack, hurried in person to bring up the Guard to sustain
the centre, while he moved forward the two wings,
commanded by Macdonald and Bertrand, and supported
by the tremendous batteries, so as to outflank and surround
the main body of the allies. Thus began the
battle of Lutzen. The struggle was fierce, and it
endured for several hours. The village of Kaya was
taken and retaken a number of times, but at length it
.bn 453.png
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remained in the hands of General Gerard. The students
who were in the ranks of the allies, fought with
desperate courage, and fell in great numbers. Schavnhort,
a noted Prussian general, was killed, and Blucher
was wounded. The artillery of the French carried
immense destruction into the ranks of the enemy, and,
at length, fearing from Napoleon’s man[oe]uvres, that
they would be taken in flank, they beat a retreat,
which they effected safely, but with much difficulty.
They left twenty thousand dead upon the field. The
loss of the French was not more than ten or twelve
thousand men. The victory was not decisive, but it
was glorious, and once more Napoleon’s star shone with
brilliant lustre, free from the shadow of defeat.
The French army was ordered to encamp on the
field of battle in squares, by divisions, in order to provide
against any sudden return of the enemy. Couriers
were immediately sent off with the news of the victory
to every friendly court in Europe. That night there
was rejoicing around the camp-fires of the French.
Napoleon once more received the congratulations of his
generals upon a victory, and he began to dream of a
peaceful occupation of his imperial throne.
.bn 454.png
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT BAUTZEN.
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After the victory of Lutzen,
Napoleon proposed a cessation
of hostilities. But those allies
who continually accused him of
being always for war, rejected
his conciliatory proposals, and
resolved to try the sword again.
They entrenched their camps at
Bautzen, and far from attempting the offensive, which
.bn 455.png
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they had found so perilous, they anxiously awaited
reinforcements. In the meantime, Napoleon had entered
Dresden in triumph. There he remained a week.
Finding that all attempts at conciliation were fruitless,
he then determined to prosecute the campaign vigorously.
On the 18th of May, he commenced the march
upon Bautzen, and on the 21st, he reached the position
of the allies. They were posted in the rear of Bautzen,
with the river Spree in front; a chain of wooded hills
and various fortified eminences to the right and left
were occupied.
The action at this place commenced by the movement
of a column of Italians, who were intended to turn the
Prussian flank. This body, however, was attacked and
dispersed before Marshal Ney could support them. The
remainder of the day was spent by the French in passing
the Spree, which was effected without molestation. The
Emperor bivouacked in the town of Bautzen for the
night. While the camp-fires of the French and their
adversaries blazed near each other beyond the Spree,
Napoleon called a council of his principal marshals, and
after much deliberation, it was resolved to turn the
camp of the enemy, instead of storming it. Day had
just peeped in the east, and the fires had died out,
when the dauntless Ney made a wide circuit to the right
of the Russians, while Oudinot engaged their left, and
Soult and the Emperor attacked the centre. The battle
was fiercely fought. The Prussians, under the lead of
the bold and pertinacious Blucher, kept their ground
for four hours against the repeated charges of Soult.
The slaughter was dreadful on both sides. At length,
.bn 456.png
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the Prussians were driven back, and the French were
left in undisputed possession of the heights. Ney had
now gained the rear of the allies, and he poured in murderous
volleys of shot on their dispirited ranks. Panic
stricken at this furious assault, they commenced their
retreat, with such celerity as to gain time to rally on the
roads leading to Bohemia. As night descended, the
French shouted lustily for another victory. And there
was revelry around the camp-fires of Napoleon’s army.
But the Emperor’s heart was sorely touched.
General Bruyeres, a gallant officer, had been stricken
down in the joyous moment of victory, at the head of
the Imperial Guard. But it was not for him that the
Emperor wept. About seven in the evening, the grand
marshal of the palace—the devoted Duroc—he who
was dearer to Napoleon than even Lannes or Bessieres—was
mortally wounded. He was standing on a
slight eminence, and at a considerable distance from the
firing, conversing with Marshal Mortier and General
Kirgener, all three on foot, when a cannon ball, aimed
at the group, ploughed up the ground near Mortier,
ripped open Duroc’s abdomen, and killed General Kirgener.
The grand marshal was conveyed to a lowly
house as the victors encamped for the night. Napoleon
was deeply affected when informed of the mournful
event. He hastened to Duroc, who still breathed, and
exhibited wonderful self-possession. Duroc seized the
Emperor’s hand and pressed it to his lips. “All my
life,” he said, “has been devoted to your service, and I
only regret its loss for the use which it might still have
been to you.”
.bn 457.png
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“Duroc,” replied the Emperor, “there is another life.
It is there that you will await me, and that we will one
day meet.”
“Yes, sire; but that will be in thirty years, when
you shall have triumphed over your enemies, and realized
the hopes of our country. I have lived an honest
man; and have nothing to reproach myself with. I
leave a daughter; your majesty will be a father to her.”
Napoleon was deeply affected. He felt that the time
was coming when he should need friends like Duroc.
He took the right hand of the grand marshal in his own,
and remained for a quarter of an hour with his head
resting on the left hand of his old comrade, without
being able to proffer a word.
Duroc was the first to break the silence. He did so,
in order to spare Napoleon any further laceration of
mind. “Ah, sire,” said he, “go hence! This spectacle
pains you!”
Napoleon paused a moment, and then rose and said:
“Adieu, then, my friend!” and he required to support
himself on Marshal Soult and Caulaincourt, in order to
regain his tent, where he would receive no person the
whole night. He was again victorious. But he had
lost his most faithful friends. His enemies were every
day increasing in numbers, while he was only growing
weaker by the gradual diminution of his forces; but
some of the generals, upon whom he was most accustomed
to rely, were of doubtful fidelity. Victorious or
not, he saw that the struggle was to be continued against
fearful odds, and a cloud approached his star.
.bn 458.png
.bn 459.png
.pb
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.ca NAPOLEON AT MONTEREAU. Page 421.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT MONTEREAU.
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A distinguished historian,
(Alison,) expresses
the opinion that the greatest
displays of Napoleon’s
genius were made during
his first campaign in Italy,
and the next to the last in
his career, in France. In
spite of his triumphs at
Lutzen, Bautzen and Leipsic,
he was compelled to retreat upon France, into
which he was followed by the overwhelming forces of
.bn 461.png
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the allies. His throne was threatened on all sides.
His army was but a handful compared with that of his
enemies. Yet by his lightning movements, masterly
combinations and indomitable resolution, he gained a
succession of dazzling victories, and for a time seemed
likely to drive his foes from France. We can only
show this astonishing man during one portion of this
unparalleled campaign.
It was the 16th of February, 1814. Having conquered
the Russians at Montmirail, Napoleon had left
the Duke of Ragusa—the Judas of the Emperor—in
command of that portion of the army, and flown to the
army of the Seine, commanded by the Dukes of Belluno
and Reggio. He proceeded to Guignes by way
of Crecy and Fontenay.
The inhabitants lined the road with carts, by the help
of which the soldiers doubled their distances; and the
firing of cannon being heard, the artillery drove on at
full speed. An engagement had been obstinately maintained
since noon by the Dukes of Belluno and Reggio,
in the hope to keep possession of the road by which
Napoleon was expected; an hour later the junction of
the forces would have been difficult. The arrival of the
Emperor restored full confidence to the army of the
Seine. That evening he contented himself with checking
the allies before Guignes; and the next morning
the troops were seasonably reinforced by General Treilhard’s
dragoons, who had been detached from the army
in Spain. Couriers dispatched to Paris entered the
suburbs escorted by crowds of people who had anxiously
assembled at Charenton. On the 17th the troops
.bn 462.png
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quitted Guignes and marched forward. The allies
instantly knew that Napoleon was returned. General
Gerard’s infantry, General Drouet’s artillery, and the
cavalry of the army of Spain did wonders. The enemy’s
columns were driven back in every direction, and left
the road between Mormars and Provins covered with
the slain. The Duke of Belluno had orders to carry
the bridge of Montereau that same evening; and the
imperial guard lit their camp-fires round Nangis, the
Emperor sleeping at the castle.
In the course of the evening, one of those lures by
which he was too often inveigled arrived in the shape
of a demand for a suspension of hostilities, brought by
Count Parr from the Austrians. He availed himself of
this opportunity of transmitting a letter from the Empress
to her father, and of writing one himself. Napoleon
at the same time, however, had spirit to write to
Caulaincourt to revoke his carte blanche, saying it was
to save the capital, but the capital was now saved; that
it was to avoid a battle, but that the battle had been
fought, and that the negotiations must return to the
ordinary course. The allies had the assurance to
reproach Buonaparte with this, as a receding from his
word according to circumstances, when they themselves
encroached upon him with every new advantage and
every hour, as fast as the drawing aside the veil of
hypocrisy would let them.
In the meantime, the Duke of Belluno was encamped
at the bridge of Montereau. Early on the morning of
the 18th, Napoleon was vexed to hear that the bridge
was not yet captured; but that the camp-fires of the
.bn 463.png
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duke were burning amidst troops at rest, when great
efforts were demanded of them. The Emperor hurried
to that point. But the Wurtemberg troops had established
themselves there during the night.
Napoleon ordered forward the Bretagne national
guard and General Pajol’s cavalry. General Gerard
came up in time to support the attack, and Napoleon
himself arrived to decide the victory. The troops took
possession of the heights of Surville, which command
the confluence of the Seine and the Yonne; and batteries
were mounted which dealt destruction on the Wurtemberg
force in Montereau. Napoleon himself pointed the
guns. The enemy’s balls hissed like the wind over the
heights of Surville. The troops were fearful lest Napoleon,
giving way to the habits of his early life, should
expose himself to danger; but he only said, “Come on,
my brave fellows, fear nothing; the ball that is to kill
me is not yet cast.” The firing redoubled; and under
its shelter the Bretagne guards established themselves
in the suburbs, while General Pajol carried the bridge
by so vigorous a charge of cavalry, that there was not
time to blow up a single arch. The Wurtemberg troops,
inclosed and cut to pieces in Montereau, vainly summoned
the Austrians to their aid. This engagement
was one of the most brilliant of the campaign. Their
success encouraged the troops, roused the country people,
and stimulated the ardor of the young officers; but
nothing could revive the spirits of the veteran chiefs.
Hope does not return twice to the human breast.
Several of the most distinguished officers were deeply
depressed.
.bn 464.png
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Napoleon could no longer repress his dissatisfaction.
He reproached General Guyot in the presence of the
troops, with having suffered the enemy to surprise some
pieces of artillery the preceding evening. He ordered
General Digeon to be tried by a council of war for a
failure of ammunition on the batteries: but afterwards
tore the order. He sent the Duke of Belluno, who had
suffered the Wurtembergers to surprise the bridge of
Montereau before him, permission to retire; and gave
the command of his corps to General Gerard, who had
greatly exerted himself during the campaign. The
Duke repaired to Surville to appeal against this decision;
but Napoleon overwhelmed him with reproaches for
neglect and reluctance in the discharge of his duties.
The conduct of the Duchess was also made a subject
of complaint; she was Lady of the Palace, and yet
had withdrawn herself from the Empress, who, indeed,
seemed to be quite forsaken by the new court. The
Duke could not for some time obtain a hearing; the
recollections of Italy were appealed to in vain; but,
mentioning the fatal wound which his son-in-law had
received in consequence of his delay, the Emperor was
deeply affected at hearing the name of General Chateau,
and sympathized sincerely in the grief of the marshal.
The Duke of Belluno resuming confidence, again protested
that he would never quit the army. “I can
shoulder a musket,” said he: “I have not forgotten the
business of a soldier. Victor will range himself in the
ranks of the Guard.” These last words completely
subdued Napoleon. “Well, Victor,” he said, stretching
out his hand to him, “remain with me. I cannot restore
.bn 465.png
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the command of your corps, because I have appointed
General Gerard to succeed you; but I give you the
command of two divisions of the Guard; and now let
every thing be forgotten between us.”
The Emperor was victorious. But victory only
served to fill him with false hopes. He triumphed
again and again. But it was of no avail. The forces
of the enemy were overwhelming; and at the moment
when it seemed most likely that he could save France,
the disgusting treachery of Marmont and Augereau,
two men whom he had raised from the dust, as it
were, brought about his ruin. He found, like many
other great characters of history, in their hour of adversity,
that the men who were most indebted to him
were the men upon whom it were most unsafe to rely.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT ARCIS.
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While the allies held anxious
councils, and were filled with
apprehensions at almost every
movement of Napoleon in
his mighty struggle for his
throne, he continued to strike
vigorous blows at his thronging
enemies. He triumphed
at Craonne, and took possession
of Rheims. The Austrians, under Schwartzenberg,
.bn 467.png
.pn +1
were compelled to retreat. On the 17th of March,
Napoleon broke up his head-quarters at Rheims, and
advanced by Epernay to attack the rear of the Austrian
army. On the 20th, his advanced guard encountered
an Austrian division at Arcis-sur-Aube. The conflict
became fierce. The Austrians brought up fresh battalions,
supported by cannon; and Napoleon found that
instead of attacking a rear guard in retreat, he was in
front of the whole of the grand army in its advance on
Paris.
This was unfortunate for the Emperor’s calculations.
He conceived himself to be acting upon the retreat
of the allies, and expected only to find a rear guard at
Arcis; he was even talking jocularly of making his
father-in-law prisoner during his retreat. If, contrary
to his expectation, he should find the enemy, or any
considerable part of them, still upon the Aube, it was,
from all he had heard, to be supposed his appearance
would precipitate their retreat towards the frontier. It
has also been asserted, that he expected Marshal
Macdonald to make a corresponding advance from the
banks of the Seine to those of the Aube; but the orders
had been received too late to admit of the necessary
space being traversed so as to arrive on the morning of
the day of battle.
Napoleon easily drove before him such bodies of light
cavalry, and sharp-shooters, as had been left by the
allies, rather for the purpose of reconnoitring than of
making any serious opposition. He crossed the Aube
at Plancey, and moved upwards, along the left bank of
the river, with Ney’s corps, and his whole cavalry, while
.bn 468.png
.pn +1
the infantry of the guard advanced upon the right; his
army being thus, according to the French military
phrase, a-cheval, upon the Aube. The town of Arcis
had been evacuated by the allies upon his approach,
and was occupied by the French on the morning of the
20th March. That town forms the outlet of a sort of
defile, where a succession of narrow bridges cross a
number of drains, brooks, and streamlets, the feeders of
the river Aube, and a bridge in the town crosses the
river itself. On the other side of Arcis is a plain, in
which some few squadrons of cavalry, resembling a
reconnoitring party, were observed man[oe]uvring.
Behind these horses, at a place called Clermont, the
Prince Royal of Wurtemberg, whose name has been so
often honorably mentioned, was posted with his division,
while the elite of the allied army was drawn up on a
chain of heights still farther in the rear, called Mesnil
la Comptesse. But these corps were not apparent to
the vanguard of Napoleon’s army. The French cavalry
had orders to attack the light troops of the allies; but
these were instantly supported by whole regiments, and
by cannon, so that the attack was unsuccessful; and the
squadrons of the French were repulsed and driven back
on Arcis at a moment, when, from the impediments in
the town and its environs, the infantry could with difficulty
debouch from the town to support them. Napoleon
showed, as he always did in extremity, the same
heroic courage which he had exhibited at Lodi and
Brienne. He drew his sword, threw himself among the
broken cavalry, called on them to remember their former
victories, and checked the enemy by an impetuous
.bn 469.png
.pn +1
charge, in which he and his staff officers fought hand to
hand with their opponents, so that he was in personal
danger from the lance of a Cossack, the thrust of which
was averted by his aid-de-camp, Girardin. His Mameluke,
Rustan, fought stoutly by his side, and received a
gratuity for his bravery. These desperate exertions
afforded time for the infantry to debouch from the town.
The Imperial Guards came up, and the combat waxed
very warm. The superior numbers of the allies rendered
them the assailants on all points. A strongly
situated village in front, and somewhat to the left of
Arcis, called Grand Torcy, had been occupied by the
French. This place was repeatedly and desperately
attacked by the allies, but the French made good their
position. Arcis itself was set on fire by the shells of
the assailants; and night alone separated the combatants
by inducing the allies to desist from the attack.
The French remained masters of the field, which
they had maintained against nearly treble their number.
They had not gained a victory, but they had
fought one of their most glorious battles, and Napoleon
had displayed not only the full blaze of his genius, but
had shown the allies that he was still the valorous hero
of Arcola. Many of the houses of Arcis were blazing
when the wearied heroes kindled their camp-fires along
the Aube. Upon the distant heights of Mesnil la
Comptesse, the watch-fires of the enemy were to be
seen, and the sky was redly illumined as far as the
eye could penetrate. Napoleon had retired to his
head-quarters, to rest his weary body, but not to sleep.
He had but twenty-seven thousand men, and he was
.bn 470.png
.pn +1
before a strong position, occupied by eighty thousand
troops. He was busy in examining his maps, when an
aid, Girardin, entered and announced the arrival of
Marshals Macdonald and Oudinot, and General Gerard,
with their detachments. A few moments afterwards,
those brave commanders entered. Napoleon received
them with much apparent gratification. Others of his
generals also arrived, and a council was held to determine
upon the course to be pursued. Macdonald was
the most influential of the Emperor’s advisers at this
time. His great good sense, cool, steady courage, and
honest heart, had won upon Napoleon’s favor, and he
listened to his counsel with much attention and consideration.
In a former part of his career, he had
treated Macdonald very unjustly. In his darker hours,
he found the marshal’s great worth, and ever afterwards
spoke of him in the highest terms.
The character of Macdonald could be read in his broad,
Scotch countenance. His expression was honest, penetrating
and determined. He was above all meanness.
He lacked enthusiasm; but he had a mind that could
calmly work in the midst of the most terrible excitement.
He never appeared to be ruffled. The tone of
his voice was always dry, even, and steady, as if it was
out of the power of the ordinary human emotions to
gain an influence over him. Napoleon eagerly asked the
advice of the renowned marshal, and received a prompt
reply—that retreat was necessary; and it would be
well if it could be effected in the face of an overwhelming
enemy. Oudinot and Gerard concurred in Macdonald’s
opinion; indeed, there seemed to be a prevailing
.bn 471.png
.pn +1
idea, that immediate retreat was necessary, and Napoleon
acquiesced. But the manner of it was not so easy
to determine. The army was in a difficult position.
The line of retreat on either side of the Aube was rendered
dangerous by the numerous defiles, where an
enemy might attack with advantage. Finally, it was
decided to retreat on both sides of the Aube, as a method
of presenting a smaller mark to an enemy in pursuit,
and of hurrying through the dangerous defiles. The
council then dissolved into a conversational party, but
the spirits of the generals seemed under the shadow of
a cloud. There was scarcely one of them who did not
apprehend a speedy termination of the fearful struggle
in which they were engaged. To all Napoleon’s expressions
of his grand designs, for which he had no means,
they gave the reply of a shake of the head, or indicated
the obstacles. Napoleon could see that their enthusiasm
and confidence had been dissipated by the disasters
which their glorious efforts had been unable to avert
from the French arms. The demeanor of the Emperor
was calm and dignified. He was Emperor of France
and at the head of an army still. He was even victorious.
But there was no lightness in his look or
speech.
At daybreak the camp-fires of the army were extinguished,
and the order of retreat given. It was a masterly
exploit. With his small army, the Emperor
retreated through the difficult defiles, in the face of a
whole Austrian army; and though pursued and annoyed,
sustained but little loss.
But what availed these miracles of generalship? The
.bn 472.png
.pn +1
struggle was quickly decided, by irresistible numbers
and sickening treachery.
Paris was surrendered by Marmont, while still capable
of defence, and the enemy gained possession of Lyons by
the same means. All hope was lost, and the Emperor was
advised by Macdonald and others of his most faithful
friends, to comply with the terms of the allies and abdicate
his throne. He resisted as long as there was a
shadow of hope, and then obeyed stern necessity. The
enemies of France were supreme. The sovereign of
her choice was consigned to the little island of Elba,
and the detested Bourbons were restored in the person
of Louis XVIII.
We will not dwell upon the leave-taking of the
Emperor—how he kissed the eagles, and embraced the
veterans of Fontainebleau. It is not within our scope.
It is enough to know, that such victories as Montereau,
Arcis and Montmirail, won in the last hours of his
imperial power, sustained the glory of Napoleon’s
genius, and proved that no treason, “coming like a
blight over the councils of the brave,” could annihilate
his title to immortal remembrance.
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THE CAMP-FIRE AT WATERLOO.
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Napoleon had returned
to France. He had landed
at Cannes with but a few
soldiers as a guard; but he
had been swept up to the
imperial throne of Paris
upon a mighty wave of
popular enthusiasm. All
Europe had arisen in arms
against the choice of the
nation. The campaign of the Hundred Days had
commenced. At the head of a hundred and twenty
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thousand men, the Emperor had advanced to attack
Wellington and Blucher, with two hundred and fifty
thousand.
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.ca BATTLE OF WATERLOO. Page 434.
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In order to escape from the danger which might result
from too great an inferiority of numbers, Napoleon
strove, from the commencement of the campaign, to
separate the English from the Prussians, and man[oe]uvred
actively to throw himself between them. His plan was
strikingly successful on the 16th at the battle of Ligny;
Blucher, being attacked alone, was completely beaten,
and left twenty-five thousand men on the field of battle.
But this enormous loss did not materially enfeeble an
army which had such masses of soldiers in line, and
behind, still more numerous reserves. In the position
in which the Emperor found himself, he required a more
decisive advantage, a victory which should annihilate
the army of Blucher, and allow him to fall upon Wellington
next, in order to crush him in his turn. This
successive defeat of the English and Prussians had been
most skilfully prepared by the orders and instructions
he dispatched on all sides. But, we cannot too often
repeat it, his destiny was accomplished; and fatal misunderstandings
deceived the calculations of his genius.
Moreover, he had himself a presentiment that some
unforeseen incident would disarrange his combinations,
and that fortune had more disasters in store for him.
“It is certain that in these circumstances,” he said to
his suite, “I had no longer in myself that definitive feeling;
there was nothing of former confidence.” His
presentiments were too soon realized.
At daybreak on the 17th, Grouchy, at the head of
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thirty-four thousand men, was dispatched in pursuit of
the enemy, who had fled in two columns by way
of Tilly and Gembloux, with orders to proceed to
Wavres. About seven in the morning, the Emperor
galloped forward with Count Lobau’s cavalry towards
Quatre-Bras, which place he expected to find in possession
of Ney; the latter, however, had not been able to
retrieve his error of the 16th, and remained facing the
position of the British, although now occupied only by
their rear-guard, which made off as soon as its commander
perceived the approach of Lobau’s horsemen.
Pursuit was immediately given, Napoleon hoping that
he might yet be able to overtake and defeat the English.
In consequence of the state of the roads, from
the heavy rains, it was near four o’clock before the
retreating column reached the plain of Waterloo, and
nearly seven before the troops were in position on the
rising ground in front of Mount St. Jean.
That night the English bivouacked on the field they
were to maintain in the battle of the morrow. Between
six and seven, Napoleon reached Planchenois; and
perceiving the enemy established in position, fixed his
head-quarters at the farm of Cailloux, and posted his
followers on the heights around La Belle Alliance.
The reinforcements received by the Duke of Wellington
during the 16th and 17th, had raised his army to
seventy-five thousand men, who were supported by
two hundred and fifty pieces of cannon. Napoleon’s
forces have been estimated at seventy thousand men,
and about two hundred and forty pieces of cannon; it
must, however, be borne in mind, that the Duke could
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not depend on the Belgian, Nassau, and Hanoverian
troops.
“Never,” says Alison, “was a more melancholy
night passed by soldiers than that which followed the
halt of the two armies in their respective positions on
the night of the 17th of June, 1815.
“The whole of that day had been wet and cloudy;
but towards evening the rain fell in torrents, insomuch
that, in traversing the road from Quartre-Bras to
Waterloo, the soldiers were often ankle deep in water.
When the troops arrived at their ground, the passage
of the artillery, horse, and wagons over the drenched
surface had so completely cut it up, that it was almost
every where reduced to a state of mud, interspersed in
every hollow with large pools of water. Cheerless and
dripping as was the condition of the soldiers, who had
to lie down for the night in such a situation, it was
preferable to that of those battalions who were stationed
in the rye-fields, where the grain was for the most part
three or four feet high, and soaking wet from top to
bottom. The ground occupied by the French soldiers
was not less drenched and uncomfortable. But how
melancholy soever may have been their physical situation,
not one feeling of despondency pervaded the
breasts either of the British or French soldiers. Such
was the interest of the moment, the magnitude of the
stake at issue, and the intensity of the feelings in
either army, that the soldiers were almost insensible to
physical suffering. Every man in both armies was
aware that the retreat was stopped, and that a decisive
battle would be fought on the following day. The great
.bn 479.png
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contest of two-and-twenty years’ duration was now to
be brought to a final issue: retreat after disaster would
be difficult, if not impossible, to the British army,
through the narrow defile of the forest of Soignies:
overthrow was ruin to the French. The two great
commanders, who had severally overthrown every
antagonist, were now for the first time to be brought
into collision; the conqueror of Europe was to measure
swords with the deliverer of Spain. Nor were sanguine
hopes and the grounds of well-founded confidence
wanting to the troops of either army. The French
relied with reason on the extraordinary military talents
of their chief, on his long and glorious career, and on
the unbroken series of triumphs which had carried
their standards to every capital in Europe. Nor had
recent disasters weakened this undoubting trust, for the
men who now stood side by side were almost all veterans
tried in a hundred combats: the English prisons
had restored the conquerors of Continental Europe to
his standard, and for the first time since the Russian
retreat, the soldiers of Austerlitz and Wagram were
again assembled round his eagles. The British soldiers
had not all the same mutual dependence from tried
experience, for a large part of them had never seen a
shot fired in battle. But they were not on that account
the less confident. They relied on the talent and
firmness of their chief, who they knew, had never been
conquered, and whose resources the veterans in their
ranks told them would prove equal to any emergency.
They looked back with animated pride to the unbroken
career of victory which had attended the British arms
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since they first landed in Portugal, and anticipated the
keystone to their arch of fame from the approaching
conflict with Napoleon in person. They were sanguine
as to the result; but, come what may, they were resolute
not to be conquered. Never were two armies of such
fame, under leaders of such renown, and animated by
such heroic feelings, brought into contact in modern
Europe, and never were interests so momentous at issue
in the strife.”
The field of Waterloo, rendered immortal by the battle
which was fought on the following day, extends about
two miles in length from the old chateau, walled garden,
and inclosures of Hougoumont on the right, to the
extremity of the hedge of La Haye Sainte on the left.
The great chaussee from Brussels to Charleroi runs
through the centre of the position, which is situated
somewhat less than three quarters of a mile to the south
of the village of Waterloo, and three hundred yards in
front of the farm-house of Mount St. Jean. This road,
after passing through the centre of the British line, goes
through La Belle Alliance and the hamlet of Rossomme,
where Napoleon spent the night. The position
occupied by the British army, followed very nearly the
crest of a range of gentle eminences, cutting the high
road at right angles, two hundred yards behind the
farm-house of La Haye Sainte, which adjoins the highway,
and formed the centre of the position. An unpaved
country road ran along this great summit, forming
nearly the line occupied by the British troops, and
which proved of great use in the course of the battle.
Their position had this great advantage, that the
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infantry could rest on the reverse of the crest of the
ridge, in a situation in great measure screened from the
fire of the French artillery; while their own guns on
the crest swept the whole slope, or natural glacis, which
descended to the valley in their front. The French
army occupied a corresponding line of ridges, nearly
parallel, on the opposite side of the valley, stretching
on either side of the hamlet of La Belle Alliance. The
summit of these ridges afforded a splendid position for
the French artillery to fire upon the English guns; but
their attacking columns, in descending the one hill and
mounting the other, would of necessity he exposed to
a very severe cannonade from the opposite batteries.
The French army had an open country to retreat over
in case of disaster; while the British, if defeated,
would in all probability lose their whole artillery in the
defiles of the forest of Soignies, although the intricacies
of that wood afforded an admirable defensive position
for a broken array of foot soldiers. The French
right rested on the village of Planchenois, which is of
considerable extent, and afforded a very strong defensive
position to resist the Prussians, in case they should
so far recover from the disaster of the preceding day
as to be able to assume offensive operations and menace
the extreme French right.
This is an admirable picture of the position and condition
of the respective armies which were to decide
the fate of Europe. It could not be improved.
The farm-house of Cailloux, in which the Emperor
was busy with his maps and plans, and surrounded by
his celebrated marshals, was surrounded with the meagre
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fires which the guard had kindled; but the rain frequently
extinguished them and drove many of the
veterans to seek the shelter of sheds.
Napoleon displayed all his usual activity and dispatch.
He dictated orders to be conveyed to the different
commanders of columns with the rapidity of
lightning. Every body near him was kept in a state of
feverish excitement, except the calm and steady Soult,
whom it seemed impossible to move. There, too, was
the stalwart Ney, whom the storms of battle could not
even scar—ready for any duty, no matter how hopeless
the performance. There also was the brave but reckless
Jerome, who was destined to earn a high fame on the
morrow. Berthier, who had so long been a fixture by
the side of Napoleon, was not there, he had deserted
the man from whose glory he had borrowed beams.
But there was Maret, Bertrand, the steady Drouot, of
the Old Guard, Gorgaud and Labedoyere—a galaxy of
bravery and talent—such as was wont to surround the
Emperor. All were busy noting down instructions, and
replying to the swift questions of the tireless man
whom they obeyed. Without, the rain was heard dripping
incessantly. Drouot let fall an expression of
opinion that, in consequence of the deluge, the ground
would be impracticable for artillery.
“We shall see, it is not yet morning,” replied the
Emperor. Then he leaned his head upon his hand, and
thought—perhaps in the way of presentiment of disaster—but
no expression of apprehension escaped his
lips. Grouchy would keep Blucher in check, and
Wellington would be crushed. Fortune might yet be
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favorable. But the heavens had quenched the last
camp-fire of Napoleon.
About ten o’clock at night, Napoleon sent a dispatch
to Grouchy, to announce that the Anglo-Belgian army
had taken post in advance of the forest of Soignes,
with its left resting on the hamlets of La Haye and
Ohain, where Wellington seemed determined on the
next day to give battle; Grouchy was, therefore,
required to detach from his corps, about two hours
before daybreak, a division of seven thousand men, and
sixteen pieces of artillery, with orders to proceed to St.
Lambert; and, after putting themselves in communication
with the right of the grand army, to operate on the
left of the British.
Meanwhile, the Duke of Wellington being in communication
with Blucher, was promised by him that the
Prussian army should advance to support the British on
the morning of the 18th.
The rain, which had not ceased during the night,
cleared off about five o’clock in the morning; and at
eight it was reported by the officers who had been sent
to inspect the field, that the ground was practicable
for artillery. The Emperor instantly mounted his
horse, and rode forward towards La Haye Sainte, to
reconnoitre the British fine.
By half-past ten o’clock the two armies were arrayed,
and impatient for orders to commence the battle. The
Emperor proceeded to the heights of Rosomme, where
he dismounted to obtain a clear view of the whole field;
and there stationed his guard, as a reserve, to act where
emergency might require. Meanwhile, the English
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remained silent and steady, waiting the commands of
their chief; who, with telescope in hand, stood beneath
a tree, near the cross-road, in front of his position,
watching the movements of his opponents.
The village clock of Nivelles was striking eleven
when the first gun was fired from the French centre.
Then followed a tremendous rattle of musketry, as the
brave Jerome led the column on the left to the attack
on Hougomont, and drove the Nassau troops before
him. The chateau and gardens, however, were bravely
defended by a division of English guards, who were not
to be dislodged. The fight, raged here more or less
during the day, till at length the chateau was set on
fire by the shells of the French, and it was found necessary
to abandon it.
Napoleon, who was anxiously watching the first
movement of his troops, was interrupted by an aid-de-camp,
sent by Ney, who had been charged to attack the
enemy’s centre, arriving at full gallop to announce that
every thing was in readiness, and the marshal only waiting
the signal to attack. For a moment the Emperor
glanced round the field, and perceived in the direction
of St. Lambert, a moving cloud advancing on the left
of the English: pointing it out to Soult, he asked
whether he conceived it to be Grouchy or Blucher?
The marshal being in doubt, Generals Domont and
Subervie were dispatched with their divisions of light
cavalry, with orders to clear the way in the event of its
being Grouchy, and if Blucher, to keep him in check.
Ney was then ordered to march to the attack of La
Haye Sainte; after taking that post with the bayonet,
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and leaving a division of infantry, he was to proceed to
the farms of Papelotte and La Haye, and place his
troops between those of Wellington and Bulow. With
his usual promptitude, the Prince of the Moskowa had
in a few moments opened a battery of eighty cannon
upon the left centre of the English line. The havoc
occasioned by this deadly fire was so immense, that
Wellington was obliged to draw back his men to the
reverse slope of the hill on which they had stood, in
order to screen them from its effects. The Count
d’Erlon, under cover of the fire, advanced along the
Genappe road; but as they ascended the position of
La Haye Sainte, the Duke of Wellington directed against
them a charge of cavalry, which speedily drove one
column back into the hollow.
The English guards were in turn repulsed by a brigade
of Milhaud’s cuirassiers, and galloping onwards,
attacked the infantry; the horsemen not being able to
make an impression on the squares formed for their
reception, while they were themselves exposed to an
incessant fire of musketry. One of D’Erlon’s unbroken
columns pushed forward, meanwhile, beyond La Haye
Sainte, upon which it made no attack, and charging one
Belgian and three Dutch regiments, drove them from
their posts in disorder, and took possession of the
heights. Sir Thomas Picton was now sent to dislodge
the enemy, and being supported by a brigade of heavy
cavalry, the French, after firing a volley, paused,
wheeled, and fled in confusion. Many were cut down
by the guards; while seven guns, two eagles, and about
two thousand prisoners were taken. The British, however,
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pursued their success too far; and becoming
involved among the infantry, were attacked by a body
of cuirassiers, in their turn broken, and forced to retire
with great loss.
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.ca THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. Page 444.
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Although for the time, Ney was deprived of his artillery,
he continued to advance upon La Haye Sainte.
For three hours, this important position, and the part
of the field which it commanded, was hotly contested
by both parties, the hill being now held by the English,
and now by the French. The contest, which shortly
extended itself along the whole front of the British line,
became of the most desperate character. Whole battalions
fell as they stood in line; and the cries and
groans of the wounded and dying were heard even
above the incessant roll of the musketry, and the thunder
of the artillery.
Napoleon, who had returned to the rising ground to
watch the progress of the battle, fancying he beheld
indications of the enemy’s retreat, ordered Kellerman
to advance with all his cuirassiers immediately, to support
the cavalry between Mount St. Jean and La Haye Sainte.
The dragoons galloping forward, drove the
English from their guns, and furiously charged the
squares of infantry behind. Notwithstanding the deadly
shower which thinned their ranks, the cuirassiers appeared
determined to succeed in their purpose; and returned
again and again, riding round the squares, and
penetrating even to the second British line; the infantry,
however, was immovable: and after sustaining frightful
carnage, the cuirassiers were compelled to retire. The
conflict now rather abated, until near six o’clock, and
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the chiefs of each army were anxiously expecting reinforcements.
Domont, Lobau, and Subervic had effectually
checked Bulow on the French right; but there
was no sign of Grouchy making his appearance, and it
was soon discovered that Blucher had come up with
the main body of his army, and that the French opposed
to him could not long maintain their ground. News
was received from Grouchy, that instead of leaving
Gembloux at day-break, according to his previously
stated intentions, he had delayed there till half-past nine,
and then pursued the road to Wavres, being unacquainted
with the Emperor’s engagement at Waterloo. The
crisis of the battle now approached, and Napoleon saw
that nothing but the most consummate skill and desperate
valor could save his army from ruin. His preparations
were, therefore, commenced for the final struggle. A
series of movements, changing the whole front of his
army, so as to face both Prussians and English, was the
result of his first orders. Napoleon next formed the
infantry of the Imperial Guard, which had not yet been
brought into action, at the foot of the position of La
Belle Alliance, into two columns, and led them forward
in person, to a ravine which crossed the Genappe road,
in front of the British lines. Here he relinquished the
command to Ney, at the entreaty of his officers; the
Marshal, who had had five horses shot under him during
the day, advanced on foot. A heavy discharge of artillery
announced that they were in motion; the British
guns soon commenced a most destructive firing on the
troops, which committed dreadful havoc. Although
their numbers were thinned at every step, the guards
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continued to advance, and soon gained the rising ground
of Mount St. Jean, where the English awaited their
assault. The French hands played the Imperial march,
and the troops on with loud shouts of “Vive l’Empereur!”
The Belgian, Dutch, and Brunswick troops
gave way instantly, and the Duke of Wellington was
compelled to rally them in person. Before the Imperial
Guard could deploy, he gave the word for the British
infantry to advance; the men, who had been lying prostrate
on the hill, or resting on their arms on the slope,
sprang forward, and closing around Ney, and his gallant
followers, poured into their ranks a continuous stream
of bullets. The guard attempting to deploy, were thrown
into confusion, and rushed in a crowd to the hollow road
in front of La Haye Sainte, whence they were speedily
driven. In this desperate charge, Ney’s uniform and
hat were riddled with balls. In the meantime, Blucher
had pressed forward, and driven the few French from
the hamlet of La Haye; and his advanced guard already
communicated with the British left. Bulow, who had
been repulsed from Planchenois, but was now reinforced,
was again advancing. Wellington, having assumed the
offensive, was advancing at the head of his whole army.
It already grew dusk; the French had every where
given way: the guard, never before vanquished, had
been routed by the stern troops of Britain; and night
brought with it terror and despair. It having been reported
that the Old Guard had yielded, a panic suddenly
spread throughout the French lines, and the fatal cry
of “Sauve qui peut!” was raised, and becoming universal
discipline and courage were forgotten, and a wild flight
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ensued. The cavalry and artillery of the English and
Prussians now scattered death on all sides. The vengeance
of the latter was unsatiated, and these scoured
the field, making fearful carnage, and giving no quarter.
The Old Guard was yet unbroken, and Napoleon lingered
on the ground. Prince Jerome, who had fought bravely
throughout the day, urged him to an act of desperation.
“Here, brother,” said he, “all who bear the name of
Bonaparte should fall!” Napoleon, who was on foot,
mounted his horse, but his soldiers would not listen to
any proposal involving his death: and at length, an
aid-de-camp seizing his bridle, led him at a gallop from
the field. He arrived at Genappe shortly before ten
o’clock at night, where he again attempted to rally; but
the confusion was so great as to be utterly irremediable.
The pursuit of the French was continued far into the
night by the Prussians. Nine times, the wearied fugitives
halted, kindled fires and prepared to bivouac. Nine
times they were startled by the dreadful sound of the
Prussian trumpet, and obliged to continue their flight.
The star that had arisen at Toulon, and shone resplendent
over Lodi, Marengo, Jena, Wagram, Borodino, and
a throng of other sanguinary fields—had sunk forever.
It is painful to trace the career of fallen greatness. We
will not follow the Emperor, shorn of his purple, to his
prison at St. Helena, where a deadly climate did the
work that the leaden storms of a hundred fights had
refused to perform. We will not go to that bed of death,
from which, while the elements were at terrible war,
that stormy spirit was carried away. Leave Hannibal
at Zama, and Napoleon at Waterloo.
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.ca DEATH OF NAPOLEON. Page 448.
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Transcriber’s Note
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.
Places names may appear variously, due probably to local pronunciations, such as
‘Malo-Yaroslavetz’ and ‘Malo-Yaroslawetz’.
On p. 80, the Tyrol capital of Innsbruck is referred to as ‘Innspruck’, which
is the local pronunciation. This may or may not be an error, and has been
retained. On p. 187 and p. 193, the place name ‘Naumburg’ is spelled ‘Naumberg’.
These have been corrected for the sake of consistency.
There is a single footnote (renamed ‘A’) on p. 117. It has been repositioned to
directly follow the paragraph where it is referenced.
In the table of illustrations, the page reference for “NAPOLEON AT JENA”
is incorrectly printed as ‘136’. The correct position is p. 186.
On p. #287#, the quoted passage from ‘Travels in Moravia’ has no closing
quotation mark, and no reasonable assumption can be made.
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| to which these war-worn veterans were unacc[c]ustomed. | Removed.
| “Colli is then effectually crippled,” said Bonaparte[.] | Added.
| supported by a regiment of ca[l]valry | Removed.
| leaving the watch-fire to smou[dl/ld]er | Transposed.
| advanced his head-quarter to [Innspruck]. | sic
| ‘Soldiers of the Rhine![”/’] exclaimed Bernadotte, | Replaced.
| sat next to Bessieres.[” Our/ “Our] soldiers | Replaced.
| like a flock of sheep.[”] | Added.
| the humble submission of the [Shieks] | sic
| I designed to attemp[t] the surprise, | Added.
| left Alexandria on the 6th Thermidor, (July 24th.[)] | Added.
| He ordered General Des[s]taing, with some battalions | Redundant.
| [v]alley of the Sesia | Replaced.
| said he, to his aid-de[-]camp | Inserted.
| You, and Rapp, are faithful aids.[”] | Added.
| [H/N]egotiations for a capitulation were commenced | Replaced.
| he wrote a rema[r]kable letter | Added.
| Prince John of Li[t]chtenstein | Removed.
| along the bottom of the Mu[lh/hl]thal | Transposed.
| to Naumb[e/u]rg | Replaced.
| the appellation of the Schneeke (snail.) | sic: Schnecke
| to guard strictly the bridge of Naumb[e/u]rg | Replaced.
| gain possession of the village of Vierz[e]hn-Heiligen | Inserted.
| the village of Vierz[he/eh]n-Heiligen | Transposed.
| while ru[u/n]ning through the streets | Inverted.
| they m[o/a]n[oe]uvred with the utmost order | Replaced.
| his right to Konigsb[u/e]rg | Replaced.
| Napoleon had his dispositions writt[t]en down | Removed.
| another pressing demand for [“]the guard | Removed.
| There was the silence of the desert.[”] | Added.
| and then rode forward to Ma[h/l]o-Yaroslavetz | Replaced.
| THE CAMP-FIRE IN TH[H/E] SNOW. | Replaced
| and the motionless erectness[s] of their black trunks! | Removed.
| amid the shouts, impre[c]ations, and groans | Restored.
| and the troops ru[c/s]hed on with loud shouts | Replaced.
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